Malmsbury durst not follow Ingulph in this of Shires as he doth in Hundreds which yet as Wapentakes were elder much if we may credit Tacitus Old Ethelward and the Author of both the Offa's with Huntingdon among Historians and the Lawyers old Horn-book the Mirrour do find or make Counties and Counts before King Alfred And we may go higher much if we may trust to Alfreds Saxon Bede now printed with an old Saxon Chronologie by Mr. Wheelock In both which we read so much of Eorl Eolderman Shire-Alderman and Bishops-shire besides Shire-born that is his Parish For this was the old Diocess before the Novel Division of Parishes And before Alfred as high as King Ina. His Laws now extant tell us of Shire-men that were Iudges also as the old 〈…〉 nts and Shireeves and of Ealdermen that were to forfeit their Shires if they let Thieves escape I might adde the old Writs of Assize in St. Edmund's time on which the great Judge buildeth in two or three Books of Reports for Sheriffs Tryal by Twelve and other things which might have other clearer Proofs If any would also assert such Division among the old Britains he might have much from Nature in Rivers or such Partitions to most of our Shires besides the names in Cesar Tacitus Strabo Ptolomy and besides that which Virgil himself will admit of Molmutius Laws assigning the Ways and Plows for every County which is in others besides Monmouth or Virunnius For Polydore addeth in this which is to be marked besides St. Edward's Laws This Disgression may be the more tolerable as that which maketh way to such Elections as we might assert in the Parliaments of those times also were this the proper place But to return to the Militia We have found it moulded by Common Consent and by it also committed to Shireeves and other Officers known sworn and chosen by the People We shall now step a little higher that we may see how in elder times the great work of War as well as Peace was managed And this also we shall find entrusted to a Common Council I do not deny but the King himself hath sometimes been General of a great Army and that legally also for it was by Consent of the People or Parliament So it was when the Romans came into this Island Cassibelan was King and chief Commander in War But it was by Consent of a great Common Council as Caesar himself observeth and reporteth Summa belli Communi Coneilio Cassibelano traditur Nor can it be wondered at when their Druyds grand Maxime of State was this Ne loqui de Republica nisi per Coneilium Not so much as to speak of a matter of State but in or by a Council These were they that sent Caesar word they had as good Bloud as lie and from the same Fountain having been so long acquainted with Liberty that they knew not the meaning of Tribute or Slavery The British Druyds moulded the Gauls Cesar reporteth it with the Brag of one of them saying That he could call or appeal to such a great Common Council that all the World could not resist it But there were others also besides Kings chosen by the Britains to be Generals such as old Authors call Principes Militiae a Phrase given to divers two I remember Bolinus and Levisham as now he might be called in the time of Kimbolinus acting by Common Council as all may find that read those Histories Which we may now assert by better Authors than old Monmouth though he be better also much better than Polydore or others would perswade us It was this great Council with the King that treated with and against the Romans in all times and that sought their aid at length against the Picts and Scots And when the Romans could not attend the Britains Tears it was this Council that called in their Neighbours first and Friends the Britains from Armorica the Gaulish Britain and that before King Arthur's time Of which so many Authors write that Convocato Clero and Primatibus Communi tandem assensu mittuntur in Armoricam Nuncii c. A Parliament clear enough yet not so clear as any man acquainted with those times might prove beyond dispute But I now must attend the Militia A Parliament it was that called in the Saxons not the King alone but Parliament of Lords and Commons also if besides the Crowd of all in the Road I be not deceived by the Saxon Chronologie and Gildas himself whose very words almost are used by Monmouth and others and by the famous Nennius of Bangor who yet liveth in Manuscript He is clear enough for divers things we doubt in British Stories And for Parliaments also before the Saxons setling here which was by Act of Parliament Dum Conventa magna Synodus Clericorum Laicorum in uno consilio cum majoribus natu Consilium fecerunt scrutati sunt quid facerent tandem Concilium omnibus fuit ut pacem facerent postea verò Conventum adduxerunt here was a Covenant also by Parliament Statutum est ut amicitia firma adjuvicemesset c. Thus Nennius after his escape from the Massacre at Bangor Come we now to the Saxons setled here by Parliament In this they may seem more considerable that by most they are made the Patrons of Chivalry or Tenures by Knights-service for it is now believ'd by no Lawyer or Historian that I know that this came in with the Normans although it was so thought by some I have somewhat to say in due place why it might look higher than the Saxons yet I must yield it had been but little room among the Britains of Gavel-kind Of which the Parliament in Henry the Eighth and more hereafter besides all the Comments upon the Statute or rather the Writ de Militibus None doubt but Tacitus speaketh of our Saxon Ancestors or rather theirs in that in their chosing Kings and Generals Reges ex nobilitate Duces ex virtute by Common Council in iisdem conciliis Eliguntur Principes de Minoribus Principes de Majoribus omnes consultant And that such Council did both mould and manage the Militia is plain enough in the same Author Who besides all matters of History telleth us their general Custom was Not to entrust any man with bearing Arms antequam Civitas suffecturum probaverit till some Common Council more or less had approved him For so I may translate it to all that know how much Vrbs and Civitas do differ The Tract of Parliaments is visible enough in all the Saxon Writings here I should be tedious in citing but one quarter of that which their Laws yet to be found and very good Authors do afford in this Some have much wondred at a Passage now found in the Confessors Laws It is about Titles which he saith were preached by Austin and granted by the King then reigning and the Barons and common People Concessa sunt à Rege Baronibus Populo A very
full and clear Parliament We need not suspect or doubt it for in those very times there were such Parliaments and such degrees Nay Caesar himself found such degrees among the Britains a King and Druyds which were as Bishops and Archbishops as we may clear anon Dukes and Nobles besides the Commons So civil was our British Ancestors Of whom much more ere long And for the very first times of Christian Religion which was much higher than Austin the Father who might have been great Grandfather to Austin the Monk King Alfred's own Laws acknowledge that in this Island the Laws were then made by a Common Council of Bishops and other Wise men or elder men of the Wytan Old Bede seemeth plain enough for this in several places Servabant Reges Sacerdotes Privati Were the Commons before the Lords Optimates suum quique Ordinem And of the Saxons called in by Common Council Initum est Concilium quid agendum c. placuitque omnibus cum suo Rege Vortigorno ut Saxonum gentem in auxilium vocarent And of Ethelbert King of all the South to the River Humber Among other good works saith he quae consulendo conferebat etiam decreta Iudiciorum juxta exempla Romanorum Concilio Sapientiunt constituit And among other Laws of his in the same Bede that is one in special for Priviledge Ecclesiae Episcopi Reliquorum ordinum That this might also extend to the great Priviledge of Parliaments I could the rather believe from the Laws of the said King Ethelbert yet to be found in the old book of Rochester Textus Roffensis of which Sir Henry Spelman unto whom we owe so much for all Antiquities Where after provision for the things of God and the Church to which St. Edward's Laws allude the next Act is for Priviledge of Parliament it seems being for the punishing and sore fining of those that should do any damage Gif Kyning his Leode to him gehateth c. And in the old Chronicle of Canterbury we read of this King Ethelbert being at Canterbury with his Queen and Son and the Archbishop Austin Caeterisque Optimatibus convocato ibidem Communi Concilio tam Cleri quà m Populi With divers other proofs for Parliaments in Charters to that Church in print And Spot deserves as much One thing I must not omit that Bede observing how Religion was preached both to the King and to the Counts omnibus Comitibus saith there was a License granted for publick Preaching but when the King and divers great men were converted and baptized yet there was no force used to compel others to be of that Religion because he saith they were taught that Christs service must be voluntary and not forced But the Mirrour telleth us the King was bound to compel men to Salvation O happy men or unhappy King But the Britains would not be forced from their Rites by Austin the Monk Absque suae gentis imprimis Senatorum suffragio as a learned man translates King Alfred's Saxon Bede Which is also very clear in several places for setling of Christian Religion when it was freely chosen with destruction of Pagan Idolatry with Lent and other things confirmed by divers Acts of Parliament in time of Ercombert and King Edwin Mid his Witum mid his Ealdormanum So is the old Book of Peterburgh for a Parliament or Heatfield With which we may compare somewhat in Ingulph and more in Bede Ethelward and Huntingdon about the Parliaments which received and consirmed the General Councils and that which established the Division of Parishes and Patronage of Churches Of which Stow and the Antiquities of Canterbury but especially a Manuscript in Camdridge cited by Mr. Wheelock on the fourth or fifth of Bede I should not digress to Sigesberts founding the Vniversity of Cambridge had not King Alfred himself in this added good Notes to Bede By which we may see whence he learned what so many say he did to Oxford the younger Sister For which Polydore is plain enough besides so many better elder Authors It is also considerable that King Alfred calleth Cambridge or Grantacestre a City which Bede would make a Civitatula How little it might then be made by the Danes or others I know not But in old Nennius of the British Cities I find Cair Granth next before Cair Londen And Sir Simon d' Ewes affirmeth it to be ranked before London in Gildas Albarius and an old Saxon Anonymus besides that of the old but not the oldest book of Doomsday Nor must I omit the Records of Richard the First for the Customs of the City of Cambridge found by a Jury in an Assize of Darrein Presentment for the Church of St. Peters in Cambridge Of which the great Judge in his Reports or Commentaries To which I might adde what the Saxon Chronology speaketh of Grante Briege at the year 875 and 921 where we also find an ancient Military Sacrament or great Oath of Fealty more to be marked than may seem at first view Come we to the Saxon Laws extant in print They begin with King Ina whom some will have to be a Britain But in the Confessors Acts he is stiled Optimus Rex Anglorum qui electus fuit in Regem per Angelum qui primum obtinuit Monarchum Totius Regni hujus post adventum Angliorum And that himself and others of his People matched with the Britains But per Communae Concilium assensum omnium Episcoporum Principum Comitum omnium Sapientum Seniorum Populorum totius Regni Not onely a clear proof for Parliaments in King Ina's time but a good Comment on his Laws in print Providing about Matches Dowries and Women's Thirds and all by Parliament as the Proem it self expresses beside King Edward's Laws And for the Saxon Militia a Phrase used by Bede himself Nam egressi contra Gevissorum gentem omnes pariter cum suà Militia corruerunt King Ina's Laws afford us divers Acts of Parliament providing against Thieves Riots Routs and all unlawful Assemblies in several degrees and branches As also for Officers of the Militia to be ready on a great Fine to march upon all just occasions With which we may compare Mr. Lambert's Custos Paganus Sithecundman which some would have to be the Father to our Side-men See Whithred's Military Dooms Egbert is by all esteemed a great if not the first Monarch of the Saxons a great Warriour and a Conquerour But yet he neither made or managed the Militia without a great Common Council or Parliament For which besides all others we have a clear proof in the old Abbot of Croyland to which there was a great Charter confirmed Coram Pontificibus Proceribus Majoribus totius Angliae which were all together at London consulting how to provide against the Danish Pirates Pro Concilio capiendo contra Danicos Piratas c. That also Majores in this place might denote some lower than Earls or Lords may not onely be gathered from
