manifest my self thus openly to the view of all Some there be that have hardly censured of me for idleness and sloth as they make it because it seems I intrude not every moment into the supply of other mens Ministries since it hath not yet pleased God to prefer and promote me to a Charge of mine own I know well the saying of the Apostle Rom. 1. 14. belongs to all Ministers To Greeks and Barbarians The Syrian to that verse adds a word which may well serve for a Comment mehhaâ—obh leakrez I am a debtor or I ought to Preach to the wise and foolish they are all debtors and as the Syrian adds leakrez they are debtors to Preach And whoso is necessarily called and refuseth is as bad as the false Prophets were that would run before they were sent nay he may seem rather worse that when he is sent will not go From this censure how far I am free my Conscience tells me though I must confess that I am not so hasty as many be to intrude my self where is no necessity This hath among some purchased me the skar of slothfulness to vindicate which I have here ventured as Children do to shoot another arrow to find one that is lost so have I hazarded my Credit one way to save it another I know mine own weakness and that this my pains to Scholars may seem but idle yet had I rather undergo any censure than the blot of the other Idleness the begetter of all Evil and of Unthankfulness the hinderer of all Good This is the cause that brings me to a Book and my Book to you That by the one I may testifie to the World that I love not to be Idle and by the other witness to you that I love not to be Unthankful Accept I beseech you of so small a Present and so troublesom a Thankfulness and what I want in Tongue and Effect I will answer in Desire and Affection suing always to the Throne of Grace for the present prosperity of your Self and your Noble Lady and the future Felicity of you both hereafter From my Study at Hornsey near LONDON March 5. 1629. Yours devoted in all Service JOHN LIGHTFOOT TO THE READER Courteous Reader for such a one I wish or none I May well say of writing Books as the wise Greek did of marriage For a young man it is too soon and with an old man his time is out Yet have I ventured in youth to become publick as if I were afraid that men would not take notice of my weakness and unlearnedness soon enough If I fall far short of a Scholar as I know I do my youth might have some plea but that mine attempt can have no excuse but thy Charity To that I rather submit my self than to thy Censure I have here brought home with me some gleanings of my more serious studies which I offer to thee not so much for thy Instruction as for thy harmless Recreation I bear in mind with me the saying of Rabbi Josihar Jehudah in Pirke Abhoth He that learns of young Men is like a man that eats unripe Grapes or that drinks Wine out of the Wine-press but he that learneth of the Ancient is like a Man that eateth ripe Grapes and drinketh Wine that is old For fear thy Teeth should be set on edge I have brought some Variety I have not kept any Method for then I should not answer my Title of Miscellanies I have upon some things been more Copious than other and as Rab. Salomon observes of Ruth I have sometime but stood to Glean and sometime sitten down I hope thou wilt not censure me for Judaizing though I cite them for it is but as the Musician in Plutarch did setting a Discord first that you may better judge of the Consort and seeing Error you may the more embrace the Truth If this my Youthful attempt shall provoke any one that is Young to Emulation in the Holy Tongues I shall think I have gained Adjourn thy severe Censure till either future Silence or some second Attempt either lose all or make some Satisfaction For the present Quisquis haec legit ubi pariter certus est pergat mecum ubi pariter haesitat quaerat mecum ubi errorem suum cognoscit redeat ad me ubi meum revocet me Aug. de Trinit Lib. 1. Cap. 3. Thine ready and willing but unable I. Lightfoot OF KNOWLEDGE OF GOD. CHAP. I. OMNE tempus te puta perdidisse c. saith one All time is lost that is not spent in thinking of God To be full of thoughts of him is a lawful and holy prodigality And to spend time in such meditations a gainful lavishing For this end were the Scriptures given to lead us to meditate of God by meditating in them day and night Psal. 1. 2. Herein those fail that never think of God at all and those also that think not of him aright The Prophet makes this the mark of wicked men that God is not in all their thoughts That like the Jews they murder Zechariah the remembrance of God even between the Temple and the Altar Commendable in some sort was the devotion of the Philosopher that in so many years spoke more with the Gods than with Men. Had his Religion been towards the true God what could have been asked of him more I would Christians hearts were so retired towards their Creator that so he that made the heart might have it The Heathens thought there was a God but knew not what to think of him They prayed and sacrificed and kept a stir to something but they might well have marked their Churches Altars and Prayer with the Athenian Altar Motto 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the unknown God Act. 17. Plato attained to the thought of one only God the Persians thought he could not be comprehended in a Temple and Numas thought he could not be represented by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Clem. Alex. Strom. 1. p. 131. image and for this saith Clem. Alex. he was helped by Moses yet came all these far short of the knowledge of God Nature when she had brought them thus far was come to a non ultra and could go no further Happy then are we if we could but right prize our happiness to whom the day spring from an high hath risen and the Son of Righteousness with healing in his wings upon whom the noon-tide of the Gospel shineth and the knowledge of God in its strength Even so O Lord let it be still told in Gath and published in the streets of Ascalon to the rancour and sorrow of the uncircumcised that God is known in Britain and his Name is great in England CHAP. II. Of the Names of GOD used by Jews and Gentiles NO Nation so barbarous saith Tully that hath not some tincture of knowledge that there is a Deity And yet many nay most People of the World fall short of the right apprehension of God through
