and learning among whom Tertulâ—ian and Augustin were chief but scarcely unto any one happened the genuine purity of the Roman Language but only unto Cyprian Thus Erasmus Like a pure fountain he flows sweetly and smoothly and withal he is so plain and open which is the chief virtue of speech that you cannot discern saith Lactantius whether any one were more comly in speaking or more facil in explicating or more powerful in perswading Prudentius also in this regard thus extols him O nive candidius linguae genus O novum saporem Vt liquor Ambrosius cor mitigat imbuit palatum Sedem animae penetrat mentem fovet pererrat artus His phrase is most elegant saith Sixtus Senensis and next unto Ciceronian Candour And in the judgment of Alsted as Lactantius may be truly accounted the Christian's Cicero so may Cyprian their Caesar for these two among the Latines added ornament unto Christian Doctrine Now Caesar saith Vives is egregiously useful for dayly speech unto whom Tully gives the praise of a pure and uncorrupted dialect Quintilian of elegancy whom he peculiarly studyed and Mr. Ascham in that learned and grave discourse which he calls his Schoolmaster judgeth that in Caesar's Commentaries which are to be read with all curiosity without all exception to be made either by friend or foe is seen the unspotted propriety of the Latine Tongue even when it was in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the highest pitch of all perfectness yet is his phrase various sometimes he soars aloft and is very copious with abundance of words as in his Epistle unto Donatus another time he falls as low as in his Epistle unto Caecilius of the Sacrament of the Lord's Cup but most commonly he is temperate and keeps the middle way between these extremes as in his Treatise of the Habit of Virgins In a word he was saith Hyperius plain vehement serious and not unhappily fluent his words breathing a venerable elegancy as the things which he wrote did piety and martyrdom whereof I now proceed to give a taste § 5. In his Treatise of the vanity of Idols we have a sum of his Faith which Froben in his Index affixed unto the edition of Erasmus stiles the most elegant Creed or Symbol of Cyprian containing the Doctrines of Christ his Deity Incarnation Miracles Death Resurrection Ascension and second coming His words are these Indulgentiae Dei gratiae disciplinaeque arbiter magister sermo filius Dei mittitur qui per Prophetas omnes retrò illuminator doctor humani generis praedicabatur Hic est virtus Dei hic ratio hic sapientia ejus gloria hic in Virginem illabitur carnem Spiritu Sancto cooperante induitur Deus cum homine miscetur hic Deus noster hic Christus est qui mediator duorum hominem induit quem perducat ad Patrem quòd homo est Christus esse voluit ut homo possit esse quòd Christus est Cum Christus Iesus secundùm a Prophetis ante praedicta verbo vocis imperio daemonia de hominibus excuteret leprosos purgaret illuminaret caecos claudis gressum daret mortuos rursus animaret cogeret sibi element a famulari servire ventos maria obedire inferos cedere Iudâ—ei qui illum crediderant hominem tontùm de humilitate carnis corporis existimabant magum de licentiâ potestatis Hunc Magistri eorum atque primores hoc est quos doctrina illâ ille sapientiâ revincebat accensi irâ indignatione provocati postremò detentum Pontio Pilato qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procuraâ—at tradiderunt crucem ejus mortem suffragiis violentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes Crucifixâ—s prevento carnis officio spiritum sponte dimisit die tertio rursus a mortuis sponte surrexit Apparuit discipulis talis ut fuerat agnoscendum se videntibus praebuit simul junctus substantiae corporalis firmitate conspicuus ad dies quadraginta remoratus est ut dâ— vel ab eo ad praecepta vitalia instrui possent discerent que docerent Tunc in Coelum circumfusâ nube sublatus est ut hominem quem dilexit quem induit quem a morte protexit ad patrem victor imponeret jam venturos è Coelo ad poenam Diaboli ad censuram generis humani ultoris vigore judicis potestate 2. Concerning the Article of Christ's descent into Hell the Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed thus speaks We are saith he verily to know that it is not to be found in the Creed of the Roman Church neither in the Oriental Churches yet the force of the words seemeth to be the same with those wherein he is said to be buryed 3. Of the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament the same Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed having enumerated the same Books that we do These saith he are they which the Fathers concluded within the Canon out of which they would have the assertions of our Faith to consist But we are to know further that there are other Books which our Predecessors called not Canonical but Ecclesiastical as the Books of Wisdom Ecclesiasticus Toby Iudith and Maccabees all which they would indeed have to be read in the Churches but yet not to be produced for the confirmation of the Faith 4. Of how little esteem custom ought to be if not founded upon truth he pithily shews in that short sentence Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est Custom without truth is but mouldy errour In vain therefore saith he do some that are overcome by reason oppose or object custom unto us as if custom were greater than truth or that in Spirituals were not to be followed which for the better hath been revealed by the Holy Ghost Again if Christ alone must be heard as Matth. 17. 5. we ought not to heed what another before us thought fit to be done but what Christ who is before all first did Neither ought we to follow the custom of man but the truth of God 5. He understands by Tradition nothing but that which is delivered in the Scripture Let nothing be innovated saith Stephen unto him but what is delivered He replyeth whence is this Tradition whether doth it descend from the authority of the Lord and the Gospel or doth it come from the Apostles Commands and Epistles for those things are to be done that are Written If therefore this speaking of the Rebaptization of Hereticks or receiving them into the Church only by imposition of hands which later was Stephens opinion against Cyprian be either commanded in the Evangelists or contained in the Epistles or Acts of the Apostles let it be observed as a Divine and Holy Tradition 6. That the Baptism of children was then received and practised in the Church and that performed by aspersion as valid as that
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he would scarce afford him sufficient time to eat sleep or walk for his recreation or to read and review what the Notaries had written as himself complains in a certain Epistle to his Friend About this time the Churches of Achaia being much pestâ—red and vexed with divers Heresies Origen is sent thither with Letters testimonial for the suppressing of them who was now in his middle age or about forty and three years old as Baronius conjectures he supposeth that the cause of his going into Greece was his great desire to get the sixth Edition of the Bible which was this year found at Nicopolis that he might adjoyn it unto the other five Versions which with unwearied pains and diligence he had formerly found out and so compose that laborious work of his which he called Hexoplâ— Now passing through Palestine toward Athens he was by Alexander and Theoctistus who greatly admired Origen two Bishops of great authority the one of Hierusalem the other of Cesarea by imposition of hands made or ordained Minister at Cesares which office gained him much more respect so that he was had in great esteem This begat envy in Demâ—trius who was highly offended with those Bishops for what they had done and by aspersions endeavoured to darken and eclipse the Glory of Origen in his Letters unto all the Bishops throughout the world and having nothing else to charge him withal that might tend to his disparagement he published his unadvised act of castration as a moâ—â— foul and absurd fact of his though when he first came to the knowledge thereof he had admired and praised him for it encouraging him still to go on in the office of catechising Origen therefore perceiving how much the mind of Demetrius was alienated from and in censed against him forbearing to make use of any bitterness against his detractors chose rather to pass by the injury in silence and to give place to their passion than further to exasperate them he therefore after his return and abode there for some small time lest Alexandria having committed the office of a Catechist there unto Heraclas formerly his assistant in that work and went again into Palestine remaining at Cesarea where he applyed himself unto the preaching of the word many not only of that Country but also strangers from other places resorting thither and attending upon his Ministry among whom were divers eminent men and of special note viz. Firmilian Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia who one while invited him into his Province to edifie or reform the Churches there another while under pretence of visiting the holy places he made a voyage into Palestine and for a good space continued there that by Origen he might be brought to the further understanding of the Scriptures Also Theodorus called afterward Gregorius Bishop of Neocaesarea in Pontus a man most renowned and for the miracles which he wrought surnamed Thaumaturgus together with his Brother Athenodorus whom continuing with him about the space of five years he converted from Heathenism to Christianity for which cause this Theodorus a while after penned a Panegyrick or Encoâ—miastick Oration in the praise of Origen to testifie his thankfulness for what he had received from him After this Beril Bishop of Bostra in Arabia falling into Heresie and maintaining that Christ before his Incarnation had no being he was dealt and disputed with by divers Bishops assembled together Origen also was sent for who by strength of Argument so convinced him of his error that he restored him again to his former sound opinion for which he returned him solemn thanks in divers letters written unto him Also certain others arose in Arabia who broached this pernicious Doctrine that the soul died and perished together with the body and that in the general resurrection they arose together and were restored unto life again These Hereticks are by Augustine called Arabiei by Damaseen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Animimortales about which a great Synod was assembled wherein Origen so discoursed of this matter that the erroneous did soon renounce their absurd opinion and were reduced to a better judgment He also suppressed the Heresie of the Helcesaits which sprung up about the same time called of Epiphanius Sampsaei in the region of Perâ—â— whose first Author was one Elxaeus who rejected part of the Old Testament denyed the Apostle Paul wholly counted it an indifferent thing to deny or not to deny with the mouth in time of persecution so that thou persist faithful in thine heart and used a certain book which as they say came down from heaven the which whosoever heareth and believeth say they shall obtain another kind of remission of sins then that which Christ purchased for us Growing now old above sixty years of age and much worn out and wasted with long study and painful exercise he at length was prevaild with and permitted that those things which he publickly preached and disputed should by Notaries be taken and Copied out which before he would not suffer to be done This Erasmus understands of his Sermons or Homilies tantae erat modestiae inquit ille ut serò pâ—ssus sit excipi quae disserebat And thus was his time and strength laid out and spent in the work of the Lord even from his Childhood unto his old age not hiding his talent but as a good servant improving it for the advantage of his Master who had intrusted him therewith § 2. He was man of extraordinary parts and endowments of Nature vir magnus excellentis ingenii which began to appear in him even from his very childhood vir magnus â—b infantiâ being a man in understanding when but a child in years stiled therefore by Erosmus senilis puer of a notable strong and piercing wit perspicacississimo ingenio saith Rhenanus for which nothing was too hard and so truly Adamantineâ— nor nothing too high and so truly Origenical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Montigena such a one as Learned Greece the fruitful mother of the most happy wits scarce ever bred the like immortale inge nium so comprehensive as not to be bounded within the limits of ordinary capacities there being nothing within the Encyclopedy of Arts that could escape his knowledge for he exactly perused all kind of Authors wherein he had this advantage above many others that he lost no time ei inquit Erasmus nulla pars aetatis periit à studiis his tenderest years being improved this way by his pious and careful father By which means the fair field of his great abilities being so well cultured and manured began in his very spring to flourish and abound with the fruit of excellent skill in all the Liberal Sciences whereof he gave a large proof and testimony undertaking at the age of eighteen years the publick profession of the art
malo amissum and not much unlike our Learned Whitaker His labour saith he was incredible in gathering together all these Editions which being all thus brought into one body proved a most Divine Work the loss whereof is a great detriment to the Church and well might Ambrose say of him Multorum interpretationes diligenti discussit indagine 4. He also set forth another Translation for daily use composed of the Septuagint and that of Theodotion being a third from them both it a ut nova videretur inquit Bellarminus which may be said to be not so much a Translation as an Emendation of the Septuagint Wherein he added some things out of Theodotions Translation which he found wanting in the Septuagint and these additions he noted with an Asterisk or shining Star but those passages quae Hebraicè nou erant dicta which were not to be found in the Hebrew he pierced through with a Spit or Spear Of which Ierom thus speaks Vbicunque virgulae i.e. obeli sunt significatur quòd Septuaginta plus dixerint quà m habetur in Hebraew ubi autem asterisci i.e. stellulae praelucentes ex Theodotionis editione ab Origine additum est Again Sed quod majoris est andaciae in editione Septuaginta Theodotionis editionem miscuit Origines asteriscis videlicet designans quae minùs fuerant virgulis quae ex superfiuo videbantur apposita Isidore gives us this account of the notes Asteriscus inquit apponitur in iis quae omissa sunt ut illucescant per eam notam quae de esse videntur Obelus apponitur in verbis vel sententiis superfluè iteratis five in iis locis ubi lectio aliquâ falsitate notata est This work he undertook because the Septuagint had been through the carelesness of Notaries and Transcribers not a little corrupted and depraved Cum manum inquit Masius Septuaginta interpretationi admovere ausus est Origenes erat etiam tum perverfissima And though some have judged it rather a corruption than a correction of the Septuagint yet was it indeed a diligent collation of those two interpretations and a Work very profitable unto all it being a most accurate restitution of the Septuagint to its purity Concerning which Emendation Andreas Masius a man saith Daille of singular and profound Learning yet of such candor and integrity as renders him more admired than his Knowledge doth thus speaks In correcting and conserving that interpretation of the Septuagint to their no small praise did Helychius take great pains Lucianus more Origen most of all by whose industry he saith he was provoked to deliver unto the age wherein he lived the Septuagint Translation sound and intire in that one History of Iosuah as Adamantius had done the whole throughout This Edition was afterwards so far approved of that it quickly filled all Libraries and was received and made use of in their daily readings by all the Churches of of Palestine and Syria so that it was accounted as the vulgar Translation 2. He wrote ten Books of Stromes in imitation of Clemens his Master whose Work so intitled consisteth of eight Books wherein comparing the Scriptures and Philosophers together he confirms the Doctrine of Christianity by the sayings of those Heathens but the two last of these Books were spent in the exposition of the Prophesie of Daniel and the Epistle to the Galatians 3. His Books of the Interpretion of Hebrew names contained in the Scriptures mentioned by the Author of the answers unto certain questions propounded by the Orthodox falsely ascribed unto Iustin Martyr which Ierom who herein imitated him reckons among the excellent Monuments of his Wit wherein he took pains as a Christian to supply what Philo as a Jew had omitted 4. Of the Resurrection two Books 5. Of Prayer 6. A Dialogue between him and one Candidus a Defender of the Valentinian Heresie In whom saith Ierom I confess I have beheld as it were two Andabatae or blind-folded Champions encountring each other Of Baronius thus Non inquit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantùm pluribus scatebat erroribus sed blasphemiis refertissimus dialogus ille erat quocum Candido haeretico de dogmatibus fusiùs desputavit 7. Of Martyrdom or a Book of Martyrs which he dedicated unto Ambrose and Protoctaetus Ministers of Câ—sarea for that they both suffered no small affliction enduring most constantly examination and confession in the time of Maximinus the Emperour a cruel persecutor who out of spite that he bare unto the house of Alexander his Predecessor which harboured many of the faithful gave commandment that the Governors only of the Churches as principal Authors of the Doctrine of our Saviour should be put to death Of which Book saith Vincentius Bellovacensis scribit tantâ dictrictâ spiritus virtute ut ejus sententiis tanquam validissimis nervis multos ad martyrium stabiliret 8. Above an hundred Epistles which being scattered here and there were collected and comprised by Eusebius in several volumes to the end they should be no more dispersed 9. Five Books against Hereticks 10. An Epitome of the History of Susanna Moreover he commented upon most of the Books of the Old and New Testament of which Works of his besides those now extant these are recorded in several Authors viz. I. Vpon the Old Testament 1. A continued explanation of the four first Chapters of Genesis in thirteen Tomes but twelve saith Eusebius 2. One Book of Annotations upon Exodus also the like upon Leviticus 3. One Homily upon the Song of Hannah 1 King 2. 4. One Homily upon Solomon's judgement between the two Harlots 2 King 3. 5. Many Homilies or Tracts upon the Books of Iob. 6. A brief exposition or an Enchiridion upon the whole Book of Psalms also larger explanations thereupon at the request of Ambrose He was the first saith Ierom that commented upon the whole Psalter Trithemius saith that he wrote one hundred and fifty Tracts upon the Psalms which equals the number of them 7. A Commentary upon the Proverbs of Solomon 8. Explanations upon the Book Ecclesiastes Kimedoncius cites a Testimony out of Origen Homil. 1. in Ecclesiasten 9. Ten Books of Commentaries upon the Canticles five whereof he wrote at Athens the other five returning from Cesarea A worthy Work requiring much time labour and cost to translate for which cause Ierom omitted it and would not attempt or adventure upon it In this Work containing well nigh twenty thousand Verses he discourseth so magnificently and clearly saith Ierom that as in the rest he overcame all others so in this he overcame himself 10. Annotations upon the whole Prophesie of Esay also continued explanations from the first Chapter unto the thirtieth of which thirty Tomes came to our hands saith Eusebius together
reverence which is meet do consider the sayings of the Prophets even then when he reads and carefully looks into them it is certain that having his mind and sense strickâ—n or moved by some more Divine inspiration he shall know and acknowledge that those words which he reads are of God and not uttered by Man and of himself he shall perceive that those Books were written not by humane Art nor mortal eloquence but in a divine and lofty stile 4. Of the fulness of the Scriptures thus It becomes us to believe the sacred Scriptures not to have one Apex or Tittle void of the Wisdom of God The Prophets receiving of his fulness sung or spake those things which they took of his fulness Therefore the sacred Scriptures do breath the fulness of the Spirit and there is nothing either in the Prophecy or the Law or Gospel or in the Apostle which descendeth not from the fulness of the Divine Majesty 5. Of the great efficacy and utility of the Scriptures thus Because all Scripture is given by Divine Inspiration and is profitable in Scripturis sanctis est vis quaedam quae legenti etiam fine explanatione sufficit we ought to believe it to be so though we feel not the benefit thereof As Physicians are wont sometimes to give some meat or drink for the clearing of the sight yet in taking of it we perceive not any benefit but afterwards when its vertue reacheth it it by little and little purgeth the sight after this manner we ought to believe the holy Scriptures to be profitable unto the Soul although for the present our sense or reason reach not nor attain unto the understanding of it 6. That Children ought to be baptized thus the Church hath received from the Apostles this tradition to give or administer Baptism even unto Infants for they to whom the secrets of divine Mysteries were committed knew that there is in all the inbred filth of sin that ought to be washed away by Water and the Spirit 7. Of the Sabbath thus Let us see how a Christian ought to observe and keep the Sabbath Upon the Sabbath none of the businesses of the World ought to be done if therefore thou cease from all worldly labours and do no such work but attend spiritual imployments come to the Assembles apply thine ear unto the holy Scriptures read and Sermons think of heavenly things be sollicitous about the future hope have before thine eyes the judgement to come look not unto things visible and that are present but unto invisible and that shall be This is the observation of a Christian Sabbath 8. Concerning excommunication and that it ought to be performed by the Church thus If any one having been admonished and rebuked for a fault once again and the third time shall shew no amendment there remains no remedy but cutting off For so saith the Lord If thy right offend thee cut it off i. e. If I that seem to thee to be a right hand and am call'd a Presbyter and seem to preach the Word of God if I shall do any contrary unto Ecclesiastical Discipline and the Rule of the Gospel so that I give a scandal or offence unto the Church let the whole Church conspiring with one consent cut me off their right hand Again those whose sins are manifest we ought to cast off but where the sin is not evident we ought not to eject 9. Out of those Prophesies or Books of the Scripture which contains Histories we may receive benefit not only or so much from the narration of the things as from what is figuratively signified by them seeing that with greatest Wisdom they are so written and dispensed that they do agree or suit with either the simple and vulgar among Believers or with the excellent that are willing and able to search them more throughly 10. He reciteth the Canonical Books of the Old Testament as they are now reckoned viz. twenty and two in number after the number of the Hebrew Letters And besides these saith he there are Books of the Machabees Of the Epistle to the Hebrews he thus speaks The character of the Epistle to the Hebrews saith he setteth not forth the stile of Paul who confesseth himself to be rude in speech for the phrase of that Epistle savoureth very much of the Greek Tongue whosoever he be that hath any judgement or discerning of phrases will confess the same I truly for mine own part that I may speak as I think do say that the Doctrine of this Epistle is the Apostles for undoubted but the phrase and order another mans who noted the sayings of the Apostle and contrived such things as he had heard of his Master into short and compendious notes 11. That Christ cometh and goeth and is not always enjoyed nor alike present with his people thus God is my witness that I have often times beheld the Bride groom coming unto me and to be very much with me who suddenly withdrawing I could not find what I sought for I therefore again desire his coming and sometimes he cometh again and when he appeareth and was held in my hands he again slips away and being gone he is again sought for by me and this he doth often till I truly hold him fast 12. Against the Observations of ones Birth-day as an annual Festival thus It is no where recorded in the Scripture that any of the Saints did keep a Festival or hold a great Feast upon the day of his Birth only sinners rejoyce for such a Nativity as did Pharaoh and Herod § 6. But as his worth was great being great from his infancy and his excellencies many his deeds even from the Cradle deserving in the judgement of Eusebius to be recorded and transmitted unto Posterity so were they equalled by his defects and blemishes and as for the one he was justly had in high esteem so did the other no less detract from his reputation which occasioned that speech so commonly made use of concerning him that where he did well no man did better and where he did ill no man did worse Cui inquit Cassiodorus illud convenienter aptari potest quod Virgilius dum Ennium legeret à quodam quid faceret inquifitus respondit Aurum ex stercore quaero Hence it came to pass that divers of the Ancients were so divided in their judgements and had such hot contests about him Some vilifying and opposing him as did Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria and Epiphanius Bishop of Salamis a City of Cyprus who speaking of the multitude of Books which he wrote cryes out O inanis operarie O empty scribler He was also perswaded by Letters which he received from the said Theophilus qui scripsit adversum Originem unum grande volumen in quo omnia penè ejus dicta ipsum pariter damnat c. to summon a Council at Cyprus