the Subscriptions to that Charter but from Bede or other old Authors that use the Phrase Majores of such Officers or Magistrates as Mayors in Cities now seem to be Of which I might give divers Examples It is worth observing how in these Danish storms all Historians make the Counts or great Shireeves to be Generals or Commanders of the Militia And of these I know none more famous than Dorsetshire Reeve Ethelhem in the great Battel of Hampton or in that about Port of which so many write at the Danes first landing thereabouts Danigeld is scarce so ancient Yet this also was granted for provision against Danish Pirates as St. Edward's Laws affirm Who first remitted this Tax but it came up again about forty years after it had been diverted from its first institution and paid as Tribute to the Danes But this was also by Parliament Of which Ingulph and Hoveden with all about Etheldred and Edward I must not digress to the Parliament of Winchester in King Egbert's Sons in which Tenths of Lands as other Tythes were confirmed for Church-Glebe Of which the Saxon Chronologie with Ethelward Hoveden the Abbot of Croyland the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster with divers others before Polydore To which we may adde King Edgar's Oration to St. Dunstan which is known enough As also the Wednesday Masses one for the King and the other pro Ducibus c. Consentientibus The Charter being subscribed by the King Archbishops Dukes Earls and Procerum totius Terrae Aliorumque fidelium infinita Multitudine I should not omit the Parliaments confirming Rome-Scot much mistaken by divers It was granted by King Ina then by Offa and again by King Ethelwoolf not to the Pope as it is generally thought but to the English School or Alms-house for Pilgrims at Rome Yet it was called Peter-pence because fixed on Peters-day A famous day in our Law as may appear by the second of Westminster and other Parliaments But it might be called Peter-pence from King Ina whom at his Baptism in Rome the Pope name Peter as the Saxon Chronicles others Or there might be as much reason for Peter-pence as there was for Peterburg which was Medhamsted but Vows might be performed or absolved here as well as at St. Peter's Threshold in Rome And hence the name of Peterburg But of Peter-pence before Polydore we read in much older Historians especially the Author of King Offa's Life now printed with Matthew Paris Beside the Laws of King Edgar Canutus Edmund and the Confessor where it is called Eleemosynae Regis But in the Saxon Chronology 't is Kynninges and West Seaxena Almessan And in King Alfred's Life by Asser Menevensis Eleemosynae Regis and Anglo-Saxonum Being confirmed by common Assent or Parliament I must omit the Parliament at Kingsbury where among other divers matters a great Charter was confirmed to Crowland Vnanimi Consensu totius Concilii pro Regni Negotiis Congregati Subscribed by the King of Mercia Archbishops Bishops Earls c. And among others by Offâ—at who was Pincerna Regis Ethelwoolphi Legatus Ipsius filiorum Nomine Illorum Omnium West-Saxonum as we are told by the old Abbot who knew it well I might pass over King Alfred's Parliaments so the famous in all Historians and Lawyers But in none I know clearer than in the old Mirrour Of which before for Alfred and his Parliaments twice every year in London With which we may compare one passage in the Confessors Laws touching this great and old City But of this hereafter This was the learned King who perused all the old Trojan Grecian British Molmutian Mercian Danish and Saxon Laws especially those of Ina Offa and King Ethelbert Cum consulto Sapientum partim innovanda curavit as himself speaketh And his Laws were established by Parliaments by his Witan or Witena Atque eis omnibus placuit edici eorum Observatione As learned Lambert translateth the Saxon. But I may not omit King Alfred's Doomsday-book made by such Common Council the great Roll of Winchester which was again renewed by the Confessor and then again by King William the First and then also called the Roll of Winchester and Doomsday as before Of which old Ingulph with Natura Brevium Yet it seemeth that before King Alfred's time there was such a doom-Doom-book made by Ethelwoolf at the time of the Church-Glebe of which Book the Saxon Chronology at the year 854. But this might rather be a Land-book whence the Phrase of Booeland See King Alfred's Will annexed to Asser. But we also find an ancient Doom-book for their Laws and matters Iudicial Of which Doom-book we read in several places of the Laws of Edward the Senior strictly charging all the Judges and Magistrates to be just and equitable Nec quicquam formident quin jus Communae audacter libereque dicant according to the Doom-book And again in Edgar's Laws we find the Doom-book for Tythes and the famous Kyricseat These succeeded King Alfred But long before his time among the Dooms of Withred made about the year 697. by the King and Bishops Cum caeteris Ordinibus and Military-men or Milites at Berghamsted a Fine is set upon a Commander found in Adultery Spretta Sententia Regis Episcopi Boecâ—-Doom I could believe King Ethelbert's Parliaments were Authors to this Doom-book Of which the Roll of Rochester tha Doomas dhe Athelbirth Cyning with Rihtra Dooma in the fore-cited place of Ethelbert in the Saxon Bede of King Alfred How severe his Dooms were to the Counts old Shireeves and Iudges we find in Asser more in Horn and his Kirk-dooms in his Laws which do also speak of Kiric-Ealdor a Church-Elder But again to the Saxon Militia In Alfred's time there was a League made with the Danes Then the Title was Foedus quod Aluredus Guthrunus Regis ferierunt ex Sapientum Anglorum consulto confirmed by Act of Parliament And the Saxon Chronologer addeth That the Dane swore to the Peace and promised to be baptized as he also was and King Alfred was his Godfather naming him Ethelstane Some adde a Daughter of King Alfred's for his Wife which may be worth enquiring more than now may seem The Articles of this League were again renewed and enlarged by Parliament in Edward the Elder A Sapientibus recitata sapius atque ad Communem Regni Vtilitatem Aucta atque Amplificata In the Preface to those Statutes In this Edward's Reign there was an Insurrection and Ethelwald seized on Winborn c. whose Charge and Crimes was this That he did such an Act without permission of the King and Parliament but an tdes Kynings leafe ac his Witena So the Saxon. And Malmsbury addeth That à Proceribus in Exilium trusus Piratus adduxerat But the King summons a Parliament at Exon and there Mid his Witan consulted how the Kingdoms Peace might be restored and preserved Orabat vehementer obtestabatur such was his Mean to the Parliament hoc unum Curent ne
consilium quod Populo habeatur utilissimum And again In rem totius Patriae And that each should do as he would be done to Which it calleth the Most right Law And that the higher and greater men the Delinquents were by so much the more and heavier they should be punished Of which and of their Wergylds for all Ranks of men Again Iniqua omnia injusta quae Rex unâ cum Optimatibus exterminare decreverit abjiciantur c. That about this time Danegeld came to be paid to the Danes which was before against them is agreed by all Malmsbury is bold to ascribe it to a Decree of the Archbishop of Canterbury but Huntingdon may be his Comment telling us That Consilio infausti Siricii Archiepiscopi Edelredi 13. primum Statuerunt Angli quod ipsi Censum Dacis persolverent A clear Act of Parliament Of which also Florence of Wygorn And again Anno 1007. Rex Senatus Anglorum Dubii quid agerent quid omitterent communi deliberatione gravem Conventionem cum exercite fecerunt ad pacis observationem 30000 l. ei dederunt c. This also from Huntingdon And among the Saxon Laws we read Foedus quod Ethelredus cum exercitu Anlavi c. ex Sapientum suorum Consilio feriit And again Pacis foedus Ethelredo Regi omni Populo Leodsayre And again Socii ac foederati nostri omnes per Mare Terras in Portu extra pace fruuntor With divers other Passages of Peace and War setled by that Parliament Iornalensis addeth another Parliament in this King's time Apud habam Constituerunt omnes ut Regi suo pareant sicut Antecessores sui melius fecerunt cum eo Pariter defendant Regnum c. ut cantetur quotidie pro Rege Communiter omni Populo suo And again Prohibemus omnem Roboriam c. omnis Index Iustus Misericordiam Iudicium liberet in omnibus timeat omnis Iudex ac diligat Iudicem suum ne in die Iudicii mutus fiat humiliatus c. Nor may I forget the famous Judgment for the Bishop of Winchester by the Thanes and Ealdormen in the Witenagemote or Parliament of Eldred Quo dum Duces Principes Satrapae Rhetores Causidici ex omni parte confluxerant Of which the old Book of Ely cited by Mr. Selden in his Titles of Honour And for the Militia Roger Hoveden is very clear and full at the Danish Irruptions Qua recognità Rex Anglorum Egelredus his names are many suorum Primatum consilio classem Pedestrem congregavit exercitum And again Habito Concilio cum Regni suis Primatibus utile Duxit à Danis dextras accipere stipendium dare placabile tributum solvere And again Primatum suorum Concilio nummos ad Danos c. And again Rex Regni sui Primates ad illos Danos miserunt Legatos pacem ab iis petentes stipendium tributum eis Promittentes So is old Florence of Worcester Consilio Iussuque Regis Anglorum Aethelredi procerumque suorum de tota Angliae robustiores Lundoniae congregatae sunt naves And again Procerum suorum consilio ad eos Danos Legatos misit promittens tributum stipendium And again Omnes Angliae Primates utriusque Ordinis ante Pascha Lundoniae congregati sunt ibi tamdiu morati sunt quousque tributum Danis Promissum quod erat 48000 l Persolveretur And again Cum apud Oxonefordam magnum haberetur placitum c. eodem tempore Canutus cum magna classe c. Eadmundus Clito magnum congregavit exercitum c. So is Matthew of Westminster adding much to those before him and ascribing that bloudy Council of the Danish Massacre to one Huna Princeps Militiae qui sub Rege Regni negotia dispondenda susceperat cujus consilio misit litteras Rex in omnes Regni fines Mandans nationibus singulis universis c. Of which St. Edward's Laws But Oxoniense placitum is in Florilegus Magnum apud Oxoniam colloquium Anglorum pariter Danorum And so the old Glossary of Canterbury tenders Gemot by Placitum and Fologemot by Populi Placita So also Law-Mootes are Placita Magnum placitum the great Folo-mout or Parliament as Comitatus placita with Matth. Paris County-Courts parva placita Oxford Parvises I must not stay long on the Acts of Parliament which Angles Kynnes Witena made and established Cum Walliae Consiliariis de Monticolis Where among other things we find it enacted That Viri duo denijure consulti Angli sex Wallique totidem Anglis ac Wallis jus dicunto With which we might compare our Laws de Medietate Linguae c. But for our Trials by a Jury of Twelve we have a much clearer Law in another Parliament of Ethelred Frequenti apud Wanalingum Senatu Of which Iornalenfis and Mr. Lambards Glossary In singulis Centuriis Comitia sunto atque Liberae conditionis viri duodeni aetate Superiores una cum praeposito sacra Tenentes Iurante se adeo virum aliquem Innocentem haud Damnaturos Sontemve absoluturos An old MSS. thus Habeantur placita in Singulis Wapentakis ut exeant Seniores XII Thani praepositus cum eis Iurent super Sanctuarium quod eis dabitur in Manus quod Neminem Innocentem velint accusare vel Noxium Concelare But of more ancient Tryals by Twelve in fitter place although I must not spend time to confute the Italian who will have that terrible Custom as he thought brought in by the Conqueror The Proofs of Parliaments in Canutes time are so many and so full that they tire us altogether How he confirmed the Laws of Ethelred and other Predecessors we read in the Monk of Malmsbury who recordeth also his remarkable Letter from Rome directed to the Archbishops Bishops c. Primatibus Toti Genti Anglorum tam Nobilibus quam Plebeis As also his Charter to Glastonbury Cum Concilio Decreto Archipresulis Edelnothi simulque Cunctorum Dei Sacerdotum Consensu Optimatum Hoveden in full in this also Cujus Edmundi post Mortem Rex Canutus omnes Episcopos Duces necnon Principes cunctosque Optimates Gentis Angliae Lundoniae Congregari Iussit A clear Summons of Parliament And the very name of Parliament is found of his time in the old book of Edmunds-bury Rex Canutus anno Regni quinto c. Cunctos Regni sui Praelatos Proceresque ac Magnates ad suum convocans Parliamentum And again In suo Publico Parliamento And that it was indeed a full Parliament we may believe from the persons we find there at the Charter of that Monastery confirmed by Hardi-Canute but granted by Canute in suo Publico Parliamento praesistentibus personaliter in eodem Archiepiscop Episcopis Suffragenis Ducibus Comitibus Abbatibus cum quam plurimis gregariis Militibus Knights of Shires it seems cum Populi Multitudine Copiosâ other Commons also omnibus tum in eodem
call it and the Barons of Wars Or the time of the great Charter For since that time the Rolls and Printed Acts are every where much larger and much better than my little reading or my leasure can present them Two words have sound of horror to the People who are taught to think them both oppressions and the sins of him they call the Conqueror Dane-geld and the Book of Dooms-day Some have added Curfeu with I know not what to make poor Children quake These have been proved to be long before the Normans coming in To that of Dane-geld I may add that good King Edward did also retain it to his Coffers when the Danish Storm was over till he saw the Devil dance upon it As the Crouland Abbot doth Record But it did rise from one to three to four to six shillings on the Hide but so by Parliament as may be much collected from the 11th Chap. of King Edwards Laws compared with Florence of Worcester Hoveden Huntingdon Math. Paris and Math. of Westminster besides some others which we must produce e're long And to say nothing of eleemosyne pro Aratris of which Canute and Ethelred it is clear in King Ethelstanes Laws that single Hides or Ploughlands in England were to maintain two Horsemen with Arms by Act of Parliament And this was more it seems than ever was King Williams Hydage or Dane-geld Which may be added to King Ethelstanes Militia as also his Doom book for all Judgments in one Form of which his Laws speak to what is said of Booca Doom But to King Williams Doomsday I shall now add to what before that besides the Mirror and Fitz-Herberts N. B. with the old Abbot of Crouland There is enough in every segment of that Roll to make one know it was a Review and little but a Review of what was done before They do abuse us else that bid us read the T. E. R. in all that Roll Tempore Edwardi Regis plain enough sometimes without all Divination That it was also confirmed by Parliament may be clear enough from the many exemptions a servitio Regis and a Vice-comit Nay to some inferiour places as Ely and Worcester Besides old Crowland which was not exempted from such service till the latter Saxon or first Normans time though Ingulph spake of divers Ethelreds But the same Abbot will tell us that this Doom Book was now also made juxta Taxatorum fidem qui Electi de qualibet Patria c. And that his Taxors were both kind and merciful non ad verum pretium nec ad verum spatium c. So preventing future Burthens and Exactions Talem Rotulum multum similem ediderat quondam Rex Alfredus c. But Alfreds own Will seemeth to carry it higher Nor was Ingulph's favour at the Court altogether useless for by that we come to know that our Norman King even in little things proceeded by a Great Councel So that our Abbots Charters must be viewed by Parliment Coram Domino meo Rege ac universo Concilio c. Thence he brought St. Edward's Laws as was observed before Huntingdon and Matthew Paris with Matthew of Westminster spake of his Hydage and Dooms-day as done with great Advice and Justice Misit Iusticiarios per unamquamque scyram inquirere fecit per jusjurandum quot Hydae i. e. jugera uni Aratro sufficientia per annum essent in unaquaque c. Nor are they wholy silent of his Parliaments Cum de more tenuisset curiam suam in Natali ad Gloucestriam and again at Winchester the like at London in another season Tilburiensis telleth us that Mony was paid to the Crown by Cities and Castles that used no Tillage But from the Land or Farms only Victuals till Henry the first And