when the strain of Opinions in Divinity ran generally another way after the first Forreign Reformers before things were so calmly impartially and perhaps judiciously examined He lived and publickly appeared principally when Factions grew high and were in great ferment when the Populacy the worst of Masters all being done the most ignorant selfish and ungenerous were courted when publick accusation was the fashion and all things found fault with right or wrong when affairs were carried with clamour confidence and violence with pretences and appearances of Religion and Reformation backed with a present success And it was no wonder if some good and innocent men especially such as he who was generally more concerned about what was done in Judea many Centuries since than what was transacted in his own Native Country by the intrigues and designs of Enthusiastical or Hypocritical Polititians I say it is no wonder if some such were born away to some compliances in some opinions and practises in Religious and Civil matters which they themselves afterwards upon more sedate and serious reflection did not allow And yet it seems his innocency from any self-interest or design together with his Learning secured him from the extravagancies and follies of the Demagogues the peoples Oracles every one of which affected to distinguish and signalize himself by some peculiar Doctrine or Custom but in truth were no more fit for Teachers and Governors in Religion than Mountebanks to compose Dispensatories or to be Presidents of Colleges of Physicians For one little proof of which when in the University it self the use of the Lords Prayer was generally laid aside He did in the University Church as I remember both produce and discourse his own opinion concerning the obligations to use the form of it in Publick and accordingly to testifie his more than ordinary assurance and zeal recited it both before and after his Sermon His preaching in the University in his course which he seldom omitted was to the most judicious and best disposed and there were many who began carefully to examine things when heats were over very acceptable For he always brought with him some new and considerable notion either in the explication of some place of Scripture or confirmation of it which was usually followed with some application delivered with a very sensible and grave Piety He was for his temper as far as I know or have heard from those who knew him better and may be gathered from many of his Prefaces of as great modesty as learning humble and mean in his own opinion perhaps to an excess Where the greatness of that amiable virtue a thing rare seems to have betrayed him to an errour in judgment concerning himself and his own value and too long Commendations and Elogiums of others As he was most obliging and kind himself to others so by what I have heard he was the most sensible of their obligations to him which might be the cause why he was in some cases so liberal in his acknowledgments and praises Having more regard to the favour he received than to the right or other qualities and circumstances of the person who bestowed it He was most assiduous and laborious in his Study where he spent almost the whole time and peradventure somewhat too much when he was in a station of some action and government His Learning is best known from his Works It lay principally in History Chronology Systematical Divinity the Oriental Tongues but above all in Rabbinical and Talmudical Authors In these last doubtless he had spent a great deal of time and taken a vast deal of pains and I do believe I have reason to say as far as appears by writings that he had been the most conversant and was the most skilled in the two Talmuds the principal part of Jewish Learning being their Canon and Civil Law of any man in Europe And his Ability in this sort of Knowledge and Learning was so well known and esteemed in the time of the edition of that Herculean and incomparable Work of the English Polyglot-Bible though now too low prized that he was often consulted and did as freely communicate his Observations and Collections In the Apparatus to it are Printed his animadversions upon the Chorographical Tables or Maps of the Holy-land made by Adrichomius Trinius c. in which he discovers and corrects a great number of gross errours and his opinion is more than once cited in the Prolegomena All which is but very little in compare with what he hath since done in his Chorographical disquisitions before his Horae Hebraicae on Matthew Mark Luke and John but of this others perhaps ere long will give an account It is not so forraign to the Argument and design of this Preface to take notice here by the way and upon this occasion of the French Critick now so much in vogue with us Father Simon who as he hath indeed in that Book of his given very just commendations to so great a performance so he hath been pleased to find some faults therein and to make many other observations and reflections concerning other matters with reason little enough As for example perhaps because he saw the compilers of those many great Volumes so good husbands as to give us the Alexandrine Copy of the Septuagint as it were in the Margin by noting only the differences from the Vatican Copy He thought they would have done well to have given us in like manner the Samaritan Text and Version of the Pentateuch whereas there are not the same reasons Perhaps there are more and more considerable differences between the Hebrew and Samaritan than between the two Copies of the Seventy and then the reading of the Hebrew in Samaritan letter and that without any points as also the being acquainted with the dialect of the Samaritan Version so very remote from the Hebrew and somewhat different from all other of the Chaldee Paraphrasts were sufficient reasons besides others for the Printing them as they are done entirely And indeed they would have been much to blame if they had omitted them and followed some such advice as that of this Author But his reflection upon the Protestants in another place wants either judgment or sincerity where when he hath shewed as he thinks the very great difficulty in translating the Holy Scriptures he infers the great ignorance of the Protestants or the little pains they have taken in finding out their difficulty when they affirm that the Word of God contained in the Scriptures is plain and not at all intricate But what Protestant saith so They say indeed that the matters necessary to salvation are plainly contained in the Scriptures which in my opinion is so certain and easie a truth that neither he nor any other will be able to confute it and for my part I am so far from believing that all necessaries to salvation are not plainly contained in the Scriptures that I think both they and a multitude of not necessaries
at Let us now view him tugging day and night at these Studies and especially take notice of that excellent method he proposed to himself for the prosecuting them with the more fruit and advantage Which was to Note 1. Whatsoever any way tended to illustrate the Phrase or Story of the New Testament 2. Whatsoever tended to the better knowledge of the places in the Land of Canaan And 3. whatsoever related to History and especially that of the Jews And to acquaint you more particularly how he ordered himself in taking up these notices he used large note-Note-books in Folio And therein he digested what he intended to Note as he read the Talmuds and other Jewish Books under such Titles as these Quaedam de Terra Israelitica sparsim collecta Things scatteringly collected concerning the Land of Israel And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quaenam What was the Land of Israel And 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Things appropriated to the Land of Israel And there is an Alphabet by him framed in this method A 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 K 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 D 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 E 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Graec. G 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A c. Under which according to their initial Letters he used to reduce all places of the Holy Land mentioned in the Talmud and something of their Situation or History with references unto the page of the Tracts where they were mentioned And lastly There is another Title viz. Places in Babylonia under which he collected