held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the Arians there present in the matter of the faith This Bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against Valens and Vrsatius mentioned by Ierom two Arian Bishops who saith Marianus deceived the Fathers in those Synods faining themselves Orthodox An Epistle of Athanasius and ninety Bishops of Egypt and Lybia unto the Bishops in Africa against the Arians wherein the decrees of the Council of Nice are defended and the Synod of Ariminum is shewn to be superfluous that of Nice being sufficient 37. An Epistle unto all the Orthodox wherever when persecution was by the Arians raised against them 38. An Epistle unto Iohn and Antiochus two Presbyters also another unto Palladius nihil continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39. An Epistle unto Dracontius whom flying away he by divers arguments perswades to return unto the Church of Alexandria whereof he was Bishop elect and that he would not hearken unto those that would deter him from so doing It is saith Espencaeus a learned Epistle 40. An Epistle unto Marcellinus concerning the interpretation of the Psalms which seems to be the same that Ierom calls of the Titles of the Psalms stiled by Sixtus Senensis thus In Psalterium Davidis ad Marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum Isagogicus libellus Of which Cassiodorus thus Testis est inquit Athanasii episcopi sermo magnificus qui virtutes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens omnia illic esse probat quaecunque sanctae scripturae ambitu continentur It is by Mr. Perkins put among the suspected works 41 A treatise of the Sabbath and Circumcision in the Latine Parisian Edition Anno 1581. It is joyned as his enarration upon those words Matth. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my Father c. being the seventh in this Catalogue Unto which is added in the same Latine Edition a Compendium of what had been formerly written against those who affirm the Holy Ghost to be a creature 42. Upon those words Matth. 12. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Son of man c. suspected 43. A Sermon upon the passion and cross of the Lord the phrase saith Erasmus savoureth not of Athanasius Also it altogether forbids oaths which Athanasius doth not It is therefore supposititious Herein also the questions unto Antiochus are cited which are not of this Author Besides the Author foolishly makes Christ to feign words of humane frailty when hanging upon the Cross he so cryed out Eli Eli Lama Sabachthani which yet the true Athanasius saith were truly spoken of him according to his humane nature Sixtus Senensis calls it eloquentissimam concionem 44. A Sermon upon Matth. 21. 2. Go into the village over against you c. It seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary wherein the Author as playing with them wresteth the Scriptures saith Erasmus it is forged 45. A Sermon of the most holy Virgin the Mother of God or of the Annunciation it is evidently spurious for the Author is large in refuting the error of Nestorius and presseth the Monothelites both which errors were unknown as not sprung up in the time of Athanasius The Author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and moreover saith that the attributes of God are not the very substance of God sed circa substantiam versari which is discrepant from the manner of Athanasius who is wont to speak very considerately It appears by many passages that the Author hereof lived after the sixth general Council 46. Of Virginity a Sermon or Meditation it is dubious If it be of Athanasius's penning he did saith Erasmus strangely let fall his stile and I may add saith Seultetus that he also laid aside his Theological gravity if he prescribed those childish rules unto a Virgin which saith the Author whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of Angels and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death 47. An homily of the sower it is suspected as being found only in an English book 48. A Sermon against all heresies it is none of his but some doting fellow est vilis et confusus ut plurimum 49. An oration of the ascension of Christ which because of the flourishing stile thereof Scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto Athanasiusâ— 50. An oration or history of Melchisedech in the end whereof the Author speaks of the fathers of the Nicene Council as dead long before it 's therefore spurious 51. A brief oration against the Arians I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian edition by Nannius 52. The declaration of Leviticus it is suspected 53. Short colloquies between Iovianus and certain Arians against Athanasius Also 54. Of the incarnation of the Word of God both which are no where to be found but in the last Parisian edition 55. The Symbol or Creed of Athanasius by Scultetus judged to be dubious he having met with it in no book among the works of Athanasius only in one it is read without the name of the Author It hath been a great dispute among the learned saith Pelargus whose it should be Some ascribing it unto Athanasius and others unto some later Author as yet unknown 56. An Epistle of Iovianus the Emperour unto Athanasius and Athanasius his answer therâ—unto 57. An Epistle unto Ammun a Monk it is dubious 58. A fragment of a festival Epistle containing a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new Testament it is dubious I believe it saith Scultetus to have been taken out of his Synopsis 59. An Epistle unto Ruffinianus 60. Theological definitions said to be collected by Clement and other holy men It is supposititious and by Scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judgment It seems not to have been of Athanasius his writing because therein Gregory Nyssene is cited who in all likelyhood had not begun to write till after the death of Athanasius Besides the Author speaks so distinctly of the two Natures of Christ in one Hypostasis that it seems to be altogether of a later date then the Council of Chalcedon 61. A brief Synopsis or Compendium of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament Wherein first he sets down a Catalogue of the Canonical and Non-canonical books Secondly he shews by whom each was written whence it had its name and what it doth contain Thirdly he names the books of both Testaments that are contradicted or accounted Apocryphal 62. Five Dialogues of the Trinity Also 63. Twenty Sermons against divers Hesies which are Pious and Learned and therefore most worthy to be read The phrase shews them to
yet is he not two but one Christ. One not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh but by taking the manhood into God One altogether not by confusion of substance but by unity of Person For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man so God and Man is one Christ. Who suffered for our salvation descended into hell rose again the third day from the dead He ascended into heaven he fifteth on the right hand of the Father God Almighty from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead At whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies and shall give account for their own works And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting and they that have done evil into everlasting fire This is the Catholick Faith which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved As for the censures annexed hereunto viz. 1. In the beginning except a man keep the Catholick faith 2. In the middle he that will be saved must thus think and 3. In the end this is the Catholick faith which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved I thought good to give you Dr. Hammond's apprehensions of them how they ought to be understood His words are these I suppose saith he they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had invaded the Church and which were acts of carnality in them that broach'd and maintain'd them against the apostolick doctrine and contradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of Christ and were therefore to be anathematiz'd after this manner and with detestation branded and banished out of the Church Not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding or believing the full matter of any of those explications before they were propounded and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will to which this were imputable Thus he 2. The canonical books of the old and new Testament owned by him are the same with those which the reformed Churches acknowledge for such of which he thus speaks All scripture of us who are Christians was divinely inspired The books thereof are not infinite but finite and comprehended in a certain Canon which having set down of the Old Testament as they are now with us he adds the Canonical books therefore of the Old Testament are twenty and two equal for number unto the Hebrew Letters or alphabet for so many elements of Letters there are among the Hebrews But saith he besides these there are other books of the Old Testament not Canonical which are read only unto the Catechumens and of these he names the Wisdom of Solomon the Wisdom of Iesus the Son of Syrach the fragment of Esther Iudith and Tobith for the books of the Maccabees he made no account of them yet he afterward mentions four books of the Maccabees with some others He also reckons the Canonical Books of the New Testament which saith he are as it were certain sure anchors and supporters or pillars of our Faith as having been written by the Apostles of Christ themselves who both conversed with him and were instructed by him 3. The sacred and divinely inspired Scriptures saith he are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of the truth In the reading whereof this is faithfully to be observed viz. unto what times they are directed to what person and for what cause they are written lest things be severed from their reasons and so the unskilful reading any thing different from them should deviate from the right understanding of them 4. As touching the way whereby the knowledge of the Scriptures may be attained he thus speaks To the searching and true understanding of the Scriptures there is need of a holy life a pure mind and virtue which is according to Christ that the mind running thorow that path may attain unto those things which it doth desire as far as humane nature may understand things divine 5. The holy Scripture saith he doth not contradict it self for unto a hearer desirous of truth it doth interpret it self 6. Concerning the worshipping of Christ we adore saith he not the Creature God forbid Such madness belongs unto Ethuicks and Arians but we adore the Lord of things created the incarnate Word of God for although the Flesh be in it self a part of things created yet is it made the Body of God Neither yet do we give adoration unto such a body by it self severed from the word neither adoring the Word do we put the Word far from the Flesh but knowing that it is said the Word was made Flesh we acknowledge it even now in the Flesh to be God 7. He gives this interpretation of those words of Christ Mark 13. 32. But of that day and that hour knoweth no man no not the Angels which are in heaven neither the Son but the Father The Son saith he knew it as God but not as man wherefore he said not neither the Son of God lest the divinity should seem to be ignorant but simply neither the Son that this might be the ignorance of the Son as man And for this cause when he speaks of the Angels he added not a higher degree saying neither the Holy Spirit but was silent here by a double reason affirming the truth of the thing for admit that the Spirit knows then much more the Word as the Word from whom even the Spirit receives was not ignorant of it 8. Speaking of the mystery of the two natures in Christ What need is there saith he of dispute and strife about words it's more profitable to believe and reverence and silently to adore I acknowledge him to be true God from heaven impâ—ssible I acknowledge the same of the seed of David as touching the Flesh a man of the earth passible I do not curiousty inquire why the same is passible and impassible or why God and man lest being curiously inquisitive why and how I should miss of the good propounded unto us For we ought first to believe and adore and in the second place to seek from above a reason of these things not from beneath to inquire of Flesh and Blood but from divine and heavenly revelation 9. What the faith of the Church was concerning the Trinity he thus delivers Let us see that very tradition from the beginning and that Doctrine and Faith of the Catholick Church which Christ indeed gave but the Apostles preached and kept For in this Church are we founded and whoso falls from thence cannot be said to be a Christian. The holy and perfect Trinity therefore in the Father Son and Holy Ghost receives the reason of the Deity possesseth nothing forraign or superinduced from without nor consisteth of the Creator and Creature but the whole is of the Creator and Maker of all things like it self and
resembled the face of the Apostles He excelled both in piety and learning being so admirably endued with both that he was no less famous for the one than for the other stiled therefore by Epiphanius a sacer Irenaeus holy man so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto as that he became praeclarum organum a choice instrument for the good of the Churches of Christ. Admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of Learning both sacred and secular very studious and ready in the Holy Scriptures having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them And how notably instructed and furnished with knowledge in the Arts and Sciences is abundantly manifested by his subtil investigation of abstruse Heresies which though wonderfully obscure and confused he representeth and sets forth to publick view with very great perspicuity and order as also by his most acute and quick disputations wherein he throughly discovers their vanity and as soundly confuteth them So that it is most evident saith Erasmus that he was very exact in all the liberal Scienceâ— Yea how diligently he had read over the Books both of the ancient Philosophers Thales Anaximander Anaxagoras Democritus Empedocles Plato Aristotle c. As also of the Poets Tragick Comick and Lyrick may be gathered from hence in that he clearly evinceth those Heresies which he impugned to have been taken and to have had their original from those prophane Authors the names only being changed So that he was not without cause stiled by Tertullian Omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of Doctrines very large is Epiphanius his Encomium of him who held him in high esteem as appears by the great use he made of him Old Irenaeus saith he every way adorned by the Holy Ghost brought into the Field by the Lord as a valiant and expert Soldier and Champion and annointed with Heavenly Gifts and Graces according to the true faith and knowledge contended against all the arguments of sottish Hereticks and most exactly confuted them Add hereunto which put a lustre upon all the rest that he was of a very meek and modest spirit a great lover and as studious a preserver of peace among Brethren but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of God and a bitter adversary of the wretched Hereticks of his time Magnus to give you Erasmus his words to this purpose Ecclesiae propuâ—nator ac pro sui nominis â—ugurio pacis Ecclesiasticae vindex § 3. He wrote divers learned Books upon several subjects and occasions the greater part whereof indeed all to one through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost not any of them remaining and extant at this day and they are such as we find mention of 1. A brief Volume against the Gentiles And saith Ierom another of discipline but herein is he mistaken and those that follow him as Honorius Augustodunensis Trithemiâ—â— c. who supposed that they were two distinct Books whereas by Eusebius it appears 't was but one and the same Volume for thus he speaks of it Extat adhuc liber illius adversus Gentes compendiosissimus summopere necessarius de scientia inscriptus 2. A declaration of the manner and way Possevin of the Apostles preaching unto a certain Brother one Marcianus 3. A Book intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 variorum tractatuum saith Ierom variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores or a disquisition of sundry things Possevin 4. A Book or an Epistle de schismate unto Blastus 5. A Book de Monarchiâ or that God is not the author of Sin unto Florinus whose Doctrine he being of this opinion he proves to be both impious and blasphemous 6. A Book entituled Ogdoas or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 written also for Florinus who was bewitched with the errours of Valentinus which Ierom calls commentarium egregium an excellent commentary in the close whereof we have these words containing a solemn obtestation which both Eusebius and Ierom thought worthy of special notice Adjurâ— te c. I adjure thee whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this Book by our Lord Jesus Christ and by his glorious coming wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead that thou compare what thou hast written and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 't is transcribed and also that thou do likewise write out this adjuration and insert it into the copy so taken The like hereunto is that of Ruffinus in his preface in his Translation of Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is found among the Epistles of Ierom charging both the Transcriber and Reader not to add or diminish to insert or alter any thing therein but to be exact even to a Letter c. 7. Divers Epistles unto Victor and many other Pastors of Churches about the Controversies of Easter as also against those who at Rome did corrupt the sincerity of the Churches 8. Volateran saith that he wrote an Ecclesiastical History quam mutuatus est Euseâ—ius testemque citat 9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse as saith Sixtus Senensis But these two latter are very questionable seeing that neither Eusebius nor Ierom in his Catalogues not Honorius Aâ—gustudonensis nor Trithemius make mention of any such That of his which to this day the World injoys is only a Volume containing five Books against the Heresies of the Gnosticks and Valentinians whâ—ch was thus intitled as both Eusebius and Photius have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsly so called a learned and most famous piece full fraught with Learning and Piety This too it seems was almost lost at least as to the Western Churches For saith Gregory we have long and diligently made inquiry after the Writings of Irenaeus but hitherto not any of them could be found Erasmus therefore tells us he that might well call him his as being by his industry brought to light after it had been almost buried and recovered from the dust being mouldy and moth-eaten And should they have remained in perpetual oblivion the loss had been exceeding great for saith he his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the Gospel yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for Martyrdom for the Martyrs have a certain serious bold and masculine kind of speech It hath been a question and doubted by some learned men whether he wrote these Books in the Greek or Latine Tongue because they are now not to be found but in the Latin only yet was he a Greek by Nation and his phrase savours of that Language having many Grecisms in it Erasmus a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way rather inclined to think it
written by him in Latin yet would not peremptorily conclude it For saith he it is not clear to me whether of the two he wrote in though I rather soppose that he wrote in Latin but was more expert in the Greek and therefore speaking Latin he is bold to make use of Greek figures and forms of speech But most are of another mind judging the Greek to have been the Original Language werein his Books were written And that they were afterward translated by himself saith Feuardentius to cover over the faults of the Translator which are not a few or lest the Testimonies alleadged from the translation should lose of their Authority and Weight or which is most likely by some other All consent in this saith Baronius that he wrote In Greek he wrote many excellent Volumes in the Greek Tongue saith Sixtus Senensis and saith Rhenanus proculdubio without doubt he wrote in Greek for else would not Ierom have ranked him among the Greek Fathers nor have made Tertullian as he doth the third but the fourth as he should among the Latins Pamelius also thinks that both he and those first Roman Bishops unto his time wrote rather in Greek than Latine which things considered it 's a wonder that Erasmus should herein be of the mind he was The Latin Copy of Irenaeus saith Cornatius is an exceeding faulty Translation and may better be restored out of Epiphanius than afford any help in the translating of Epiphanius so that marvailous it is that Erasmus a man otherwise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this Nature should think that Irenaeus did wrâ—tein Latin To the same purpose speaks the great Scaliger I do admire saith he that from such a feverish Latin Interpreter as he is whom now we have Erasmus should imagine both that 't is the true Irenaeus and that he imitates the Greeks That Latin Interpreter was most foolish and either omitted or depraved many things which he understood not The fragments which are extant in Epiphanius also the History of the things done by Irenaeus in Eusebius do sufficiently prove both that the man was a Grecian and wrote in Greek neither is it to be doubted of c. The Greek Copy therefore written by himself is long since perished only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several Authors who saw and made use thereof Thus we have seven and twenty Chapters of of his first Book by Epiphanius inserted into his Panarium who took a good part of his second and third Books word for word out of Iuneus and some few fragments in Eusebiuâ— and Theodoret by comparing of which witâ— the Translation we now have it will easily appear how great a loss the Church sustains in the want of it For instead of eleganâ— Greek we have nothing else in the Ireâ—eâ—â— now extant but rude and ill-favoured Latinâ— Nor indeed can a Translation especially 〈◊〉 of Greek into Latin equal the Original seeing that as Ierom speaks the Latin Tongue râ—ceives not the propriety of the Greek The Contents of the five Books of this excellent Volume to give you a brief accouâ—â— of them from Grynaeus are these 1. In thâ— first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical Errours of the Valentinians together with a narration of the discords and impieties of those wretched Hereticks Whâ—â—â— opinions saith Erasmus are so horrid thâ—â— the very bringing of them to light is confutation sufficient yea the very terms as wâ—â— as the opinions are so monstrous saith the saâ—â— Author that it would even turn the stomach and tire the patience of any one but to peruâ—â— them over 2. In the second he treats of the one Eternal True Omnipotent and Omniscient God besides whom there is none other And that not any feigned Demiurgus or Angels but this eternal God alone Father Son and holy Ghost did out of nothing produce this whole Fabrick both of Heaven and Earth and gave being to Angels Men and all inferiour Creatures and refuses the Errours of the Gnosticks concerning the same shewing what they stole from the Philosophers to deceive the simple withal and wounding yea overcoming them with Weapons or Arguments fetched out of their own Magazines and Armory 3. In the third which is partly polemical and partly exegetical he discovers and proves the Hereticks to be foully guilty of that heynous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred Scriptures and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the Prophets and Apostles concerning our Lord Jesus Christ God and Man 4. In the fourth he clearly and by solid Arguments proves that one and the same God was the Author of both the Testaments the Old and the New and that therein he hath revealed himself and his Will concerning the Restitution and Salvation by Jesus Christ of all men that do repent largely discoursing of the power of the Will and of our imperfection and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places he enters into a large field explaining many Scriptures depraved by the Hereticks 5. In the fifth and last Book having made a repetition of divers things formerly handled he comes to confute the vain conceits of the Gnosticks concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by Christ at the last day but also that the very bodies of the Saints shall injoy eternal life and be saved together with their Souls In the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment as the diligent Reader may observe of a clear head and as of a choice a spirit whence his weighty arguments sharpned with holy Zeal do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the Enemies of the Truth to their shameful prostration and utter overthrow for great is the Truth and will prevail He is one of the Ancients and the only one among those contained in this Decade that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the Books he never wrote nor the bastard-brats of others to be father'd upon him § 4. As for his Stile 't is somewhat obscure and intricate yea he is oftentimes neglectinâ— of his words and speaks improperly ye such is the subject he discourseth of that â— will hardly admit of clear and plain expressions He himself disclaims Eloquence aâ— dwelling among the Celtae a people of a barbarous speech Look not saith he for the art of Oratory which we have not learned but what simply truly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in â— vulgar manner we have written in Love iâ— Love receive Yet understand him of affected Rhetorick and not that he was altogether ignorant of that art which could not be seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex his stile is perspicuous digested and coherent So that considering the matter he handleth 't is no wonder he is so obscure and that so little art