when the Kings foreign Wars did make him press for ready Mony the people murmured offering their Plowshares Horum igitur Querelis inclinatus Rex by advice of his Great council definito magnatum Concilio he sent out discreet prudent men that upon view of all the Lands should assesse the sums which the Sheriffs were to pay into the Exchequer This Gervase lived a while after King William Florence of Worcester near his Reign he telleth us of a Great Councel at Winchester And again of another at a place called Pedred not only by the King Arch-Bishops Bishops Earls but also primatibus totius Angliae a full Parliament for which Florilegius and Walsingham Newstria may be considered with Hoveden following Wigornens That in his Reign there was an High Constable of England ceasing in Henry the Eight appeareth by the Parliament Rolls of Edward the Fourth but Alfigar in the Book of Ely was such in St. Edwards time and to Him some ascribe the Constable of Dover with the Warden and Priviledge of the Cinque Ports with their Hamlets or Circuit including Rye and Winchelsey But all this speaketh Parliament as doth also his New Church Priviledge Communi Concilio Archiep. Episcop Abbat omnium Principum Regni mei Yet to be seen not only at Sir Robert Cottons Jewel House but among the Rolls with King Richards Charters for the Dean and Chapter of Lincoln This exemption of the Church from Seculars c. is the more considerable because it came up with the Norman King at the time of Hildebrand whose Letters missive came hither ad Willielmi Regis Concilium And that this Councel was a full Parliament appeareth by the Charters as I may call them of the Arch-Bishop of York ex praecepto Papae Gregorii 7. and Confirmatione Domini Willielmi Regis sub Testimonio Universalis Anglorum Concilii c. Of which Roger Hoveden is clear telling us also that this King summoned the Arch Bishops Bishops Abbots Counts Barons Vice Comit. cum suis Militibus were these Knights of Shires To this I may add from the Continuer of the Saxon Chronology that Lanfranc came hither from Caen on the Kings call and the Popes Command primatum Regni Anglorum in Ecclesia Cant. suscepit eligentibus eum Senioribus cum Episcopis principibus clero Populo Angliae in curia Regis a very clear and full Parliament Nor may I so wrong our Common Law as to detain that antient Record which the great Judg in his Reports citeth of a Writ of Right brought by this Lanfranc against Odo Bishop of Bajeux and removed by a Toll into the County Court where the King commanded all the good Lawyers to attend the County a toto Comitatu Recordatum atque judicatum est That as the King held his Lands in His Demesn in Dominio suo so was the Arch Bishop to hold his omnino liberas quietas in Dominiquo suo which Judgment was afterward confirmed by the King and Parliament cum consensu omnium principum suorum With which Record I may compare the old Manuscrips in Bennets Coll. Cambridge telling us of a great Moot magnum placitum in loco qui dicitur Pinenden in
I am now grown wiser and do now see I may absolve my self from that which I would not have taken but by force or fraud But can the World this vain and frail and foolish World command controll and over-awe my Soul to take an Oath the Oath of God to what I think unjust It may be so for I am Man and frail with those that are the weakest for He knoweth my foolishness but it should not be and when it is I must be very tender lest I adde more Sin to Sin as bad or worse to that which is too Bad already For by breaking such an Oath I may do worse much worse than first I did in making it except I Swore to sin and then I may not keep my Oath And I believe the Iews might not have pleaded Force or over-awing Arguments in Swearing Homage to the King of Babylon and yet 't is known how God did charge and chasten that said Perjury nor is it altogether inconsiderable that good Lot's or at least the men of Sodom's freeing themselves from Chedorlaomer is stiled by God himself plain downright Rebellion Yet there was another King of Sodom and Chederlaomer seemeth but a kind of Tyrant that had but little Right but Conquest and his Might The Catholicks may seem too free in dispensing with Oaths to Protestant Kings but some there are with them Sacred Persons And because I now dispute ad Hominem I shall touch on that in which we know them most Religious Their solemn Obligation to the Pope which yet is such they will not deny as doth not secure or free him from being Iudged or Coerced in cases of Distraction Natural in Raving or Moral in Raging so that danger be apparent to those about him or in some Spiritual Frenzie of notorious Heresie Convict the Chair in Conclave not the Person is exempt or much suspected while himself refuseth Legal Tryal by a Council or the like The Case is argued in Occhams Dialogues with others Our Oath of Fealty comes next upon the Test although I might interpose as a Parallel to the Pope the Iewish High Priest a very Sacred Person and the Lords Anointed also but yet such as must still submit to the Sentence of the Great Sanhedrin nay and that for his Life also if they so adjudged him For which of the Sanhedrins Power over the Jewish King in Criminals and in War except only what God had commanded against Amaleck or the seven Nations I might cite several clear passages from the Talmud and those that expound it long before Cochius or Sanhedrin or Schickards Ius Regium Our Land seemeth to Mourn because of Oaths but I must only touch the civil Part or what is Legal and our Law seemeth Deficient in this of Oaths for there is scarcely any Law since the Star Chamber to punish Perjury but only where it is before a Court of Justice and there also the Punishment of Witnesses is very light and exceeding short of Attaint on Jurors by the Common Law Our Customs seem to overgoe our Laws in much of Oaths They were but Attestations though most Solemn in the Name and Presence of God As the Lord doth Live But they are now brought to Imprecations or a kind of Curse So help me God and the Contents of this good Book Yet so it was of old at Combat on Appeal the Appellè did first devote himself Again some force a Kissing of a Book the Law requireth but a Sight and Touch. For ought I find the Saxon Jurors were Sacra Tenentes In the first Norman times it was Sacris Tactis and in later writs Evangelijs Tactis Nay the Priests hand was upon his Breast in Matthew Paris not upon the Book and the Villain seemeth forbidden to touch the Book The Statute saith he shall hold his Hands over it but the Freeman upon it and from this Touch with the Body such an Oath was called Corporal The Iews and eldest Christians in their Swearing Blessing Praying lifted up the Hand and sometimes Bowed the Head or Knee for In his Name shall all Knees bow seemeth but Parallel to that of the Psalmist In thy Name will I lift up my Hand and the Grecian or Trojan Princes lifted up their Scepters in Swearing but others held Earth and Water in Allusion perhaps to the sacred Styx Most if not all publick Officers were tyed to their Dutyes by some Oaths but they were made by Parliament in all Ages This being a Pillar in our Laws that none can make alter or impose an Oath without an Act of Parliament or Custom by the Common Law 'T is strange how much in all we degenerate from our good Ancestors So that with us to break ones Oath even in the greatest Office is but a kind of Petty Aggravation as they call it rather than a Crime because such Oaths be now accounted but meer Forms or Ceremonious Shaddows But it was not so ab initio and among other Precedents I find the old Mirrour speaking of a Chancellour of England charged with Perjury for taking a small Summe of Money half a Mark for Sealing of a Writ which was against his Oath being neither to Deny Delay or Sell Justice or Remedial Writs Yet Six Pence was allowed to the King for Sealing of a Writ How great a Crime they did account such Perjury I need not say to Lawyers or to any that have read the Saxon Parliaments But of all our Oaths those seemed to be most content to be counted Formal That they were imposed on meer Children of a dozen Years old how many such we have or had in great Schools or Universities may be known and felt too much I fear And the Oath of Allegiance was twelve Years old and so pressed at the Leets or Turns but did they mean we should Observe it but as Children not as Men or Christians It is true the Saxons also had a twelve-Year-old Oath but against Theft and how the Laws of Henry the first did Annul the Oaths of Children was observed and the fifty ninth Chapter of those Laws forbiddeth any to Plead or to be Pleaded in Iudicio till the Age of fifteen It was also a Maxim in our Law Books that Minors could not Essoyn because they could not Swear and that Homage might be done in Nonage but not Fealty For although Homage was the more Honourable done upon the Knee yet Fealty was the more Sacred being ever done by Oath and from hence is the usual Phrase in all Lawyers and Historians to Do Homage but to Swear Fealty Must our Allegiance only run before our Reason or Discretion which yet was our great Fealty for it differed little from Homage with the Oath of Fealty to Mean Lords but in the Salvo which I touched before and must again being one good help to explain our Allegiance I shall acknowledge that Allegiance ought to have been kept by all Subjects although they never took that Oath which it may be many did not especially
Henry the first the Descent of divers Nations of Europe from the Trojans in Huntingdon and Hoveden But it may be considered what this State and Parliament hath oft owned of Brute and the Trojan Story not only in the grand Moot of the Dependance of Scotland on England ever since King Brute which beside all Records in the Exchequer is at large in Walsinghams Edward the first and the Survey of Normandy as also in the Laws of the Confessor cap. 35. To which I might add the Trojan Reliques Statues Tablets and Pictures in all the Brittish Danish Saxon English Wars found here in Cornwall Wales and other Parts besides our Troy Novant or new Troy the old Trojan Roman name of this Famous City of the Troinovantes in the Roman Writers Trinobantes now London since the time of Lud's building a Gate and changing this Cities Name But for leaving out the Name of Troy some were so much offended that it came to a great Contest and Quarrel couched in Verse from others by the old Gildas and translated by the Famous Nennius of Bangor escaping that bloody Massacre Who hath also left us an old History yet to be seen in MS. collected as himself saith from the Brittish and Scottish Records and from the old Roman Annals which were then found relating the Pedigree of Brute or Britto some will have him Brotos and some Brutus from Aeneas to Rome and his bringing some Trojan Reliques hither by the way of Gaul where he also saith he built the City of Turons or Tours much as Monmouth and others have the Story though I could never find it in Homer or any of the Ancients by them cited for Turons Yet I find the same Nennius confessing that the Brittish Annals had another descent of their Brute or Britto from Japhet obtaining Europe for his Portion with the Brittish Isles of which Noahs Will in Eusebius or other old Fragments came alone from whence the Almans and Francks besides our Britto Father to the Brittains whose Genealogy through twenty Descents to Noah and Adam he saith he had from the Tradition of those who lived here in Primis Britanniae Temporibus So that if we may not believe Taliessin the British Bard of Trojans coming hither with their Brute yet we may peruse his Scholar or the Merlin that foretold the Name of Brute should come again upon this Island whether in the Scottish Union or in the Welsh returning to their Lost Dominions I dispute not nor how this Island came so like to Somothrace so near a Kin to Troy in Rites of Worship or in other Customs as of old some did observe especially in those concerning Ceres or Proserpina so famous here that in the old Argonauts the Brittish Isles are stiled the Court or Palace of Ceres and yet this might be for other Reasons But although I cannot deny some Trojan customs among us yet I know not why I should grant that Trojan Succession to the Crown which so many do assert when as themselves do yield the same Trojans to be Brittans and those Brittans of whom we spake before And besides the Brittish Gavelkinde and all before themselves do also relate their own Brute parting his Kingdom among his three Sons and again the Crown parted between the two Sons of Madan two of Gorbodio two of Molmutius two of Lud so near a Kin to him that Caesar found Elected King by Common-Council And I must believe those who assert the Trojan Crown to go by Succession yet I know not why I may not also believe so many good or better Writers of the Trojan Common-Council or Parliament and their Power in Peace and War with all things else that might concern the King or Kingdom which great Council did consist of Princes or Nobles and Elders of the People Of which Trojan Parliament we read in Apuleius Socrates Daemon and in Homer Virgil Dictys and most ancient Dares who lived also in our Britain if good Bale deceive us not which yet is not so certain as that he was Translated or Paraphrased in Latin Verse by Ioseph of Exon or Iscan our Countrey-Man as many of his Verses speak although that Elegant Poem be ascribed to Cornelius Nepos as by him Dedicated to Salust in the times of the great Commerce between Rome and Britain which produced so many famous Brittish Romans beside Constantine Helen and the modest Claudia of whom St. Paul speaketh and Martial in several places maketh her a British Woman I will not insist upon their Election of Emperors or Generals by a kind of Lot in Dictys nor will I deny but the Trojans were severe enough to all Traitors whose dead Bodies also were denyed Burial if we may believe all from the Illiads but the Odysses may also afford us the very same Punishment for Tyrants whom they hated as much as the Grecians Nor will the Patrons of Succession or Prerogative find more encouragement among the Grecians than among the Trojans though I cannot deny but they do rightly observe many Grecian Customs among the Britains nor will I deny to our Ancestors both Greek Philosophers and Greek Schools besides Bladud's at Stamford and other Places I could easily believe these Islands to be known to the Grecians long before the Romans of whom Lucretius is the first that I yet know speaking of Britain but it was described by Polibius though our great Herald seem to forget it who might learn it from the Carthaginians trading hither and by Eratosthenes Dicaearcus Pithaeas and Artemidorus if I be not deceived from Strabo that I say nothing of the old Argonauts ascribed to Orpheus naming Ireland and describing Britain or of the Book of the World in Aristotles Works where Albion and Ferne are Brittish Isles mentioned also in Dyonisius and very famous for their Mines of Tin or Lead whence the name of Cassiterides of which Herodotus and others of the Ancients What was the Grecian Genius towards their Kings doth not only appear in their Supercilious Ephori Eye-brows or the Left eye of Greece but in the Right Eye or Athens of which much might be spoken from all the Greek Historians besides their Laws or Politicks of Plato and his Schollars long before the Attick Laws Collected by Petitus that I say nothing of Aristophanes or any of their Poets But how much our Ancestors owed to the Grecians I do not find expressed by any most of our Plays much of our Works and somewhat of our Laws seemeth to be Grecian The Genius of a State is seen in Plays some think rather than in Work they are Passions and as Lovers Pulses which do shew the Soul much quicker than do Words or Actions and the Greek Scenes were Passions or Sufferings of Princes rather than their Actions and a Tyrants blood was thought the Richest and fattest Sacrifice to please the People and appease their Gods but Interludes must be Corrected much and then they may both Moralize and Methodize the best Historians and may be
