shewed the greatest gaule against him yet coÌ„fessing the helps of nature that were in him to vse his owne words he addeth Fox act and mon. pag. 1â—6 col 2. n. 4. Besydes this sayth he he was of a chast and strickt lyfe yf the histories be true Mark Iohn Fox his exception if the histories be true why should he cal in doubt auncient histories more in this point then in others But yow must vnderstand that this Fox hauing a special spite against this blessed man being desirous by all meanes possible to disgrace him and his actions in his false lying martyrologe and finding no authors in the world before Luthers heresy to serue his purpose or to speak or wryte euil of him but all rather highly in his commendation what course taketh the miseriable man think yow truly a most desperate which is to vse these authors against themselues and against both their owne sayings and meanings and so patcheth he vp as it were out of them a long treatese and narration of aboue 40. pages of paper against S. Tho. pretending to take it out of the foresaid authors but yet spicing it with so many â—fs ands Fox his egregiouâ— falâ—e dealing against S. Thomas adioyning so many glosses parentheses notes obseruations interpretations commentaries and censures of his owne both in the text and margent as he maketh all those wryters to tel a quite contrary story to that they purposed and for which they wrote their books in such sort as if a man should set out the byble or new Testament it self with such corruption and peruersion it would more disgrace Christian religion for whose confirmation it was wrytten theÌ„ any other wicked book whatsoeuer yea then the Turks Alcaron it self And this is the dealing of Iohn Fox in cyting and corrupting authors as after shal appeare more particularly But Sir Francis taketh another course which is to tel his tale at his pleasure without cyting any testimony or author at all wherof I take the reason to be that which Iohn Fox telleth vs in these words plainly Iohn Fox discrediteth all ould vvryters Pag. 204. col 1. n. 4. Scarse any testimony is to be taken of that age being all blynded and corrupted with superstition Thus he saith and this is the cause why Sir F. alleageth no author and Fox forceth them to speake as he would haue them But I would aske Iohn Fox againe if no wryter of the age it self wherin S. Tho. liued be to be credited about his affaires how shal we beleeue wryters of later ages that must needs take it from the former if they write with foundation not deuise matter of themselues Againe I would aske whether it be probable that so great a king as K. Henry the second was could get no man to wryte the Story indifferently for him in his age How likely a fiction is this of Fox And this may be sufficient for the first point for seing all the foresaid wryters and their woorks are ful of high prayses of S. Thom. for his sanctity and perfection of lyfe and for that cause are specialy discredited heere by Iohn Fox it shal be sufficient to remit the reader in this behalf to thesaid volumes and wrytings before mentioned For the second which is his cause with the king whether his resisting as Primate of England for liberty to the English Churche were treason to the K. or no VVhether S. Thom. vvas a traitor is easy to be iudged by him that is not passionate and wil without flattery of temporal Princes consider indifferently the dignity preheminence duty and obligation of Ecclesiastical gouernours in this behalf for defence of their spiritual iurisdiction To which purpose the Warder said as followeth If in euery contention or dissention that a bishop VVard p. 22. priest or other spiritual subiect or Ecclesiastical Prelate may haue with his temporal prince That all spiritual men resisting temporal magistrats in Ecclesiastical matters are not traytors Marc. 18. the subiect shal presently be condemned of treason according to this seruile ceÌ„sure of our knight who for flattering princes doth make them absolute lords both of body and soule then Iohn Baptist also must be accompted a traitor that dealt so peremptorily with his king Herod his liege lord in temporal affaires Or yf yow wil haue examples of christian princes S. Ambrose must be a traytor first for resisting openly his â—ord and King Theod. lib 4. ca. 6. lib. 9. cap. 17 deinceps Valentinian the yonger and then for handling so hardly the elder Theodâ—sius in Miliayn as he shut him out of the Churche and made him go home againe with shame and do pennaÌ„ce Zozomenus lib. 8 fere pet totum S. Hilarius also and S. Athanasius shal be traytors for their contentions with Constantius their lawful Emperor and temporal lord who banished them from their bishopricks and the former of the two wrote two vehemeÌ„t books and inuectiues against thesaid Emperor and yet no man euer accompted him a traytor for thesame but rather a great Saynt for his christian liberty and constancy S. Chrysostome in like maner shal be condemned for a great traytor who had greater contentions with his temporal lords Arcadius and Honorius christian Emperors Socrat. lib. 6. cap. 16. and with their wiues Theodosia and Eudoxia then euer S. Thomas had with K. Henry the second Zozom lib. 8 cap. 17. for he preached against them publikely with great vehemency and thundered out excommunication against them Niceph. li. 14. cap. 43. and was twice banished and dryuen out of his bishoprick by their disfauours and died in exile And yet was he neuer called or accompted a traytor but a singular holy man and Theodosius the yonger sonne of Arcadius brought his body with great solemnity honor and reuerence into Constantinople and wept most bitterly for the synnes of his parents in persecuting so blessed a man as the Story saith made prayer to him now dead for pardon of his fathers synnes as did also often both our K. Henry the second himself and his sonne for the offence of his father Math. Parisien in vit Henr. who had ben some cause of the death of this iust man his pastor and spiritual father Thus wrote the Warder then and what replyeth now our knight or his minister to all this yow shal heare the knight in his owne woords VVho saith he but such a one as hath sold himself to all impudency and shamelesse gaynsaying the truth Pag. 54. would seek to couer Beckets rebellion by the facts of S. Iohn Baptist Ambrose Hilary Athanasius and Chrysostome which haue as much agreement with the cause of Becket as hath light with darknesse good with euil sweet with sower Heer yow se the knight in a great heat but his minister O. E. answereth somwhat more temperately saying only that These examples fit not Thomas Beckeâ—s cause Wel then of two
THE WARN-WORD TO SIR FRANCIS HASTINGES WAST-WORD Conteyning the issue of three former Treateses the Watch-word the Ward-word and the Wast-word intituled by Sir Francis an Apologie or Defence of his Watch-word togeather with certaine admonitions warnings to thesaid knight and his followers Wherunto is adioyned a breif reiection of an insolent and vaunting minister masked with the letters O. E. who hath taken vpon him to wryte of thesame argument in supply of the knight There go also foure seueral Tables one of the chapters another of the controuersies the third of the cheif shiftes and deceits the fourth of the particular matters conteyned in the whole book By N. D. author of the Ward-word Tit. 3. vers 10. Fly an herttical man after one or tvvo vvarnings knovving that such a one is subuerted and sinneth damnably against his ovvne iudgment Permissu Superiorum Anno 1602. THE ENCOVNTERS THAT LYE IN CONTROVERSY BETWENE the VVatch-man and the VVarder Sir Fraâ—cis Hastings and N. D. THE first Encounter whether EnglaÌ„d receyued blessings or cuâ—sings hurts or benefits by the change of Catholyke Religion The second whether Catholyks do hold certayne absurd grounds rules and maximes of Religion which S. Francis doth deuise and affirme The third concerning diuers forged peâ—ils fayned by the said knight in his Watch-word to haue byn procured to her Ma â—ie by Catholyks both before and since her raigne The fourth Encounter â—xamineth sundry calumniations obiected against some principal Englishmen as Bishop Gardener Cardinal Allen and others The fifth concerneth the order of Iesuits and some of them in particular specially iniured by the Watch-word The sixt defendeth English Catholyke Recusants their due loyalty to her Ma tie and the State The seauenth concerneâ—h forrayne Princes intolâ—rably slauÌ„dered by the Watch-word first of all the B. of Rome as head of the Cath. Churche The 8. Encounter discusseth matters malitiously and vnciuilly obiected against other Cath. Princes abroad to their disgrace and iniury Lastly there is a speech of the Warder to the Right Honorable Lordes of her Ma â—ies priuy Councel remitting to their wisdomes the iudgment and arbitriment of the whole controuersy The first tvvo Encounters are handled only in this book the