After these Iohn the Disciple of our Lord who also leaned on his breast published a Gospel remaining at Ephesus in Asia 9. When the Hereticks saith he are convinced from the Scriptures they betake them to the accusation of the Scriptures themselves as if they were not right nor of any Authority and because they are variously spoken and because from them the truth cannot be found out by them that know not Tradition 1. We ought to obey them that are Presbyters in the Church even those who have succession from the Apostles as we have shewn who together with the succession of their Bishoprick have received the certain gift of truth according to the pleasure of the Father Succession of Doctrine is the principal and without that certain gift of truth it is vain yea impious to boast of personal succession 11. Of the Translation of the Septuagint thus Ptolemy willing to have an experiment of them and fearing leâ—t perhaps by consent they should through their interpretation hide that truth which was in the Scriptures he separating them one from another commanded them all to interpret the same Scripture and this he did in all the Books when therefore they come together into one place with Ptolemy and compared their Interpretations God was glorified and the Scriptures were believed to be truly divine all of them reciting the same both in the same phrases and in the same words from the beginning to the end So that even the Gentiles that were present did acknowledge that the Scriptures were Interpreted by the Inspiration of God 12. Very memorable is that passage of his in an Epistle unto Victor Bishop of Rome recorded by Eusebius Although saith he Christians differed in their Judgements about the manner of Fasting yet notwithstanding were they at unity one with another for this variety of fasting commendeth the unity of Faith They that were Presbyters before Soter of that Church whereof now thou art President Anicetus I mean and Pius and Hyginus and Telesphorus and Xystus neither did so observe it themselves nor left any such Commandment to their posterity and yet nevertheless they not observing it were at unity with them who resorted unto them from those Churches that did observe the same when yet their observance was contrary to those who observe it not Neither was any one at any time rejected or excommunicated for such kind of fasting but those very Presbyters who were thy predecessors have sent the Eucharist to the Brethren of those Churches who kept it after their own manner And when Polycarp was at Rome in the time of Anicetus and they were at variance among themselves about some certain small and trifling matters they were soon reconciled but about this particular they had no contention at all Neither was Aniceâ—us able to perswade Polycarp mark the Roman Bishops used not it seems to command them as now that he should not retain that which he had always observed with Iohn the Disciple of our Lord and the rest of the Apostles with whom he had been conversant neither did Polycarp perswade Anicetus so to observe it but told him he ought to observe the Ancient Custom of the Elders whom he succeeded And things being at this pass they held communion one with another and in the Church Anicetus granted the Eucharist unto Polycarp for the reverence which he bare him and so they parted from each other in peace and in the Universal Church both those that did observe it and those that did not observe it were at peace one with another These and many other the like worthy sayings are to be found in the Books of this Ancient Father but let it suffice to have given you this tast of them § 6. Yet are there some things observed in him as his blemishes and failings wherein he is not to be followed because therein he swerves from that un-erring Rule the word of Truth Even the most eminent Men in the Church after the Apostles have built some hay and stubble upon the foundation they held which will not endure the trial of the Fire Those of this Father are as followeth 1. Somewhat harsh and to be corrected is that concerning Christ. Si quis exquirat causam propter quam in omnibus Pater communicans Filio solus scire horam diem Domino manifestatus est neque aptabilem magis neque decentiorem nec sine periculo alteram quam hanc inveniat in praesenti quoniam cum solus verax Magister est Dominus ut discamus per ipsum super omnia esse Patrem Etenim Pater ait major me est secundem agnitionem itaquâ— praepositus esse Pater annunciatus est à Domino Nostro ad hoc ut nos in quantum figura hujus mundi-sumus perfectam Scientiam tales quaestiones concedamus Deo Et ne fortè querentes altitudinem Patris investigare in tantum periculum incidamus uti quaeramus an super Deum alter sit Deus 2. He hath some passages concerning free will not to be admitted though again in other places he hath somewhat directly opposite thereunto E.g. Dedit deus bonum qui operantur quidem illud gloriam honoreâ— percipient quoniam operati sunt bonum cum possint non operari illud Hi autem qui illud non operantur judicium justum recipient Dei quoniam non sunt operati bonum cum possint operari illud Item Quoniam omnes sunt ejusdem naturae potentes retinere operari bonum potentes rursum amittere id non facere justè etiam apud homines sensatos quanto magis apud Deum alii quidem laudantur dignum percipiunt testimonium electionis bonae perseverantiae alii verò accusantur dignum percipiunt damnum eò quòd justum bonum reprobaverint Adhuc Quoniam liberae sententiae est Deus eujus ad similitudinem factus est semper consilium datur ei continere bonum quod proficiscitur ex eâ quae est ad Deum obedientiâ Et non tantum in operibus sed etiam in fide liberum suae potestatis arbitrium homini servavit Dominus Contrà Dominus pollicitus est mittere se paracletum qui nos aptaret Deo Sicut enim de arido tritico massa una fieri non potest sine humore neque unus panis Ita nec nos multi unum fieri in Christo Iesu poteramus sine aquâ quae de caelo est Et sicut arida terra si non percipiat humorem non fructificat sic noâ— lignum aridum existentes primum nunquam fructificaremus vitam sine supernâ voluntariâ pluviâ i. e. Spiritu Sancto 3. His opinion concerning the Age of Christ is evidently contrary to what may be collected from the History of the Evangelists for thus saith he Omnes venit per seipsum salvare omnes inquam qui per â—um rena
scuntur in Deum infantes parvulos pueros juvenes Seniores Ideò per omnem venit aetatem infantibus infans factus sanctificans infantes in parvulis parvulus sanctificans hanc ipsam habentes aetatem simâ—â— exemplum illis pietatis effectus justitie subjectionis Iuvenibus juvenis exempluâ— juvenibus fiens sanctificans Domino Sic senior in senioribus ut sit perfectus Magister iâ— omnibus non solùm secundum expositionâ—â— veritatis sed secundum aetatem sanctificans simul seniores exemplum ipsis quoque fiens c. Quia autem triginta annorum 〈◊〉 primae indolis est juvenis extenditur usque ad quadragesimum annum omnis quilibet confitebitur a quadragesimo aut quinquagesimo annâ— declinat jam in aetatem seniorâ—m quam bâ—bens Dominus noster docebat sicut Evangeliuâ— omnes seniores testantur qui in Asia apud Ioannem Discipulum Domini convenerunt id ipsum tradidisse eis Ioannem permansit autem cum eis usque ad Trajani tempora Quidem autem eorum non solùm Ioannem sed alios Apostolos viderunt haec eadem ab ipsis audierunt testantur de hujus modi relationâ— Non multum aberat a quinquaginta annis ideò dicebaut ei quinquagiâ—ta annorum nondum es Abraham vidisti Io. 8. 57. 4. Ierom and others ascribe unto him the errour of the Chiliasts or Millenaries though it be not to be found so expresly in his writings now extant All which the impudent Fryar Feuardentius glad to take yea to make an occasion that he might fall foul upon the Lutheran and Calvinian Hereticks as he calls them labours after a sort to defend him in as if they were meer calumnies and causless criminations Although some chief ones of his own Catholick faction to wit Baronius and Possevine as also Erasmus charge him with the same as well as others and who so lists to peruse his books shall find they had just cause so to do But the Antidotes as he calls his defence prefixed to his Edition of Irenaeus of such Mountebanks are no better then poyson and saith the learned Rivet I would admonish young Students to beware of the Edition of this shameless and faithless Monk as being in many things corrupted and defiled with his impious and lying Annotations Besides these there are some other things and expressions which fell from the Pen of this worthy Man that do need the friendly and favourable construction of his Reader among the rest is that passage lib. 3. cap. 21. Propter hoc verbum Dei homo qui filius Dei est filius hominis factus est Commixtus verbo Dei ut adoptionem percipiens fiat filius Dei Also that lib. 5. cap. 26. Beâ—è Iustinus dixit quoniam ante Domini adventum nunquam aâ—sus est Satanas blasphemore Deum quippe nondum sciens suam damnationem Also that lib. 4. cap. 30. Henoch sine circumcisione placens Deo cum esset homo Dei legatione ad Angelos fungebatur translatus est conservatur usque nunc testis justi judicii Dei quoniam Angeli transgressi deciderunt in judicium homo autem placens translatus est in salutem Lastly that lib. 5. Discipulorum animae abibunt in invisibilem locum definitum eis a Deo ibi usque ad resurrectionem commorabuntur sustiâ—entes resurrectionem post recipientes corpora perfectè resurgentes hoc est corporaliter quâ—madmodum Dominus resurrexit sic venient ad conspectum Dei These and such like do crave the candour and indulgence of the judicious Reader § 7. As touching his Death and Martyrdom Ado Bishop of Vienna Gregory Bishop of Turon and Baronius do report that in the persecution under the Emperour Severus which raged especially about Lyons by the command of the Emperour the said City was invironed with Soldiers who slew with the Sword all the Christians that were found therein the chief of whom was this Irenaeuâ— their Bishop who with the rest received the glorious Crown of Martyrdom At what time the slaughter was so great saith Gregory Turonens that the very streets ran with blood In what year this hapned Historians record not only Baronius conjectures that the persecution of the Christians under Severus began not until the tenth year of his Reign and that one of the first places wherein he exercised his cruelty was this City of whose constancy he had had such experience that he knew neither threats nor flatteries would make the Church there under such a Prelate to bend or yield and therefore determined to destroy them by the Sword He therefore refers the Martyrdom of Irenaeus Ad. an Dâ—m 205. Severi 11. Clemens Alexendrinus § 1. HE Stiles himself Titus Flavius Clemens for with this inscription were his books of Stromes extant in Eusebius his time and so also had Photius found in a very old Copy as he saith those books of his Entituled What country man he was by birth is somewhat uncertain only it is conjectured that he was born in Athens that City so much famed for Learning throughout the world where was the first Academy or Schools of Learning known by that name which since is become the common appellation of places of that nature Academiae nomen Athenis primùm inclaruisse apud omnes fermè authores convenit inquit Iunius Epiphonius therefore speaking of him some saith he call him Clemens of Alexandria others of Athens this latter being the place of his birth as the former of his breeding and most abode and as in the one he drew his first breath so in the other having spent the most of it he breathed out his last Being exceedingly desirous of learning and knowledge he spent his first time of study in Greece from whence going Eastward he came into Palestine and lastly from thence into Egypt setling in the famous School of Alexandria wherein he continued the remainder of his time either as a Scholar in learning or as a Doctor in teaching Whence he got that name by which to this day he is commonly call'd and known viz. of Clemens not the Athenian but the Alexandrian In this place he was first an Auditour of Pantaenus when or how he was converted to Christianity is uncertain a man very eminent both for his life and learning and this both Sacred and Secular who being at first a Philosopher of the Sect of the Stoicks and afterward converted unto Christianity was the first after the Apostles who there exercised the Office of Magister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or instructour of the Catechumens and Governour of the School or Academy Doctor Audientium as Cyprian calls this Officer the Catechist unto which function he was called by Demetrius the then Bishop of that place whose work it was to open and Interpret the Scriptures to instruct the Catechumens or young
which contain in them variety of matter because Carpets and Garments of this compounded of divers colours and Histories were so interwoven The name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Erasâ—â—ns is taken from pictured Carpets or Tapestry Also Sixtus Senensis thus a Rapsody which some call Stroma or a stromatical exposition is an exposition made up of a composition out of divers Authors And in very deed such are Clemens his Commentaries or Stromes which contain so great and innumerable riches of all kind of Learning saith Gentian Heroet that there is no one who is endued with any Arts and Sciences but may receive from him exceeding great profit Yea saith the learned Daille what can you name more mixed and fuller of variety than Clemens his Stromata as he calls them and his other works which are throughout interlaced with Historical Allusions Opinions Sentences and Proverbs out of all sorts of Writers both sacred and profane being here heightened with rich lightsome colours there shaded with darkness in such sort as that it is a vain thing for an ignorant person to hope ever to reach his meaning For which cause Casaubon quoting a passage of these Books doth it after this manner Sic ait Clemens Alexandrinus lib. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 centonum which we may well call varias lectiones The excellency and usefulness of all three is thus fully and at large set forth by Gentian Heroet who among others translated them into Latine Of how great utility saith he this ancient Father may be doth from hence evidently appear Are there some that are delighted with the most ancient Histories Let them read Clement who retained them all so exactly that none of these things which were done throughout the world seem to have escaped his knowledge Are there who reverence the Verses of the old Poets and certain divine answers of the Oracles These must needs have Clement in very high esteem who citeth the testimonies of very many Poets whose works are at this day utterly lost and perished Are there who would fain know and acquaint themselves with the ancient Rites and Ceremonies observed in or about the sacrifices of the Gods Let such betake them unto Clement who so unfolds all those abominable mysteries that if any one among Christians do yet praise and admire those old Heathenish Ordinances and Customs and would to God there were none that did so he will forthwith unless he be more stupid than a stone upon the reading of Clement cast away every fond opinion of those false Gods and must needs be ashamed of the madness of those who aforetime did worship them Would any know the decrees or opinions of the old Philosophers Let them view Clement who so delivers and describes the original of all Philosophy together with the several Sects Successions and Maxims of all Philosophers that seeing a man so singularly learned hath preferred Christian Philosophy or Religion before all other they will be forced though unwilling to confess that this is plainly divine and in very deed inspired and published from God Have any a mind to understand what were the Doctrines of those Hereticks who in its infancy and first rise disquieted the Church of God They may hear them by Clement explicated and confuted Are any willing to have evil and corrupt manners corrected and amended There is none that inveighs against vice more sharply none that better exhorts unto vertue none that shews the way how men should order and lead their lives more exactly then Clement doth An encomium large enough to invite the most curious Reader seeing there is such choice fare and variety of dishes for his entertainment There is observable in these works of his fore-named an admirable order and method purposely intended by himself which shews the mutual aspect and close connexion of the one unto the other So that even herein he is mysterious and Pythagorical For 1. In the first he sets forth the vanity of Heathenish Idolatry by arguments drawn from the original and matter of their gods and the judgement of the more sound Ethnicks who though unwillingly yet acknowledged their errour Also from the vanity of their Temples and Images and in the end exhorteth unto the profession of Christianity and Worship of the one only God which may not unfitly be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or a purgation of such as would become Christians from Heathenish superstitions 2. In the second viz. his Paedagogus he teacheth that the Son of God is our Schoolmaster and what the manners of Christians ought to be This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the initiation or catechising of the new Convert to Christianity wherein he omits no part of a Christian life which he doth not adorn with wonderful Wisdom and Learning 3. In the third viz. his Stromes there is great variety and plenty of matter fetched both from the sacred Scriptures and prophane Authors for the more perfect instruction of those who had been initiated as setting strong meat before such as were of perfect or riper age and had their senses exercised to discern both good and evil And it may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad sacra maxima supremam dei notionem aeternam contemplationem admissio an admission unto the high and hidden Mysteries of Christianity Concerning this last take a hint of these two things 1. That herein he tyeth not himself unto any exact method or order but is somewhat confused and abstruse for so he himself confesseth rendring the Reason why he did so viz. he therefore dispersed the Doctrines that excite unto true knowledge here and there that they might not easily be found out by any that are not initiated into these mysteries therefore saith he neque ordinem neque dictionem spectant libri Stromaton the Books of Stromes respect neither order nor words So that here it seems he was curious in neither Again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 these Books being as a body composed of variety of Learning will artificially conceal the seeds of knowledge Wherein things as they occasionally offered themselves and came into his mind are scattered up and down as a Meadow is variously deckt and adorned And this seems to have been the manner of the Ancients in so doing saith Peter Halliox Clemens imitated Dyonisius Areopagita viz. in that he voluntarily and on purpose wrote his Books somewhat obscurely and would hide the seeds of knowledge and sometimes makes use of new words to the end that as in hunting the truth being found with much pains might be the more sweet and acceptable as also that it might be the more remote and secure from the scorn and cavils of petulant men who apprehend not holy things Yea saith Origen using such obscurity he did herein as the Prophets were wont to do To which let me only add the account which he
himself gives of his end in compiling these Books his words are as rendred in the Parisian Edition Non est hoc opus Scriptura artificiosè comparata ad ostentationem sed mihi ad senectutem reconduntur monimenta oblivionis medicamentum verè image adumbratio evidentium animâ—tarum illarum orationum quas dignus hahitus sum qui audirem virorum beatorum quique reverà erant maximi precii aestimationis 2. The eighth Book of Stromes is different from the rest 1. In the bulk of it being shorter then the fore-going whence it appears not to be an entire book 2. In the Inscription thereof foâ— in some copies it hath this Title saith Photius Quis dives salveter of which before and begins with these words Qui laudatorias or ationes in other Copies it is thus inscribed Stromatâ—n Octavus as the other seven and begins with the same words which the now extant eighth book doth Sed neque antiquissimi Philosophi 3. In the subject thereof or matter contained and handled in it for the seven preceding books are altogether Theological but this wholly Logical nihil continet inquit Scultetus Theologicum sed de syllogismis argumentisque logicis quasdam praeceptiunculas wherein there are some things unsound though not so many as in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or institutions so far Photius Heinsius supposeth that this may be a fragment taken out of his Institutions to which some things contained in them that were not sound did stick so that he conceives this book was long lost and that now a part of the institutions hath invaded the place thereof Which haply may be the reason wherefore Freculphus reckons the books of Stromes to be but seven This I thought good to intimate and so to leave it unto the discreet Reader to judge and make what use of it he can That small Commentary set forth by Bigne which he calls adumbrationes or shadowings Baronius gives them the name of breves notae short notes upon some of the Catholical Epistles viz. The Epistle of Peter the Epistle of Iude and the first and second of Iohn and the truth is they give but little light into those Scriptures though they bear the Title of this ancient Father yet in all likelyhood are they none of his for neither Eusebius nor Ierom make any mention of them only Cassiodorus affirms it and that it is done in an Attick or Elegant stile wherein many things are spoken subtily indeed but not so warily as they should have been Probable it is that these notes also were by some one taken out of his Institutions For these are said to contain in them an explanation of a great part of the sacred Scriptures and particularly of the Catholical Epistles § 4. For the stile that he useth 't is elegant and full of gravity both Ierom and Cyril commend in him his eloquence and Trithemius stiles him Eloquentissimus a most eloquent Man It 's conceived that he was born in Athens and consequently it is likely that there also he had his first Education and the Language of the place which was of all other the best and finest Athenis inquit Tertullianus sapiendi dicendique acutissimos nasci relatum est In Athens are born the most acute men for Wisdom and Speech Athens being famous for Eloquence as was Sparta for Arms. His Books of the School-master saith Photius are nothing like unto his Institutions or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for besides that they have not in them any of those sottish and blasphemous opinions which were to be found in the other the very phrase is more florid and rhetorical rising to a certain well temper'd gravity mixed with sweetness Such was the Attick Dialect Atticorum aures teretes ad quas qui se accommodat is existimandus est Atticè dicere inquit Rhodiginus ut nil sentiatur insolens nil ineptum omnia ornata gravia copiosa Whence grew that adage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prâ—venustâ lepidâque oratione § 5. Those excellent Monuments of his own extant may not unfitly be compared unto a pleasant Garden richly furnished with great variety of the choicest herbs and flowers wherein the judicious Reader may with much contentment recreate himself and be thence abundantly stored both for his profit and delight I shall gather and present you with a view for an invitation 1. Concerning the Holy Scriptures he speaks very venerably plainly asserting the Divine authority perspicuity and perfection of them thus We make use saith he of the Scriptures for the finding out and judging of the truth of things Now whatsoever is judged is not believed before it be judged wherefore neither is that a principle that needs to be judged If it be not enough to affirm what seems to be a truth but that a proof of what is spoken be requisite we expect not the Testimony of men but we prove what is inquired after by the Voice of the Lord which is more worthy to be believed than any demonstration or rather is the only demonstration Again as in war that order is not to be foresaken which the Commander hath given to the Soldier So neither is that order to be forsaken that the word hath prescribed to us which we have received as the Prince or Moderator both of knowledge and practice 2. To believe in Christ is to be made one with him and inseparably united to him Not to believe is to doubt and to be divided and at distance from him Faith is a voluntary anticipation or aforehand taking hold of what is promised a pious assent the substance of things hoped for and argument of things not seen Others an uniting assent unto things not apparent a demonstration or manifest assent unto a thing not known 3. The whole life of a godly man is as it were a certain holy and solemn festival day his Sacrifices are Prayers and Praises and the reading of the Scriptures before his repast as also Psalms and Hymns while he is at meat likewise before he goeth to rest yea and in the night to Prayers again By these he unites and joyns himself unto the Quire of Heaven But doth he know no other Sacrifices Yes namely the largess of instruction and relief of the poor 4. The Sacred Scriptures are they which make men holy like unto God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. This is to drink the Blood of Jesus viz. to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord. 6. It 's the greatest argument of Divine Providence that the Lord permits not sin and vice which had its rise from mans voluntary defection to remain unprofitable nor yet altogether hurtful for it is the office of the divine wisdom vertue and power not only to do good for this is to say it once for all the nature of God as it is of fire to burn