of Almain The Learned Author of the late Peleg among divers other Brittish words hath found a new Etymology for the Name of Britain which notwithstanding Brith for Colour or Painting and Bretas in some Greek Poets for a Picture or a Painted Brat he would have to be called by the Phaenicians Berat Anac or the Field of Tin and Lead To which I may add the Northern Sea called of old the Phronean Ocean or the Sea of Saturn whom they feigned to lye asleep in the Bottom of that Sea bound by Iupiter in a Golden Pumice of which Plutarch Eusebius Ptolomy and divers others and of this the Author of the Veyl or Mask of Heaven Of which I must speak but little only this for a Clavis The Scene is the little World or Isle of Brittain Thule some appendant to that Crown or Scotland whose troubles of 1639. are shadowed in the night work called Scotos or Darkness Saturn the Scottish Genius and Mercury the Clergy but in special the late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Iupiter the Son of Saturn or a great Scottish Lord lately on the Scene that was first sent to reconcile Saturn but he turned Retrograde Mars the Genius of War and in special the great General against Saturn or the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland Venus seemeth to be Queen Mother of France then alive in England Phoebus and Phoebe need no gloss Imperii fata plain enough to those that know that Dialect But Phoebe might have there seen before this Parliament that Peace had been her Work and should have been her Happiness nor is it yet too late or wholly past Habent etiam sua fata Reginae and there is a silent Patience which may Conquer more than all the World can get by Force Who will unmask the Chymical Part which the Poets also Veiled in their Fables of Saturn bound by Iupiter in Golden Pumice and it may be possible that future Ages may be brought to see or know the Treasures in our Chronian Ocean and the meaning of that Riddle In the mean time he that can improve the Sympathy of Mars and Venus or remove the Antipathy of Saturn and Mercury or can bind Saturn by Iupiter and by the Mediation of Phoebe can reconcile all to Phoebus or can live on Herbs may have little need I hope to flatter any But to return to our British Ancestors How Cordiel and Guintoline were Created populi Iussu Archigal Ennianus or others Deposed is observed by divers I shall only add that Proceres and Magnates here are rendred Estates People or Commons in Grafton and Chaucer or the old Fructus by Iulian of St. Albans Molmutius first did wear a Crown of Gold they say he did deserve it for to him we owe divers of our Common Law Principles nay and that for more than is found in Monmouth as I touched before And upon him the Patrons of Succession build a fixed Monarchy which was not such it seems before nor since if we may believe those we can hardly disprove that from this time begin the petty Princes plurimis Regulis supremam Mandandi Iudicandi Authoritatem And themselves divide the Crown between his two Sons Brennus the British Thunderbolt to Rome and some do carry him as Lightning to Delphos while his Brother Belin did return and dye in peace and first of British Kings was burnt to Ashes yet he lived here in Bilingsgate and Key besides his famous Ways or Streets his own and Fathers Laws which with the Mertian came to us through Alfred But we need not go to his Daughter Cambra for the first Affinity between the Brittans and Sicambrian Francks or Gaulish Germans Come we now to Cesar's time Lud is alive in Ludgate London as before he did amend the Laws but by a Common-Council And such Council did reject his Sons and Chose Cassivelane as Caesar doth agree with British Authors He did summon one that slew his Kinsman to appear and submit himself to Judgment Sententiam quam proceres Dictarent subire But the famous Androgeus protected him in London being then the Governour pleading the Custom and priviledge of that City which had also then a Court to hear and determine all the Pleas of Citizens or Quicquid aliquis in Homine suos clamaret and that also by Ancient Prescription ex Veterum traditione Which from Monmouth Virrunnius Ponticus and others may be compared with the Laws of the Confessor for Troinovant or London and its weekly Hustings and Ardua Compota and Ambigua placita Coronae and for the Courts of the whole Kingdom there whence it is called Caput Regni Legum Which may also be compared with that of the Mirror for Parliaments to be in London by ancient Laws which is here expressed Iuxta veteres Consuetudines bonorum Patrum Predecessorum omnium Principum Procerum Sapientum seniorum Regni very full and clear Parliaments of all Estates That which is added of those Courts to sit and hold wherever the King was is British also as well as Saxon. So the Laws of Howel Dha the Good in the Chronicles of Wales but larger in Sir Henry Spelman Ubicunque Sacerdos Destein Iudex ibi Dignitas Curiae Aula Regia licet Rex absens sit and this is one Reason why the King was never Nonsuit because he was supposed present in all Courts and yet his Atturneys Ulterius non vult had the effect of a Nonsuit But for London and its Antiquity before Rome Stephanides a Monk as old as K. Henry the first now in Print may be compared with Tacitus Ammianus Marcelinus nay with Caesar also for the Trinobantes although some think he never saw this City But the Charters of K. William and Hen. the first are in Print so also of Richard the first and K. Iohn in Hoveden and others which yet must not perswade us that Sheriffs were then first Created here For Counts or Viscounts are as old as Counties and the Brittish Authors speak of Dukes of Troynovant such was Androgeus and pro Consulibus vice-comites in Fitz-Stephen and Willielm de Einford vice-comes de London Ioannes Subvicecomes in the Book of Ramsey Wallbrook Case in Hen. the first that I may say nothing of William the Chamberlain de Londonia of whom before in Hen. 1. which may be premised to the Famous Quo Warranto brought in Edward the Second But to return to our British Kings I cannot deny but some Authors do Record the Crown as by Act of Parliament settled on the Heirs of Cassivelane but themselves also can shew us the very next King brought in by Election not from Cassivelane and that both of Lords and Commons too if we may believe Chaucer or the old Fructus Temporum This Theomantius many of their names are Greek was Duke of Cornwall when he was Elected King He doth yet live in a Famous Son great Arviragus whom the Roman Poet and so many others praise he did amend the Laws
which was some Repetition of his Coronation Oath Some affirm that he refused to be Crowned by Canterbury but Neubrigensis telleth us that he sought it of him Tyranni nomen exhorrescens legitimi Principis personam induere gestiens but Canterbury denied to lay on his hands Viro Cruento alieni Iuris insavori Then he complyed with York and bound himself Sacris Sacramentis pro Conservanda Republica c. It might also be added that if K. Edward might dispose the Crown as his own Fee yet by the Common-Law or Statute of Calcuth he could not dispose it to a Bastard as K. William is expresly called in the Letters sent to the Pope from the Parliament of Lincoln in Eward the first besides his own Charters and of attempts to Legitimate him that so he might succeed by Common-law See the Comments on Merton in the second Part of Institutes and of the Laws of Norway before But in the Old Book of Caen we may find K. William on his death Bed wishing that his Son might be King of England which he professed he neither found or left as Inheritance Neminem Anglici Regni Constituo Haeredem non enim Tantum Decus Haereditario Iure possedi That K. William the second K. Henry the first and K. Stephen came to the Crown by Election without Right of Succession is so much agreed by all that it were vain to prove it Their Elections and their Oaths are every where among the Monks and good Historians So also of Henry the second and Rich. the first But in K. Iohn's Coronation we are brought beyond dispute in full Parliament of Archshops Earls Barons and all others which were to be present the Arch-bishop stood in the midst and said Audite universi noverit Discretio vestra c. It is well known to you All that no Man hath Right of Succession to this Crown except that by unanimous consent of the Kingdom with Invocation on the Holy Ghost he be Elected from his own Deserts Lectus secundum Morum Eminantiam praeelectus c. But if any of the last Kings Race be more worthy and better than others his Election is more proper or more Reasonable Pronius promptius in Electionem ejus est consentiendum As it now is in Earl John here present Nor was any one found that could dissent or oppose what was so spoken for they all knew it was not without much Reason and good Warrant from their Laws and Customs Scïentes quod sine Causa hoc non sic definiverat For which Matthew Paris or Wendover may be compared with Hoveden Westminster and others of those Times Which seemeth most rightly to state the nature of Succession as it was in this Kingdom So that all did amount but to this That if a King had such Children so qualified and so Educated that they were above others in Vertue Wisdom and true worth or at least Caeteres Pares they were the most likely Candidates for the Crown But as we found before among the Iews in the strictest Succession where the Crown was especially tied to the House of David yet their great Sanhedrin had alwayes the Power and Right to determine of the Claims Interests Deserts and Vertues of Heirs or all Pretenders So if here we allow not such a Legal power of Judging of Claims or Titles to be placed somewhere or other our Ancestors did leave the Crown at a more blind uncertainty than in all other things they were accustomed from the Law of Nature and Right Reason I might add the Formal of Coronation joyned to the Irish Modus of Parliament under the Great Seal of Henry the Fourth where we read Electio à Plebe ad Regem ut consecretur Postquam ad Idem iterum Consenserit and again Electum interroget Metropolitanus c. How our Allegiance was of Old tied to the Kings Person not to his Heirs nor to his Person but together with the Kingdom and the Laws and Rights thereof hath been observed already Much I might add of latter times Nay that very Statute of Henry the Seventh which of late was pressed for the King and his Militia or taking Arms with him as Allegiance required doth expresly declare our Allegiance to be to the Kingdom with the King and that by such Allegiance men are tied to serve the King for defence of him and the Land And for the Kings Heirs I find them not in our Allegiance Yet the Statutes of Edw. 2. are punctual in expressing the Kings Prerogative or Rights of the Crown but where is provision for his Heirs In Eward the Third the Iudges Oaths were made and stand among the Statutes as enacted by Parliament although I do not find it so upon the Rolls And there is a Clause against Consent to the Kings Damage or Disherison So also it is in the Oaths of divers in the Courts of Justice as of Masters of Chnacery with the Kings Serjeants or Councel at Law and others but not so by Parliament See the third Part of Institutes Cap. 101. Yet our Old Allegiance did forbid Disherison or Damage but with Limitation as we shewed before The late Oaths of Allegiance in King Iames and of Supremacy in Q. Elizabeth taken by Parliament-men and divers others are to the Kings Person and his Heirs and Successors with particular Relation to defence of the Crown and Dignities thereof Which is Remarkable and that which may seem to excuse some in not assenting to others which are not so obliged and yet it is thought by some that the main or onely meaning of those Oaths was against Rome or forreign Enemies For which also a Declaration in the Queens Injunctions may be considered But in all Cases of real Scruple I cannot censure any that in a quiet humble manner seeking Peace and Truth followeth his Conscience till it is rightly informed In the Quarrels of York and Lancaster there was an Act in Henry the Fourth to entail the Crown upon the Kings Issue of which four are there named But in Henry the Eighth the Parliament declared the Succession to the Crown not yet settled or cleared enough and then it was entailed again and for lack Heirs Male upon Elizabeth But this again repealed in Mary and again in Elizabeth and Iames. How much or how little these annulled the Common-law I must submit to others lest upon debate I should be forced to yield it might be possible for future Parliaments to reduce Succession to Election as justly as some late Parliaments did turn the Common-law of Election into such or such a Succession which can only stand by Statute if it be true as all tell us that there was no entailed Inheritance but by Statute-law since the Second of Westminster of which before How little Power Kings had over their Crown or Kingdom without consent of Parliament besides all that is said already might be further cleared from the acknowledgments of Kings Themselves below the time of the Conquest