other are to follovv in other seueral books aftervvard THE EPISTLE TO THE CHRISTIAN READER I HOLD not for needful good Christian Reader to make any large presace for thy instruction in that which is to ensue in this book the controuersy beeing sufficiently knowen by that which hitherto hath byn written and printed therof The summe of all is this There happened some â—ew yeares past as often also before a certayne false all-arme of a Spanish inuasion An. 1598. then said to be vpon the Seas towards England vpon the rumour wherof one knight more hasty then the rest for that he was of the Hastings stept forth Syr F. Hastings and offered not only a swift foot to the field for so are his words but a much swifter tongue to accuse and bring in question all Catholike men within the realme himself being knowne to be of the Puritan crew And to performe this with more probability of iust occasion he made himself without commission a general VVatch-man ouer all the land and wrote a most bitter and bloudy pamphlet against thesaid Catholiks vnder the title of a Watch-word replenished with all kynd of slaunders and most odious calumniations The VVatch-vvord which being ioyned with the iealousy of the tyme the disgrace wherin the said Catholiks were before for confession of their religion was very likely to haue brought them to some general ruine and consequently this knight also to some desired diuident of their liuings VVherfore this intemperate inuectiue comming to the hands of a certaine Catholike man that took compassion of their oppression and some disdayne at the malitious deuise of this watch-man he thought good to write a temperate Ward-word to this â—urbulent watch-word The VVard-vvord drawing all that the other had vttered in many wyld wast words into 8. seueral Encounters intituling his book a Ward-word which being published it seemed to touch the matter so to the quick as the first newes after the publication therof was in most mennes mouthes that the knight disauowed the watch-word attributing thesame rather to certayne ministers of his communion that eyther wrote the same or induced him therunto then to himself most men commended the discretion and modesty of the knight in so doing But as men are not alwayes constant in the best so Sir F. making a new consultation with his presbitery at Cadbury took another resolution to reply againe vnder the name of An Apologie The nevv reply of Sir F. heerby the matter hath growne to a larger discussion then was expected for that the book after long expectation of more then two yeares comming to my hands I was drawne to enlarge my self much more in this my reioynder then at the beginning I purposed in so much as hauing ended the whole answere with in few monethes afâ—er the receit of the book it grew to such a bulk as conueniently it could not be set forth in one volume and this was one cause of some delay longer deliberation But another more principal was an aduise written vnto me O. E. his book that one O. E. a minister had published another volume of thesame argument in supply of the knights defence much more intemperate malignaÌ„t then the other which being vnderstood it seemed necessary to expect thesame before the publishing of the former which hath caused much longer delay then was wished or meant especially some other impediments also coÌ„curring therewith wherof most men cannot be ignorant Now then these being the causes of the enlargemeÌ„t both of tyme and matter it seemeth I should tel yow also of the reasons why these two first Encounters are set forth a part from the rest but this is sufficiently declared by a certaine addition in the end of this book set downe by the publisher therof wherunto I remit the reader only I am to aduertise him to consider how easily words do beget words and how a few lauish speeches spoken at raÌ„dome by the knight in his watch-word haue giuen an occasion to the handling of aboue fifty controuersies in these first two Encounters only and then may yow imagine how much more the rest may amount vnto And one principal reason of this encrease growth is The causes of enlarging this Treatese for that our aduersaries do handle matters of religion so confusedly and with so litle order sincerety or truthe that we must eyther shuffle ouer things as they do scarce vnderstood eyther by themselâ—es or others or els we must be forced for drawing them into sâ—me method and perspicuity to spend much tyme labour to explicate and distinguish thesame and to yeild to eache thing his true ground reason and probation which point for that I had rather the
aske why he reprehendeth not Cambden and other protestant wryters that say to her Ma â—ie Diua Elizabetha at euery word but all may passe with these men so it be not to the Pope And yet one thing yow must note that whatsoeuer Canonist or other Catholique do attribute to the Pope it is not in respect of his person but of his office and place vnder Christ so that if they flatter they flatter the office not the man but Diua Elizabetha flattereth the person and so it is flat and grosse flattery But let vs go forward Yow haue heard then the two first wayes wherby the K. goeth about to excuse himselfe from flattery wherof the first is but fond and the second fraudulent there followeth a third which is both impertinent and ridiculous For wheras he is accused by the warder to be coÌ„trary to himselfe A very foolish defence in that telling vs of so many blessings and English benedictions yet in the very same lyues confesseth infinite feares frightes and daungers of the realme he hath nothing in effect to answere but that EnglaÌ„d hath byn blessed for tymes past by the entraÌ„ce of their ghospel though now through their vnkyndnes they may be feard to be neare to misery which kind of defence how childish it is who seeth not and is as much as if he should say the head and face and first shew of his ghospel was fayer frolike as are the sweete singing Syrienes but the taile is troublesome and end pernicious and byteth like the scorpion But let vs heare both the warder the Apoâ—oger together in their owne speach Pag. 2. He that wil consider saith the warder with iudgment The present state of English blessings and indifferency the present estate of matters in England and round about it and this especially by reason of change made in religion and shal read together the fleering tale which Syr F. telleth vs in the first lynes of his book of the infinite and innumerable blessings receyued as he saith by the said chaÌ„ge he wil eyther say that the man lacked wit and discourse to see the deformity and contradiction of his owne talke or els modestie and shamefastnes in vttering it For notwithstanding the rare partes and good intentions of her Maiestie in this her gouernment which no man denyeth nor yet conioyneth with the euil successe of this alteration of religion as wel knowne not to haue proceeded of her owne inclination at the beginning who is there so simple that discouereth not or so euil affected that rueth not from his hart the difficultyes already growne and growing dayly by this most vnfortunate and fatal alteration of religion The vvachman contrary to himselfe which this man calleth the fountayne and welspring whence all the rest of this our litle Islandes benefits and blessings do yssue and flow Nay doth not the seely man himselfe in all this furious skâ—rneful libel of his endeauour to lay before vs a thousand feares and fryghtes of imminent perills which he sayth hang ouer vs by the diuision of hartes of hands of iudgements of affections of partes and partialityes and factions within the realme or is his whole argument any thing els in effect but a timerous abodement of infinite ruynes that do beset the realme at this day And are not his owne wordes these after a long discourse of peryls I doubt not deare countrymen but that yow are men of VVisdome and can easelie conceaue what daungers we stand in by that which hath byn set downe before And after a litle The lyfe of religion of Queene and countrie is at the stake And how then doth he pipe vnto vs this fayned note of melancholie musicke amidst so many dreadful cares and sorrowes hath he not read that Musica in luctu importuna narratio Eccles 22. It is importune chaunting when other men are weeping This said I then what answereth our knight with his Ministers now after so long so large and so mature deliberation of two yeares Yow shal haue it briefelie deliuered First they runne againe a very graue shifte to an other verse or two out of a poet against flaterie and dissimulation for with this kynd of armoure Winchester schole where afterward he braggeth to haue byn brought vp did somwhat furnish our knight Encount 6. therfore oftentymes we haue store therof But what more nay no more argument or reason alleadged at all but only this sentence noted in the margent No contrariety betwixt our present dangers and our former blessings VVherby he yeildeth to his aduersarie in the thing it selfe as yow see and varyeth onlie in the tyme confessing that England is not blessed for the present but was in old dayes which being past it remayneth rather cursed now if perils cares and frightes be curses and yet in his former booke if yow remember all seemed to be present bâ—essednes Foolish trifling in matter of moment who can suffer such tryfling in a matter of such moment And yet delighteth he so much in this deuise of his conning distinction of tymes past and present that he maketh a long narration ther-vpon how the people of Israel were blessed vnder diuers Kinges VVastvvord Pag 8. and namelie Iosias for a tyme and yet afflicted in the end for their ingratitude by this said Kings fearful slaughter In which example though I could trip him for alleaging a false cause of Iosias murther for he was slayne through his owne fault not the peoples for that expresly against Gods commandement 4. Reg. 25. 