the Names and Stories of Towns or Cities in that Country also He was very curious indeed in tracing the Countries and places mentioned in Scripture and especially wherein the Jewish Nation were any ways concerned This sufficiently appears in his laborious Disquisitions premised before each of his Hebrew and Talmudical Exercitations And in one of his Note Books he is tracing with much accuracy the Marches of Israel out of Egypt under this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt Pity it is it was not perfected by him He read over both Talmuds often and with great deliberation as appears from several of his Paper Books in which are many rough Notes of the Contents thereof taken by him at several times and sometimes short Observations of his own thereupon He seemed to have had a Design of publishing a brief account of the Jerusalem Talmud and of the chief matters whereof it treats from Tract to Tract For there is such a thing fairly written out by him in Latin bearing this Title Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani But it is imperfect reaching but to the seventh Tract of the first Classis He was as studious of the Sacred Chronology of the Old and New Testament as we have seen he was of the Chorography of the Holy Land as accounting this highly necessary to the understanding of the Scriptures When it was once debated by the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in what parts of Learning the Candidates for holy Orders should be examined and some were for waving the trying them in Scripture Chronology Doctor Lightfoot urged the necessity of it in order to the apprehending the sense of the Sacred Volumes alledging that he held that he read not Scripture who was not expert in Chronology And he prevailed in that debate His abilities in that sort of Learning may be seen in several of his Works published and in divers rude Essayes in MS. He had long and very carefully searched into the Translation of the LXX and compared it verse by verse with the Hebrew Original as appears by his MS. under this Title Discrepantiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo with brief Notes here and there And under another Title viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX he enumerates all their errors throughout the whole Translation and them he makes to be very many in this method Inaniter addita Periculose decurtata Sensum clarum obsuscantia Vitiantia pulchrum Reddita in sensum alienum Reddita in sensum plane contrarium Reddita in sensum nullum Traditiones Judaicas redolentia Hebraica retenta Reddita pro fama gentis Pro fama textus Paraphrases Propria nomina facta Appellativa Numeri male calculati Locorum nomina recentiora Vocales male Lectae Literae male Lectae Sensus foedatus Variatio nominum Versus male conjuncti c. And accordingly under each of these Heads the places of Scripture so mistaken are by him disposed which are infinite Which cost him no small pains By these things it appears he was no good friend to the LXX It was great pity he lived not to digest into a just Volume these his careful Studies concerning the LXX as he intended to do and had begun it in Latine in three or four Chapters written fair with his own hand carrying this Title Disquisitio modesta de LXX de Versione Graeca and had likewise consulted the great Buxtorph about this his purpose He was also well seen in Josephus He seems to have communicated his own Josephus with Notes of his own written in it unto Monseir Petit a Learned Man of Nismes in France who had laboured hard in preparing a good Edition of that useful Author For Anno 1666. in a Letter June 12. from Dr. Worthington to him speaking concerning Petit he hath these words I doubt not but when you have your own Josephus returned you will meet with some observations of your own noted in him Another French Man about the year 1666. viz. Monseir Le Moyn reputed to be one of the Learnedest Men in France and Minister of the Protestant Church at Roan laboured in the same work that Petit before had done And for the furthering of his design he wrote to the said Learned and Pious Doctor Worthington that if he had any thing for the benefit of that Edition to impart it Whereupon he applies himself to his old Friend Doctor Lightfoot who as he tells him was well versed in Josephus that he would assist him with his hints and short observations upon the doubtful passages in that Author a thing that he knew would be very acceptable unto that Learned Man What the issue of this request was appears not only we know the Doctor did not use to be backward in communicating any knowledge he had who had so freely yielded his assistance to the Polyglot Bible to the Heptaglot Lexicon and the Synopsis of the Criticks as we shall see by and by We are sure Monseir Le Moyn made great use of what the Doctor had before published especially in the Chorographical Century before S. Matthew where he had occasion to speak to several places in Josephus And so he writes expresly to Doctor Worthington speaking of his Notes and Exercitations upon Josephus In iis utor saepissime
Learning and in the fame of his Coat and of his Country The next Book to the Polyglot Bible for Labour and Worth and which is always to be named with it is the Heptaglot Lexicon to the laborious Author of which our Doctor also contributed his aid A Work it was of seventeen years a seventeen years drudgery as he styles it in one of his Letters in which besides his own pains he maintained in constant salary seven English and as many strangers for his assistants all which died some years before the Work was finished and the whole burthen of it fell upon himself Though by Gods grace he at last finished it before it finished him And here I cannot but turn a little out of my way to condole with this Author that wore out himself and his Estate too in a Work so generally beneficial and had little thanks after for his labour See and pity his condition as he sets it out in one of his Letters to Dr. Lightfoot where he says He had spent twenty years in time to the publick service above 12000 l. of his own estate and for a reward left in the close of the Work above 1800 l. in debt Thus he kept his resolution though it was as fatal to him as useful to the World For in the beginning of the undertaking he resolved to prosecute it though it cost him all his Estate as he told Mr. Clark This forced him to make his condition known unto his Majesty wherein he petitioned That a Jaylmight not be his reward for so much service and expense T is pity such true Learning and hard Labour should meet with no better encouragement But to go back whence for mere charity and commiseration we diverted In this great undertaking Dr. Castel more than once acknowledgeth the help of our Author Sure I am my Work could never have been so intire as it is without you All pretenders to the Oriental Tongues must confess their great obligation to you And in another Letter with which he sent him his Lexicons he tells him That his Name ought to have shined in the Front who had given the most orient splendor if there be any such in them unto all that is Printed and may therefore most justly saith he be called Yours And again He calls him His greatliest and most highliest honoured Master Father and Patron Indeed our Doctor did frequently encourage and comfort him with his Letters got him Subscribers and Friends afforded him his Lodgings at