in due Place This is very considerable that among all other Judgments threatned on Babylon and Edom for they are equals in most this is one and the chief of all that they shall be perpetual Desolations and shall never return or rise again when they be fallen Tyre and Sydon might return again Aegypt and Aethiopia for Chush may reach to that also from Chusiana on the Banks of Euphrates and Tygris whence they passed through Arabia and there left their Name also cross the red Sea Moab and Ammon shall escape from the last Northern King in Daniel and they shall return in the latter days a noted Phrase Nay Sodom it self shall return and rejoice with her Sisters Samaria for Ephraim in this also seemeth to be the first born and with Ierusalem the younger Sister So spake the Type also when Lot and Abraham's Tennants of Sodom were in the fourteenth great Year delivered from the Oppression and Tyranny of all the four grand Monarchies of Shinaar or Babylon of Elam or Persia Ellassar the Prince of Ellas or Greece which three also may lie in the Heifer Ram and Goat God's own Emblems of the three first Monarchies which were divided and broken about the Dove and Turtle of Abraham and the King of the Gentiles may typifie the Roman Empire Although I could yet believe there may be more in it Antichrist may seem to have two Horns one in the West and Christian Temple the other in the East and Jewish Temple Edom and Babylon Mahomet did rise about as bad a time at Rome as Hildebrand But it may be his Horn must end in Gog and Magog whence the King of Gogim in Genesis which is very probable to be Alleppo the Turks greatest Residence in Asia directly North to Ierusalem and of old not only Hierapolis but Magog also in some antient Heathen Authors But Edom and Babylon shall mourn and lament in that Eternal Desolation while the whole Earth besides so speak the Prophets shall rejoyce The World must be renewed the Promise and the Blessing to Adam must not fail one tittle nor could the Flood or its worst Causes disanul the Grace of God established so long before Nay it was continued confirmed and inlarged in the new Charter to Noah The Scripture is very observable although I dare not be too confident in ought of Noah's Blessing or Will or Commands found in the Cave among the Tuscan Rarities much rather then Antiquities Yet With much of those also there is more to be compared then I have yet seen in Lazius or Berosus for Annius may be excused who found it with that Title but the Book was written by a Iew if Tsemack David do not deceive me And the Jews with much consent expect this glorious Change Both touching themselves who never yet 't is thought possessed half their promised Land from Euphrates to the Sea from Lebanon to Aegypt nay where ever their Feet did tread and others also of the Pious Gentiles To this day they shake their Palms in Triumph every way in their great Hosanna in allusion to the Psalms and Prophets who say that every Tree of the Wood shall shout rejoyce clap Hands and sing for Joy Nor do they think the time far off and that from better Grounds perhaps than is the old Prediction in their Zohar which foretels their Redemption should be upon or about the Year last past to which they add somewhat they see or have heard from their Brethren of Iuda in Brasile or of Israel in other parts of America which they cannot much believe till it be better confirmed although it be with many Arguments asserted by a grave sober Man of their own Nation that is lately come from the Western World It is strange if it should prove true and that which might regain some of Esdra's Credit besides all of Christ and the Iews long Captivity with their return about the Ruine of the Roman Empire whose twelve first Caesars with divers others he describeth clearly in that also of the ten Tribes passing through a River or Strait may it be the Strait of Anian in a long Journey of many Months or Years to a Countrey not inhabited It is also remarkable that such good Authors should relate the Traditions of the Mexicans or others in those parts coming a great Journey with an Ark carried before them on Mens Shoulders with their God therein and what others have observed of Circumcision found in some of those parts with other Rites of Tribes Heads of Tribes and Families with some pretty Ceremonies of Marriage Funerals and Washings not altogether unlike the Iews or Israelites However it seems they left many of their Brethren behind them in Asia though it must not be in Tartary The World will not admit of it of late although it was very current a while in Dan and Naphtalim Mount Tabor or I know not what in Ortelius and others But Millions of them are still found in Persia and other parts of Asia though I give no Credit to their Kingdom in Caramania or elsewhere described or feigned by Benjamin the Jew in Eyre Yet with him must be condemned if he lies in all some of our own that have travelled in those parts Not only Master Herbert who hath many considerable Passages besides that of a mighty high Peak of Taurus for Ararat not very far from the Caspian Sea which he saith the Inhabitants do still to that day call the Descent from the Ark which would much have pleased Sr. Walter Raleigh and other learned Men that would not have Noah come out of Armenia though so many Heathens also do record it thereabout But to return to the Iews and their Return It is so clear and so full in the Scriptures both Old and New that I need not seek it in the Apocrypha where yet are many Predictions of it clear enough especially in Tobit I mean the old Hebrew Tobit brought from the East for that we have is broken and imperfect much being only taken from a Iew 's Mouth that Translated it to Ierome as himself confesseth if I forget not All the Prophets speak clearly of it but Ionas that of him we have was but a second Prophecy which besides all the Iews somewhat in his own Words doth intimate And we need no more for in the Kings we find Ionas's Prophecy for Israel's even Israel's Restoration which is there also carried up to Moses's Song cited also in Ezechiel besides other Prophets as that which is clear enough for what we speak So is Moses also clear that great Troubles shall befal them in the latter Days that is in the time of the Messiah as they all confess for so they still interpret the Phrase And to this Place with others they refer their Afflictions under Messiah Ben Ioseph Whom I hope they begin to think already come although Ben David do not yet appear to them but Moses addeth that the Gentiles should also rejoyce with his People Israel
the Close is Acta haec confirmata apud Londonium Communi Concilio omnium Primatum meorum c. I should be unjust to our Laws if I should omit the Process and Plea of Morgan Hen against Howell Dha the good Prince of Wales Upon complaint they were both summoned by King Edgar Ad curiam suam and their Pleas were pacately heard In Pleno Concilio repertum est justo Iudicio curiae Regis quod Howell Dha nequiter egisset extra Morgan Hen filium sui Huwen depulsus est Howell Dha ab his duabus Terris the Lands then in question sine recuperatione Postea Rex Edgarus dedit concessit Hueno Morgan Hen illas duas Terras Istradum Euwias in Episcopatu Landas constituas sicuti suam Propriam Hereditatem illas easdem duas Terras sibi Heredibus suis Per chartam suam sine Calumpnia alicujus Terreni hominis confirmavit communi nostro assensu testimonio omnium Archiepiscoporum Episcop Abbatum Comitum Baronum totius Angliae Walliae factum est coram Rege Edgaro in pleno concilio c. This Record of King Edgar is in Codicae Landavensi fol. 103. I find it cited by the great Antiquary Sir Henry Spelman and it may be compared with the Monk of Malmsbury and Matthew of Westminster I must not relate the Visions or Predictions of the Fates of this Kingdom which Historians record about the Reign of King Edgar they are in print and may be read of all Besides the Prophecies of both the Merlins for the Scottish Merlin was fuller and plainer than the British in Vortigers time That I say nothing of Cadwalladers Vision or Alans Council which was long before the other Alane wrote on Merlin or of the famous Eagle of Shaftsbury that agreed with others in the Britains recovering their Kingdom again after their grand Visit at Rome whence they must bring Cadwalladers bones This leadeth me also to the Sybils Prophecy of three British Princes that should conquer Rome Brennus was one King Arthur some make the second Et quis fuit alter And of these Sybils or one of them sending a book to King Bladud so famous for the Bath and Greek-Schools or University at Stamford the Scotish Merlin seemeth to have written if among others I mistake not Baleus But of Edgar's Parliaments one was at Salisbury so we read in Chaucer or the old Fructus Temporum by Iulian Notary at St. Albans And of another of his Parliaments at Bath the Saxon Chronology at the year 973. His Laws are now printed and their Title is The Acts of King Edgar and his Parliament Mid his Witena Getheate gerred c. Here we find much considerable of Thanes which all will have to be Noble-men but it must be with them a Saxon word And Dhenian is to serve whence the Princes Motto Ic Dhaen For so it should rather be than in Dutch Ich Dien But why should Noble-men or those that were the freest have their name from serving Here they flie to Knights-service King-service or I know not what most proper as they say to free and Noble-men But from a Judge or Fleta we may be taught that the Saxon Dhaen or Thaen is a Servant but Thayn a Free-man And in this sence it seemeth to be used here As also in Denmark and Ireland Nor did the Britains differ much whose Haene or Hane is an Eldar although Hyne be sometimes used for a Servant And so the Irish Tane is Elder whence their Tanistry or Eldership the cause or sad occasion of such bloudshed These British Hanes the Saxons in compliance called Ealdermen St. Edward's Laws afford so much and it may be Thanes although with them they had the name of Greeues or Graves suiting well with Elders Hanes or Senators With which we may compare the Phrase of Seniores which we read so oft in Gildas Nennius Monmouth and others of the British and first Saxons times in Britain I should be tedious in but glancing over the Acts of Parliament in Edgar's time That of the Standard at Winchester is considerable and that of one Coyn through all the Kingdom The Mirrour is plain in making it an Act of Parliament in Saxon times That no King of this Realm should change his Money or embase or enhanse it or make other but of silver Sans l' assent de tout ses Counties Which the Translator is bold to turn Without the Assent of the Lords and all the Commons We may not omit the Act against unjust Judges or Complaints to the King except Justice could not be had at home For which also the Hundred-Courts were again confirmed and the Grand Folkmootes or Sheriffs Turnes established by Act of Parliament Of which and of their relation to Peace and War more in Edward's Laws which may afford a Comment for the Saxon Militia I need not speak of the Parliament at Calna it is famous enough where Considentibus totius Angliae Senatoribus the Roof fell down and hurt them most but St. Dunston Of which Wigornensis Iornalensis Malmsbury Matthew of Westminster and so many others may be cited King Ethelred's Laws have this Title in Lumbard Sapientum Concilium quod Ethelredus Rex promovendae pacis causa habuit Wodstoci Merciae quae legibus Anglorum gubernatur aefter Aengla-Lage Post Anglis Lagam as an old Author turneth it In those Acts we read of Ordale Sythan the Gemot waes aet Bromdune Post Bromdune Concilium It seems a Parliament And again Iussum ac scitum hoc nostrum si quis neglexerit aut profuâ quisque virili parte non obierit ex nostra omnium sententiâ Regi 100 Dependito By which it appeareth to be a Parliament and not the King only that made those Laws That which Sir Henry Spelman calleth Concilium AE 〈…〉 e Generale was clearly one of King Ethelred's Parliaments and the very Title is De Witena Geâ—ednessan and tha Geraednessa the Englaraed Witan gee 〈…〉 c. And divers Chapters begin Witena Geraednesse is enacted by Parliament And the old Latin Copy of this Parliament telleth us that in it were Vniversi Anglorum Optimates Ethelredi Regis Edicto convocato Plebis multitudine collectae Regis Edicto A Writ of Summons to all the Lords and for choice of the Commons a full and clear Parliament In this Parliament were divers Acts for the Militia both by Land and Sea as most Parliaments after King Edgar and among others for Castles Forts Cities Bridges and time of the Fleets setting out to Sea It is made Treason for any to destroy a Ship that was provided for the State-service Navem in Reipublicae expeditionem designatam as a learned man translateth the Saxon. And no Souldier must depart without leave on forfeit of all his Estate None may oppose the Laws but his Head or a grievous Mulct according to the Offences quality must recompence It was here also enacted That Efferatur