2. Paral. 35. he would needs fight with Nechao King of Egypt yet am I not delighted with this example for that it proueth nothing but that which it should not to wit that our blessings of England be not present Iosias slaughter euil applied but past and includeth further some euil aboadment towards her Ma tieâ— person as some may interpret for which cause it was not the wysâ—st part in the world for the K. to bring it in but that he seeth not or discerneth not alwayes what maketh for him or against him No way then can S. F. deliuer himselfe soundlie from the charge of flatterie in his former fond florish of protestant blessings except he could shew vs in deed some special Catalogue of blessings benedictions which England hath receyâ—ed eyther spiritual or temporal or both by changâ—ment vnto his religion more then it had beâ—ore vnder Catholique Religion which obligation of playne proofe the K. preceyuing hath taken vpon him at length to set vpon that enterprise and laying his head togeather with the consistorie of his ministers hath shaped vs out tenne new fresh benedictions and blessings neuer hard of before or had I thinke in consideration which now we are to examine and discusse as they ly in order But first we must see what Minister O. E. bringeth after the K. whose book came to my hand when this was writteÌ„ and I haue
te prolatam in qua non author esse debes sed custos non institutor sed sectator non ducens sed sequens c. This pawne or pledge is a thing geuen yow in credit and not inuented by yow a thing which yow haue receyued and not deuised a matter not of wit but of doctrine not of pryuate vsurpation but of publyke tradition a thing brought downe vnto yow not brought forth first by yow a thing wherof yow must not be author but keep only not the fownder but a follower not a leader but one that is led Thus sayth he of the rule of faith in his tyme which rule also serueth vs no lesse at this day against all sorte of protestants then it did them at that tyme against their aduersaryes but rather much more for that our prescription of this rule is by many hundred yeares elder then theirs was and so this shal suffise about this matter of the Ecclesiastical rule of fayth what yt was and what the auncient Fathers did thinke and esteeme therof and now we wil examine a litle what styrre the minister maketh about his goodly rule of the present particular Churche of England OF THE ENGLISH rule of beliefe set downe by O. E. And what substaÌ„ce or certaintie it hath how they doo vse it for excluding Puritanes other Protostantes and of diuers shameful shifts of O. E. CAP. XVI NOTHING is more true in that kynd then the saying of the philosopher A â—ift lib. 1. Phis. Contraria iuxta se posita clarius elucescunt That contraryes being layd togeather do make each other better seene and vnderstood as a ragged garment layd by another that is fayre and pretious maketh the ragges and patches more euident and contemtible and euen so this ridiculous new deuised rule of O. E. if we compare it with the former auncient rule commended vnto vs by the old holie fathers we shal see more perspicuously the vanitie therof for that he sayth Pag. 19. As for our selues that is the Protestants of England all of vs professe the doctrine of Iesus Christ according to that rule that was established by the common consent of England and whosoeuer doth digresse from this is not of our societie c. But here I would aske him what rule this is and in what yeare it was established by whom and how many and what authoritie they had to establish or to make any new rule from the old receyued before in matters of religion See the statutis anno Henr. 8.25 c. 14. an 26. cap. 1. an 27. c. 15 19. an 31. ca. 14. an 34. 35. cap 1. for yf he speake of K. Henry the 8. his dayes when the first chaunges beganne and when diuers new rules were set downe in parlament with this expresse commendation that they were taken out of the pure and syncere only woord of God I doo not think that O. E. wil admit them or stand vnto them though Iohn Fox do hold all that tyme of K. Henrie his mutations after his breach with the Churche of Rome for the tyme of the ghospel and so doth terme it euery where In K. Edward dayes also he being head of the Churche An 1. Ed c. 1.2 11. an 2. 3. cap. 1.21.23 though but 9. yeares old there was two or three new rules made and altered about matters of religion and their communion book all pretended out of the word of God with reuocation of that which K. Henry the Father and his Parlaments out of the same woord had appoynted before which rule also vnder K. Edward I do not know whether our ProtestaÌ„ts wil allow in all poyntes now but sure I am our Puritanes do not nor wil not as appeareth by theire owne bookes what assurance then is there in this mutable and controuerted rule of so fewe yeares in age But the most important question is who and what men and by what authoritie they made this rule The Warder knew no other when he writ but the Lords of the ParlameÌ„t and so called it parlament religion wherwith O. E. is very angry Pag. 19. and sayth where he calleth our religion parlament religion he speaketh like himselfe that is falsly and slaunderously for albeit the same be receyued by authoritie of the Prince state yet is it Christs reâ—igion and not the Princes Soone spoken but how doth he proue it here is styl that old shifte of petiâ—io principij hissed out by learned men which consisteth in setting downe that for a principle which most needeth proof as heere where our minister wil needs haue his religion to be Christs religion whether we wil or no and that it was but receyued and promulgated only by the parlament but then must I aske him agayne what authoritie besydes the parlament hath determyned it to be Christs religion as also that the Puritans religion is not Christs religion notwithstanding they pretend Christ and his Apostles no lesse then doth the protestant and then if we fynd that the only authoritie that defyneth this matter is the Parlament allowing the one and condemning the other for that scriptures of themselues can not do it quia actiones sunt suppositorum as a litle after he vrgeth and then must needs the credit truth of English religion depend of the parlament and therof worthelie be called Parlament religion But harken good reader what an example he hath found to auoyd An example making against himself that his religion may not be called Parlament religion The Emperors Gratian Valentinian and Theodâ—sius decreed sayth he that all people of their gouernment should hold the doctryne of Peter the Apostle Pag. 19. taught by Damasus bishop of Rome and Peter bishop of â—lexandria that they should beleeue one God and three persons yet I hope this Noddy wil not cal the fayth of the Trinitie an imperial fayth See this haÌ„dled more largely before in the annâ—t vpon the letter of O. â— to the reader c. Yes surelie Syr Noddy-maker I would cal and proue it so if the case were like that is if these three Emperors had determined this fayth as of theÌ„selues and by their imperial authoritie and that it had byn a different beliefe from the rule of fayth receyued before throughout Christendome as your parlament religioÌ„ was and is hauing no other ecclesiastical Authoritie â—or her establishment but only the authoritie of your Prince and parlament which defyned it to be trew religion and coÌ„forme to the word of God and determined that the other which was there before in vse to wit the Catholike to be opposite and contrarie to thesaid word and therfore to be abolished so as the allowance of the one and reprobation of the other proceeded from the parlament But the proceeding of the foresaid three Emperors in this their alleaged decree was farre otherwise which O.E. if he had had any more wit then a Noddy would neuer