Katherine Hall whensoever he came to Cambridge to read his Arabick Lectures for some years and such like kindnesses For which he always professed a most dear affection and honour for him Another great Man in this kind of Learning I mean Mr. Samuel Clark one employed in both the aforesaid great Labours applied to him for his Counsel and help in a learned Work that he designed for the publick Which was the publishing of the Targum upon the Chronicles with his own Translation which was a part of the Hebrew Bible belonging to the Library of the University of Cambridge A MS. it seems that the University set so highly by that he made three journies to Cambridge before he obtained it But he borrowed it at last by Dr. Lightfoots means about the year 1659. And by the Doctors interest had it continued to him for some years This he designed as soon as he had finished it to joyn with some other Additionals to the Polyglot Bible Which design he communicates to our Doctor before he came to a resolution about it telling him that if he and such as he approved the design it would be an encouragement to him to proceed in it That the Doctor approved of his purpose it appears from that constant assistance that he gave him afterwards about it Mr. Clark sending it as he transcribed and translated sheet by sheet for the Doctors review and correction For which in a Letter dated from Holywel Sep. 3. 1667. He professeth himself exceedingly engaged to him for the great pains he had taken and that he had so freely declared his judgment in some places he had noted being so far from unwillingness saith he to have my errors shewed me that I am very thankful to you for it and entreat you to go on as freely with the rest This Targum it seems by a place in the Talmud mentioning Onkelos the Doctor was moved to think Onkelos might be the Author of For which discovery Mr. Clark heartily thanks him telling him that he would do him a great favour if he would please to let him know his sense of it whether he conceived that passage of weight enough to entitle him to this his Targum as he calls it upon the Chronicles This same worthy Person had Printed that Tract of the Talmud called Beracoth which he sent to our Doctor desiring his impartial judgment upon his performance therein and begging him to signifie to him wherein he might be guilty of mistake Nor ought we to forget the assistance he gave to the Author of the Synopsis of the Criticks upon his desire For he cheerfully devoted himself to the publick good First He encouraged him with an ample Testimonial of the usefulness of the design in general and of the careful and impartial management of it by the undertaker Then as to his pains in the Work it self he seems to have reviewed it piece by piece as it passed from the hand of Mr. Pool before it went to the Press For in one Letter he tells the Doctor that he therewith sent him one part upon Numbers begging still his thoughts upon any thing as he should meet with it He likewise promised him in such places as he observed to be most defectively done to give him some explications tending to the clearing of the Hebrew words or phrases or matter which Mr. Pool designed to bring â—nto a distinct Volume as Paralipomena to go under the Doctors name by themselves with some other things as Appendices to his Work as De Nummis ponderibus mensuris De Templo Quaestiones Chronologicae Chorograpicae Historicae c. Some sheets of these Explications of Scripture I have seen which he had sent to Mr. Pool according to his promise There is all the Book of Josua and some Chapters of Exodus and Numbers Where the Doctor proceeds Chapter by Chapter briefly to give the sense or illustration of difficult passages according to the Talmudists and Rabbins But this last designed additional Volume I think Mr. Pool never published And this was not all for in another Letter he takes notice of a promise made him by the Doctor of his assistance in reference to the Historical Books of the Old Testament from Josua to Job out of the Rabbins and Talmud unless perhaps this was the same with the former VI. The addresses of Learned Men to him IT would be endless to mention the Applications of Learned Men to him The deeply Learned Mr. Herbert Thorndike in the
de Lara which our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Professor Buxtorph much desired he might live to see finished t is said to be now near its period at the Press And News of the same import the Learned Mr. Bernard communicated to him from Oxon about the year 1673 4. which let it not be too tedious to peruse also it ran thus Reverend and Right Learned I cannot but acquaint you that the Learned and Pious Mr. Robert Huntington present Minister of the Church of the English Factory at Aleppo hath lately sent over hither a good Samaritane Pentateuch together with an account of the Religion of the Samaritans of Sichem written by themselves there upon his request and sent as it were to their Brethren here in England as they mistook Mr. Huntington who told them that there were Hebrews here he meaning Jews and they their own Sect. The Translation whereof into Latine out of the Samaritane which is nothing but the Biblical Hebrew save some Arabismes here and there for that is the Language commonly made use of by them at Sichem I have here sent and if you think it worthy the while I will also transmit a Copy of the Samaritane unto you Mr. Huntington acquaints me that there are about thirty families of these Samaritans at Sichem and not more that they desire correspondence here But care is to be taken that we do not dissemble with them but beg their History of Joshua and their Liturgy and also examine them upon points that may be material If you please to send what Questions you would desire resolution from them in I will send them to Mr. Huntington to whom I shall write about three weeks hence The said good Mr. Huntington hath likewise sent over an hundred and fifty MSS. Arabic and Hebrew Among which are Cosis in Hebrew R. Saadias his Sepher Emunah in Arabic Bar Bahlul's Lexicon well written Maimonides his Yad entire except two Tracts which are not quite compleat R. Saadias his Version and Notes on Job in Arabic Maimonides's Moreh both in Arabic and Hebrew Maimonides his Sons Notes on his Fathers Yad Gregorius's Syriac Grammar pieces of R. Tanchum and his Lexicon or Murshed Kimchi's Michlol R. Alphes and Tanchuma and other good Books in Hebrew MSS. Besides he hath sent over a Catalogue of Books to be had now at Damascus in Arabic and Persian and some in Hebrew He is skilful himself and ready to serve you in any thing Jewish or Oriental that may be had there This opportunity I would not let you be ignorant of knowing how you have recommended above all others the Study of Jewish Learning as plainly necessary to the right understanding of the New Testament as well as the Old And then by way of Postscript As for Greek MSS. he could meet with none that were classical but Ascetics enough The account of their Calendar in the Samaritanes libel is somewhat obscure and defective Whether these two Gentlemen or either of them are yet alive my Country retirement and want of Society gives me not opportunity to know But if they be I am confident such an intire respect they have to the memory of this excellent Man that they will not be unwilling these their Letters should be exposed to the publick or any thing else that I have mentioned