And where-ever these are found released as to Peterburg Canterbury Westminster but especially to Glassenbury the first and oldest Church in Britain Fons origo totius religionis It may be a clear Demonstration of the Parliaments assent to such a Charter For otherwise they could not be dispensed with by the King as we may find expressed in divers Charters as in those of Crowland which yet had great immunities And of that Restriction Matth. Paris may afford us the true reason because those three were setled for the Kingdom Propter Publicam Regni Vtilitatem ut per ea resisterent hostium in cursibus And K. William's Laws Castel Burg. Civit. fundatae aedificatae ad tuit Gent. Popul Regni ad Defens Regni idcirco observari debent cum omni libertate integritate Ratione Private Castles for habitation may be given in Dower and divided by Pacerners but so may none for publick defence Yet of such also may a man be Tenant by the Curtesie being able to guard them for Publick service of the Common-wealth One grand Objection must be removed but we need not fear it for it will flie or run away of it self 'T is that of the Conquest as many are pleased to call it not attending how little in this they be the Kings Friends for if this were his onely or his main and best Title there might be found in future ages some that may come to think it as lawful to conquer him as it was or could be to conquer them It must be considered for if the foundation be not sure and low the higher the building is the nearer its fall And it hath been observed that the higher Skale got up by accident is more ready to pop down again than it was before while it hung in due poize It seemeth a great weakness to be apt or prone to Suspition and therefore I shall not say I do suspect some that are most zealous for Prerogative or the Title of Conquest to be least acquainted with the Laws or Histories of England But I cannot be wholly free from wonder that any Lawyer or Historian that was friend to the King should be passionate in these which were so clearly quitted by that King whom they call the Conquerour He stood on Stilts or Patents or Pantofles but on plain English ground with two feet as other men The left and the weakest was Succession to Edward whose Kinsman he was and Heir by Will as appeareth by divers Passages in these very Laws of Saint Edward and William which may be seen and read of all But the right Leg with the strongest and best Foot he had to stand upon was the Peoples Assent Consent Acceptance and Election which we shall yet more fully clear when we discuss the Right of Succession or Election to this Crown and Kingdom But for the present it may suffice to observe That all these Laws we now have of King Edward's come to us through the Hands and Grant and Confirmation of King William the Norman and no otherwise Which I need not prove to any that have either read or seen the Laws themselves of which we speak For in the very Title and Preface thereof besides divers other passages in them all this and much more is fully related and recorded For it is there also further added That all those Laws were so presented to the said King William by a sworn Iury out of every County Who did also assert That these which they did present as the Laws of St. Edward were the undoubted Laws and Customs of the Kingdom that had also been collected into a Body by King Edgar and continued though sopite through the Troubles of succeeding Kings till Edward had the leisure to renew or rather confirm what was the Law before Nay when among all those Laws King William did most encline to those which came from Norway whence his Ancestors and Lords had issued forth and where a Bastard might inherit all the Patriarchs of England Compatriotae Regni qui Leges edixerant did so move and press him with such Arguments as may again be well considered that at length in Parliament Concilio habito precatis Baronum the King himself consented as they did desire This is expressed in his own Laws And by his own desire the Archbishop of Canterbury was one of those entrusted with enrolling or recording of those Laws Which to that very King and to his Successors to this very day became one special Clause of the Coronation-Oath Which was To confirm all the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom but especially the Laws of St. Edward called the Confessor And one of King William's own Laws is That all men observe and keep the Laws of King Edward in all things Adauctis his quas constituimus ad Vtilitatem Anglorum If this be not yet clear enough for the Laws themselves which are now extant and may be read and known of all we might confirm it much by Ingulph living at the same time and bringing those Laws with his own hands from London to his Crowland with such an Endorsement or Title of his own making Leges aequissimi Regis Edwardi quas Dominus meus inclitus Rex Willielmus Autenticas esse perpetuas per totum Regnum Angliae inviolabiliterque tenendas sub poenis gravissimis Proclamarat suis Iustitiis commendarat c. He was like enough to know it And the old Book of Litchfield cited in the great Reports besides that of the Iury from every County addeth also That the same King William did by the Counsel of his Barons call by Writ of Summons Summoniri fecit all the Nobles Wise-men Elders of the Witan and learned Lawyers in each County And in that great Parliament Ad Preces Communitatis Anglorum Rex acquievit c. confirming all by Common Council This of Litchsield is now printed in several places and Roger Hoveden agreeth in Henry the Second Nor did he onely confirm but in some things mitigate and in divers explain and clear what might seem obscure or heavy to the People Ad Vtilitatem Anglorum His Laws are now printed both with Mr. Selden's Notes on Eadmerus and with Mr. Wheelock's Impression of the Saxon Laws and History with a very good Preface of Sir Roger Twisden They do oblige us much that love and clear our Laws so far as just and good What Emendations and Additions King William made to St. Edward's Laws in this also of the Militia we have observed before at our unexpected enterance on this Question Which was not at all intended to be once so much as touched but in one Parenthesis Which was past Recovery before this Discourse was so much as designed But now having wandred so much and so far beyond my own purpose as well as my Subject I could almost be perswaded to step a little further and to touch I must no more upon some few passages between the Conquest as they
quo Lanfrancus diratiocinatur and the conclusion that he was to hold his Lands and Customs by Sea and Land as free as the King held his ezcept in three things si regalis via fuerit effossa arbor incisa juxta super eam ceciderit si homicidium factum sanguis in ea fusus fuerit Regi dabit alioquin liber a Regis exactoribus In the same Author were read of a Great Counsel at London in that Normans Reign and of another at Glocester where the Arch Bishop of York jubente Rege et Lanfranco consentiente did consecrate William Bishop of Durham having no help adjunctorium from the Scottish Bishops subject to him which may be added to that before of Scotland belonging to the Province or Diocesse of York Nor can I abstain from the next paragraph in the same Author how Lanfranc did consecrate Donate a Monk of Canterbury ad Regnum Dubliniae at the Request of the King Clergy and people of Ireland Petente Rege clero populo Hiberniae which with divers others might be one Argument for the Antiquity of Irish Parliments and their dependance on England long before King Henry the Second For which I might also cite King Edgars Charters Oswalds Law and divers Historians of his times But the Charters mention Dublin it self and yet our Lawyers are so Courteous as to free Ireland from our Laws and Customs till towards the end of King Iohn and some of them conjecture that the Brehon Law came in again and that our Parliament obliged them not till Poynings Law in Henry the seventh But to return to our Norman King I need not beg proofs of Parliaments in his time at least not to those who know the Priviledge of antient Demesne which therefore is free from sending to Parliaments and from Knights Charges and Taxes of Parliament because it was in the Crowns not only in King William but before him in King Edward and the Rolls of Winchester for which the old Books are very clear with divers Records of Edward the third and Henry the fourth besides natura brevium That I say nothing of the old Tractat. de antiquo Dominico which is stiled a Statute among our English Statutes And besides all the late Reports or Records I find it in the Year Books of Edward the Third that he sued a Writ of Contempt against the Bishop of Norwich for encroaching on Edmondsbury against express Act of Parliament By King William the Conqueror and by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and all the other Bishops Counts and Barons of England It is 21 of Ed. 3. Mich. fol. 60. Title 7. Contempt against an Act of Parliament This might well be one of the reasons why the great Judge giveth so much credit to the old Modus of Parliament as it was held in the time of King Edward the Confessor which as the antient copy saith was by the discreet men of the Kingdom recited before King William the Norman and by him approved and in his time used I have cited it before and compared it with Irish Modus which my much honoured friend Mr. Hackewil one of the Masters of Chancery hath under his hand attested from the Great Seal and Charter of Henry the fourth which himself hath seen reciting a former Charter of King Henry R. Angliae Hiberniae conquestor Dominus who sent the same Modus into Ireland Where himself or his Son Iohn sans terre had no great work to reduce them to the civility of Parliaments To which they had been long before accustomed and the Roll saith communi omnium de Hibernia consensu teneri statuit c. nor doth the division of the Irish-Shires seem so lately setled as some have thought although I may not dissent from the great Patron of Civill and Ecclesiastical Learning the late Primate of Ireland Touching that Irish Modus I have very little to add to the fourth part of the great Institutes in several places I shall now only observe that both these old Modi of Parliaments do agree in this Custom of the Kingdom that the King should require no Ayd but in full Parliament and in Writing to be delivered to each in degree Parliament And both they agree that every new difficult case of Peace and any war emergent within or without the Kingdom vel Guerre emergat in Regno vel extra ought to be written down in full Parliaments and therein to be debated which may be considered by all that will argue the Militia To which also we may add one clause of the Jewish Laws of their great Sanhedrim to whom they retain the power of Peace and War especially where it is Arbitrary and not meerly defensive in which the Law of nature maketh many Magistrates and this might with ease be confirmed from the Laws and Customs of all Civil Kingdoms in all ages But I must not wander from our English Laws I had almost forgotten that which should be well remembred Although many would perswade us to seek our Laws in the Custumier of Normandy it is not only affirmed in the Great Reports but also asserted by Guil de Rovell Alenconien and proved by divers Arguments in his Commentaries on that Grand Custumier that the Normans had their chief Laws from Hence As had also the Danes in the time of Canute for which we might have more proof and witness than the Abbot of Crowland So much even strangers did Love and Honour old English Laws Of King William the Second Sirnamed Rufus I shall speak but little for I must discuss his Election and Coronation Oath in a fitter place Some footsteps we find of his Parliaments in divers Wigornensis and Hoveden tell us that when he would have constrained the Scottish King ut secundum judicium Baronum suorum in curia sua Rectitudinem ei faceret Malcolm did refuse to do it but in the Confines or Marches Where he could not deny but the Kings of Scotland were accustomed rectitudinem facere regibus Angliae But he then said it ought to be by the Iudgement of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms secundum judicium utriusque Regni primatum And I find the like Record cited on Fortescue from Godfrey of Malmsbury But Huntingdon and Matthew Paris also relate that the same King Malcolm did submit both to do Homage and to swear Fealty to our English King and Paris addetth a pretty Story of King Malcolms overlooking Treason But again to King William Of his Errors in Government I shall only say that if Edom did really signified Red as hath been thought I could believe that all Historians speaking of Adamites then oppressing the People might allude to the near affinity between Edom and Rufus for Red. For this was his Sirname of King William the Second Henry the First is yet alive in his Laws and Charters Not only in Wendover with other Historians but among the Rolls and Records yet to be seen in the Exchequer They are now in Print
his Priviledges was to be free from the Justies of either Bench and of Assize Which is one of the first Records for the antient Benches But it may not be impossible to trace them thorow some Elder times For the Saxon Law so often repeated and confirmed that none should complain to the King but want of Right or against summum jus at Home might in modern Language be translated Thus. The Writ of Right must abide the Baron or Bayliffe For it cannot fall to a Copyhold Steward except the Lords default or consent or the Tenants suit procure a Tolt to lift it up to the County Court Or a Pone place it in the Common Pleas. That such a course was antient may be gathered from the Mirror Asser and others of Alfred Edgar Canute Ethelred and of the Tolt before in King William To which I may add the Writ of Right in the third Book of Reports brought by I. de Beverlace against Walter of Fridastern and by a Tolt removed from the Court Baron to the County and for default of the Baron how it must be falsified we may touch anon it was concluded before Ranulph de Glanvil Sheriff of Yorkshire Glanvil is clear enough for the course of removing to higher Courts and of the Writ de Pace stepping between the Combat on the Writ of Right and Assize Coram justitiis in Banco sedentibus and although this Book intituled Glanvil was not written till about Henry the 2d yet it is plain enough that he speaketh of Antient Custom His words are very considerable The grand Assize saith he is a Royal benefit granted by the Parliament Clementia principis de Concilio procerum populis indultum as being that which saved blood and did oft prevent the Combat on the Writ of Right and of this he speaketh in the third of the same Book as of a very old and antient Custom Secundum jus consuetudinem Regni antiquam A weighty expression from so antient an Author which may possibly lead us higher than the Saxon times For we may find the Duel or Combat among the Gaules from British Druides as among the Germans also whence our Fathers came Nonnunquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt So of the Gauls or British Druids He that was like to know it and of those and Germans Tacitus and Diodorus Siculus before Aventinus Some observe it in the Salique Law and among the Laws of Charlemaign and that the Longobards did bring it into Italy where it was also setled by Law But of our Ancestors combats in another place I know not any Fines upon Record till Richard the First But Stowels Case in Plowden may inform us that they were before the Norman And we need not doubt the Books of Edward the third speaking of Benches settled in Henry the first but I do not remember the phrase of Capitalis Iusticiarius noster till great Charter which repeateth elder Customs Goodwin the famous Earl of Kent among the Saxons had two Sons that in as good an Author as Huntington are stiled Regni Iusticiariis the phrase is common in Hoveden and others of the times of Clarendon Assizes And K. Edgar had a Cosin Ailwin who was totius Angliae Aldermannus which is supposed Lord Chief Iustice by a Learned man besides the best though yet imperfect Glossary But it might denote the Lord High Constable Of which before in William the first And William the 2d found great Odo of Baieux setled L. Ch. Justice of England Iusticiarius totius Angliae So Matth. of Westminster and Huntingdon calleth him Iusticiarius and Princeps and Moderator totius Angliae in Wigornensis He is Custos Angliae And the phrase of Iusticiarius is also in Matth. Paris of William the first Iusticiarii in Banco Regio of after times as also placita de Nova disseissena before Justices in Eyre But he speaketh of placita lethifera the Pleas of Life and Death yea even in Bishops Courts about the Normans coming in But in Polydore we find out 4 Terms with divers other elder Customes ascribed to the first Norman But that which he addeth of the place for these Courts to be at the Kings