discouery of your learned men to manifest the same See Posseuiâ—us in biblioth select lib. and then is it both false and ridiculous which immediatly yow ad that we thought to haue it remayn secret among our selues what we do in this behalf concerning the ancieÌ„t Fathers c. For who would publish books and expurgatorie Indices in all countreys of such corrections as we think needful yf we would haue the matter secret but these men must needs say somwhat though neuer so fond or repugnant to reason But for that of later dayes diuers sectaries haue begonne to complayn greatly of the continuance of an ancient diligence vsed by the Cath. Roman Churche for repressing heretical books and purging others corrupted by them with infinite impostures false translations wicked annotations pernicious commentaries postiles arguments obseruations and other like most pestilent infections I shal be forced in this place to stand vpoÌ„ this matter somwhat and to open to the reader the truth of things about this point and then shal we answere also this particular obiection of deleaiur solummodo made heere by S r. Francis els where by many of his coÌ„parteners as though we meant to blot out all that is against vs in any sort of authors whatsoeuer First then it is to be vnderstood that it hath byn an ould custome of heretiks and sectaries from the beginning not only to wryte wicked bookes themselues The custome of heretiks to corrupt bookes but to corrupt other meÌ„nes wrytings also most audaciously to make them seeme to be of their secte and faction euen as rebels are wont to do who being but few at the beginning do giue out notwithstanding for their better credit that they haue many great parteners in secret and do oftentymes fayn letters to testifie the same Of this fraud of heretiks Origenes in epist. ad Alexandrinos Tertul. lib. contra Marcion Euseb. Caesar. in apol sub nomine Pamphyâ—â— martyris Ruffinus in epist. ad Macarium and of their corrupting not only the scriptures when they can but also other authors and wryters we haue many ancient complaints among the Fathers of all ages which were ouerlong heere to recite the reader may see those that I haue noted in the margent and therby may he make a ghesse of the rest But now to this most dangerous assault of the diuel â—uagr lib. 3. ca. 31. Cassiodorus de Diuin lect ca. 2. Leuitius de Sectis Act. 8. tom 9. Byblioth Sanct. 6. Synod act 15. tom 2. concil c. wherby he would bring all things in doubt and consequently the Churche of God into confusion the said Churche in the strength of his holy spirit hath striuen and resisted euer with all diligence industry and longanimity accursing first both the heretiks and all their heretical wrytings then cleansing and purging the works of other authors from their pernicious corruptions No book of former heretyke hath remayned infections and poysoned impostures and this diligence of the Cath Churche hath peruayled so much hath byn so grateful in the sight of God as we see and feele at this day the miraculous effects therof which are that of so many heretical volumes as haue byn written from age to age against the truthe of Catholyke religion and were curiously read and highly esteemed in those dayes by men that loued nouelties scarse any one remayneth to this day in so much that if we had not mention and memory of their said books and absurd positions by the testimony of Cath. authors that wrote against theÌ„ we should scarse haue had any knowledge that they had wrytten such woorks For what is become I pray yow of all those volumes written by the Arrians which did set a worke all the Cath. Fathers and Doctors of diuers ages to answere them what is become of the many books of Pelagius our learned though wicked Brittaine of Faustus the great Manichie of whose great parts and labors S. Augustine himself that was his greatest aduersary doth beare witnesse of Petilian Crescentius and other wryting Donatists What is become of the 200. books or volumes of our Ihon VVicliffe or wicked-beleef as Thomas VValsingham calleth him are they not all gon So as yf our other learned contreyman Thomas VValden VVicliffes opposite and some others did not make mention therof and of that nuÌ„ber we should neuer haue knowne that he had wrytten so many to his owne confusion Wel then these are the effects of this holy industry of the Catholyke Church in ceÌ„suring and condemning the wrytings of heretyks which censure though it be commonly litle esteemed but rather contemned by them and their followers for the tyme present yet as the figtree in the ghospel died and withered away after the curse of Christ receyued so do these men and their works by litle and litle dy in themselues after the malediction and condemnation of his spouse the Churche though presently it be not seene but future tymes wil declare it and if we haue seene the experience therof in 15. ages past we may beleeue it also of this which is the 16. Let the heretiks vaunt and brag what they wil to the contrary and already we see some proof therof For I would aske yow who readeth or esteemeth greatly Martyn Luthers works at this day in England I meane of Protestants though they were more perhaps in number then those of S. Augustine and much more esteemed for some yeares by his folâ—owers Luthers books out of request he being accoÌ„pted the Elias of our tyme Father of the new ghospel And the lyke I might aske of the books of Oecolampadius Carolstadius Zwinglius and other the first pillers of Protestants Religion and if they be eyther in contempt or of declining estimaâ—ion among their owne ofspring so soone what do we think that they are amongst Catholyks and wil be to their posterity when this tempest shal be blowne-ouer and the Churche restored to a calmer season againe And thus much of the effects of this diligence as also of the necessary causes inducing to vse the same which may be greatly confirmed by the coÌ„trary effects to be seene amoÌ„g heretyks and sectaries where this diligence is not or cannot be vsed nor if it were can it haue the forsayd benediction of good successe for that God the giuer of that benediction is not with them so we see that among them all sectaries books whatsoeuer are read promiscuously of all men and women euen the Turks Alcaron it self Macheuile Bodin tending to Atheisme and baudy Boccace with the most pestilent English Pallace of Pleasure all forbidden among vs Catholyks are read and studied by whome it lyketh them wherby it must needs ensue that the peoples iudgment affections are pittifully infected with poyson in euery kynd where no prohibition is vsed to the contrary The only diligence that is vsed at this day among them is to prohibit and keep out Catholyke books No
bookes prohibited amongst protestants but Catholyke which only do contayne indeed the true medicines for these maladies and yet is this a hard matter to do considering the variety vtility and necessity of such books insomuch that yf they exclude not all good scieÌ„ces and togeather with them the ancient Fathers Councels and Ecclesiastical histories themselues and more then this destroy not many monuments of their owne they cannot exclude the arguments persuading people to the truthe of Catholyke religion And this being so let vs se now a litle what maner of diligeÌ„ce the catholyke Churche doth vse in repressing heretical books and purging other by heretiks infected Diligence of the Catholyk Church in prohibiting and purging bookes The late vniuersal and Oecumenical CouÌ„cel of Trent preceyuing the infinite multitude and variety of heretical wrytings that were come forth already and came forth dayly of all new sects as Lutherans Zwinglians Anabaptists Caluinists Swinkefeldians Libertines Trinitarians new Arrians and others to infect the world withal Index expurgar Conciliâ—Ì„ Trident. resolued according to the custome of other general Councels Synods before them to take some effectual remedy for this disorder and for that purpose appoynted an Index or catalogue of all prohibited books and did set downe 10. rules at the beginning therof for better direction of all Cath. men in that affayre wherof the first is that all books and authors forbidden or condemned before by any General Counsel or Bishoppes of Rome vntil the yeare of Christ 1515. which was 2. yeares before Luther published his heresy should be vnderstood also to be forbidden and condemned by them by which we may see that one councel in the Cath. Churche hath relation to another and confirmeth the same which heretyks vse not to do in their assemblyes meetings The second rule is That all Archeretyks that haue byn Authors of seueral sects since that tyme as Luther Zwingâ—ius Caluyn Balthasar Pacimontanus Swinâ—feldius and other lyke are coÌ„demned by name with their books as other heretykes also whatsoeuer since that tyme in general The third rule is that all translation of other mennes works wrytings made by heretyks so they conteyne no corruptâ—on contrary to the Cathol fayth may be permitted The fourth rule is how bybles in vulgar tongues may be read permitted or forbidden The fift rule is that books which treat not of diuinity but of other matters set forth by heretyks may be permitted after they are cleansed and purged froÌ„ heretical impostures and the lyke of other books and woorks with particular direction how they may be purged and restored to their pure integrity the particulars wherof were ouerlong heer to be discussed Only I wil aduertise that besides these rules Instructions for expurging of books there are certayne instructions also set foorth in print in the same Index for the execution of these rules wherin hauing shewed how they may procâ—ed with books of our age written eyther by heretiks or Catholyks if they conteyne errors heresies athesmes scurrility lasciuiousnesse or the lyke The fourth instructioÌ„ hath these woords Index expuâ—gat Conc. Tridenâ— de correct §. 