from them that may any ways tend to the preserving his fame or honour If it be said that these matters are no news now though they were then I answer Probably divers things here related are not so common and ordinarily known at least to many but that they may be read with satisfaction But the truth is I produced them not so much to inform the World of News as to discover some of the Learned matters of the Doctors correspondence VIII An account of his imperfect pieces BEsides the Works of this our Learned Man that saw the Light and of which we have spoken somewhat he had several other considerable things upon the Anvil which shew as well his abilities as his inexhaustible and continual labour and industry Of which give me leave to give this Catalogue In Latine I. Historia Quadripartita◠Chronica Universalis Judaica Romana Ecclesiastica De rebus Gestis Imperante familia Flaviana Vespaciano Tito Domitiano The Chronica begins at the birth of Christ and is digested under six Columns viz. The first contains the year of the World the second of Rome the third of the Emperor the fourth of Christ the fifth Rerum Gestarum the sixth of the Consuls Pars Secunda viz. Iudaica CAP. I. Cineres Hierosolymorum Vastatae terrae facies CAP. II. Synedrium magnum collocatur in Iabne This is sufficient to shew the design of that Book II. Computus Temporum Iudaicorum ab Urbis Excidio ad conscriptum Talmud Hierosolymitanum III. Index aliqualis Talmudis Hierosolymitani IV. Disquisitio modesta de LXX de Graeca Versione V. Discrepantiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX a textu Hebraeo in Pentateucho VI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX Giving an account of all the errors of all kinds at large VII Hillel a short discourse VIII De spiritu prophetiae A discourse occasioned from 1 Cor. Chap. XIV IX Concio ad Clerum Habita in Ecclesia Sanctae Mariae Ian. 12. 1651 2. pro Gradu Doctoratus X. Disputatio in publicts Comitiis pro Gradu Doctoratus XI Orationes Determinationes cum Procancelariatu functus est XII Aetates Rabbinorum XIII Quaedam de Israelitica sparsim collecta XIV Annotationes in primum quartum Caput Geneseos XV. Memorabilia quaedam sub Ezra Synagoga ejus magna Chronologice disposita XVI Correctiones observationes in Textum Samaritanum XVII Adversaria e Rabbinis collecta in Iosuam in quaedam Capita Exod. Numerorum XVIII The Minor Prophets in the Vulgar and LXX translations compared with the Hebrew and the various readings and additions taken notice of XIX Divers other loose papers concerning the destruction of Ierusalem situation of places in the Holy Land Chronology History c. In English I. The Book of Chronicles of the Kings of France and of the Kings of the House of Otoman the Turk Written in Hebrew by Ioseph the Priest and Translated in English by I. Lightfoot II. The Consent of the four Evangelists A Century Perfect III. A plain and easie Exposition of the Prophesie of Hosea IV. An Exposition upon the Old and New Testament by way of Chronology and Harmony with a preface instructing how to understand the Scripture V. The Motions and Stations of Israel in their March out of Egypt VI. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Things appropriated by the Iews Traditions to the Land of Israel VII Names of places in the Holy Land explained out of the Rabbins set down by way of Alphabet VII Of the Creation A Chapter IX A Discourse upon Joh. XIII 27 30. X. History beginning from the fall of Ierusalem XI Historical passages in the first year of Trajans reign XII
at an Episcopal Visitation held there by the Right Reverend Father in God Benjamin late Lord Bishop of Ely Nec periculosius aut terribilius sonâ—it olim Shibboleth Gileaditarum c. That the Shibboleth of the Gileadites antiently sounded not more dangerously than the Title of Saints of late Whereas as he shews in that Sermon and used to urge in the late times That by Saints is meant nothing but Christians in opposition to Heathens or Unbelievers And that the Apostle in that phrase speaks with the common notion of the Jewish Nation to which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Holiness signifies no more than Within the Profession of the Jewish Religion and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Not in Holiness signifies as much as In Heathenism But it is time to make an end though I am sensible all that hath been said is far short of what might have been concerning a Man of his Figure in the Learned World and what should if further accounts of him had come to hand from such his Learned friends and acquaintance as could or would have imparted them But what hath been written is sufficient to give a Draught of him Which however defective it may be it hath this advantage that it is a true one these notices being taken partly from such Persons who well knew him or were related to him and partly collected out of his Printed Epistles but chiefly out of abundance of other Letters loose Papers note-Note-books and other M S S. in my hands Which course is now become the most fashionable as it is indeed the best way of writing Historical matters Epistolaris Historia est optima Historia as Cardinal Baronius used to say I have had no temptation to write any thing favore aut odio having no other aim in this undertaking but to represent our Author fairly and truly to such as shall be disposed to read him or know him And I chose to digest it in this method as most proper for it being a hasty Rapsody of remainders of things worthy to be remembred concerning this excellent Man and which were omitted in the Account of his Life The method I know is not so correct and exact as it might have been and as it should if more time and leisure had been allowed If any would know our Author better let him have recourse unto his Books there he shall have Doctor Lightfoot speaking for himself and giving his own Character in every Page there he may read and see Learning Diligence Accuracy Candor Humility a love of Peace and an earnest scrutiny after Truth and a great Zeal for God and Religion shining every where And now upon the whole shall we retire from reading this long Relation without reaping any benefit thereby further than to have heard some news Then we have in effect but lost our time Great Examples are great arguments to provoke to imitation If we desire the Esteem he had left behind him among good Men let us take the course he did and try to arrive at his Virtue and Learning and if we would attain to that let use his tools I mean Industry Study Constancy and especially Modesty and a sense of our own Ignorance Without which last if any one hath attained to any considerable degree of knowledge thousands have failed thereof for the want of it This was Seneca's judgment Puto multos potuisse ad Sapientiam pervenire nisi putassent se pervenisse That many might have arrived to Wisdom had they not vainly thought that they had already done it Finally if we are any thing our selves or have any advantages communicated to us from the gifts and endowments of others as all is ultimately to be resolved into the grace and goodness of God so let us not forget to give him all the Praise and Glory I. STRYPE Ad Autorem ETsi jam tristem glacies incarcerat annum Excidit rigida penna caduca manu Ipse licet stupeat concretus pyxidis humor Durus in nigras perneget ire notas Immo etiam resoluta focis prodire tremiscit Pallens conspecta lacryma