comprised in the first Volume a Chronicle containing the times unto the death of Commodus so that it is evident saith he that he finished his Books under Severus 16. He thus descants upon those words of Christ Matth. 10. 23. When they persecute you in this city flee ye into another he doth not here perswade to fly as if to suffer persecution were evil nor doth he command us fearing death to decline it by flight but he wills us that we be to none the authors or abettors of evil he requires us to use caution but he that obeys not is audacious and rash unadvisedly casting himself into manifest perils Now if he that kills a man of God doth sin against God he also is guilty of that Murther who offers himself to Judgement And such a one shall he be accounted that avoids not persecution presumptuously offering himself to be taken He it is that as much as in him lyeth helps forward the impiety of him that persecutes Much like to this is that of Athanasius Numb 11. vid. 17. Behold O man saith he for how small a matter the Lord doth give thee Land to till Water to drink another Water whereby to send forth or export and to return or import thy Commodities Air wherein to breath a House to cover thee from the injury of the weather Fire wherewith to warm thee and whereat to imploy thee a World wherein to dwell all these things so great so many thy Lord hath as it were rented out unto thee at a very easie rate a little Faith a little Thanks so it be true so they be hearty And most unkind thou if thou denyest him that rent the earth is the Lords and the fulness thereof if then thou dost not acknowledge thy Lord being compassed round with his blessings he will then say unto thee Get thee out of my Land and from out of my House touch not my Water partake not of my Fruits If I have rented these out unto thee for so small a matter a little thanks and thou dost deny me that little thou hast in so doing forfeited the whole and I will require the forfeiture at thy hands § 6. These and many such like excellent passages do his Writings abound with but yet there are intermixed and scattered up and down such things as are neither sound nor savâ—â—ry which are therefore carefully to be heeded and avoided In so much as for this cause Pope Gelasâ—us did providently require saith Baroâ—ius that the works of this Clement should be branded with the note of Apocryphal wherein notwithstanding he may justly be accounted more wary than wise for were this ground sufficient to reject the labours of the ancients because among much good grain there is some chaff to be found none of them would be remaining or of any credit at this day Let us rather sever the Gold from the Dross than dam up the Mine and let what 's bad be suffer'd to continue for the sake of what is good and useful in them rather than what 's good be rejected for the bads sake Nevertheless it may not be amiss to give notice of what will not endure the test and trial lest through inadvertency and because of the antiquity and authority of the Author that should be esteemed and taken up for sound and current which upon examination will prove adulterate and unpassable Of which sort are these that follow 10. It is a ridiculous thing saith be to imagine that the Body of our Saviour as a body did stand in need of necessary aids and Ministries that it might continue for he did eat not for his bodies sake which was upheld by an holy Power but lest it might occasion those with whom he conversed to think otherwise of him as indeed afterward some were of opinion that he appeared only in a Vision and Phantasm For to say it once for all he was void of passion being one whom no motion of affection could take hold of neither pleasure nor grief A strange and gross conceit and directly contrary to clear Texts of Scripture 2. That Christ ought to preach but one year only he fondly gathered from Luke 4. 19. he hath sent me To preach the acceptable year of the Lord and supposeth that he suffer'd in the thirtieth year of his age Both which as his errours Casauboâ— maketh mention of and how manifestly repugnant they both are to the History of the Evangelists is obvious to every observing eye 3. He is of the mind that Jesus Christ descended into Hell for this cause that he might preach the Gospel unto the dead and that these are the bodies spoken of Matth. 27. 53. 53. that arose at the time of Christ's passion that they might be translated unto â— better place Yea that the Apostles as well as the Lord himself did preach the Gospel unto those that were dead Chemnitius thus reports it Clemens Alexandrinus inquit multa citat ex apocryphis quibus peregriâ—s dogmata stabilire conatur Vt ex libro Pastoris Hermae probat Apostolos post mortem praedicasse illis qui anteà in infidelitate mortui fuerâ—nt illos conversos vivificasse He thought that no man was saved before the coming of Christ but that those who lived piously and righteously by the Law or by philosophy were accounted righteous yet wanted Faith wherefore in Hell they expected the coming of Christ and the Apostles and that by their preaching they were converted to the Faith and so saved 4. He frequently asserteth the freedom of man's will in spirituals e.g. Yours is the Kingdom of Heaven if directing or turning your free-will unto God you will believe only and follow that short way that is preached unto Again neither praises nor dispraises neither honours or rewards nor punishments are just if the soul have not free power to desire and to abstain Also because it is in our power to obey or not to obey that none may pretend ignorance the divine word gives a just call unto all and requires what every one is enabled to perform Lastly defection going back and disobedience are in our power as is also obedience And in this particular he erred not alone the two immediately preceding and divers other of the Ancients being of the same judgement the ground whereof may be conceived to be this because many of them had been in their first years brought up in the study of Philosophy and of Philosophers being converted became Christians this made them attribute so much even too much unto Philosophy which proved the occasion of many errours in them Hence it is that Tertullian calls Philosophers Patriarchas haereticorum and Rhenâ—nus having shewn of how great advantage the Philosophy of Platonicks was unto Valentinus who had been of that Sect in the hatching of his wild and sottish Heresies breaks out into these words See saith he how
great mischief Philosophy hath always done unto Christianity well therefore might the Apostle so caution the Colossians Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit Ierom also exercising some errours of his wherein he had followed Origen thus pleads for himself Fae me inquit errasse in adolescentiâ philosophorum i.e. gentilium studiis eruditum in principio fidei dâ—â—mata ignorasse Christiana hoc putasse in Apostolis quod in Pythagorâ Platone 〈◊〉 Empedocle legeram Cur parvuli in Christo 〈◊〉 lactentis errorem sequimini Cur ab eo imputatem discitis qui necdum pietatem noveratâ— Secunda post naufragium tabula est culpâ—â— simpliciter confiteri Imitati estis errantem imitamini correctum Erravimus juvenâ—â— emendemur senes c. Now among other things Philosophy doth beyond measure advance the power of mans will and naturâ— abilities and this opinion drew on withiâ— the extenuation of Original sin and the depravation of the Doctrine of the Merit of Christ into both which this Father among the rest was but meanly insighted And this may be the reason why the Reverend Calâ—â— stiles that Doctrine of Free-will Heatheniâ— Philosophy Procul sit inquit à Christiâ—â— pectore illa de arbitrii libertate Gentilis Philâ—sophia 5. He affirms that because the 〈◊〉 hath Free-will he may repent which saying of his seems to have been the occasion 〈◊〉 that errour in Origen his Scholar that the Devils might be saved as both the Centâ—rists and also Gentian Heroet conceive who in his Education hath this Note in the Mâ—â—gin upon these words of Clement hinc 〈◊〉 Origenis 7. He also phansied that some of the Aâ—gels were incontinent and being overcome with lust they descended and discloseâ— many secrets unto those woman with whom they fell in love and whatsoever things came to their knowledge which the other Angels conceal'd and reserved unto the coming of the Lord. Besides these there are some other things wherein he is judged to be both unsound and uncertain sometimes affirming one thing sometimes another as concerning the Baptism of Hereticks which he seems altogether to condemn Also that second Marriages have imperfection in them and are not without sin yea are little better than fornication contrary to that express Text. 1 Timoth. 5. 14. I will that the younger women viz. Widows verse 11. marry Likewise concerning good works perfection and repentance he seems sometimes to contradict himself and vents very dangerous opinions adeò in multis articulis lubricus est ac saepenumerò sibi contradicit ut quid constanti sententiâ affirmet vix interdum agnoseas § 7. How long this Father lived as also when where and how he ended his days is very uncertain Histories being silent herein only probable it is that he attained unto many years and continued long after the death of his Master Pantaenus For it seems that he compiled his Book both of Stromes and Informations or Institutions if not all the rest after that time seeing he mentions him as dead and some good while before as also that he had through length of time forgotten many of those things which he haâ— heard from him He flourished saith Iâ—rom under the Emperour Severus and Autoninus Caracalla and as some report 〈◊〉 ended his Pilgrimage by a natural death 〈◊〉 Alexandria where he had long taught dying In a good old age and full of days emâ—annum 195. Tertullianus HE stiles himself in the Titles prefixed to his Books by the name of Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus perhaps to distinguish himself from some others whose names did in part agree with his own For his Country he was an African and had for the place of his Birth there the famous City of Carthage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it 's called by Strabo Rome's Corrival de terrarum orbe aemula saith Pliny that contended with it for the Empire of the world And 't is observed as memorable that in his time two of his Countrymen held the places of highest Dignity both Civil and Ecclesiastical viz. Septimius Severus and Victor both Africans the one being Emperour and the other Bishop of Rome His Father was a Centurion one of eminent Rank as bearing the office of a Proconsul who took care to have his Son from his tender years to be well educated and trained up in the Schools where having a pregnant wit and excellent parts he proved a notable proficient and soon attained unto such a measure of knowledge in Philosophy and all kind of Learning that he was by all esteemed for one of the most exquisite and best accomplished Scholars of his time He for some years professed and taught the art of Rhetorick in Carthage with approbation and applause from which after a while he proceeded to the practice of the Law to the study whereof he had formerly applied himself and became well skilled therein as Eusebius testifieth stiling him a man well experienced in the Roman Laws accuratâ legum inquit Nicephorus actorum Româ—norum peritiâ clarus performing the office of an Advocate in pleading the causes of such Clients as entertained him with much dexterity But he is designed unto a more high and honourable employment viz. to plead the cause of God and to publish the glorious mysteries of the Gospel in order whereunto the divine goodness finds out a way for the translating of him from the School of the world into the Shool of Christ by his conversion from Gentilism to Christianity As touching the time and manner thereof though nothing be lefâ— upon Record either by himself or others directly pointing it out and acquainting us therewith yet are then some things to be found from whence it may be probably conjectured that it fell out while he was yet but young and in the prime of his years For 1. He wrote a Treatise of the troubles attending Marriage cum adhuc esset adoleseens when saith Ierom he was but a young man yet Baronius conceives it most likely to have been done by him after his conversion for saith he I cannot think that Ierom would have directed Eustochium whom he wished to read that Book of his unto the writingâ— of an Heathen for her instruction in that particular 2. Ierom and others report concerning him that he continued an orthodox Presbyter in the Church usque ad statam mediamque aetatatem unto his middle age and afterwards fell away unto the Heresie of the Montanists but now evident it is that he wrote the most of his Books before that time to the doing whereof and furnishing for such a work a great deal of time must needs be requisite In the judgment of Pamelius and according to his computation he became a Christian in the third year of the Reign of Severus in which also he is of opinion that he wrote his Book de Pâ—llio or of the
it is that most Mens stiles do differ as well as their faces suus cuique stilus est inquit Erasmus quisque suum quendam habet gustum peculiarem every one hath somewhat peculiar to him in this particâ—lar Accordingly our Author being a Man â—cris vehementis Ingenii of a rough sharp and vehement spirit makes use of a stile answerable viz. quick and crabbed and consequently harsh and obscure which he did of purpose affecting it as most agreeable to his Genius so that his expressions are such even in things that are plain and easie This Rhenanus renders as the reason why his writings had so many faults or Errataes in them viz. â—eglectus autâ—ris quo multis annis non est lectotum manibus tritus ipsâ—m dicendi gâ—nus affectatum Africanum affectati stili durities molestiam addit quod etiam magis effecit ut minùs legâ—retur quà m quidvis aliud Which betided the Poet Persius qui consulâ—ò est obscurus suisque scriptis caliginem tenebras exindustriâ objecit for being by one taken in hand and perceived to be so dark and cloudy he was fairly laid aside with such like words as these Si nolâ—t intelligi non legetur 4. His converse in the Greek Authors whom he diligently read being very skilful in that Tongue idenim temporis nihil extabaâ— inquit Rhenanus apud Latinos in sacris praeter testamentum utrumque tantum Victor Apollonius scripserant opuscula hence it is that transcribing much from them he retains their phrases though he quote not his Authors which was the manner of the first ages viz. to cite none by name but the sacred Scriptures only especially if they had drawn the Water out of the Wells of the Greeks and imitates their manner of speaking By his assiduous perusal of their Books saith Pamelius adeò Graecas loquendi formulas imbiberit ut etiam Latinè seribens illarum oblivisci nequiret he so drank in their forms of speech that when he comes to write in Latin he cannot forget them and both himself and Rhenanus have taken notice of many phrases in him which he borrows from the Greeks and wherein he conforms unto them Most of these I find observed by that Learned French-man Mr. Iohn Daille in his choice Treatise concerning the right use of the Fathers What shall I say saith he of Tertullian who besides his natural harshness and roughness which you meet with in him throughout and that Carthagmian spirit and genius which is common to him with the rest of the African writers hath yet shadowed and over-cast his conceptions with so much learning and with so many new terms and passages out of the Law and with such variety of all visions subtilties and nice points as that the greatest stock both of learning and attention that you can bring with you will be all little enough to fit you for a perfect understanding of him § 5. This father is full fraught with and abounds in grave and excellent sentences some few whereof I shall here insert which may serve a little to acquaint us with the state of those times in reference unto both the Doctrine and Discipline then professed and practised in the Chuches of Christ. 1. Take a view of his Symbol or Creed containing a summary of the faith which was generally received and maintained in his time Altogether one the only immoveable and irreformable rule as he stiles it which is this To believe that there is but one God nor he any other beside the Creator of the world who made all things of nought by his word first of all sent forth Colos. 1. 16 17. That word to be call'd his Son in the name of God variously seen by the Patriarchs always heard by the Prophets last of all brought down by the Spirit of God the Father and Power into the Virgin Mary made flesh in her womb and of her born a man and that he is Jesus Christ moreover that he preached a new law and a new promise of the Kingdom of Heaven that he wrought or did wonders was fastned to the Cross arose the third day that being taken up into heaven he sate down on the right of the Father sent the power of the Ghost in his stead that he might guide or act believers that he shall come in glory to take the Saints into the fruition of eternal life and heavenly promises and to adjudge the wicked unto perpetual fire a resurrection of each part being made with the restitution of the flesh This rule instituted by Christ as shall be proved hath no question made of it among us but which Heresies bring in and which makes Hereticks A compend or brief hereof is to be seen in the beginning of his book of the veiling of Virgins as also in that against Praxeas the Heretick unto which he subjoyns these words This Law of Faith remaining other things that concern discipline and conversation do admit of a newness of Correction the grace of God working and making a proficiency unto the end So that where there is a consent in the fundamental and substantial truths of the Gospel differences in things of less moment may be born with nor should they cause divisions among Christians That rule holding here that Opinionum varietas opinantium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He adds that this rule hath ran down from the beginning of the Gospel even before any heresie sprung up insomuch as from hence this appears to be a firm Truth id esse verum quodcunque primum id esse adulterum quodcunque posterius Again The Church acknowledgeth one God Creatour of the universe and Jesus Christ of the Virgine Mary the Son of God the Creator and the resurrection of the flesh it mingleth the Law and the Prophets with the Evangelical and Apostolical writings and from thence drinks in that faith It signs with water clotheth with the holy Ghost which Pamelius understands of confirmation feeds with the Eucharist exhorteth with Martyrdom and so receives none against this institution 2. He prescribes and lays down this for a sure rule by which the truth may be known viz. If the Lord Jesus Christ did send out the Apostles to Preach other Preachers are not to be received then those whom Christ did institute because neither doth any other know the Father but the Son and he to whom the Son hath revealed him neither doth the Son seem to have revealed him unto any others save to the Apostles whom he sent to Preach Now what they have preached i.e. what Christ revealed to them ought no other way to be proved then by the same Churches which the Apostles themselves founded preaching unto them as well by a lively voice as they say as afterward by Epistles If these things be so it is then evident that
Nature Substance or Essence which term he therefore useth lest he should seem to make God an empty Phantasm and meer nothing And indeed comparing this expression with divers passages in the works of our Author we shall find there was cause why he should conceive this to have been his meaning and that he had ground sufficient for so friendly a construction of his words As where he saith the very substance is the body of every thing Also every thing that is is a body in its kind nihil est incorporale nisâ— quod non est Nothing is incorporeal but what is not Again who will deny God to be a body though he be a Spirit For a Spirit is a body of its kinds in its shape and fashion The less reason had Alphonsus de Castro to make Tertullian the first Author of the Heresie of the Anthropomorphites though they might abuse these expressions of his and by them be confirmed in their opinion confidering withal that those Scriptures upon which they built their gross conceits of God art otherwise understood by him than they were by them e. g. where the Scriptures do speak of the eye ear hand and feet of God they understood them literally but he metaphorically and as spoken after the manner of men to our capacity For faith he by those expressions the Divine operations are declared but not corporeal lineaments given or ascribed unto God For by the eye is signified that he seeth all things by the ear that be heareth all things c. this therefore made him not an Heretick Another such expression is this that the father was before the Son and that the son had his original or beginning when the Father would that he should proceed from him Yet doth he in the same Book assert the Eternity of the Son saying That he was always in the Father nor can time be assigned unto him who was before all time Again the Father is the whole Substance but the Son a derivation or portion of the whole Of which words Bellarmine gives this favourable interpretation Haec verba inquit intelligi debent de sola distinctione personali quem iu toto libro intendit vocat autem Filium portionem Patrem totam substantiam quia Pater est fons principium aliarum personarum in eâ ratione majoritatem quandâ—m habet These and other the like dangerous expressions are scattered up and down his Books in regard whereof Rhenanus saw cause why he should in the Margin against the last mentioned passage warn the Reader that here and elsewhere Tertullian is to be read with caution Again Here and elsewhere saith he let the Reader remember that he is perusing Tertullian Yet again Divines saith he are to be admonished that they do interpret some things more commodiously or aptly then they sound and indulge something to antiquity 2. He delivereth and laboureth to maintain many unsound Opinions and gross Errours which are carefully to be avoided and rejected as what is sound and Orthodox in him to be embraced the good is not to be neglected for the bad nor the bad to be received for the sake of that in him which is good I think saith Ierom that Origen for his Learning is sometime to be read in the same manner as Tertullian Novatus Arnobius Apollinarius and some other Ecclesiastical Writers both Greek and Latin viz. So that we chuse the good in them and refuse the contrary according to the Apostles saying Prove all things hold fast that which is good We are to make use of him as Cyprian did who honoured him with the Title of Master though he took a great deal of delight in the wit of that learned and zealous man yet did he not follow Montanus and Maximillia with him And this gives a hint of his foulest Errour which I shall mention in the first place 1. He became a follower of Montanus whose gross and sottish Errours having once entertained he for ought that appears to the contrary persisted in unto the end of his days stiling and owning the blasphemous Heretick together with his Female consorts Priscilla and Maximilla sor the Paraclete or Comforter whom Christ promised to send distinguishing him from the holy Ghost contrary to that clear Text Ioh. 14. 26. The Comforter which is the holy Ghost whom the Father will send in my name c. This say his followers descended upon the Apostles but the Paraclete upon Montanus and his Minions whose Prophesies or rather idle Dreams and Fancies they much magnified wherein second Marriages are condemned and Fastings and Martyrdoms are exacted which things Tertullian being overmuch taken with and approving of he thereupon embraced that new Prophesie A strange thing that so learned and eminent a man should give credit unto such foolish and frantick conceits Especially considering that not long before himself had ranked the followers of Montanus viz. Proclus and Aeschines amonst the most notorious Hereticks whom he chargeth with this blasphemy as he call it that they say the holy Ghost was in the Apostles but not the Paraclete and that the Paraclete had spoken more in Montanus than Christ had delivered in the Gospel and not only more but better and greater things Erasmus conceives that he did this contra mentis suae sententiam appellans Montanum omnis veritatis deductorem For he could not be perswaded that a man of so piercing a judgement and so exercised and versed in the Sacred Scriptures did ever believe that Montanus was the holy Ghost or Paraclete whom Christ promised unto the Apostles 2. He advanceth the freedom of mans will after the fall so highly that even Pelagius himself would scarce dare to do it with the like Liberty e. g. The Law saith he would not have been given to him that had not the obedience to the Law in his own power And a little after thus So we find the Creator propounding unto man or setting before him good and evil life and death exhorting and threatning which he would not have done unless man had been free and voluntary to obey or contemn Again Behold saith he the Kingdom of God is within you Who will not so interpret it within you i. e. in your own hand and power if you hear and do the command of God Also that the Patriarchs Noah and Abraham were just by the righteousness of the Law of Nature 3. He condemns second Marriages accounting them no better than Adultery and worthy of Excommunication May we not say saith he that second Marriage is a kind of Adultery c. Also he calls the lawful company of Man and Wife contumelia communis A common contumely or reproach 4. He denys that it is lawful for a Christian to flee in time of persecution being immoderate in the praise of Martyrdom as if it merited pardon