4. In libris autem Cathâ—licorum veterum nihil mutari fas sit nisi vbi aut fraude haereticorum aut typographi incuria manifesâ—us error irrepserit It may not be lawful for them that correct books to change any thing at all in the books of the auncient Catholyks except where any manifest error should appeare to haue crept in eyther by the fraud of heretyks or negligence of the printer c. Behould heere Catholyks deliuered from that wicked slaunder offered by Syr Francis his fellowes that we take authority vnto vs to change put out and put in what we list in the ancient Fathers works This is the instruction of the general counsel confirmed by Pope Pius 4. and of all Popes after him and now agayne by Clemens Octauus as appeareth by their seueral Breues put before it neyther would the Spanish Index expurgatorius haue durst to gone against this direction Index expurgat Hisp. impress Madritâ— apud AlphoÌ„s Gomitium an Dâ—i 1584. especially seing that the Card. Gaspar Quiroga head of the Inquisition in Spayne in his preface to the said book saith that this expurgation was made according to the meaning and direction of the councel of Trent and that by the cheefest men of all their vniuersities Tvvo considerations in putting out any thing of the auncient vvaters so as albeit they cannot stand to giue a particular reason of euery censure or expurgation that is made yet it is most certayne that in all they put out of any author before our age they follow one of two reasons before meÌ„tioned to wit that eyther they fynd it thrust in by heretiks or by error of the printer and that other more auncient and corrected coppyes had it not and so might they say also of the former senteÌ„ce alleadged by Syr F. deleatur dictio solummodo especially seing they do censure the sentence not as a sentence of Gregory Nissene as falsely and frauduleÌ„tly Syr F. doth set it downe but of a farre later greeke author named Antonius Abbas of whome they say thus in their Index Index expurgat Hisp. fol. 20. Ex libris Antonij Abbatis qui inscribuntur milissae siue sermones ementiâ—o titulo ascribuntur Ant. Magno Out of the books of Antony an Abbot which are intituled Melissae or certayne sermons which falsely are ascribed to Anthony the great c. Wherby we may vnderstaÌ„d that these learned men which gaue this ceÌ„sure esteemed not the senteÌ„ce to be eyther of Gregory Nissene as S r. F. alleageth it nor yet of any other author of great antiquity being indeed nothing els but a collection of sentences out of many authors here and there without order or method and alleaged by Margarinus à Doctor of Paris in the fifth to me of his Bibliotheca sanctorum Parrum In which woork as himself confesseth in a certain preface many things were hastily shuffled vp and passing by many seueral hands diuers impertinent notes were made in the margent vpon one of which S r. F. groundeth his argument that this sentence so censured was taken out of Gregorius Nassenus which yet neyther is found in him nor do the learned men of Spayne censure him or speak of him but only of these sermons of Antonius Abbas in which many other things are found worthy reprehension as this Index doth shew ProtestaÌ„ts themselues wil not deny as for exaÌ„ple where they say Serm. 72. col 73. Serm. 26. col â—49 Deleantur illa verba non potest ammus iniquus iustificari An vniust mynd cannot be iustified And againe Deus non omnium Deus est God is not God of all men And agayne Largire pio peccatori ne succurras Serm 27. Giue vnto a good man but giue nothing to a sinner And yet further Lib. 2. Serm. 10. Est autem
daungerous fishing it may be presumed he liked wel inoughe the matter though perhaps not the manner and so til a new captayne be found the enterprise mustly raked vp in the ashes and out cryes be giuen againe against Catholykes as the only men that by peace vnion and pacification do seeke the ruyne both of Church and common wealth But this arte now is vndeâ—stood so I doubt not but it wil be considered of accordingly by her Ma tie and her wise councel whatsoeuer false allarme or sayned counter-word the sentinels of the aduerse part do giue out for their commodytie And this is sufficient for a warn-word in this affayre The rest that followeth in his Epistle is of no moment vntil he come to delight himselfe somwhat with a certayne fensing allusion to the title of the ward-word saying I doubt not but so to breake the strength of all your cheefe wards for all your fensing skil as to leaue yow at length to your hanging ward The hanging vvardâ— Ibid. Pag 4. which prooueth alwayes a daungerous ward yf it be sharply followed by the assaylant Lo heer threates that go before arguments wherin I confesse both him and his to be very eager and sharpe assaylants and that no fencers nor swashbucklers nor cutters as they cal them of Queene hiue or other kilcowes could euer follow the fray more sharpely vpon Catholikes then he and Topclif and such other haue done for these many yeares by hanging so many Priests and other seruaÌ„ts of Christ that haue rested vpon this hanging ward of patience and suffering for ancient religion which ward yet hath prooued much more glorious then dangerous to them their hope and assurance depending of the promise inuiolable of their Captaine and Master assuring them vpon his honour and power that no one heare of their head shal perish which they haue seene performed in all former suffering and martyrdomes for the same cause and so do hope it wil be in theÌ„ for which respect they coÌ„temne easily whatsoeuer the malice of maÌ„ can worke against theÌ„ And so Sir your bloody iest of haÌ„ging ward returneth to yow againe without applause of any that hath feeling of piety or humanity There followeth further in his epistle The violence saith he of the Puritane spirite is added by â—â—m the wardeâ— â—or a reason why he is prouoked by me by which words for all his differeÌ„ce made betwene Protestant and Puritane both of them are apparantly knowne to proâ—esse Christ Iesus crucified in religion c. â— F. vvil not tel vvhether he be a Puritane or noe Here is first to be noted that our K. by no meanes can be forced throughout all his whole book to declare himselfe cleerly whether he be of the Puritan faction or no only in this place he would fayne deny as yow see all difference of those names professioÌ„s which being ridiculous to all English euen children that know the contrary and I am to shew it largely afterward in the very first EncouÌ„ter * Cap. â— yet he blusheth not to deny it heer yea further he endeauoreth to proue yt by a strong demonstration saying that both of them do professe Christ Iesus crucified in religion But graunt that Christ be crucified againe in their religion and that both protestant and puritan do conspire therin is this sufficient to proue them both to be of one religion And do not all the Anabaptists Trinitarians and other sectaryes of our tyme confesse the same that is Christ to haue byn Crucified also in their religion Yea all the old heretikes except only such as denyed the manhood of Christ did confesse Christ crucified And we Catholykes in like maner whome yet he reiecteth as most opposite to him and his do we not professe that Christ was crucified how then is this agreement in Christ Iesus Crucified brought in for a sufficient argument of their vnity in beleefe and Doctrine A foolish argument of agreemeÌ„t betvvene Protestants Puritans Consider good reader what notable arguments yow are like to haue in the rearward and rest of his book seing these and other like are put in the vauntgard There ensueth yet further in his epistle This encounâ—ereâ— saith he seemeth to glory that the yeares of her Ma â—â—â— grow on fastâ— but the God of mercy I trust wil prolong her daâ—es Pag 5. Ibid. to the holding out stil of the Popes vsurped authority c. Heere are two apparant abuses Calumniation and flattery calumniation and flattery calumniation in that the Encounterer nameth not her Ma â—eâ— many yeares by way of vaunt but by way of sorrow and compassion to the Realme comon-welth The flattery consisteth in that the K. wil needes persuade her Ma tâ—e of holding out stil which as euery man desyreth to be long yet this stil is so grosse and palpable a flattery as no man of iudgment and grauity can but scorne him for yt especially since the Essexian assault which may be presumed would haue abbreuiated this stil yf it had preuayled if not in the Earles own intention yet in many other of the puritan hot brotherhood that egged him on to this attempt A litle after when I persuade to vnion of hartes and good willes in England by tolleration and mittigation in matters of religion he as though there were no need therof answereth thus As for his vnity yf yt be vnity in verytie as his is not no Christian man can or wil refuse that Pag. 7. but praise God for that and yf our vnthankefulnes bereaue vs not of yt we enioy that already by vnder her Ma â—â—â— with great comfort Heere yf by we he vnderstand all his new gospel brethren to wit Lutherans Suinglians English Protestants and Puritans as in the rest of his booke he holdeth them for true brethreÌ„ then how this we do agree in vnity of verity all men that haue eares or eyes do heare see which matter yet shal be examined more largely in the first Encounter * cap. 3.4 5. 