nigra nive Quamvis Musarum stagnent in marmora fontes Fluminis obliti vena nec ulla fluat Attamen huic dextrae veteri ne desit amico Quod negat undarum vena dabit silicis Gratulor ergo tibi Lightfoote volumine justo Quod libros donet postuma cura tuos Nam quasi praesentem nunâ— te compellat amice Musa memor palpi suspicione procul Tu Rabbinorum percurris singula sordes Edoctus planta transiliisse levi Dumque tuas longis redimis de noctibus Horas Concinnas nobis ex Oriente diem Abstulerat quondam Legis gens invida clavem ac In Talmude suo postea condiderat Hanc tu ruspando reperisti hac plurima pandis Et reseras nobis quae latuere diu Sic clavam Alcidae extorques ensemque Goliae Cum spoliis Phariis das modo sacra Deo Sic olim Paulus quam scripsit Epistola cunctas Exhibuit nobis Gamalielis opes W. D. IOHANNES LIGHT FOOT S. T. P. Agro Staffordiensi oriundus Ecclesiae Magnae Mundoniae in agro Hertfordiensi Rector Aulae S. Catharinae apud Cantabrigienses Praefectus Et Eliensis Canonicus Eruditione omnifaria praesertim Orientali Instructissimus Qui Thalmudicam doctrinam miro judicii acumine tractavit Et Rabbinicae literaturae venam exhibuit Quod rarum sine scoriis S. Scripturis obscurioribus lucem dedit confusis harmoniam In Chronologiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eruendis Conjector felicissimus Et Hebraicae veritatis Vindex strenuus Intimus Templi Hierosolymitani Mystes Qui secretiora adyta penetravit sacra ordinavit Atria mensus est Calamo vere Angelico Terram Canaaniticam Injuria temporis magna parte deperditam Face requirens Thalmudica Sibi ipsi Orbi restituit Qui bonas literas optimis ornavit moribus Suavitate singulari candore summo humilitate eximia Amicis maximum reliquit sui desiderium Omnibus exemplum Senectute vegeta Studendo scribendo concionando lubenter impensa Deposuit tandem quicquid erat mortale Horis vero Hebraice Talmudice impensis Nomen suum reliquit Aeternitati Sacrum Whereas at the beginning of the Indexes of this Volume there are inserted several Errors escaped in the same Here follow some others since observed upon review thereof what more the Judicious Reader shall meet with he is desired courteously to correct with his Pen. ERRATA'S In the Life and Appendix PAge IX line 10. read Lodice p. XIX l. 1. r. all p. XXII l. 37. r. Knorr p. XXVI l. 1. r. Turretinus Ibid. l. 36. r. And as one p. XXIX l. 12. r. Master and Patron p. XXX l. 2. r. We now commemorate Ibid. l. 12. r. My self I should p. XXXVII l. 19. r. Let us In the first Volume PAge 21. for § 14. read 24. p. 46. for 400 Men r. 600. p. 37. for Syris r. Syria p. 369. for Mugdala r. Magdala p. 453. l.
impure to come near And there was another which the Wise-men would not manifest III. When it especially lay upon the Sanhedrin sealed at Hierusalem to preserve pure Families as much as in them lay pure still and when they prescribed Canons of preserving the legitimation of the people which you may see in those things that follow at the place alledged there was some necessity to lay up publick Records of Pedigrees with them whence it might be known what Family was pure and what defiled Hence that of Simon Ben Azzai deserves our notice c c c c c c Bab. Iâ—vamoâ—â— fol. 49. 2. I saw saith he a Genealogical sâ—rol in Jerusalem in which it was thus written N. a Bastard of a strang Wife Observe that even a Bastard was written in their publick Books of Genealogy that he might be known to be a Bastard and that the purer Families might take heed of the defilement of his seed Let that also be noted d d d d d d Hieros Taaniâ—â— fol. â—â— 1. They found a Book of Genealogy at Jerusalem in which it was thus written Hillel was sprung from David Ben Jatsaph from Asaph Ben Tsitsith haâ—ceseth from Abner Ben Cobesin from Achab c. And the Records of the Genealogies smell of those things which are mentioned in the Text of the Mishnah concerning Wood-carrying e e e e e e Taanith cap. 4 hal 5. The Priests and Peoples times of Wood-carrying were nine On the first day of the month Nisan for the Sons of Erach the Son of Judah the twentieth day of â—ammuz for the Sons of David the Son of Judah the fifth day of Ab for the Sons of Parosh the Son of Judah the seventh of the same month for the Sons of Jonadab the Son of Rechab the tenth of the same for the Sons of Senaah the Son of Benjamin c. It is therefore easie to guess whence Matthew took the last fourteen generations of this Genealogy and Luke the first forty Names of his namely from the Genealogical Scrols at that time well enough known and laid up in the publick 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Repositories and in the private also And it was necessary indeed in so noble and sublime a subject and a thing that would be so much inquired into by the Jewish people as the Lineage of the Messiah would be that the Evangelists should deliver a truth not only that could not be gain-said but also that might be proved and established from certain and undoubted Rolls of Ancestors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Iesus Christ. That the Name of Jesus is so often added to the Name of Christ in the New Testament is not only that thereby Christ might be pointed out for the Saviour which the Name Jesus signifies but also that Jesus might be pointed out for true Christ against the unbelief of the Jews who though they acknowledged a certain Messiah or Christ yet they stifly denyed that Jesus of Nazareth was he This observation takes place in numberless places of the New Testament Act. ii 36. viij 35. 1 Cor. vi 22. 1 John ii 22. iv 15 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Son of David That is the true Messias For by no more ordinary and more proper Name did the Jewish Nation point out the Messiah then by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Son of David See Mat. XII 23. XXI 9. XXII 42. Luke XVIII 38. and every where in the Talmudic Writings but especially in f f f f f f fol. 97. 1. Bab. Sanhedrin where it is also discussed what kind of times those should be when the Son of David should come The things which are devised by the Jews concerning Messiah Ben Joseph which the Targum upon Cant. IV. 5. calls Messiah Ben Ephraim are therefore devised to comply with their giddiness and loss of judgment in their opinion of the Messiah For since they despised the true Messiah who came in the time foreallotted by the Prophets and Crucified him they still expect I know not what Chimerical one concerning whom they have no certain opinion whether he shall be one or two whether he shall arise from among the living or from the dead whether he shall come in the clouds of Heaven or sitting upon an Ass c. They expect a Son of David but they know not whom they know not when VER 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 IUDA IN Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Jehudah Which word not only the Greeks for want of the Letter h h h h h h fol. 4. 4. in the middle of a word but the Jews themselves do contract into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Judah which occurs infinite times in the Jerusalem Talmud g g g g g g Demai fol. 22. 3. The same person who is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. Jose Bi R. Jehudoh in the next line is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 R. Jose Bi R. Judah So also h Shabb. And this is done i i i i i i Iom tobh fol. 62. 