Plato that he had rather err with Origen than be of a right judgement with others Thus far Vincentius Origen thus every way excellent was withal a wonderfully industrious and laborious Man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit Athanasius wholly spending his time and improving his vast abilities in the work of the Lord and for the behoof of the Church and this he did partly by Preaching for which employment he was compleatly furnished being so familiarly acquainted with and ready in the holy Scriptures which he abundantly made use of beautifying and adorning therewith as with so many precious gems his discourses throughout Gentium Testimonia â—usquam adhibet nisi quoties id res ipsa postulat quum nullum autorum genus non exactè tenuerit sed totus hujus Sermo inquit Erasmus Sâ—crorum Voluminum sententiis undique seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est sed adeò commodé in loco insertis ut nihilo seciùs curâ—â—t oratio dicas esse non ascita sed ibi nata 〈◊〉 aliunde quaesita sed suâ sponte praesto esse And this he did the rather and I therefore add it because it is a notable testimony that the Scriptures at that time were read by all sorts of persons in the vulgar Tongue or that in use among them because in that Age the common people did understand the words of the Scripture being frequently exercised in the reading of the sacred Volumes For then even Weavers and Spinsters had those Books at home which as often as they had leasure they carefully perused neither to the understanding of them was their need of any other Language than that which the illiterate vulgar did make use of and certainly that reading brought this profit with it that they sate in the Church more docil or teachable before him that expounded the mysteries of the Scriptures unto them He had an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore as he did many of those Homilies which were thought worthy of the publick view such were his six and twenty Homilies upon Ioshua Oratiunculâ—s viginti sex in Iesum Nave quas ex tempare in Ecclesiâ peroravit Adamantius senex ex Graeco Latinè tibi pro virium meâ—rum parvitate disserui inquit Ruffinus Also his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans His sixteen Homilies upon Leviticus c. quotidiâ— quasi ex tempore Scripturas ad populum enaâ—rabat Of which kind of speaking Meriâ— Casaubon thus reports in his Treatise of Enthusiasm For that faculty of the Sophists saith he of extemporary speaking upon any subject it was their common profession that is most certain and it was accordingly performed by many of them with singular dexterity to the great amazement of all their Auditors such was Callisthenes the Sophist or Philosopher The Tarsenses of Asia are by the Ancients noted as for their love to Learning in general so particularly to have excelled in this faculty And Quintilian a sober solid Man makes this a chief end and fruit of long pains and exercises in the Art of Rhetorick to attain to such a faculty as to be able upon any sudden occasion to speak pertinently without any premeditation thus he Origen was also very zealous and lively in his delivery for he loved the things which he spake and of such we use to speak with affection and delight His Sermons were commonly short for he would never exceed an hour lest he should cloy his Auditors judging it better to preach often than long In reproving he always remembred Christian moderation sharp he would be yet never bitter but for nothing he would more blame them then for seldom and slack coming to the hearing of the Word and for oscitancy when they came accounting diligence or negligence this way one principal note of proficiency or deficiency in Piety He observed this method First plainly and briâ—fly to expound the History then would he stir them up to observe the Mystical and Allâ—gorical sense and lastly handle some moral places making application of what he had delivered and unfolded Partly also by writing did he improve his abilities and dictating unto those that wrote whereunto of himself he was backward but set upon it by the inst gation of Ambrâ—se Christianae fidei confâ—ssor iâ—signis inquit Trithemius qui etiam ad offâ—cium diaconâ— tus meruit promoveri vir certè doctissimus librorum studiosus amator who pressed him hereunto above measure giving him no rest and exacted from him a continual or daily task His works were innumerable written by himself and others from his mouth many whereof Ierom saith he had gotten together and perused but not all For who of us saith he can read so much as he wrote Some affirm as from Ierom that he composed six thousand Volumes though yet Ierom himself deny it For saith he look over the Catalogue of his Books contained in the third Volume of the life of Pamphilus written by Eusebius and you shall not find the third part of that number yet did he utter above a thousand Tracts in the Church and besides set forth Commentaries innumerable in a word no man ever wrote more for which cause Suidas stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Composer Ierom in his Epistle unto Paula the Mother of Eustocbiuâ—â— now not extant reckons up all the Monuments of Origens Wit comparing him unto that learned Varro who by that time he had arrived unto the age of eighty four years which yet it seems he exceeded for Pliny mentions the eighty and eighth of his age had written four hundred and ninety Books of whom Terentianus a Carthaginian Poet thus speaks Vir docâ—â—â—â—mus undecunque Varro qui tam multa legit ut aliquando scribere vacasse miremur 〈◊〉 multa scripsit quà m multa vix quemquam legere potuisse credamus Such another was Didymus of Alexandria sirnamed also Chalcenterus Nobilis grammaticus qui Iulii Caesaris evo floruit quod indefesso labore libris assideret who is reported to have written above three thousand and five hundred Books as Meursius and Suidas four thousand saith Seneca but withal handling such trivial things quae inquit erant dedâ—scenda si scires that it cannot be said of him as Erasmus of Origen In Origene nihil ineptum aut redundans Briefly his Works were such and so many That saith the learned Daille had we them all intire they would perhaps be able to give us more light and satisfaction about the present Controversies in Religion than all the rest of the Fathers His Works on the Scriptures are by Ieroâ— distinguished into three sorts or classes nullam scripturae partem ille praetermisit in quâ non scripserit inquit Erasmus the first sort he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ociosa i. e. brief Annotations upon obscure and difficult places when
with two Books upon the thirtieth Chapter 11. A huge number of Homilies upon Ieremy the most whereof are lost 12. Upon the Lamentations nine Tomes Of which saith Eusebius we have seen five 13. Upon Ezekiel twenty and five Tomes the which he wrote being at Athens besides many Homilies 14. Upon the twelve Minor Prophets many Tracts Whereof saith Eusebius we have found twenty and five in the whole which Ierom saith he found copied out by Pamphilius among these were one upon Hosea of which Ierom thus Origenes parvum de hoc Prophetâ scripsit Libellum cui hunc titulum imposuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. quare in Osee appellatur Ephraim volens ostendere quaecunque contra eum dicuntur ad haereticorum referenda personam c. II. Vpon the New Testament 1. Upon Matthew one Book containing his Scholia or brief Annotations upon obscure places Also twenty five Homilies upon divers places of the Gospel Six and twenty saith Trithemius and Nicephorus speaks of five Books of his upon Matthew 2. Upon Luke five Tomes and many Homilies 3. Upon the Epistle to the Galatians five Tomes also one Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of choice passages besides not a few Homllies 4. Upon the Epistle to the Ephesians three Volumes or Commentaries of which Ierom makes mention in these words Illud quoque 〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo ut sciatis Origenem tria â—â—lumina in hanc Epistolam conseripsissc quem nos ex parte secuti sumus 5. Upon the Epistle to the Colossians three books 6. Upon the first Epistle of the Thessalonians divers books for Ierom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this Epistle wherein saith he he discourseth with much variety and prudence 7. Upon the Epistle to Titus one book 8. Upon the Epistle to the Hebrews many books all which through the injury of time and violence of his adversaries are lost and now not to be found The books that are extant at this day under his name are these following 1. Seventeen Homilies upon the book of Genesis which are said to be interpreted by Ierom whose name is prefixed to them but falsly as Crynaeus supposeth for indeed it was done by Ruffinus as appears by the liberty that he takes to add detract and change what he pleased which it seems was his manner sed haec non est inquit Erasmus libertas interpretis sed licentia potiùs contaminantis scripta aliena Again Ruffino peculiaris est ista temeritas viz. ea quae vertiâ— truncare augere immutare ex alieno opere suum facere cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur omnes illustrium autorum libros attrectando contaminare Haâ— aâ—rte vir glorie cupidus putavit se reperisse viam quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum Certainly saith the Learned Daille he hath so filthily mangled and so licentiously confounded the writings of Origen which he hath translated into Latine that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off or added or at least altered something A soul fault in a translator in whom fidelity as the chief vertue is required and most commendable Such is his dealing in this kind that the Reader is often uncertain whether he read Origen or Ruffine Which thing Ierom often and tartly taxeth him for and particularly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls and that fitly enough and not without â—est cause an infamous interpretation Let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of Ruffine in his translation of divers books of Origen And that this translation of these Homilies upon Genesis is his appears from what Ruffine himself hath said in his Peroration added unto the Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans wherein he professeth that he translated Origen upon Genesis And probable it is that the transcribers prefixed Ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable Grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the Reader to set down as he hath done before all the rest of the works of Origen in his Edition of them the several Theological Common places handled in these homilies adding moreover that by them the diligent Reader will confess that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of Christian Philosophy replenished with all kind of Spiritual treasures 2. Upon Exodus thirteen Homilies translated also by Ruffinus though for the gaining of the more credit unto them the name of Ierom be here also prefixed as the interpretor of them 3. Upon Leviticus sixteen Homilies eighteen say some where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former By some over-bold impostor these are ascribed unto Cyril of Alexandria under the title of so many books or a Commentary whereas it is manifest they are not Commentaries but Homilies for the Author excuseth his brevity to his auditors by reason of the straits of time and that he intended not a large exposition of the words but to touch some few things briefly for their edification The stile saith Bellarmine and similitude of the Doctrines contained in them shew them plainly to be Origens 4. Upon Numbers twenty eight Homilies some say but twenty six Cent. 3. cap. 10. Sixt. Senens lib. 4. and Scultetus in Medulâ which its likely was translated by Ierom because Ruffine speaking of his translation of Genesis Exodus Leviticus Iosuah and Iudges makes no mention of Numbers and saith Erasmus out of Gennadius Ruffine translated all of Origen except what was done by Ierom. Yet that there are some additions of the interpretor in this piece is apparent saith Grynaeus in homil 2. in cap. 2. Yea these Homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some Latine Author for in Chap. 12. he expounds the difference between excudere and excidere which could have no place in a Greek 5. Upon Iosuah twenty and six Homilies where we have also the name of Ierom as the interpretor instead of Ruffine as also a Preface pretended to be his but so frigid and and foolish that a more certain argument cannot be desired to perswade us that neither the one nor other is Ieroms and Erâ—smus gives instance in divers particulars 6. Upon Iudges nine Homilies where we have the same mistake of the interpretor liber inquit Grynaeus satis bonus Here also the Etymology of rex à regendo gives cause to suspect that these came out of the same shop with those upon Numbers 7. Upon the book of the Kings or one Homily upon the first and second Chapters of the first of Samuel 8. Upon the book of Iob a large explation divided into three books from the beginning of the History unto
the middle of the third Chapter A Learned piece it is and worth the reading but both the stile and method shew it to be none of Origens both being far different from his Those Commentaries saith Vsher upon Iob are wrongly ascribed unto Origen Also the Author is full of Battologies or repetitions of the same sentence which certainly is not the manner of Origen For my part saith â—rasmus I suppose him to be a Latinist and to have written in Latine for he speaks of the Greek as not his own Language and interprets the word Adamantius to signifie in Greek indomabilis iuflexibilis and saith he Lucianus cognominatus est tanquam lucidus He was one of free speech fit to teach the vulgar but withal an Arian as is clear from divers passages and therefore it cannot be Origens work for Arius arose many years after him Besides he brings in the exposition of Lucianus the Martyr in the third Chapter who suffered under Maximinus refutes the Manichees in the seventh and eighth Chapter and makes mention of the Homousianists none of which were known till after the time of Origen The Preface saith Erasmus or Prologue set before it is of some prating fellow that had neither learning nor modesty in him unless the concealing of his name may be so interpreted Surely he had little skill in the Latine yet saith Possevine commentarii hi sunt pervetusti pereruditi viri The whole being nothing else but meer and miserable stammering Praefatio inquit Erasmus testatur hoc opus ab aliis nonnullis fuisse versum sed neque bonâ fide neque doctè dum ex benè Graecis reddunt malè Latina quum ipse qui haec praefatur reipsá declaret se fuisse hominem qui nec Latinè sciret nec ingenio aut eruditione valeret sed qui tanto plus haberet arrogantiae quanto minùs habebat peritiae Yet are these Commentaries made use of as Origens by the Poâ—tificians to prove their Doctrines of the Invocation of Saints oblations for the dead abstinence from flesh in Lent and for giving of alms upon funeral days for the salvation of souls Erasmus conjectureth the Author to have been one Maximinus a Bishop whose disputations with Augustine are extant 9. Certain Homilies upon three of the Psalms viz. Five upon the six and thirtieth two upon the seven and thirtieth and two upon the eight and thirtieth in all nine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sunt optima inquit Gynaeus allegoriae frigidae Erasmus is doubtful whether they be his or no for they do scarce express his wit and phrase but come neerer unto that of Chrysostom he thinks it was some Latine that wrote them which may be guessed from hence that in explicating divers texts he tells us how they are in Latine how in Greek which was not the manner of the Greeks to do for they little or not at all cared for the Latine Tongue But if Ruffine translated it he according to his custom made that his own by defiling it which was another mans Yet having observed the weakness of the Preface I can hardly think saith Erasmus that Ruffine was so very a Child who if not so much by Art yet certainly by nature was eloquent enough but if any contend that Ruffine is sometime foolish this way I will not much oppose so it be confessed that the genius of this work doth not resemble the happiness of Origen Bellarmine gives this hint of them that some do doubt whether they be his or no And Scultetus reckons this and the immediately preceding to have crept in among the works of Origen but to belong indeed unto others Yet from hence also do those of Rome fetch authorities as from Origen for the proof of their tenets concerning purgatory auricular confession the vertues of the Cross that wicked men do eat the body of Christ in the Sacrament and that the Book of Iudith is authentick 10. Upon the Canticles 1. Two Homilies explanationis prioris 2. Four Homilies upon the two first Chapters of the Book explanatienis posteriovis or rather a continued imperfect Commentary But they are indeed neither Origens nor Ieroms but a work of some Latin Author well learned and sufficiently eloquent for he quotes the Greeks in his Prologue as Strangers and interprets some Latin words Verbum dei inquit apud Graecos masculino genere ex hoc inquit Cocus evidenter perspicitur non Graecum sed Latinum fuisse autorem Erasmus suspects them to be his who wrote the Books de vocatione gentium and certain Commentaries upon the Psalms which go under the name of Ambrose Merlin on the other side is very confident that they are Origens as saith he the sagacious Reader will easily perceive though his reason be weak enough to ground even a conjecture upon yea himself confesseth that the stile differs from Origens for which cause some deny it to be his It is saith Sixtus Senensis a pious learned and eloquent work or rather a fragment in which the two first Chapters are excellently expounded having in some ancient Copies Ierom's name prefixed to it who indeed mâ—â—tions four Homilies written by himself upon the Canticles Ierom◠〈…〉 of these 〈…〉 tractatus quos iâ— morem quotidiani eloquii parvulis abhuc lactentibus composuit fideliter magis quà m ornatè interpretatus sum gustum tibi sensuum ejus non cibum offerens Tu Damase Papa animadvertas quanti sint illa estimanda quae magna sunt quum siâ— possunt placere quae parva sunt 11. Nine Homilies upon divers places of the Prophecy of Esay especially upon the sixth Chapter which fragment was by Ierom as himself confesseth turned into Latin It wants a Preface which because it was Ierom's manner to set a Preface before what he translated Erasmus supposeth to be taken away by those to whom he wrote after that the name of Origen became odious or envyed at Rome For very likely it is that therein he spake highly in commendation of his Wit as he doth in his Prologue before the Commentaries upon Ezekiel Yet notwithstanding the Historical errours saith Grynaeus the Doctrines so weak and waterish and the frigid Allegories indignissamae Origine Hieronymo together with the Barbarism of the Translation do I think abundantly shew that neither Origen was the Author nor Ierom the Translator of them 12. Upon Ieremiah fourteen Homilies whereof Ierom was the Translator which are the only remaining of a huge number upon this Prophecy These and the following are saith Grynaeus Origene Hieronymo dignae 13. Upon Ezekiel fourteen Homilies translated also by Ierom as appears both by his own Testimony in Hieremiam Ezekielem Homilias Origenis viginti octo è Graeco in Latinum verti and also by the Preface which is undoubtedly his because