6. following where our knight doth assigne it for the first and most special blessing of their religion to haue this good vnity in verity amonge them But in the meane space for that he doth seeme to restrayne his speech somwhat in this place to EnglaÌ„d alone by saying that they enioy it already by and vnder her Ma tie it is not hard to see or iudge what vnity in verity there is betwene protestants and Puritans at home Comfort of protestants and puritans See the book named the suâ—uâ—y of preteÌ„ded â—oly discipline and how comfortable a matter it is to the Puritane party to be restrayned by her Ma tie and her Bishops as they bee to exterior vnity with the Protestants for to the interior no force wil preuayle and what great and singular ioy they take therof yt appereth in part by their seueral bookes of heauy complaynts about this matter L. Daungeâ—rous
Encounter which is this that S ir F. H. being entred into a serious contemplation in the height of his careful watch ouer England and thinking to imitate perhaps herin the spirit of some hidden prophet whome he desired to resemble estemed it not only expedient but incident also to the vigilancy of the office of a general watchman taken vpon him by his owne election not by any mans coÌ„mission to forwarne the people not only of great and mighty fayned daungers hanging ouer them from Catholikes but also of innumerable new deuised blessings benefits and benedictions abounding among them and flowing to them daylie by the fortunate chaunge of ould religion into Protestancy The subiect of S F. book breaking forth into these words of fervour Pap. 2. Yf I should take vpon me to enter into the enumeration of all the beneâ—its and blessings that from the Almightie haue byn powred vpon this litle Isle of England c. And herevpon coÌ„cludeth that seing they had gotten so greatly already by the bargaine they should be merry and go forward and neuer thinke of returne c. and this was the beginning of his watch-word To which the Warder thinking it expedient to oppose himselfe VVard vvord taketh vp S. F. for a false and flattering Prophet by these wordes of Esay Esay 3. my people they that say thou art blessed are those that deceiue thee shewing further the great inconueniences hurts daungers damages and pernitious effects of such flattering tongues in common wealthes that himselfe doth contradict himselfe in this very poynt soone after talking nothing els but of feares frights and terrours by daungers and miseries imminent to our countrey A brag of blessings examined without specifying or setting downe to the coÌ„trary any one particular blessing at all comen hitherto to the realme or like to come by their new gospel but only feeding them with those general fayre words of fleering adulation which the warder holding for fond and contemptible in so manifest and important a matter reiecteth them without further answere And then passing on to the poynt it selfe more in particuler he reduceth all benefits and blessings that haue happened to England or can happeÌ„ vnto two general heads or branches that is spiritual touching religion and temporal concerning the common wealth and in both these kinds he sheweth by many weightie arguments that not blessings but cursings not benefits but calamityes haue are lyke to fal vpon our couÌ„try by this fatal vnfortunate change of Religion giuing manifest examples in both sortes and concludeth with a brief repetition of all and this is the summe of the warders answere to this first Encounter of imagined blessings But vpon this poynt replyeth now agayne the K. in this his Apology or defence A vayne reply by the Knight which vpon iust causes as yow shal see I haue termed a VVast-word and first of all he maketh a solemne florish by detesting all flattery and alleageth diuers sentences of sundry Poëts and Philosophers in despraise of flattery and then addeth that there is farre greater flattery in Rome to the Pope then he vseth in this place and further that there was no contradiction betwixt his words of present daungers now imminent to England and of former blessings by their ghospel receyued so as though England be not blessed at the present yet hath it byn heretofore and then letting passe all that euer the warder hath said in the examination of the foresaid two heads of spiritual teÌ„poral blessings he bringeth in ten new benedictions freshly framed out of the forge of his owne imagination to the supply of his former want assuring vs that they are proper fruits of his new ghospel ghospellers Ten nevv fresh blessings And that they haue ensued by the former change of religion which blessings benedictions he auoweth to be vnity of doctrine Liberty of reading Scriptures in vulgar languages Publique prayer in English exercise of good works more then beâ—ore freedome from persecution deliuerance from intolerable exactions long peace power in forrayne countryes wealth of the land multitude of subiects seuenfold increased since the beginning of this change of religion This is the summe of his Apologie to this Encounter VVarn-vvoâ—e replyeth our which cometh agayne the warneâ— now who before was only a warder as yow haue heard and besyds his wards warneth also the watchmaÌ„ of his wants in this his VVast-word shewing first that all his defence is but verbal and impertinent speach and consequently iustly termed by him a VVast-word for that to flatter and detest I flattery at one tyme is no defence or iust excuse of flattery but rather folly and impudency ioyned to flattery and that it litle easeth him or helpeth his cause if there should be so great flattery in Rome as he sayth seing that this iustifieth not nor authorizeth any flattery vsed by him in England that it is vayne and ridiculous to vaunt of blessings past and not present seing the present and future is that which importeth most and not that which is past and more ridiculous for that if they were true blessings which are past they were brought in and lefte by the old Catholique religion and if they be not now present it is for that the new religion hath lost them that the ten new felicityes now freshly deuised and brought in by the K. are neyther true in themselues nor in the nature of blessing but rather quite contrarie and others nothing pertinent to the purpose and diuers of them of no consideration at all but rather fond and contemptible mockeryes And finally that S r. F. his running out of the feild The Knight flyeth the true coÌ„bate and flying from all the wayes of tryal offred by the warder both about Spiritual and temporal blessings and cursings is a playne argument that he dareth not ioyne really and substantially in the combat but only to florish for fashion sake and to make a shew of skyrmishing in the ayer for holding vp his credit with the bare name of a new Apologie keeping himselfe warily notwithstaÌ„ding within his owne listes only and farre of from the true Encounter and running now and then when he is sore pressed behind the cloath of state that is to say protecting himselfe with the name authority of her Ma tie and of the present gouernment where all other arguments fayle him for his defence and this in general is the summe of all this Encounter with the K. Now must we come to examine what his Minister champion or martial procter O. E. hath brought in his supply coming foorth after the other And first in general I must say in his prayse and commendation The argumeÌ„t and summe of O. E. his â—nsvvere that he is farre more impertinent impudent and impotent in his wryting rayling then is the K. or any other perhaps that euer took pen in hand for hauing taken the visard of O. E.