3. elsewhere in the very same line VERS 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Booz of Rachab SO far the Jewish Writers agree with Matthew that they confess Rachab was Married to some Prince of Israel but mistaking concerning the person whether they do this out of ignorance or wilfully let themselves look to that Concerning this matter the Babylonian Gemara hath these words k k k k k k Mâ—gill fol. 14. 2. Eight Prophets and those Priests sprang from Rachab and they are these Neriah Baruch Seraiah Maaseiah Jeremiah Hilkiah Hanameel and Shallum R. Judah saith Huldah also was of the Posterity of Rachab And a little after There is a tradition that she being made a proselytess was Married to Josua Which Kimchi also produceth in Jos. Chap. VI. Here the gloss casts in a scruple It sounds some what harshly saith it that Josua Married one that was made a Proselyte when it was not lawful to contract Marriage with the Canaanites though they became Proselytes Therefore we must say that she was not of the Seven Nations of the Canaanites but of some other Nation and sojourned there But others say That that prohibition took not place before the entrance into the Promised Land c. VERS 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Ioram begat Ozias THE Names of Ahazias Joash and Amazias are struck out See the History in the Books of the Kings and 1 Chron. III. 11 12. I. The Promise That the Throne of David should not be empty passed over after a manner for some time into the Family of Jehu the overthrower of Jorams Family For when he had razed the House of Ahab and had slain Ahaziah sprung on the Mothers side of the Family of Ahab the Lord promiseth him that his Sons should Reign unto the fourth generation 2 King X. 30. Therefore however the mean time the Throne of David was not empty and that Joash
Christ which they mistook should be a spiritual power which even just now was to begin and of this power he tells they should receive and dilate and carry on his Kingdom §. Certain Articles or Positions tending to the confutation of the Jews in this point and the Millenaries that concur in many things with them 1. That the Book of Daniel speaketh nothing of the state of the Jews beyond the destruction of Jerusalem by Titus 2. That the Revelation intendeth not the stories and times that are written in Daniel but taketh at him and beginneth where Daniel left to discourse the state of the new Jerusalem when the old one was ruined 3. That the fourth Monarchy in Daniel is not Rome nor possibly can be Dan. 7. 11 12. well weighed together 4. That the blasphemous horn in Dan. 7. 8 25. c. is not Antichrist but Antiochus 5. That Antichrist shall not be destroyed before the calling of the Jews but shall persecute them when they are converted as well as he hath done the Church of the Christians And that the slaying of the two Prophets Rev. 11. aimeth at this very thing to shew that Antichrist shall persecute the Church of Jews and Gentiles when towards the end of the world they shall be knit together in profession of the Gospel 6. That the calling of the Jews shall be in the places of their residence among the Christians and their calling shall not cause them to chang place but condition 7. That Ezekiels New Jerusalem is bigger in compass by many hundreds of miles than all the land of Canaan ever was in its utmost extent 8. That the earth was cursed from the beginning Gen. 3. 17. and therefore Christs Kingdom not to be of the cursed earth Joh. 18. 36. 9. That the Kingdom everlasting that began after the destruction of the fourth beast Dan. 2. 44. 7. 14. 27. was the Kingdom of Christ in the Gospel and began with the Gospel preached among the Gentiles 10. That the binding of Satan for a thousand years beginneth from the same date 11. That his binding up is not from persecuting the Church but from deceiving the Nations Rev. 20. 3 8. 12. That multitudes of those places of the Old Testament that are applied by the Jews and Millenaries to the people of the Jews and their earthly prosperity do purposely intend the Church of the Gentiles and their spiritual happiness Vers. 8. But ye shall receive power after the Holy Ghost is come upon you §. 1. How many of the Disciples were spectators of Christs ascension It is apparent by this Evangelist both in this place and in his Gospel that there were divers others that were spectators of this glorious sight beside the twelve For in the 14 verse he hath named both the women and the brethren of Christ which number of men in vers 15. he hath summed to 120 as we shall see there And so likewise in his Gospel Chap. 24. he hath so carried the Story as that it appeareth by him that the beholders of his first appearing after his Resurrection were also the beholders of his Ascension for at vers 33. he speaketh of the eleven and them that were with them and from thence forward he hath applied the story until the ascension indifferently to them all And this thing will be one argument for us hereafter to prove that the whole hundred and twenty mentioned vers 15. of this Chapter received the Gift of Tongues and not the twelve only Vers. 9. While they beheld he was taken up §. The year of Christ at his Ascension The time of Christs conversing upon earth cometh into dispute viz. whether it were 32 years and an half or 33 and an half mainly upon the construction of this clause Luke 3. 23. Jesus began to be about 30 years of age when he was baptized For though it be agreed on that the time of his Ministry or from his Baptism to his suffering was three years and an half yet is it controverted upon that Text whether to begin those from his entring upon his 30 year current or from finishing that year compleat The Text speaketh out for the former and in that it saith He began to be thirty it denieth his being thirty compleat and in that it saith He began to be * * * So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Act. 13. 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thirty after a certain reckoning or as it were thirty it denieth his drawing upon thirty compleat likewise For if he were full thirty it were improper to say he began to be thirty and if he were drawing on to full thirty then were it proper to have said he began to be thirty indeed and not began to be as it were thirty Therefore the manner of speech doth clearly teach us to reckon that Jesus was now nine and twenty years old compleat and was just entring upon his thirtieth year when he was baptized and so doth it follow without any great scruple that he was crucified rose again and ascended when he was now thirty two years and an half old compleat which we must write his thirty third year current §. 2. The age of the world at our Saviours death resurrection and ascension We have shewed elsewhere that these great things of our Saviours suffering and exaltation came to pass in the year of the world 3960 then half passed or being about the middle It will be needless to spend time to prove and confirm it here The summing up these several sums which were as so many links of that chain will make it apparent From the Creation to the Flood 1656 Gen. 5. 6 7. c. From the Flood to the Promise to Abraham Gen. 12. 427 Gen. 11. 12. From the Promise to the Delivery from Egypt 430 Exod. 12. 40. Gal. 3. 17. From the coming out of Egypt to the founding of Solomons Temple 480 1 Kings 6. 1. From the founding to the finishing of the Temple 7 1 Kings 6. 38. From finishing the Temple to the revolt of the ten Tribes 30 1 Kings 6. 38. 11. 40. compar From the revolt of the ten Tribes to the burning of the Temple 390 Ezek. 4. 5 6. From the burning of the Temple to the return from Babel 50 Jer. 25. 11 12. 2 Chron. 36. 6. 9 10. 2 King 25. 2 3. presly compar From the return from Babel to the death of Christ. 490 Dan. 9. 24 c. Total 3960  And hereupon it doth appear that as the Temple was finished by Solomon just Anno Mundi 3000. So that it was fired by Titus just Anno Mundi 4000. Jerusalem being dostroyed exactly 40 years after Christs death as was shewed even now Vers. 12. Olivet which is from Ierusalem a Sabbaths days journey §. 1. Why the Evangelist doth measure this distance at this time This is the first matter of scruple in these words and it is material to take notice of it the rather because that this same Evangelist