Greek would not have been the part vertentis sed evertentis of a turner or translatour but of 〈◊〉 overturner and to express the same word for word would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech My end saith he was to discover an Heretick that I might vindicate the Church from Heresie And the truth is Origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this Book wherein there is more bad than good it being full stuffed with gross errours Toti inquit Scultetus scatent erroribus so that it can hardly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the Christian Faith which he had received from his Predecessours And as Plotinus said of the forenamed Longinus that he was studious of Learning yet not at all a Philosopher so may it be truly affirmed of Origen as touching this Book that therein he meant to seem a Philosopher rather than a Christian the truth is it is most obscure and full of difficulties Scias inquit Hieronymus detestanda tibi in eis libâ—is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse quam plurima juxta sermonem Domini inter scorpiones colubros incedendum In the close of which Epistle he shews with what caution these Books are to be read withal making an enumeration of the errours contained in them it being intended by Ierom as an antidote against them Binnius calls this piece Multarum Heresium promptuarium The translation of these Books which we now have as Grynaeus conceives is Ruffine's for in his Marginal Notes we sometimes meet with these words loquitur Ruffinus 20. Eight Books against Celsus the Philosopher of the Sect of Epicurus who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the Christian Religion This is the only work of Origen upon which the incomparably judicious Erasmus past not his censure being prevented by death the want whereof as also of his Coronis is much to be bewailed considering that by reason of his singular learning and long exercise in the study of the Ancients it cannot but be presumed he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner Origen undertook this work by the instigation of Ambrose who was much grieved to see that the Christian Religion should be so reproached Celsus stiled his Book the word of truth though little were contained in it but what was foolish weak and false and unworthy of a prudent man whose objections and slanders as also those of all other both Gentiles and Jews Origen in his answer which Baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium most notably wipes off and refuteth A piece it is of much use especially unto the History of those times which by it self is set forth in Greek and Latine by Dâ—vid Haeschelius who gives this commendation of it Celso argumentis rationibus Origenes ita respondit ut haud sciam an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet He set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age viz. being then more than sixty years old 21. Of the right faith in one God or three Dialogues against the Marcionists which are mentioned by Bellarmine as two distinct pieces of Origen though indeed they be but one and the same For so the learned Doctour Humphries that translated it into Latine out of a Greek Manuscript that he obtained of Frobenius and set forth anno 1557. as Perionius had done the year before out of a Greek Copy which he found in the King's Library entitles it Of the right Faith in one God against the three principles of Megethius the Marcionite These two interpreters made use of two very different Copies but it is evident that that which Dr. Humphries followed was the more distinct and full It is questionable whether this is Origen's or no 1. Because the Author speaks of Kings and Princes that piously believe now there were none such in Origen's time 2. No ancient Author of Note hath recorded this disputation wherein an Ethnick viz. Eutropius a Greek Philosopher being made the Judge the Church by Origen should get the victory for the issue was as is affirmed the conversion of Eutropius unto Christianity together with many others who in the close of the disputation celebrated the praise of Origen with this acclamation David hath slain the Tyrant Goliah and Adamantius hath cut the throat of that opinion which fought against God 3. Besides it is strange that this should not come to the notice of Eusebius or in case it did that he should be silent herein who so diligently sought out whatsoever might make for the commendation of Origen The Dialogues against the Marcioâ—ites saith Vsher were collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus who lived in the time of the Emperours Commodus and Severus Of which Maximus Ierom tells us Quòd famosam quaestionem insigni volumine ventilavit Vnde malum Quòd materia à Deo facta sit 22. The lamentation of Origen which he himself wrote with his own hand in the Greek Tongue when after his fall and denyal of his Master Christ Jesus he wandred to and fro with great grief and torment of conscience the which Ierom translated into Latine these are the words of Doctor Meredith Hanâ—er prefixed to this Lamentation set down in his English Translation and Edition of Eusebius between the first and second Chapters of the seventh Book having immediately before given us out of Suidas the story of his fall As touching his fall viz. that he should chuse rather to offer incense unto Idol than to have his Body defiled by an Ethiopian though Epiphanius who was no friend to our Author and Suidas also deliver it for a truth yet doth Baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a meer fiction and slander of those that were his enemies who envying endeavoured this way to darkâ—â— the same of Origen and saith Dâ—ille that I may not dissemble I profess my self much enclined to be of the Cardinal's opinion who thinks this story to be an arrant fable and that it was foisted into Epiphanius or else as I rather believe was taken upon trust by himself for this Father hath shewed himself in this as in many other things a little overcredulous Now the story it self being questionable and so sandy a foundation the superstructure must needs be weak nor is the censure of Erasmus without cause that these Lamentations were neither written by Origen nor translated by Ierom but the figment of some idle and unlearned brain who studyed by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit It is therefore by Gelasius ranked among the Apocrypha 23. There is another piece which because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of Origen I thought good not to pass it over altogether unmentioned it is stiled by the name of Philocalia or as Bellarmine
wherein by the Bishops of the Island assembled it was decreed that none should read the works of Origen The like was also done shortly after in a Synod convened by Theophilus himself in his own Province Upon which divers of Origens followers fled from thence unto Constantinople imploring the aid of Chrysostom who admitted them to communicate with him and this was it that occasioned the great contention between Chrysostom and Epiphanius upon his coming thither so that they parted in great heat He was also anathematized together with those that adhered unto him and held his errours by the fifth general Council which was held at Constantinople under Iustinian the Emperour wherein they stile him the abomination of desolation Malè sanum impium Deoque repugnantem and his opinions deliramenta insanias exclaming thus against them O dementiam inscientiam hominis insani Paganorum disciplinae explicatoris mente caecutientis studentisque Christianorum fidei miscere fabulas c. Epiphanius calls him Dei Ecclesiae hostem as also the Father of Arius and root of other Heresies He utters many things saith Photius blasphemously and other very absurd and full of impiety Ierom also is very sharp against him though one that admired his wit and parts in plerisq inquit haereticum non nego and tells us that with a sacrilegious Tongue he blasphemeth that his Opinions were venemous dissonant from the holy Scriptures and offer violence unto them professing that he was always an adversary to his Doctrines Yet withal he thus adds I am not wont saith he to insult over the errours of those whose wit I admire and if any one shall object or oppose to us his errours let him hear this freely that sometime even great Homer himself may nod or slumber let us not imitate his Vices whose Vertues we cannot follow Caesarius the brother of Nazianzen stiles him that impious Origen and his Doctrines pestiferous yea â—ugae trifles and toys And among the later Writters Beza saith of him that he was a select instrument of Sathan and stiles him Impurissimus ille Scriptor quem exoptem velex lectorum manibus excuâ—i aut summo cum judicio à studiosis tractari On the other side some did no less magnifie and admire him pleading and apologizing in his behalf Basil Chrysostom Nazianzen and Ierom did most highly esteem the Doctrine Allegories and Tropologies of Origen extolling him unto heaven with their praises those that did apologize for him were among other Pamphilus the Martyr and Eusehius commonly sirnamed Pamphili for the singular friendship that was between them by whom were written six Books in defence of Origen which Ierom calls latissimum elaboratum opus five whereof were the 〈◊〉 labour of them both and the sixth of Eusebius alone after the death of Pamphilus as appears from the word of Eusebius himself lib. 6. cap. 20. Quae inquit de ejus gestis sunt ad cognoscendum necessaria ea ex Apologia quae à nobis Pamphili sancti nostri temporis martyris operâ adjutis elucubrata est illam enim ego Pamphilus quo ora malevolorum obtrectatorum â—amae Origenis detrahentium obturaremus mutuis vigiliis accuratè eleboravimus licet facilè colligere Photius gives us this account here of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Lecti sunt Pamphili martyris Eusebii pro Origene libri sex quorum quinque sunt a Pamphilo in carcere praesente etiam Eusebio elaborati Sextus verò postquam jam Martyr ferro privatus vitâ ad unicè desideratum Deum migrarat ab Eusebio est absolutus These were seconded by Ruffine who undertook the same task setting forth an Apology for Origen or rather the Apology of Eusebius for so it s commonly called by him translated into Latin unto which he added a Volume of his own bearing this title of the adulteration of the Books of Origen These were followed by some learned men of the latter times viz. Iohannes Picus the noble Earl of Mirandula and Phaenix of his time Vir ingenii penè prodigiosi in omni artium scientiarum linguarum varietate usque ad miraculum exculti Also Gilbert Genebrard a Parisian Divine and Professor there of the Hebrew Tongue And Iacobus Merlinus Victurniensis Sacrae Theologiae Professor who endeavours to vindicate both the holiness of his life and the soundness of his Doctrine Moreover such an equipoise was there in him of good and evil that with Sampson Solomon and Trajan though I conceive the medley is as Monkish as the scruple he is put into the number of those concerning whom 't is equally difficult to determine whether they were saved or not But surely that bold Shaveling went too far beyond his bounds who in his Book intituled Pratum Spirituale which is supposed to be written by Abbot Iohn Moschus reports that a certain brother doubting whether Nestorius were in an errour or no was by one appearing unto him for his satisfaction conducted to Hell where among other Hereticks he saw Origen tormented in those flames the Earl of Mirandula is of a contrary judgement But the Jesuit Possevine plainly tells us that whosoever was the Author many of the relations in that Book deserve but small credit being indeed little better than down right lyes among which he gives an instance in this not unlike that of Origen that in a Vision Chrysostom should be seen placed in heaven above all the Doctors and Martyrs But enough of such stuff However evident it is that he was very erroneous yea scarce any one of the Ancients more whether we respect the multiplicity or quality of his errours So that as the Orthodox that came after him were much beholding unto him as of great advantage to them in the interpretation of the Scriptuâ—es So did the Hereticks take from him the hints of many of their foulest Heresies for which cause as Epiphanius calls him the fountain and Father of Arius so did the Errour of Pelagius saith Ierom spring from him Doctrina tuâ— Origenis ramusculus est Yea there is scarce any sect that had not its rise and beginning from him The grounds whereof as Vincentius Lyrinensis conceives were such as these His abusing the grace of God too insolently his overmuch indulging his own wit and trusting to himself his undervalueing the simplicity of the Christian Religion his presuming himself wiser then others and his interpreting some Scriptures after a new manner contemning Ecclesiastical traditions and the Authority of the Ancients Epiphanius imputes it unto this because he would suffer no part of the holy Scriptures to pass without his interpretation therefore he fell into error Yet do his Apologisers labor to free him laying the fault of the errors fathered upon him unto the charge of others Ruffine pleads in his behalf that he was abused by
in his Commentary upon the 43. Chapter of Augustin de haeresibus and Nicelas Choniates in his treasury of the Orthodox faith Lib. 4. Haeres 31. who there thus speaks of him that for natural and moral philosophy he was a Doctor acceptable unto all but for matters Dogmatical or of Faith of Theological speculation he shewed himself the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him Which also those frequent passages of Ierom do shew where he saith I commended him as an interpretor but not as a Dogmatist Again I call Origen ours for his learning and wit not for the truth of his opinions and Doctrine Lastly as I ever attributed unto Origen the Interpretation and idioms or proprieties of Scripture So I most constantly took from him truth in his opinions For this cause also having at his request sent unto Avitus his Translation of Origens books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the close of his Epistle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained Whosoever saith he will read these books and go toward the land of promise with his feet shod lest he be bitten of Serpents and smitten with the forked wound of the Scorpion let him read this book or Epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books that so he may know before he begin his journy what things he must shun avoid Hence Beza gives this censure of him certainly saith he this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself or whether his writings were afterward depraved that in matters controversial he deserves no authority in the Church Yet notwithstanding in the judgment of some the good that was in him exceeded the evil so that although he were guilty of the errors imputed unto him yet being a man of so much learning he deserves to be pittied whose faults saith Haymo if there be any in his books may be overcome by the Celestial splendor of those things which are faithfully written by him And saith Scultetus this age might well bear the precipitate publication of his works by Ambrose or the malevolent depravation of them if withal they had all come to our hands Many of his errors began first to be entertained by the Monks and Disciplinarians in Egypt from whose Cells being vented they spread abroad and were embraced and maintained by very many unto whom as a Sect or swarm of Hereticks deriving their errors from Origen was given the name of Origenists or Adamantians who continued long even unto the time of Gregory the great for he testifieth that some of them were remaining in his days Adversus Origenistas inquit Baronius longa admodum periculosa fuit Ecclesiae concertatio § 7. Now as touching the last scene of his life his going off the Theatre of this world I find no large mention made of it That his sufferings for Christ were neither few nor small though he suffered not martyrdom is abundantly testified So that in the judgment of Merline as also of Mirandula he came but little short of it and deserves the palm semper Deo inquit Pontius Diaconus mancipata devotio dicatis hominibus pro martyrio deputatur And saith Haymo voluntate Martyr fuit though he laid not down his life yet he lost not the Honor of Martyrdom For they were many and sore things which he did undergo even in his old age besides what in former time had beâ—ided him at what time the persecution against the Church raged under the Emperor Decius whereof Eusebius makes report in these words drawing toward the close of Origen about which the most part of the sixth book is spent what things they were saith he and how great which hapned to Origen in that persecution and how he died the spiteful Devil pursuing him with his whole troop striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death and what and how great things he sustained for the Doctrine of Christ imprisonments and torments of body scourging at Iron stakes stench of close prison and how for the space of many days his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrifie him with and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation sundry of his Epistles truly faithfully and curiously penn'd do declare He lived the space of sixty nine years of which reckoning from the time that he was by Demetrius made Catechist in the School of Alexandria he spent above fifty most laboriously in teaching and writing in the affairs and care of the Church in refuting Heresies and in the exercise of Piety and many notable vertues But notwithstanding all his labours and worth his age and end as well as the former part of his life were accompanied with poverty so small recompence and reward had he from men who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises but kept fast their purses sic virtus laudatur alget And for this rich Ambrose above all other deserves most blame that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend Origen Hence it came to pass that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition miserabiliter inquit Nicephorus infoelix obiit dying in the famous City of Tyre where also he was buried in the reign of the Emperors Gallus and Volusian and in the year of Christ. 256. Cyprianus § 1. CYprianus called also Thascius was born at Carthage one of the chief Cities of Africa he was very rich and of great note and power there being one of the Senatorian Order and among them held the first or chief place his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years being trained up in and seasoned with the knowledge of the Arts wherein his proficiency was such that among the rest he became an excellent Rhetorician and publickly professed and taught that art at Carhage being had in very great esteem among them but all this while an Ethnick without the knowledge of Christ yea a most bitter persecutor of the Christians withal à Magician and skilled in those curious arts though this last be very improbable in the judgment both of Baronius and Pamelius How long he continued in this condition is uncertain yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto Christianity may be conjectured 1. Partly from his own words for while being a Gentile he thought of receiving the Christian Faith he conflicted with such reasonings as these he conceived it a hard and difficult thing as sometime did Nicodemus for a man to
about weighty affairs his manner was to decree nothing without his colleagues neither would he pertinaciously love and adhere unto his own apprehensions but rather embrace what was by others profitably and wholesomely suggested 2. His Charity and compassion to those in want and durance for immediately upon his conversion he parted with what he had and gave it for the relief of the Poor He was as Iob speaks of himself eyes to the blind and feet to the lame a Father unto the Put and the cause which he knew not he searched out he brake the jaws of the Wicked and plucked the spoil out of his Teeth And when many had been taken Captives by the barbarous Goths or Scythians he sent an hundred thousand Sestertia from the Church for the redeeming of them so himself speaks misimus inquit Sestertia centum millia nummû◠quae isthic in Ecclesiâ cui de Domini indulgentiâ praesumus Cleri plebis apud nos consistentia collatione collecta sunt The sum being so vast Pamelius conjectures it ought to be only Sestertia centum and that millia nummûm added for explications sake is from the Margin crept into the Text or else he thinks it should be thus read Sestertium centum millia nummûm Yea while he was in exile he not only wrote but also sent relief unto those poor Christians who were condemned unto the Mines He manifested also this Grace in his Indulgence to forgive and receive those offenders who repenting returned unto the Church Hear his own words Remitto omnia inquit multa dissimulo studio voto colligendae fraternitatis etiam quae in Deum commissa sunt non pleno judicio Religionis examino delictis plusquam oportet remittendo penè ipse delinquo amplector prompâ—â plenâ dilectione cum paenitentiâ revertentes peccatum suum satisfactione humili simplici constâ—entes 3. His patience in bearing injuries and wrongs whereof he gave an ample testimony in his behaviour toward those who opposed him when he was chosen Bishop Oh how patiently did he bear with them and with what a deal of clemency did he forgive them reckoning them among his friends to the admiration of many 4. His equanimity and peaceableness being a very great lover and maintainer of unity among Brethren which he was studious to preserve and hold even with those that dissented from him as appears in the grand difference between him and Stephen Bishop of Rome and others about the rebaptization of Hereticks for as himself did not break Communion by separating from them so neither did he cease to perswade others also that they should bear with one another in love endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace his words that he used in the Council of Carthage speaks out this sweet temper of his Spirit Super est inquit Collegae dilectissimi ut de hac ipsâ re quid singuli sentiamus proferamus neminem judicantes aut à jure Communionis aliquem si diversum senserit amoventes To these many more might be added as his contempt of riches keeping under of his body purity of Life diametrically opposite to the lusts of his former conversation gravity joyned with humanity equi-distant both from arrogancy and baseness fidelity prudence industry watchings and the like which more at large are commemorated and recorded by Pontius and Nazianzen in all which regards he was very eminent Hence Vincentius stiles him illud Sanctorum omnium Episcoporum Martyrum lumen beatissimum Cyprianum He may be instead of many saith Erasmus whether you respect eloquence or Doctrine or the dignity of a Pastor or a brest every where breathing forth the vigour of an Apostolical Spirit or the glory of Martyrdom Whose writings saith Scultetus have in them so happy a genius that although they were interwoven with divers errours yet they found some Doctors of the Church not only admirers of the more sound Doctrine but candid Interpreters even of the errours contained in them How transcendent a Man he was in the judgement of the great Augustin is evident and may be collected from the Titles he gives him wherein the Epithets which for the most part he makes use of such as are Doctor Suavissimus lucidissimus pacis amantissimus excellentissimae gratiae also Martyr beatissimus fortissimus gloriosissimus c. A Man saith he whose praise I cannot reach to whose many Letters I compare not my writings whose Wit I love with whose mouth I am delighted whose Charity I admire and whose Martyrdom I reverence Add hereto the Encomium of Prudentius whose words are Tenet ille Regna coeli Nec minùs involitat terris nec ab hoc recedit orbe Disserit eloquitur tractat docet instruit prophetat Nec Lybiae populos tantum regit exitusque in ortum Solis usque obitum Gallos fovet imbuit Britanuos Praesidet Hesperiae Christum serit ultimis Hiberis Let me shut up all with the words of Pontius I pass by saith he many other and great things which the Volume lest it swell too big suffers me not more largely to relate of which let it suffice to have said this only that if the Gentiles might have heard them at their Bars they would perhaps forthwith have believed and become Christians § 3. The monuments of this excellent and choice spirit were many Sole clariora lively representing as in a glass his great worth and wherein though dead he yet liveth and speaketh Of which Augustin had so venerable an esteem that he accounted all his own works not equal unto one of Cyprian's Epistles And Ierom giving directions unto the noble Widow Laeta for the pious education of her Daughter Paula recommends the works of Cyprian to her continual perusal Cypriani inquit opuscula semper in manu teneat Cujus singula prope verba spirant Martyrium They are but fragments as it were that remain and the loss of what is wanting is much bewailed by Erasmus Of those many that are lost I find but few mentioned in any Authors so that it seems not only the Books themselves but even their very Names and Titles are exstinct with them Paulus Diaconus reckoneth among the innumerable Volumes as he hath it which he wrote a very profitable Chronicle compiled by him Also that he discoursed most excellently upon the Evangelists and other Books of the Scripture But how little credit this report deserves will appear from the words of Ierom a Man as well as most acquainted with the writings of those that went before him who tells us that he never commented upon the sacred Scriptures being wholly taken up with the exercise of vertue totus in exereitatione alià s exhortatione virtutum and occupied or hindred by the straits of persecution Unless his three books of testimonies unto Quirinus which