wil declare and I shal endeuour to put yow in mynd therof now and then when I passe by it Hierome said as Bishop Iewel alleadgeth that in suspition of heresie no man must be pacient Iewel is aleadged heere with more honour then Hierome Iewel is named Bishop which he neuer was and Hierome is not called Saint which he was and is no place in eyther of them is cyted where the words may be read Hierome speaketh of heresy not of flatterie S.F. would excuse himselfe of flatterie not of heresy for in heresy he delighteth and how then do these things agree and if for further proofe I should aske him whether he or M. Iewel wil stand to S. Hieromes definition of heresy and hereticks euen in those very books where he hath this sentence of impacieÌ„ce against heresie to wit in those he wrote against Iouianus and Vigilantius whom he condemneth and calleth heretiks for the very same opinions that Sir F. M. Iewel do hold for ghospelyke good doctrine Heretikes out vvith S. Hierome I meane about Virginitie prayer to Saynts lights at Martyrs â—ombes and the like If I should aske them I say this questioÌ„ whether they would staÌ„d to S. Hieromes definitioÌ„ of an heretik all the worâ—d seeth they would fly froÌ„ it for so muche as he calleth them hereticks for holding those protestantical opinions contrarie to the vniuersal consent of the catholike Churche in those dayes as our men do at this day and how then do they alleadge S. Hierome in matter of heresie as though he were there frend or fauored them But to let passe this matter of heresie out of S. Hierome whom in deed of all Fathers they least can beare and do cal him often both borne papist and scoulding doctor Ievvel against D. Harding Fulke against D. Allen and D. Bâ—istovv Let vs see in particular what our knight answereth to the charge of flatteâ—ie for making EnglaÌ„d so happie by change of Religion Diuers shiftes of S. F. for his defence whervnto he deuiseth diuers defences for first he alleadgeth very solemnely the sentence of Antistenes and of some other Philosophers in reprehension of flatterie but what proueth this or what is this to the purpose nay rather is it not much more against himselfe if he cleare not wel the charge of flatterie layd vnto him for that the more Poets or Philosophers or other Authors do condemne flatterie the more is the K. condemnation also if he be found faulty therin Wherfore this first dedefence is no defence but impertinent wasting of words as yow see let vs behold his second which perhaps may proue worse or more impertinent then this His second defence is that greater flatterie may be found in Rome to the Pope then he vseth to the Queene and state of England I would send yow sayth he to the Popes pallace where a man may fynd more shameles flatterers then I thinke were euer to be found in any Christian Princes Court VVast-vvord Pag. 5. Wel suppose it were so Syr what doth this excuse yow why should a knight flatter in England for that a Courtier or Canonist doth flatter in Rome Yow know that company in euel doing excuseth not nor dedemâ—nâ—sheth the synne and S. Hierome whom yow alleadge sayth Hieron in Epist. ad caelantiam nihil agimus cum nos per multitudinis exempla defendimus we labour in vaine wheÌ„ we go about to defend our selues by the example of the multitude this in case it were as yow say but how do yow proue it Syr harken gentle Reader and heare his wordes Panormitan sayth he as by sundry learned men he is aleadged shameth not to flatter your Pope so farre VVast vvord Pag. 6. as to make him almost aequal with God saying Eccepto peccato Papa potest quasi omnia facere quae Deus potest Synne excepted the Pope can in a manner do all things that God can doe Thus sayth our knight wherin I would aske him first why he had not cyted the worke or booke of PanormitaÌ„ or at leastwyes some one of those learned men of his syde by whom he sayth that Panormitan is alleadged if he omitted the citation by negligence it was great ouersight in so weightie a matter if of wil and purpose it was fraud if he red noâ— the Authors himself but trusted Ministers notebookes it was lightnes and simplicite if his learned men that aleage Panormitan and accuse him as he doth do not cyte or quote the place no more then he it is the same fault in them and a signe that they are afraid to be taken tripping and this complaint I shal be forced to make often for that this shifte is ordinary among them not to cyte their Authors But now to the matter it self I say that after muche seeking in Panormitan Panorm part 1. decret de Elect. c. Licet I haue found at length the place and therein the woords by him and his alleaged but with this difference that Panormitan cyteth the sentence not as his owne but out of Hostiensis and sheweth the meaning to be that in matters of iurisdiction and spiritual authoritie for gouernmeÌ„t of his Churche vpon earth Christ hath lefte so great power vnto his substitute S. Peters successor as he may do thereby and in his name and vertue in a certayne sorte what-so-euer his Mayster and Lord might do in his Church if he were now conuersant among vs vpon earth I say in a certaine sort for that all both Deuines and Canonists do agree that potestas excellentiae wherby our Sauiour could institute Sacraments pardon synnes and impart the other effects of thesayd Sacraments without their vse and the like is not lefte vnto the Pope as not necessarie to the gouernment of his Churche but all the rest requisit to that end is gyuen to him according to that great commission in S. Mathew Matth. 16. I wil giue vnto thee the keyes of the kingdome of heauen whatsoeuer thow loosest shal be loosed and what soeuer thow byndest shal be bound c. vpon which commission Panormitan saith that Hostiensis founded his doctrine in these wordes Host. in c. Quanto de translat Episcoporum Panorm sup part 1. decret de Elect. cap. venerabilem Cum idem sit Christi atque Papae consistorium quasi omnia potest facere Papa quae Christus excepto peccato Seing that the Consistorie or Tribunal of Christ and the Pope is one and the same in this world as appeareth by the former commission it followeth that the Pope can do in spiritual iurisdiction whatsoeuer Christ can doe except lyuing free from synne This is the doctrine of Hostiensis expounded by Panormitan Panormitan and HostieÌ„â—is both abused and if it be rightly vnderstood it hath no more absurditie in it then if a man should say that the Viceroy of Naples can do all in that Kingdome which the king of Spaine himself can doe except being free from