hath made mention of the Mount of Olives in his other book and yet never taketh notice of the distance of it from Jerusalem before as Luke 19. 29. 37. 22. 39. §. 2. Why the Evangelist doth measure this distance by a Sabbath days journey rather than any other measure This also is not impertinent to take notice of because neither the present time nor the present action had any reference to the Sabbath day at all For had it been either the Jews Sabbath or the Christian Sabbath when this thing was done it were easie to see why the measure of the distance betwixt these two places is by such a standard but since it was in the middle of the week when our Saviour ascended and near neither the one Sabbath nor the other it cannot but breed some just scruple why the Evangelist should mention a Sabbath days journey here But before we can give satisfaction to these two scruples it is in a kind necessary to resolve one or two more which are of no less if not of a greater difficulty and those are § 3. Whether the Evangelist intend to measure the distance from the Mount Olivet to Jerusalem or from the place where our Saviour ascended on Mount Olivet to Jerusalem §. 4. What space a Sabbath days journey was This last must first fall under determination and it is not of small obscurity in regard of the different measures that are made of it and in regard of the different glosses that are made upon this Text. The Syriack readeth it thus Which was from Jerusalem seven furlongs And this hath bred some difficulty more than was in the Text before for that Josephus saith Mount Olivet was but five furlongs from Jerusalem Antiq. lib. 20. cap. 6. And John the Evangelist saith Bethany was 15 furlongs from Jerusalem Joh. 11. 18. And certain it is that Luke in this place speaketh of the distance from Olivet or from Bethany or from both and yet the Syriack gloss upon him hath found out a measure that agrees neither with Josephus nor with John There is a like difference between their opinions that come to measure this space not by furlongs but by another measure some holding it to be two thousand paces or two miles others two thousands cubits or but one mile This latter to have been the measure of a Sabbath days journey namely two thousand cubits is apparent in the Talmud and it may be confirmed out of other Writers of the same Nation for this position is in the Tractate of Erubhin Chap. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a journey of two thousand middle paces is the bound of the Sabbath And the Scholiast there saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A middle pace in the way of a mans walk namely a cubit And so the Chaldee paraphrast on the first of Ruth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We are commanded to keep the Sabbaths and the holy das◠so as to go not above two thousand cubits And this tradition or custom seemeth to be fetched from that place in Josh. 3. 4. where because the people in their march after and on either side the Ark were to keep two thousand Cubits distance off it it is thereupon concluded that they pitched at that distance when the Ark and they were encamped and so that that was the space that they went from their Tents to the Tabernacle on the Sabbath day it is not worth the labour to examine the truth of this opinion in this place because we have not here so much to deal with it as with a custom built upon it and it is not so material whether that was the distance betwixt their Tents and the Tabernacle in their encampings in the wilderness for some of them were double treble that distance as certain it is that a custom was grown from this opinion of travelling no further than two thousand Cubits on the Sabbath day and to this custom the Evangelist speaketh and that is it that we must look after Now if we count these two thousand Cubits for whole yards then was the space a mile and above half a quarter or somewhat above nine furlongs in all but if for half yards which was the common Cubit then was it but half so much and neither of these sums agree with the Syriacks seven furlongs nor with Johns fifteen But the latter agreeth very well with Josephus his five and so do I understand the measure to be For first it were easie to prove that the Cubit by which the Tabernacle was measured at the building of it both for its own body and for the ground it stood upon and its Court and all things about it was but the common Cubit of half a yard and it is most likely that those two thousand Cubits that did distance the people from it in the wilderness and that measured out a Sabbath days journey now were Cubits of the same size Secondly The Text of Luke exactly measures the distance from the Mount of Olives to Jerusalem and it is very questionable whether he intend the space from that place upon the Mount where our Saviour ascended or no. He saith in the last Chapter of his Gospel that Jesus led the Disciples our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vers. 50. not towards Bethany but as far as unto it as our English and the Syriack the Vulgar Beza and others do truly render it now Bethany was about fifteen furlongs from Jerusalem Joh. 11. 16. and let us take the two thousand Cubits how we will either common or holy Cubit either half yard or yard or Ezekiels Cubit of a Cubit and hand breadth Yet will none of these measures reach to so many furlongs Now howsoever Beza hath sought to heal this difference by a supposal that Bethany was not only the name of a Town but also a tract or a space of ground that lay about the Town as a Lordship or Parish lieth about the Village and that though the Town it self lay fifteen furlongs from Jerusalem yet that the grounds and demeans that carried the same name reacht within half that space to Jerusalem the grounds of such a supposal are yet to seek nay there is good ground to the contrary For first it is rare in Scripture to find open fields called by the name of a Town when there is no expression that the fields are meant particularly if we should reckon up all the Towns named in the Bible that bear a Beth in the beginning of them as Bethlehem Bethshemesh Bethsaida Bethel and all the rest that are of the like beginning we could never find that they signifie any thing but the very Town it self and why Bethany should be singular I see no reason Secondly In all the mentioning of Bethany in other places in the Gospel it is past peradventure that the Town is meant as Joh. 12. 1. Matth. 21. 17. Mark 11. 11. Matth. 26. 1. c. and why it should not be so also in Luke 24 50. had need of