it which in a lofty strain he stirs them up unto for so Augustin ad virginitatem magno accendit eloquio Cyprianus In this Tract as in others also he much imitates his Master as he calls him Tertullian upon the like subject 2. De Lapsis 1. Of such as fell in time of persecution which Erasmus calls by the name of Sermo this with the two following was written shortly after his return from exile peace being restored unto the Church wherein congratulating the Confessors and blessing God for their invincible constancy under the Cross he greatly bewails the fall of such as by the threatenings of the adversary were drawn to sacrifice and did not rather withdraw according unto the counsel of Christ blaming them that before their repentance they would even extort communion and peace from some Presbyters without the consent of the Bishop and lastly by divers arguments he exhorts them unto a publick acknowledgment of their sin and to give satisfaction unto the Church Herein also he imitates Tertulian in his Book of repentance 3. Of the unity of the Church some do add the word Catholick and this Pamelius as himself more than once boastingly tells us from the fifty first Epistle first found out to be the true Title of this Book which Erasmus and some others do stile A Treatise of the Simplicity of Prelates and Augustine an Epistle touching unity A golden Book written by occasion of the Novatian Rent or Schism that he might deter his Carthaginians from siding with Novatus who were too much inclining unto and not so averse from him as they should have been Wherein he earnestly presseth the Pastours carefully to preserve unity in the Church by many weighty arguments shewing the original and sourse of Heresies to be the contempt of the truth and celestial Doctrine of Christ commending unity in the Church and in the close he discourseth of the Duty of those who stand firm in the unity of the Church viz. to shun the society of Schismaticks This excellent piece of Cyprian the Vassals of the Romish See have been most busily tampering with and as palpably corrupting for their advantage in point of the Popes Supremacy having boldly foysted in here and there as they thought fit whole periods and sentences against the faith of the best and most uncorrupted Manuscripts the additions are these following 1. He built his Church on him alone viz. Peter and commanded him to feed his Sheep 2. He established one Chair 3. The Primacy was given unto Peter to shew that there was but one Church of Christ and but one Chair 4. He that forsakes the Chair of Peter on which the Church was founded doth he hope himself to be in the Church Of these last words saith Philander after Theophilus had named six Editions of Cyprian in which they are not indeed I confess the words were wanting till Pamelius a Canon of Bruges found them in an old written Copy lying in the Abby of Cambron All these additions will evidently appear unto any one who without having recourse unto other copies will but compare Erasmus and Pamelius their Editions together He that desireth to be farther satisfyed in the foul fraud of these shameless forgers in this particular let him please to peruse the learned Doctor Reynolds in his conference with Hart chap. 5. division 2. Bilson in his difference c. part 1. pag. 89. and Doctor Iames of the Corruption of the Fathers part 2. So many have been the mutations additions detractions and variations of this small Book that the laborious abovenamed Doctor Iames in a little Treatise written by him which he entituled Cyprian restored or revived hath observed no less than two hundred and eighty eight of them by a diligent collation of four manuscript Copies this the bold Jesuit Possevine in his Apparatus inserts as his own which the Doctor thus chargeth him with It hath pleased him saith he in his first Tome at the word Cyprian to steal a Treatise of mine and concealing my name mutatis mutandis chopping and changing some few words at his pleasure to publish it unto the world Sic noâ— non nobis mellificamus apes A most unworthy act and at least deserving the brand of base ingenuity a fault that Crinitus blames in Macrobius who having been much beholding unto A. Gellius makes no acknowledgment thereof Cum sit inquit obnoxiae mentis ingenii maximè infaelicis uunquam fateri peâ— quos authores profeceris 4. Of the Lord's Prayer which Treatise Augustine thus commends I admonish saith he and much exhort you to read diligently that Book of Blessed Cyprian which he wrote of the Lord's Prayer and as the Lord shall help you to understand and commit it to memory he writes it unto one Valentinus and the Monks that were with him In this piece commending this prayer he shews how we ought to draw near unto God then explains the several parts and petitions of it unto which he subjoyns somewhat of the necessity of prayer how the mind ought to be composed in this duty and when it should be performed Herein also he imitates Tertullian de Oratione Est inquit Sixtuì Senensis sanctae venustae brevitatis explaâ—â—tio 5. Unto Demetrianus the Proconsul of Africa an Apologetical or invective Oration Erasmus wonders why any should rather call it a Treatise then an Epistle Wherein using a more elaborate stile he clears the Christians of those calumnies that were cast upon them by Demetrian and other Ethnicks who imputed it unto the Christians not worshipping the Gods that those grievous judgments of famine pestilence and war did so rage in the Romane Empire the true cause whereof he shews to be their contempt of Christianity which he proves by divers â—â—guments and closeth with an exhortation unto the Gentiles to come unto God and to believe on Jesus Christ. In this likewise he imitates his Master Tertullian in his Apology and in his book against Scapula but is blamed by Lactantius for not handling the matter as he ought because he dealt with an Heathen by Scripture testimonies which Demetrian esteemed as fained and vain who should have been refuted by reason and arguments grounded thereupon yet herein is he defended by Baronius who labors to excuse him 6. Of the vanity of idols or that idols are not gods wherein he proves that they were men and consequently that the worshipping of them can be no way profitable And that there is but one true God and Lord of all whom the Christians worship Erasmus suspects it to be a fragment of a larger work because it begins so abruptly Of which piece Ierom thus speaks commending his wit and skill with what brevity with what knowledge of all Histories with what splendor of words and sense hath Cyprian discussed that idols are not Gods Herein also as he imitated Tertullian in his
be none of Cyprians 3. Of the praise of Martyrdom unto Moses and Maximus wherein pennis eloquentiae se mirificè extulit But the stile is so elaborate and unequal that Erasmus supposeth no man is of so dull a scent but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of Cyprian He thinks it therefore to be an Essay of some one that would exercise his pen wherein he shewed more care then wit and more affectation then ability Cardinal Baronius is very angry with him for this his censure calling him Mome telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the Apologetick unto Demetrian or his Epistle unto Donatus will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces that they proceeded from the same Author But the wit and wisdom of Erasmus dictator ille rei literariae and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the Learned And as he was able so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another that he might the better give a right judgment So that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded as issuing rather from heat and interest then from candid and impartial animadversion The truth is both the Cardinal and the Canon Pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market affording them a considerable authority for the Doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints who therefore strain hard and would fain perswade us that it is Cyprians though they be levissima argumenta very trivial and slender arguments whereby they endeavor to make it appear so to be 4. Unto Novatian the Heretick that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the Lapsi such as fell in time of persecution which saith Erasmus the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is Cyprians But withal it is so Eloquent and Learned that he judgeth it not altogether unworthy of Cyprian yet rather thinks that Cornelius Bishop of Rome wrote it which conjecture he grounds upon the words of Ierom whom herein Honorius Augustodunensis follows and explains saying Cornelius wrote a very large Epistle unto Novatian and Fabius 5. Of the Cardinal or Principal works of Christ unto his ascension unto the Father which besides the Preface consisteth of twelve Chapters or Sermons 1. Of the Nativity of Christ. 2. Of his Circumcision 3. Of the Star and Wisemen 4. Of the Baptism of Christ and manifestation of the Trinity 5. Of his Fasting and Temptations 6. Of the Lords Supper and first institution of the Sacrament consummating all Sacraments wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of Orthodox Antiquity and the Catholick Church concerning the Lords Supper 7. Of washing the Disciples feet 8. Of Annointing with Oyl and other Sacraments 9. Of the passion of Christ. 10. Of his Resurrection 11. Of his Ascension 12. Of the Holy Ghost All these are urged as the authority of Cyprian by divers Romish Champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound Doctrines though it be doubted of by themselves for sundry weighty reasons among the rest these following 1. The stile is lower than Cyprian's useth to be 2. The Author in serm de tentatione sâ—ith that the Devil fell from Heaven before the creation of man contrary unto the opinion of Cyprian in his Treatise de telo invidiâ 3. In the Preface he gives unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome the Title of sublimitas veâ—ra your Highness whereas Cyprian always stiles him brother and Collegue The stile saith Erasmus argues it to be none of Cyprian's though it be the work of some learned man whereof that age had store Non Cypriani quidem inquit Casaubonus sed non indignus Cypriano And Bellarmin himself elsewhere affirms that the author of these Sermons without doubt lived long since Cyprian yea after the time of Augustine and taxeth the boldness of him that first put Cornelius his name in the fore front of this Book But in a very ancient Manuscript in the Library of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford the Author is called Arnaldus Bâ—naâ—illacensis who lived in the time of Bernard unto whom he hath written one or two Epistles and the Book is dedicated not unto Cornelius who lived about the year of Christ 220. but unto Adrian the Fourth who lived about the year 1154. and succeeded Eugenius the Third unto whom Bernard wrote his Book of Consideration Also that Learned Antiquary the Reverend Vsher saith he hath seen besides the abovenamed another Manuscript in the publick Library at Oxford wherein this Book bears the name of the said Arnaldus as the author thereof Taking it then for granted that it is none of Cyprian's let us give it its due in the words of Scultetus It is a Book full of Religious Piety and of great use to Preachers for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stirred up by the spirit of God 6. Of Dicers which Game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a Christian especially an Ecclesiastical man But it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the Church Bellarmin and Pamelius speak doubtfully of it the former supposing it rather to be written by some one of the Bishops of Rome as plainly appears from the Author 's assuming unto himself the Presidentship of the universal Church and to be Christ's Vicar which indeed none ever dared to do but that proud Prelate of Rome 7. Of the Mountains Sina and Sion against the Jews being a mystical interpretation of them the stile shews it to be none of his as both Bellarmin and Pamelius confess yea it is altogether different both from the stile and also the Genius of Cyprian and is stuffed with such allegories and expositions of Scripture as are far from the Learning Piety and Simplicity of this Blessed Martyr 8. As for those Poems viz. Genesis Sodoâ—â— ad Senatorem Pamelius hath adjudged them rather unto Tertullian because of the stile and because Cyprian was never ranked among the Christian Poets but only by Fabricius he might have added Gyraldus so that he leaves the matter doubtful And saith Bellarmin we have no certain ground whence to conclude it So also for the Hymn de Pascha in many Manuscripts it is ascribed â—nto Victorinus Pictaviensis But saith Bellarâ—in of them Opera sunt gravia docta S. Cyprianâ— digna To which I add the Verses de Sanctae Crucis ligno which Lilius Gyraldâ—s ascribes unto Cyprian being sixty nine Heroicks in number Quos inquit ego legi si semel legatis iterum saepe legetis But as I find them no where else mentioned as Cyprian's so I conceive Pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest had he seen
have been both written by the same Author not Athanasius but one Maximus a very Learned Man many years after the death of Athanasius Scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of Maximus upon a certain old Parchment in which these Dialogues were wrapt up This Maximus was a Constantinopolitane Monk who lived in the time of Pope Honorius a Monothelite and died Ann. Six hundred fifty seven The Catalogue of whose book mentioned by Photius or which are in the Vaticane Library contains divers that have the very same title with those which are inserted among the works of Athanasius 64. A book of divers questions of the Sacred Scripture unto King Antiochus which appears to be supposititious because first Athanasius himself is therein cited quaest 23. and that under the name of Athanasius the Great which would have argued too much arrogance Secondly Many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgment of Athanasius Thirdly The Mystical Theology of Dionysius Areopagita is alledged therein which I suppose saith Sixtus Senensis was altogether unknown in the time of Athanasius he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the Fathers by some studious man Fourthly The questions are variously reckoned in some Copies there being only fourty and six in others one hundred sixty and two Fifthly Gregory Nazianzen is twice named in it Also there are cited Gregory Nyssen and Epiphanius as ancient authors yet was Athanasius before them also Chrysostom Scala Iohannis Maximus Nicephorus c. all of them juniors unto Athanasius Sixthly Yea quaest 108. the Romans are said to be a kind of Franks whence he evidently appears to be a late author for all those of the West are called Franks in the Turks Dominions Luce ergò clarius est inquit Cocus libellum hunc filium esse populi nec novisse parentem suum Yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the Romanists to prove that there are nine orders of Angels that the Saints departed do know all things images lawful distinction of sins orders of Monks necessity of baptism Sacrament of pennance prayer for the dead Antichrist to be a certain person the sacrifice of the Altar c. 65. Questions of the words and interpretations of the Evangelical parables they are supposititious for they are gathered out of Chrysostom Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory Nyssen their very names being expressed 66. Certain other Anonymous questions which appear to be spurious in all likelyhood the work of some late Greek for in them the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son is denied 67. The life of Antony the Monk That such a narration was written by Athanasius both Nazianzen and Ierome do affirm But that this now extant should be the same believe it who will I doubt not saith Scultelus but that it is the figment of some foolish man for endeavoring to shew how in the whole course of his life Antony imitated Christ he talks childishly and ridiculously and there are many things in it saith Tossanus that are fabulous and savour not of the gravity and simplicity of Athanasius Besides some report Antony to have been a Lawyer and very learned but this Author makes him altogether illiterate But that this is an Ancient Legend appears from hence that Damaseen cites a place out of it Yet is it but a Fable and no more notwithstanding all Bellarmines vain confidence to the contrary 68. A Sermon in Parasceuen or the preparation which I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian Edition by Nannius only Possevine saith that it was first set forth in Greek and Latine in the Antwerp Edition 69. Certain fragments of Athanasius upon the Psalms taken out of Nicetas his Catena with some other out of other Authors 70. Eleven books of the united Deity of the Trinity others reckon but seven they are found only in Latine and seem to have been written in that Language and not Translated out of the Greek as appears partly from the Stile and partly because the Author tells us how those things are expressed by the Greeks which he wrote in Latine he also confutes one Vrbicus Potentinus a disciple or follower of Eunomius which Athanasius could not do 71. A disputation concerning the Faith held at Laodicea between Athanasius and Arius it is clearly Commentitious and Counterfeit nor can it be a true disputation between those two for Athanasius is here brought in as a Deacon disputing in the second year of Constantius whereas it appears that Athanasius was made Bishop long before viz. In the one and twentieth year of Constantine the Great and Arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same Emperor who therefore could not dispute in the Reign of Constantius 2. Herein is mention made of Photinus the Heretick as if from him Arius had Learned his Heresie whereas Photinus was after Arius It seems rather to be that Dialogue which was written by Vigilius Bishop of Trent against Sabellius Photinus and Arius which he therefore set forth under the name of Athanasius that saith he persons present might seem to deal with those that were present 72. An exhortation unto the Monks It is forged 73. An Epistle unto Pope Mark for the exemplars of the Nicene Council with the answer of Mark thereunto both which without doubt are supposititious for this Mark was dead at that time when as 't is pretended this answer was written also at this time was Athanasius in banishment in France and so could not write from Alexandria So that both these Epistles and also the seventy pretended Canons of the Council of Nice contained in them are none other then a meer forgery 74. A Sermon upon the passion of our Saviour which is a meer patch taken almost verbatim out of the Sermon upon the same subject being the forth in this Catalogue 75. Of the passion of the image of Christ Crucified at Beryth in Syria It savors of the Golden Legend And that it cannot be the work of Athanasius may evidently appear from the title that Anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto which was this D. Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini de passione imaginis Domini nostri Iesu Christi qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in urbe quae Berythus dicitur temporibus Constantini senioris Irenae uxoris ejus Now it is known unto all that Athanasius was dead some Centuries of years before the reign of those two abovementioned This Fable is by Sigebert referred unto the year Seven hundred sixty five about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated It must needs therefore be the work of some later Author saith the Learned Daille so tastless a piece and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit that he must be thought not to have common sense that can find in
him to have been dead though indeed he were then alive 3. His book against the Arians or agaâ—nst Auxentius Bishop of Millain written unto the Bishops and people detesting the Arian heresie which by Ierom is stiled an elegant book wherein he accuseth the said Bishop as infected with Arianism To which is annexed an Epistle of Auxentius wherein he cleareth himself as not guilty of the crime laid to his charge 4. His book of Synods unto the Bishops of France whom he congratulates that in the midst of so great tumults as are in the world they had kept themselves free from the Arian faction wherein he declares in what meetings of the Bishops the Arian heresie had been condemned This book as himself testifieth he translated out of Greek but with this liberty that neglecting the words he kept still to the sense and where the place invites him so to do he adds and intermingles somewhat of his own Of which Chemnitius thus speaks He gathered together saith he the opinions of the Greeks concerning the Trinity and unless he had collected the decrees of the Eastern Synods we should have known nothing of them as touching their opinions and doctrinâ—s 5. His commentary upon the Gospel of Matthew which he divided into thirty and three Canons by which name it is called of some Going through almost the whole of that Evangelist in a succinct and brief but learned and solid explanation Being more delighted with the allegorical than literal sense herein imitating Origen out of whom I doubt not saith Erasmus he translated this whole work it doth so in all things savour both of the wit and phrase of Origen For as it containeth many choice things which do proclaim the Author to have been most absolutely skilled in the sacred Scriptures so is he sometimes too superstitious and violent in his allegories a peculiar fault to be found in almost all the commentaries of Origen 6. His commentary upon the Psalms not the whole but upon the first and second then from the one and fiftieth unto the sixty and second according to Ierom's reckoning but as now extant in Erasmus his edition from the one and fiftyeth unto the end of the sixty and ninth which addition Sixtus Senensis saith he had read being printed Also from the hundred and nineteenth unto the end of the book only that upon the last Psalm is imperfect the last leaf saith Erasmus in the manuscripts being either torn or worn away as it oftentimes falls out This work is rather an imitation than a translation of Origen for he adds somewhat of his own some do affirm that he set forth tractates upon the whole book of the Psalms and that it was extant in Spain But commonly no more is to be found than the above mentioned as also his book of the Synods being very large Ierom transcribed with his own hand at Triers for he had him in very high esteem There are also some books abroad under his name which are justly suspected and taken for spurious As 1. An Epistle unto Abram or Afram his Daughter which is a mere toy of some idle and unlearned man it hath nothing in it worthy of Hilary much less that which follows viz. 2. An Hymn which hath in it neither rhythm nor reason yet doth Ierom testifie of Hilary that he wrote in verse and perhaps some of those hymns which at this day are sung in the Church whose Author is unknown may be his He was so far skill'd this way that Gyraldus gives him a place and ranks him among the Christian Poets Bellarmine and Possevin had but small reason upon so slender a ground as they have to affirm both of these to be his without doubt 3. A book of the unity of the Father and the Son which whether it were his or no seems very uncertain seeing Ierom makes no mention of it It seems to be a rhapsody of some studious man taken partly out of the second but for the most part out of the ninth book of the Trinity who omitted and added what he pleased With this as a distinct book from it Bellarmine joyns another of the essence of the Father and the Son which yet I find not named by any other Author Indeed there is an appendix unto the former of the various names of Christ which Bellarmine mentions not the phrase whereof differs much from Hilary's The Author whereof would fain imitate Hilary which he was not negligent in the performance of They are grave and learned books saith Bellarmine of his two and not unworthy the spirit and eloquence of Hilary 4. An Epistle unto Augustine concerning the remains of the Pelagian heresie which cannot be Hilary's because that heresie was not known in his time 5. Another Epistle unto Augustine being the eighty and eighth in number among Augustines in which he propounds certain questions to be resolved but neither this nor the â—ormer are our Hilary's who was dead before Augustine became a Christian and yet in his answer he stiles him his Son They both seem to belong unto another Hilary that was afterward made Bishop of Arles who together with Prosper of Aquitain defended the cause of Augustine against the French Semipelagians The former of the Epistles gave occasion unto Augustine to write his treatises of the predestination of the Saints and of the good of perseverance to which are prefix'd this Epistle together with one from Prosper concerning the same matter 6. A fragment concerning the things that were done in the Council of Ariminum rejected by Baronius 7. An heroick Poem stiled Genesis written unto Pope Leo who lived Ann. 440. at what time Hilary had left this life And therefore it cannot be his but may better be ascribed unto the abovenamed Hilary Bishop of Arles 8. A fragment of the Trinity which contains his creed but of little credit as being no where else mentioned It might happily be an extract out of his work upon this subject § 4. As for his stile it is perplex and thâ—rny such as should he handle matters in themselves very clear yet would it be both hard to be understood and easie to be depraved Very lofty he is after the Gallicane manner for this seems to be peculiar unto the wit and genius of that nation as appears in Sulpitius Severus Eucherius and of late the famous Budaeus adeo sublimis ut tubam sonare credas non bominem adeò faeliciter elaboratus ut eruditum lectorem nunquam satiet trivialiter literatos procul submoveat and being adorned with the Flowers of Greece he is sometimes involved in long periods so that he is far above the reach of and in vain perused by unskilful Readers which yet Sixtus Senensis thinketh ought to be referred unto his books of the Trinity wherein he imitated Quintilian both in his