appointment might be true till the Law fixed the Pleas which may be long before our Charter of Henry 3d. where it is confirmed not created But for the Kings Bench the Return was coram Nobis ubicunque c. and for the Pleas coram Iusticiariis nostris apud Westmon That which Virgil addeth of the Iudges in Westminster and of those higher beyond appeal and of Iustices of Peace setled by the Conqueror as he saith Sheriffs were in every County may be more considered For it may be as much too late as some have thought it too early They which presume to make K. Henries Cubit the first Standard of Winchester must refute the old Saxon Laws of which before For those may seem to deserve as much credit as Malmsbury other marks That he did confirm the Curtesie d' Angletterre I may yeild to the Mirror and other Authors but not that he first began it For the Statute of Kentish Customs and those that treat of Gavel-kind may shew us an Older Tenure by Curtesie there also where the Tenant had no Issue And this may teach us whence the like Custom came into Ireland as also to be Curialitas Scotiae which our master seemeth to forget when he saith Que ne'st use en auter Realm forsque tant solement en Engleterre But his Commentator he lyeth in this and in divers other things In case Entails this English Curtesie is very remarkable in which the Book of Cases have great diversity But those that perswade us there was no Land in Tayles before the 2d of Westminster in King Edward the first which are all that subscribe to Littleton must interpret the Laws of King Alfred much otherwise than I can do For the 37th Chap. of his Laws is to me much clearer for Lands Entail'd then is all the Statute de Donis Conditionalibus One Case of the Courtesie may be considered for the Militia If Land in Capite descend to a Woman who upon Office found intrudeth on the King and taketh an Husband and by him hath Issue and then dieth yet cannot the King eject or detain the man but he shall be Tenant by the Kingdoms Curtesie although he came in upon Intrusion Which seemeth to hint that Our Law did chiefly intend the Kingdoms good defence and service which might be performed by such an intruder rather than the Kings pleasure or his bare Prerogative in this which is thought so great a Prerogative of Tenure in Capite For which the Comments on Magna Charta and the Statute of Prerogative with Littletons Dower and Curtesie are clear enough To Henry the first they also ascribe the Curtesie of saving the wreck from his Exchequer if there were so much as a Cat or a breathing Creature let in the Ship I do not deny him to be
see and proceed in a judicial way Nor would he condemn or execute before he had not onely cleared his justice in himself or to his Angels but also to Abraham Lot and other Lookers on that he still might be justified both when he judgeth and is judged For he still did and will put his Actions on Man's Judgment This Process also towards Sodom is by many of our old Lawyers brought for the Pattern of our Laws in that especially that none may be condemned without a Legal Hearing And in this and divers other things do Bracton and Fleta borrow much from the Laws of Henry the First And be the Matter of Fact never so notorious yet may there be some Plea that no man can foresee or ought to forejudge before he heareth for all men may plead necessity or force upon themselves as well as Right and Law for any thing they do amiss And for this and other Reasons the Law doth suppose all men to be just or excusable till they be Legally heard and adjudged This Difference there is between the Judges and the Law-makers For these they say do suppose all men to be evil but the Judges should suppose all men to be good till they be proved to be evil The Charge and Accusation by the Law of Nature ought to be clear distinct and particular with time and place or other Circumstances else the Party accused cannot discharge himself Universalia non premunt omnino vel opprimunt Generals do not press at all or else they are apt to oppress The Witness and the Evidence must also be so clear that these must condemn rather than the Judge who sitteth as Counsel for the Party accused that so he be not oppressed by or against Law And besides the Judges in most Cases and in those also of Life in Scotland there is Counsel allowed by Law which may and ought to be heard in Particulars of Law or whatever may be justly disputable as Treason is by Statute So that of all Crimes by express Acts of Parliament it ought to have no Tryal but clear and plain according to the course and custom of the Common Law In such Cases therefore should the Iudges both in Law and Conscience sit and be instead of Counsel to the Party This they owe to every Subject though they had a special Obligation to the King Who to his own Rights and therefore to his Wrongs was an Infant in Law and so expresly declared in the Old Mirror besides other Books His Politick Capacity never but his Person ever in Nonage or supposed so in Law for it may be a Child or a Woman not able to know the Laws and therefore always had by Law a Legal Mouth assigned in Counsel of Law And so might any man else of old it seems for matter of Demurrers before Judgment or for framing of Legal Appeal by Writ of Error or some other way from any Judgment whatsoever It is also the Law of this Kingdom and of Nature that though there be no Councel assigned yet may any in a good manner move the Court to keep the Party from Injustice or the Court from Error as Stanford and the 3d. part of Institutes Cap. 2.63 and 101. And in such Cases it may be excused and not censured for rash zeal if some do or shall appear where or when it may be thought they be not called Neither can the whole Parliament of England I suppose make any Court to condemn without lawful Accusers or lawful Witnesses which by express Acts of Parliament is most especially provided in Case of Treason in King Edward the Sixth and Queen Maries Reign and Tryal of Treason was most expresly tyed to the course and custom of the Common Law Nay in full Parliament of Hen. the VIII it was declared that Attaint of Treason in or by Parliament was of no more force or strength than it was or ought to be by the Common Law or this as good and strong as that by Parliament Nor can the whole Parliament I think by the Law of Nature and right Reason make any Children Ideots or all others whatsoever to be so much as Accusers or Witnesses that I say not Indictors Tryers or Judges By express Acts of Parliament in Philip and Mary Edw. VI. Hen. VIII Hen. IV. Hen. I. for to him doth the Mirror and his Laws lead us as to a clear Crystal Fountain of our Law Process none should suffer for Treason or other Crime but by lawful Accusers lawful Witnesses before those that by Law might receive Indictments which with all Enquest are to be made by honest lawful able men Neighbours to the Fact And the Law of Nature with the Law of the Kingdom giveth any man leave to except against some for Accusers others for Witnesses and many for Tryers It being the known Law of the Land that one may challenge the Array either the principal Pannel or the Tales as well as the Polls and that the lowest Subject must be admitted if he require it to a perremtory challenge of divers it is now in most Capitals limited to 20. but in Treason it is as at Common Law it was to 3 Juries or 35 which may be challenged without any particular reason And the Law of Nature also seemeth to hear all Reasons and just exceptions against any whatsoever Nor shall I need to shew how sutable our Law is to the Law of Nature in providing that no Infant Ideot Alien Abjured Perjured or Attaint Outlaw'd or in Premunire be of any Enquest or Iury especially in Case of Life and Death And for Tryers besides all other exceptions This was thought enough that any of them had been Indictors which maketh Fortescu so much to Glory in our Law that putteth no man to Death but by the Oath of four and twenty men I should mispend my time to shew it to be the great Law of the Kingdom as well as of Nature that none may be Iudg and Parties in their own Cause which may ere-long be found perhaps to be the reason of the Three Estates and very much of our Common Law which is punctual in nothing more than in providing for a clear distinction of Accusers Witnesses Endictors Tryers and Iudges especially in Cases of Treason which upon divers motions of the Commons in Parliament have been so often Enacted and declared to be onely Tryable by the course and custom of the Common Law and no otherwise Nay in Parliament it self and Parliament Men there was and for ought I find always the like course observed For in Case of a Peer the Custom of the Kingdom is to proceed by a special Commission to one as Lord Steward and 12 others at least for a Iury of Tryors besides Accusers and Witnesses and a formal Indictment And all from Record to Record or all this is Illegal if it be onely by the House of Peers If Charge come from the House of Commons they are as Indictors being more than twelve sworn
men Trustees to the whole Kingdom and Neighbours to the Fact or Party or both To which also there must be a legal proof by lawful Witnesses or else the Charge will not suffice And in such Indictments from the Commons the Lords are the Tryers and the King may seem as the Iudg but in other Courts also the Judgment goeth of course upon the Verdict and must be entred per Curiam as adjudged by the Court although there be but one Judge or tho' his Mouth pronounce not the Sentence But we are not yet come to debate the King's Consent to the Lords Judgment an Indictment from the Commons It is also to me very considerable how the House of Commons could or ever did Indict I cannot deny them to have been a Court and a Court of Record although some have seemed to question it and their Records are not so ancient as some others But I have not fully understood how they ever did make or receive a Formal Legal Indictment when as they did not give a single Oath much less Empannel a Iury or Enquest Yet some there be that without a Writt or any written Commission did and might do this Virtute Officii But they be known chosen sworn Officers of the Kingdom for such Purposes as the Peeples Bayliffs Coroners Sheriffs Escheators and some Officers about the Forest who by the Common Law did Summon and Empannel Juries But so did not the House of Commons How then did they Indict Of all Crimes committed in the House they are and were so much the sole Iudges that they seldom use to complain much less to Indict any other And for any thing done abroad I hope they do not use to take Rumours and Reports though from their own Members to be sufficient for or equivalent to a legal Indictment on Oath Seeing their scarce is or can be any Case so notorious but it may be pleaded unto by somewhat of Law or Necessity And although I should yield the Commons to be the Masters of the Law in making it yet they pleased to allow others to be Iudges in their Laws And if they reassume this also yet it may be more easie to judge of some Law than of any Fact at least as it may be cloathed so as a curious search or Enquest may be requisite to lay it clear and naked Neither can I see how it may be necessary to proceed against any by force or illegal Process when it is easie as well as just to go rightly as to do right For who can imagine a Case so dark and intricate but it may be contrived so that particular men may be Accusers and others Witnesses with a clear and real distinction between Indictors Tryers and Iudges most of all in Cases notorious and evident For in such there may be less fear of the Iuries Verdict against Evidence or of the Iudges Sentence against the Verdict Or if this should happen in a Tryal is there not a most heavy doom appointed by Law for all Iurors that forswear themselves and goe against their Evidence Is there not a clear way of Relief by Writ of Attaint Is it not worse than Death to forfeit all Estate and be thrown into Prison while both Wife and Children must be turned out of Doors and All For his House must be pulled down his Ground be plowed up and his Trees rooted out with loss of Franchise and with a perpetual Brand of Villany This is the Common Law for a perjured Iuror and that also in Petty Cases how much more might it be just in Case of Life and Death And for Corrupt Iudges our Law is very severe altho' we have much lost the Custom of the Grand Eyres in this also King Alfred be long since dead who hanged 30 or 40 more unjust Judges than Cambyses flead And for that the Mirror may be a good Comment on some Passages in Alfred's Life by Asser And if it be true that Horn lived to the end of K. Edward it is much wonder that on such occasion he did not also mention some of those Judges by him so punished when there was scarce any left but good Iohn of Mettingham and Elias of Bechingham And of this the Dissertations of Fleta may be added to all before as that of Sir William Thorp and the Great Judg in the third Part of Institutes about corrupt Iudges and the Iudge's Oath It is very considerable how curious the Iews were in Creating or rather Ordaining of Judges For indeed the Phrase of Ordination seemed to be first raised from Them For which I have little to add to Mr. Selden on the Eutychian or Alexandrian Antiquities as old as St. Mark the Evangelist Nor can it be denied but the Jewish Judges and Magistrates had a very good Right and so used as we find in the Books of Moses and the Kings and Tirshatha's to Read and Expound the Law Moral as well as Iudicial Nay in this they seemed to have some advantage of the Priests or Levites that had work enough most times in that which was but Ceremonial This may Expound those Pieces of Scripture Old and New where we find some explaining Scripture being neither Priests nor of the Tribe of Levi. And the Iews Punishments of evil Judges are severe and most remarkable nay where all others were again restored to their Offices after Corporal Punishment their Lord Chief Iustice or President of their Sanhedrim or any Chief Iustice could never be restored again after such punishment no not to be as one of his inferour Colleagues So just he ought to be and circumspect by daily experience added to his own wisdom Our Laws are so just and so good in themselves that there could not be be so much cause of complaints in all our Gates for such were the Iews Courts of Iustice if our Judges were such as they should and might be And yet I cannot deny but that there be very great abuses among the Lawyers and Attorneys or Solicitors but if the Judges were as just and wise as they may be inferiour Officers would soon amend or comply for Love or Fear so much as would prevent Complaints and many of their Causes But it is the work of a God and not of a Man to reform abuses in all Courts of Justice Hercules did never cleanse so great so foul a Stable or a Stall yet in this also a wise and just Parliament will do much and will need none of my help or advice How tender all should Delegates be in making Delegates But in nothing should they be more tender or more circumspect then in this of making Judges For in these of all Delegates our law is most scrupulous Before the Statute of Merton those that held by suit Service were bound to appear in Person because the Suitors were Judges in causes not their own but by that Statute they had power given to make Attorneys but it was only ad Sectas faciendas to make or follow
tenens to the Sheriff and he standeth when the King dieth When also so many think there is no Sheriff but it may be more considered I must not stay in the Court of Peepoudres incident to every Fair or Market as a Court Baron to a Mannor although it be a Court of Record and a Writ of Error lyeth on its judgment for which Iones and Hall's Case in the 10th Part of Reports and in the 4th Institutes I need not speak of Writs of Error from the Common Pleas to the Kings Bench from the King's Bench to the Exchequer-Chamber and from thence as from the King's Bench also to the Parliament or of the known Statute of Henry the 6th making it Felony to steal withdraw or avoid Records or any parcel of Record But of no Records is the Law more punctual than in of extraordinary Cases of Oyer and Terminer which were more private oft and less fixed being transient on emergent Cases which yet being heinous seemed to require most exact Records especially because there might be Appeal so just and needful if the Judges exceeded but one tittle of their Commission If it were discontinued or expired then the Indictment and all Records were to meet in their proper Center at the King's Bench but in other Cases Records of Oyer and Terminer were sent into the Exchequer So in Edw. the 3d. As in Elizabeth Results on charitable uses and the like were to the Chancery by Act of Parliament The great Seal was the Soul to inform and actuate the Body of Records in all exemplifications from the Rolls in all Writs Pattents or Commissions and the rather also that by this nothing of moment might be hudled up but duly weighed and considered while it passed so many hands and judgments as it should before the Sealing Nor shall I add that an Act of Parliament it Self is not pleadable in a Court of Record but from Record or under the Seal whence the old custom was to remove the Records of Parliament by a Writ of Certiorari into the Chancery thence by the Lord Chancellor into the Kings Bench and thence by a Mittimus into the Common Plea and Exchequer with an usual Writ commanding all the Courts to keep and observe such Acts of Parliament which of Old were Proclaimed by the Sheriffs and were put under the Seal as we may see by the Proclamation now printed among the Statutes of Edw. the 3d. and they were not hudled into Print in those Days not of such vertue in Print as on Record and under the Seal For there were not then such Printers or Copiers that without much caution our fore-Fathers durst trust with all their Lives and Estates which by one dash of a Pen the change of a not a with a to a for or a from might be soon destroyed or enslaved Much less then should a Court of Record be Created but by Record yea and that be shewed under the Seal also For when the Seal was moulded our Ancestors ordained that no Jurisdiction should be grantable but under the Seal which should be known and obeyed by all the People as the Mirror discourseth at large In Edw. the 4th it was resolved by all the Judges in the Exchequer-Chamber that no man could be a Iudg or Iustice by Writ which was also Sealed but by open Pattent or a publick Commission But the Lord Chief Iustice of England hath of late no such Commission or Pattent yea a Sealed Writ and of Old he was also Created by Pattent till about the end of King Henry the 3d. if good Authors deceive me not It seemeth also somewhat disputable whether he were not included in the Statute of Henry the 8th for Commissions to the Judges by Letters Pattent under the Seal However the words are plain enough for Iustices of Eyre which of Old were also by Writ as those of Oyer and Terminer but now not to be but by Comission or Pattent under the Great Seal Which Commission should also be read and shewed in Court lest there be some kind of Demurrer or exception unto jurisdiction which hath been in some Cases at the Kings Bench and may be by Law to all now Judges by special Commission except it be produced under the Seal if the old Books deceive us not who do do not onely ascribe all jurisdiction to the Seal but in all legal exceptions ever admit of that to the Iudg if he be a Party or have not jurisdiction or be otherwise incompetent That the Parliament also will never Erect or Create any Court of Record but by Record and open Commission under the Great Seal I do the rather believe because the Seal is so proper and peculiar to the Parliament being made by common consent of which the Mirror and others at large and by such common consent used and committed to the special care of the Chancellor or Lord Keeper of England as he was called for keeping that which our Fathers esteemed as the Kingdoms Key or Clavis It is well known how King Henry the 3d. was brought to acknowledg That among all great Officers the Lord Keeper or Chancellor did especially belong to the Choice of the Parliament and Ralph Nevil among others refused to yield up the Seal to the King when it was demanded saying that he had received it by the Common Councel of the Kingdom and without their Warrant he would not deliver it of which both Matthew Paris and Matthew of Westminster From the continual use of this Seal in Parliament it is the Law and Custom of the Kingdom that the Lord Keeper shall have place in Parliament still to be there with the Sael although he be often no Peer and have no Vote but for making and Sealing of Charters Pattents Commissions and Writs framed by Parliament For although the Register made or continued by Parliament be now so full that there be little need yet the framing of New Writs was a great work of Old Parliaments as appeareth in the Books and Statutes as in that of Westminster the 2d de Casu consimili And as if the Parliament had made no Laws at all but onely New Writs the Old Modus brancheth out all the Laws of Parliament into Originals Iudicials and Executives which all know to he the Division of Writs Those especially de Cursu drawn by the Cursitors for Brevia Magistralia were let to be framed by the Masters of Chancery as appeareth at large in Bracton and Fleta and in the Oath of the Six Clerks or other Clerks of Chancery in Ed. 3 with that of Ed. 1. de casu continili in which Statute it is asol provided that if the Masters could not agree in framing such a new Writ they might if they saw cause respit the Parties till the next Parliament that so it might be formed by Advice of all the great Lawyers of the Kingdom Yet besides this of making and sealing of Writs there was another work and great use of the Masters of Chancery
in Parliament Which was the Receiving of Petitions As the Rolls of most times witness It being the old Mode and others accounted it somewhat against Reason that Petitions should be taken and brought into the House by those that were to debate and determine them and so might at pleasure keep them Out or too hastily might press them in Whereas they were to be filled up in course and so to be debated as they were received which was therefore entrusted to the care of known and sworn Officers of the Kingdom Although of late their work in Parliament be so strangely degenerate from that it was of old when also beside Receivers there were some appointed for Tryers of Petitions who as it seemeth were to enquire of matter of Fact expressed in the Petition that it might be cleared and rightly stated before it came to be debated in full Parliament I do not deny but these Triers of Petitions were most frequently some of the Bishops and other Barons But by this I am not convinced that the Lords had by Right and Legislative Power or were the sole Determinors of all Petitions as some would infer or that they were the sole Judges except also the Petty Jury that are Tryers of Fact shall be esteemed the sole Judges of Matters of Law And yet I shall not deny but Petitions concerning abuses or errors in Judicature were often deermined by the Lords as the great Judges but of error in the King's Bench as Judges above the King as was shewed before or from the Exchequer In Queen Ellzabeths Time for the seldom meeting or great Affairs of Parliament the Writs of Error from the King's Bench were by special Act of Parliament to be brought before the Judges of the Common Pleas and Barons of the Exchequer and by them to be determined But with these express Limitations as the Law shall require other than for Errors to be assigned or found for or concerning the Iurisdiction of the said Court of Kings Bench or for want of form in any Writ Process Verdict c. and that after all the Records and all concerning them be remanded to the King's Bench as well for execution as otherwise as shall appertain and with this express Proviso That any Party agrieved by such Iudgment in the Exchequer shall and may sue in Parliament for a further and due Examination By which I do not see such Parties agreed were absolutely tied to Petition the Lords onely although it were onely in a Case judicial Yet I deny not but in Edward the 3d. there was a Committee made of a Bishop two Earls and two Barons to hear and determine all Petitions complaining of Delays or Grievances in Courts of Justice But with great Limitations so that they must send for the Records and Judges which were to to be present and be heard and then by good advice of the Chancellor Treasurer Judges and other of the Council to make an Accord yet so that all be remanded to the Judges before whom the Cause did first depend who were then to proceed to Judgment according to the Accord of the said Committee And in Case it seemed to them to be such as might not well be determined but in full Parliament that then the said Records or Tenors should be brought by the said Commitee to the next Parliament it being the Common Law of the Kingdom and so expressed in all the old Books that all new unwonted difficult matters of consequence should still be brought and submitted to the Judgment of full Parliament so that all our Iudges did and ought to respit such Causes till the next Parliament of which there be almost innumerable Precedents in all the Rolls Nay in Richard the 2d there was a Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to hear and determine all Petitions present in that Parliament But afterwards it was adjudged and declared That such a Commission ought not to be given committing or betraying the High Power of Parliament into a few private hands as we may learn out of Henry the 4th beside other times Yet the Modi of Parliament admit that some extraordinary Cases where the Estates could not agree or the greater part of the Knights Proctors Citizens c. There by consent of the whole Parliament the Matter might be compromised to 25. chosen out of all Degrees and to fewer till at length it might come to 3. who might determine the Case except that being written it were corrected by Assent of Parliament and not otherwise And this seemeth to be the Law of Nature and right Reason That Delegates should not delegate others which was one reason why the Commons never made Pracies as the Lords did Nor might any Committee so determine but there might be Appeal from it to the Parliament Nor doth the Parliament it Self conclude so but that there may be Appeal from its self to its self even to its Iustice if it erre or at least to its mercy by some motion or Petition In one Parliament of Richard the 2d it was Enacted that no man condemned by Parliament should move for Pardon but another Parliament 10 years after did annul this Branch as unjust unreasonable and against the Law and Custom of Parliament For from this which is the highest here there still lieth Appeal from its Self to its Self For which also by the Laws and Customs of the Kingdom there were to be frequent Parliaments that so the errors or omissions of one being still human and therefore errable might be corrected and amended in another By express Statutes of Edw. the 3d. we are to have Parliaments once every year and oftner if need be They were of Old three or four times a year as may be found in all the Old Historians speaking of the great Feats in the Militia in King Alfred's Time they were to be twice a year and that at London as the Mirror affirmeth which we compared with the Laws of the Confessor And I speak also of King Edgars and Canutes Laws for the Celeberrimus Conventus ex qualibet Satrapta which the Great Iudg applieth to the Parliament Eternity it self would be a Burthen unto him that is not pleased with his Being so would Omnipotence to him that is unhappy in his acting It was therefore goodness in God to limit man as well in Doing as in Being It was also the Wisdom of our Ancestors to bound and limit out the Being Acting and continuing not onely of other Judges but also of Parliaments Yet the Old Modi of Parliament agree in this That a Parliament should not be Dissolved till all Petitions were discussed and answered and that after all there should be Proclamation made in some open place whether any had a Petition or just Address to the Parliament and if none replied then it was to be Dissolved I need not shew the Care of our Ancestors or former Parliaments for most strict observation of their own good Orders and Customs of Parliament which are such so just and reasonable that they well deserve a peculiar Discourse by themselves and suppose it not impossible to clear them more by the practice and consent of most Ages in this Kingdom which might also be useful for the Times to come And although it might be possible to find some of their old custome fit to be changed yet my hope is they will retain and observe such Rules of right Reason good Orders and Customs as may still make this an Happy Nation and that they will be mindful of their great Trust for which they are accountable And however it may be in this World yet they also must be judged at his coming who shall bring every Work into Iudgment with every secret Thing whether it be good or whether it be evil And I am not ashamed both to long and pray for his coming who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords The Prince of Salem that is Peace as well as King of Righteousness Melchizedek the Lamb upon the white Thone All the Creation groaneth and the Spirit and the Bride saith come Lord Iesus come quickly FINIS