drawn from the testimony of Irenaeus who in his fifth book against heresies towards the end hath these words As one of our own who for the testimony of God was adjudged to the beasts said I am the Wheat of God c. Solut. Irenaeus saith not that he wrote those words but only that he spake so Then it cannot be gathered that he saw any writing of Ignatius Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes indifferently both the thing uttered by the voice and those delivered in writing also so Tit. 1. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of themselves even a prophet of their own said this was written by Epimenides the Poet. So then notwithstanding the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he might have that sentence from some writing of Ignatius 2. Ierom and others report that those words were uttered by him when he was adjudged to the beasts which was no small while before he encountred them For after his sentence pronounced he was led from Syria to Rome a long journey wherein he writ his genuine Epistles of which that to the Romans was one containing the words pronounced by him So that probable it is that he spake those words more than once between the time of his being sentenced aud executed and therefore may well be conceived to have made mention of them in an Epistle 2. Mr. Dallee concludes that Irenaeus never saw or knew of any Epistle of Ignatius 1. Because he brings the Authority of such as were Elders before him and disciples of the Apoles against the error of Florinus and of Polycarp by name but mentions not Ignatius Answ. 1. His not mentioning of Ignatius is but a slender argument to prove that he saw not any Epistle of his he might have some reason unknown to us of this his silence 2. Ignatius is no less contained in the word Elders than Polycarp for he saith in general that Florinus never had his doctrine delivered to him from those Elders the disciples of the Apostles which expression Elders comprehends and may be understood of Ignatius as well as Polycrap who were both the Disciples of the Apostle Iohn 3. In that fragment of his Epistle to Florinus he saith this only of Polycarp I saith he saw thee Florinus when I was yet a boy with Polycarp in the lesser Asia c. and then adds if that holy and Apostolick Elder had heard any such thing he would streight have stopp'd his ears This therefore is but a weak Proof that he never saw any of Ignatius his epistles but rather the contrary he being as well as Polycarp comprehended in the name Elders 2. Because where he mentions the difference between Anicetus Bishop of Rome and Polycarp about the observation of Easter he speaks not a word of Ignatius especially considering that peremptory saying of his in his Epistle to the Philippians that if any one observed Easter with the Iews he is partaker with those that slew the Lord and his Apostles Anicetus might well have objected this to Polycarp p. 270. Answ. You have little reason to say that the Epistle to the Philippians was altogether unknown to Irenaeus because he made not use of this passage to Anicetus for 't is conceived that those words fell not from the Pen of Ignatius but were since foisted in by some one that corrupted that Epistle we grant that Irenaeus never read those words there nor could he well seeing they were not at that time there to be found Yet might he see that Epistle as it came out of the hands of Ignatius which had no such blemish in it 3. Because he is of a contrary mind unto Ignatius about the time of Christs abode upon earth Ignatius rightly conceiving that being baptized about the thirtieth year of his Age he remained on earth but three Passovers after that time whereas Irenaeus thinks that he taught to his fortieth or fiftieth year Answ. 1. Irenaeus was not bound to follow Ignatius in every thing if he had a peculiar apprehension of his own in this matter what eminent men have not in some things had the like wherein yet sometimes they have been in the wrong 2. Irenaeus erring herein thought he had reason for his opinion Mr. Parker lib. 4. § 13. de descensu speaks in his behalf This tradition saith he of Irenaeus carried in it a certain shew of truth and seems to have a foundation from the Scriptures He i. e. Christ was called Master and had the perfect age of a Master he came to save every Age therefore he passed through every one thou art not yet fifty year old Ioh. 8. 65. therefore was he forty or upward for the Jews lyed not or missed twenty years Also Irenaeus brings in men of great name for Authors namely the Elders which had lived with Iohn in Asia He quotes for this Iren. lib. 2. cap. 39. 40. No marvel then that he was mistaken and his dissent from Ignatius herein is but of little strength to prove that he was altogether unacquainted with Ignatius his Epistles I may here make use of Mr. Dallee's words cap. 9. p. 282. where speaking of the disagreement of Clemens Alexandrinus from Ignatius about the time of Christs preaching after his baptism whereas Ignatius saith it was three years Clemens saith it was but one he hath this passage If Clemens had known the judgment of so great a man as Ignatius without doubt he either for his piety would have followed it or for his learning he would certainly have brought reasons and confirm'd it why he thought not that to be followed thus he And this we find Irenaeus to have done viz. To have produced reasons 3. The third Argument or objection made by the dissenters is drawn from the testimony of Origen in whom are to be seen two passages of Ignatius that are found in his Epistles the former in bom in Luc. cap. 6. where naming Ignatius I saith he found written in an epistle of his that the virginity of Mary was hidden from the Prince of this world epist. ad Ephes. The latter out of his prologue to his commentary on the Canticles where he thus speaks I remember that one of the Saints spake thus of Christ My love was crucified So Ignatius in his Epistle to the Romans Solut. The latter of these passages he saith that he spake but not that he writ so Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies speaking either with the voice or by writing As doth also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same import as Act. 17. 28. As some of your own Poets have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instancing in a saying of Aratus in his Poem entituled Phaenomena 2. He might both speak write so too see his answer to his Solution of the first argument from the testimony of Irenaeus 2. Solut. Each place saith he alledged out of Origen is of uncertain and doubtful Authority Answ. 1. If those places be dubious then the
passages of Ignatius might be reported by Origen as well as not And the Authority is of equal strength for the Affirmative or Negative nothing certain can be concluded from them 2. Erasmus his censure which you produce who thinks it none of his is not infallible and Merlin to whose pains we are beholding for one edition of Origen who therefore should be acquainted with his works is very confident that these commentaries are Origen's 3. The reason for which they are judged to be the work of some Latine Author seems not to be so cogent viz. because some Greek words are interpreted by Latine For this he might do for the help of those that might not so well understand some Greek words which therefore needed explication Besides it is known that for Origen's works although he wrote them in Greek yet have we scarcely any of them at this day but only in Latine except his excellent answer to Celsus in eight books Therefore these interpretations of divers Greek words by Latine and the saying that such a Latine word or expression is rendred so or so in the Greek may be done by the Translators of his works which is most likely from whence therefore it cannot be inferred that those Commentaries are none of Origen's 4. For his homilies on Luke they are not mentioned by either Cook or Rivet among the Tracts falsely ascribed to Origen which doubtless they would and in such a work their censure they ought to have done had they judged them not to be Origens 5. Ierom the interpreter of these Homilies on Luke thinks them to be Origens but a birth of his younger years and not so elaborate for some errors sprinkled amongst them Sixt. Senens in Biblioth which errors as Merlin imagines were inserted by those that envied him So that notwithstanding what is said by Mr. Dallee those sayings of Ignatius may have been related by Origen which he might be acquainted with from his Epistles 4. The fourth Argument or objection made by the dissenters is drawn from the testimony of Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea who in his Ecclesiatical History lib. 3. cap. 32. mentions six Epistles of Ignatius So the Reverend Vsser accounts them making that to the Church of Smyrna and to Polycarp their Bishop to be the same but others reckon seven judging that to Smyrna and that to Polycarp to be two distinct Epistles These six or seven saith Mr. Dallee p. 442. we confess that Eusebius acknowledgeth and holds them to be truly the Epistles of Ignatius To these Mr. Dallee's Solutions are 1. Solut. His testimony is of no force being of a man that was two hundred years later than Ignatius Answ. 1. The Epistles of Ignatius might well be preserved unto that time many mens writings have remained many hundred years longer 2. If so then might Eusebius well come to the sight of them though others not being a man so inquisitive after books and Pamphilus his intimate companion most studious and diligent in erecting the Library at Cesarea and searching after books So Ierom. Iulius Africanus began a well furnished Library in the University of Caesarea saith Middendorp of Academyes lib. 2. which Pamphilus and Eusebius so enriched that there is not a more famous one in the whole Earth Being then so intimately acquainted with Pamphilus as that he added his name to his own being called Eusebius Pamphili and assistant with him who was very curious to find out the writings of those that went before him in compleating his Library questionless they would not omit so precious a treasure as the epistle of Ignatius which saith Polycarp epist. ad Philip. are such that from them you may reap great profit for they contain faith patience and all edification pertaining to our Lord. Here then Eusebius might come to see and peruse them if he had them not among his own store 3. The work he undertook and accomplished viz. The compiling of an Ecclesiastical History wherein no one had gone before him required that he should be supplyed with fitting furniture for such an enterprise who therefore being most inquisitive after the chief monuments of antiquity doubtless would not neglect so choice a relique as those epistles that might contribute not a little to his intended design So that if Ignatius writ any epistles and saith Mr. Dallee it were a foolish part in any to deny that he did p. 450. who was more likely to obtain them reserved with utmost care by those that lived with him as Polycarp and the Churches to whom he sent them than Eusebius so conducing to his purpose 2 Solut. He leans saith Mr. Dallee upon a broken Reed viz. the two passages in Polycarp and Irenaeus which are falsly said to be found in them as hath been made to appear Answ. But we have shewed before that the allegations from them are a ground sufficient to prove that for which they were produced and therefore I refer you to what hath been said hereof already 3 Solut. He evidently overthrows this his opinion by somewhat laid down by himself elsewhere which Mr. Dallee stiles his Golden Rule which is this that no books inscribed with the names of the Ancients are to be accounted for true but only those whose testimonies were made use of by men either of the same or certainly of the next memory or Age Euseb. lib. 3. c. 34. Answ. Eusebius his words are these speaking of the second Epistle of Clement Bishop of Rome to the Corinthians we have to learn saith he that there is a second epistle of Clement which was not so received and approved of as the former seeing we find not that the Elders or Ancients did use it Now the question may be what use of it Eusebius means Not that which Mr. Dallee intends viz. their alledging of it in their writings but the publick reading of it in the Churches for so Eusebius records of his first epistle One undoubted Epistle saith he of his there is extant both worthy and notable which he wrote from Rome unto Corinth when sedition was raised among the Corinthians the same epistle we have known to have been read publickly in many Churches both of old and amongst us also hist. l. 3. c. 14. Again saith he Dionysius Bishop of Corinth writing an epistle to the Romans viz. unto Soter their Bishop remembreth the Epistle of Clement thus we have saith he this day solemniz'd the holy Sunday in which we have read your Epistle and always will for instructions sake even as we do the former of Clement written unto us hist l. 4. c. 22 So that Eusebius his golyen rule as your term it being thus misunderstood by you proves in its right sence as no way advantageous unto you so no whit at all prejudicial unto him Thus have I spoken a word in the behalf of Ignatius's his epistles which notwithstanding what hath been said by the learned Mr. Dallee do not appear to be altogether supposititious and that though they have been
and of light to illuminate but also and that chiefly to bring that unto some good and profitable end and issue that hath been devised by wicked men and to use those things profitably which seem to be evil Again nothing comes to pass without the will of the Lord of all It remains therefore that we briefly say that things of this Nature viz. persecutions c. do come to pass the Lord not letting or hindring them for this only salves both the Divine Providence and Goodness for we ought not to imagine that he doth effectually cause afflictions far be it from us so to think but we ought to perswade our selves that he doth not hinder those who are the authors of them but make use of the bold attempts of adversaries unto a good end 7. God who is good and gracious chastiseth for three causes 1. That he who is chastised may become better than he was 2. That such as may or shall be saved being admonished by Examples may be prepared 3. That he who is injured may not be contemned and apt or exposed to more injury 8. Speaking of the several sorts of Officers in the Church he makes mention only of those three commonly received viz. Bishops Elders and Deacons 9. Reprehension is as it were a kind of Chirurgery of the affections of the Soul and admonition is as it were a kind of dyet for the sick soul which counselleth and adviseth unto those things that are to be taken and forbids such as are to be forborn 10. He calls pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Metropolis or principal seat of Vice 11. As touching the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews because I find it recorded by Eusebius Nicephorus and others I thought good not to omit it he affirmeth it to be Pauls undoubtly whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine Apostle and therefore written in the Hebrew Tongue for the Hebrews sakes but faithfully translated by Luke who was the Disciple of Paul and published unto the Gentiles or Greeks and therefore we find in it the like phrase or manner of speech as is used in the Acts of the Apostles And that we have not the wonted superscription prefixed in this Epistle viz. Paul an Apostle c. he gives this reason of it For saith he writing unto the Hebrews because of the ill opinion they had conceived of him he very wisely concealed his name left upon the sight thereof they should be dismayed and refuse to read the Epistle And also even as Macarius the Elder said for as much as the Lord himself was the Messenger of the Almighty and sent unto the Hebrews Paul for modesties sake or out of his humility being the Apostle of the Gentiles wrote not himself the Apostle of the Hebrews partly for the honour due to Christ and partly also for that he being the Apostle of the Gentiles did freely and boldly write unto the Hebrews 12. Of the Order of the Evangelists according unto the tradition of the Elders he thus writeth The Gospels which contain the Genealogies are placed and accounted the first viz. Matthew and Luke The Gospel according to Mark was written upon this occasion when Peter preached openly at Rome and published the Gospel by lively voice many of his Auditors entreated Mark having been a hearer and follower of that Apostle a long time and one that well remembred his words to deliver unto them in writing such things as he had heard Peter Preach before which thing when Peter afterward understood to be done though he had not given command that it should be done yet being done he forbad it not Iohn last of all seeing in the other Evangelists the Humanity of Christ set forth at large being intreated by the Disciples and filled with the holy Ghost he wrote chiefly of his Divinity 13. By the Gnostick in our Author in whom this term is freequently used we are to understand the compleat and perfect Christian whom he so stiles in opposition unto those foul Hereticks and false Christians who for the excellency of knowledge which they vainly boasted of proudly assumed and appropriated unto themselves this name and title of Gnosticks or knowing men by which they are commonly known Against these he opposeth the true Gnostick for the information and description of whom he wrote his Books of Stromes as the inscription set down by Eusebius and more at large by Photius doth more than intimate though especially and particularly he discourseth upon this subject in the sixth and seventh Books wherein he treateth of the Affections Science Speech Prayers Love both to God and to the Truth of the benignity Sacrifices and Contemplation of the true Gnostick In which description he is so exact that he therein shews rather what a one a Christian should be than what any one is there being no such example to be found such as was the pourtraict of a wise man by the Stoicks and of a common-wealth by Plato whom herein our Author imitated 14. He shews whence several Heresies have their several names Some saith he take their names from the Authors of them as from Valentinus Marcion and Basilides although they boast that they bring the opinion of Mathias for both the Doctrine and Tradition of all the Apostles was one and the same Some are named from the place as the Peratici Others from the Nation as the Heresie of the Phrygians Some from their profession as the Encratitae because they abstained from Marriage Wine and the eating of Flesh others from their proper opinions as the Docitae and Haematitae Some from their hypotheses and the things which they honoured as those which are called Cainists and Ophiani Others from those things which they nefariously perpetrated and dared as those of the Simoniani who are called Entychitae Of which last Danaeus thus speaks Canistae qui ab amoribus turpissimis ita sunt appellati fuerunt tetriores quanquam Clement strom lib. 7. putat fuisse Eutychitas sed errorem subesse in condicibus impressis nemo qui aliorum de eisdem rebus scripta legerit dubitabit 15. In the first Book of Stromes undertaking to demonstrate the antiquity of the Christian Religion and that it was before the Philosophy of the Heathen he proves that Moses who flourished in the time of Inachus the King of the Argives was more ancient than any of the Greek Poets Philosophers or Wise men yea most of their gods to which end he sets down and reckons the times of the Kingdoms of the Jews Persians Macedonians and Romans and so presents us with an exact and accurate Chronology from the time of Moses unto the death of Emperour Commodus in whose Successors reigns viz. Severus for Pertinax who came between them held the Empire but a few Months he wrote these Books as Eusebius concludes for thus he Clemens writing his Books of Stromes
Ruffine out of it objects a passage against him 14. Upon Matthew his Commentaries which are to be ranked among his Tomes as the Greek Titles declare though some have imprudently divided them into Tracts or Homilies whereas there is not the least footstep of that kind of writing to be found in them for his Homilies always end in a Doxology having sometimes a short Prayer joyned therewith It contains thirty eight Homilies say some but thirty five say others wherein we have an exposition of a great part of this Gospel viz. from the thirteenth unto the seven and twentyeth Chapter It is a piece saith Erasmus most worthy to be read Origen is ardent every where but no where more than when he handleth the sayings and doings of Christ and in my judgement saith he no one of the Evangelists doth more fully comprehend the Life and Doctrine of Christ then Matthew Yet Ambrose conceiveth our Author to be far meaner in the new Testament than in the Old The Translator in all probability was Ruffine as may be gathered though the Preface be wanting from the liberty which he takes in translating It seems saith GryneuS to be the writing of some Latin demptis iis quae vertit Erasmu◠who translated a good part of this work viz. from the thirteenth Chapter unto the twentyeth verse of the sixteenth Chapter Docti dubitant an tractatus in Matthaeum tribui debeant Origeni 15. Upon Luke thirty and nine Homilies of which without doubt Ierom was the Translator seeing he professeth so much in his Preface And because they are not so elaborate and are sprinkled with some errours that were condemned he excuseth them as written by Origen when but young as those upon Matthew when he was old He is no where in his Homilies so short and concise as in these Three and thirty of them are a continued exposition of this Gospel from the beginning thereof unto the midst of the fourth Chapter The six latter of them are an enarration of divers places scattered here and there Est liber optimus inquit Grynaeus habet tamen aliquas salebras It 's an Interpretation saith Merlin which those that envyed him have prophaned with sundry errours so that many think it not to be his because of the many errours inserted therein 16. Upon Iohn thirty and two Tomes Ierom speaks of thirty and nine which he durst not undertake to translate for the Bulk of them They all lay hid till of late Perionius a Monk of Cassinas found nine Tomes of them in an old Greek Copy which he light on in the King of France his Library and turned into Latin yet were they in many places maimed and inconsequent These were afterward by some obscure Grecian divided into thirty and two Tomes that they might be the more desired and sell the dearer by whom Ambrose of Millain a Monk of Cassina was deluded though a Man sagacious enough and of a quick Wit who translated and published them in thirty and two Tomes as now they are which saith he in his Postscript let the Reader know I have done with utmost diligence and fidelity so that it is not at all changed from what it was as written by the Authour 17. Certain Homilies upon divers places of the Evangelists which without doubt are not all Origens some of them saith Erasmus it 's apparent are not his but of some Latin Author and the rest impudently corrupted by Ruffine They are ten in number whereof seven are upon certain places of Matthew two upon Iohn viz upon part of the first and part of the twentyeth Chapters and one upon the Epiphany without a certain Text. The fifth upon Matthew seems to be of some Latin Authour for saith he Spiritu◠Sanctus is of the Neuter Gender not of the Masculine as with us where he plainly discovers himself to be a Latin For the eighth saith Merlin many think it to be Origens though it be not fully his stile The ninth is a meer Cento patch't up the former part thereof with somewhat taken out of Origens thirty fourth tract upon Matthew the latter part with two fragments the one taken out of Gregory's Morals chap. 14. and some others later then Origen yea the stile of these fragments shew that they are none of his The Homily upon the first of Iohn is apparently none of his there being mention made of the Manichees and Arians both which arose long after Origen and withal the Author saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Graecos sunt Masculini Generis The Homily upon the twentyeth of Iohn cannot be his for it is clearly of a Latin stile And if some be of Latin Authors the rest may justly be suspected to be so too Yet are these cited by those of Rome as Origens to prove the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist that Dionysius the Areopagite is the Authour of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and what is the use and benefit of making the sign of the Cross with the fingers 18. Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans in ten Books as we have them divided by Merlin and Grynaeus though Sixtus Senensis Trithemius and some others make them fifteen Ierom is supposed to be the interpreter though it do appear both from the preface and especially from the peroration that Ruffine was the translatour of them who saith that he had contracted the whole work almost one half how great an injury to deprive the Church of such a treasure Yet is Salmeron of a contrary judgment upon the same grounds Ex Epistolâ ad Heraclium inquit quae loco prooemii praefigitur libris Origenis in Epist. ad Romanos ex peroratione in quâ se Hieronymus interpretem illorum non tantùm verbis sed etiam stylo satis prodit constat Hieronymum eos Latinos reddidisse 19. Four Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod vel de principiis vel de potestatibus dici potest inquit Ruffinus of principles or of powers which he wrote in emulation of one Longinus a Philosopher well known unto him as Baronius conceives who in those times had set forth a Commentary almost of the same argument This is the Book the interpretation whereof occasioned so hot a contest between Ierom and Ruffine who both performed that task wherein especially Ierom chargeth him with false dealing for that he added some things subtracted others and took liberty to change what he pleased whereas for his part he desired faithfully to discharge the duty of an interpreter I saith he simply expressed what I found in the Greek my care was to change nothing Again I leave it to your judgment what pains I did undergo in translating the Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeing that to change any thing that was in the