verity then in forrayne churches for this is the gay deuised title of this first benediction I could be content Vnity among forraine Protestants that our knight could shew vs yf not vnity in veâ—ity which is impossible yet vnity at least in falsity among his professors so as some name of vnity might be among them for in verity which is but one the Protestants cannot possibly be at vnity being so deuided and repugnant among themselues as presently I shal shew In falsytie also it is very hard for them to hould vnion Tertul. praeâ—script contra haeres for that as Tertullian sayth mendacâ—um mendacio difficulter cohaeret onely doth hardly stand with another ly in peace and concord for which cause he sheweth that all heresyes lightly haue fallen at bickering among themselues but in none more hath this byn obserued then in the newe gospel of our tyme brought in by Luther Zwinglius Oecolampadius Carolstadius Caâ—uyn Melanthon Beza and others the head doctors of Syr F. externe churches in Germany France Suizerland and other places which haue byn lightes and lanternes to ours of England and their first doctors and as it were Apostles who yet were no sooner knowen to the world but that they fel at mortal debate and dissention among themselues and so continued all their liues sealing it also wâ—th their deathes as by their owne workes testimonyes historyes appeareth For first who knoweth not that Luther begining his doctrine in the yeare of our Lord 1517. and going forward with adding â—leidaÌ„ Surius Lauater alij in hist. altering chopping and changing for 7. yeares togeather before it could be made any certaine body of doctryne Luthers beginning and going forvvards consisting in it selfe it fel out that with-in those 7. first yeares to wit an 1524. three of Luthers cheefest schollers Andreas Carolstadius Ioannes Oecolampadius and Vldericus Zuinglius the first and last of the number Apostate priests the second a frier as Luther also had byn began the new sect of Sacramentaries quite opposite to Luther and within two yeares immediatly following the three named doctors Sacramentaries their deuisions profited so wel in new diuisions also among themselues as by Luthers owne testimony publikely giuen in a sermon after printed they were deuided into six seueral sects Luth. ser. de sacra Haga 〈◊〉 habit anno 1527. Yea the Lutheran preachers of Brema wryting not long after that againe to VVestphalus a great Superintendent in Saxony do soleÌ„nly auouch Concionat Bremens Ep. de Eucharist ad VVestphalum that there was inâ—â—nita penè opinionum apud Sacramentarios varietas an infinite variety of opinioÌ„s amongst the SacrameÌ„taries that denyed the Real presence in the Sacrament And did this dissention euer end think yow amongst these fellowes Genebr Suâ—ius hoc an No truly but rather encreased dayly euen vnto their deathes and after also for out of Luthers doctryne besides these Sacramentaries there arose in like maner the Anabaptists Sectaries sprong from Luther Svvinglius and Caluin anno 1527. as themselues glory taking occasion by his Epistle ad VValdenses where he sayth That it is better to leaue of baptisme altogeather then to baptise children that haue no fayth Whervpon they left of baptisme of infants and went forward in the rest of their heresyes euen against Luther himselfe at the last After this there sprong vp also out of the same sect of Luther the potent diuision of molles and rigidi Lutherani which endure with open emnity to this day as their bookes do testifie Rigid and soft LutheraÌ„s VVestphalus Illiricus and others of highe Saxony being the heads of the rigid faction who resemble our puritans in EnglaÌ„d that would haue nothing but Caluins pure prescription as these men would Luthers but on the other side Melanchton and his folowers founders of the softer partie would folow Luther by discretion taking so much as â—â—rued for their purpose and no more where vnto also do draw neere our Parlament Protestants in England as yow know who receaue Caluin with the limitations and restrictions which they thinke best that is nothing at all of his ecclesiastical plot of gouernment nor diuers poynts of his doctrine And thus much of Luthers owne sect But out of that of Vldericus Zuinglius father of the Sacramentaries issued other children not much different from the former for their dissention and disobedience both to father and mother Caluin Seruetus Valent Gentils to wit Iohn Caluin and Theodore Beza and from these againe departed into another faction other good fellowes as Michel Seruetus Vid. lib. Caluini de Act. Seruet libel Geneuae editum de act Valentin Iohn Caluins coleage whome they afterward burned at Geneua for denying the blessed Trinity and Valentinus Gentilis a new Arrian whose followers yet remayne though himselfe was burned also by other Protestants at Argentine With these ioyned Ioannes Paulus Alciatus Gribaldus and others which made afterward the sect of new Arrians and Trinitarians that yet remayne in Germany Poland and especially in Transiluania as their bookes do shew All these and many others not only Sectaryes but Arch-heretikes and heades of new sectes haue sprong vp out of the new gospel with-in these fourskore yeares and haue framed Churches and conuenticles to themselues in diuers contreyes all opposite and repugnant one to another and themselues also deuided amoÌ„gst themselues though at the bâ—â—ginning all proceeded of one only diuision from Catholike vnion raysed by Luther So as we Catholikes may wel insult and rightly say of them as S. Augustine said to Parmenian Aug. contra Parm. lib. 1. cap 4. multa frusta de isto frasto per totam Africam facta sunt sic sic necesse est vt minutatim secti conscissique dispereant qui tumorem animositatis suae sanctissimo Catholicae pacis vinculo praetulerunt Many peeces are already made throughout Africa of this one peece or diuision wherwith yow began so so is it necessary that they should perish by diuision and renting into most smal peeces who haue preferred the pride or swelling of their owne animosity before the most holy band of Catholike peace and vnitie Thus saith this holy Father neither is there any hope or meane to reconcile these parties togeather as in the Ward-word I affirmed here wil prooue for that the scriptures which are the only pretented meanes admitted by them No meanes of vnion amongst Protestantes see of this morâ— infra cap. 14. 15. euery party pleadeth for himselfe with such obstinacy in his owne sense as no iudge being acknowledged it is vnpossible to come to any determination And as for Synodes councels wheron old fathers rested much for decision of controuersies these men laugh at them thoughe yet at last pressed by necessity and much wearied with continual wrangling about scriptures diuers sects of our tymes for all it is impossible to draw togeather haue byn forced
betvveene soft and ridged Lutherans Vigandus Gallus Ampsdorphius Osiander and the foresaid Hessusius all austere and ridged Lutherans against Philip Melanchthon Eberus Sturmius Clâ—beâ—ius Chyâ—râ—us and other of the secte of softer Lutherans there would be no end if we should runne ouer all for that the fayers of FraÌ„kford euery yeare do bring forth so many new bookes in this kynd of one of these LutheraÌ„s against an other as they cannot be read and so enough for the present of this external stryfe But now godwilling wil I drawe homeward toward the vnion of our domestical ghospellers VVhat vnion in England by one iudgâ—â—nt of foâ—â—â—ne Protestants in EnglaÌ„d if by the way yow wil geue me leaue first to note one only point more about these forayne sectaries which I cannot omit for that it toucheth England also in particuler and is taken out of an authentical Author Châ—min epi. ad Elect. Brand. whome our English Protestants do highly commend in all their writings to wit Martynus Chemnitius for that he tooke vpoÌ„ him to examine ceÌ„sure the whole councel of Trent a valiant act of a typling German but that which is worse he censureth the Queene and Parlament of England also in that which now I am tâ— alleage and so goeth further then he should do For in a letter which he writeth to the Prince Elector of BraÌ„deÌ„â—urge allowing first his iudgemeÌ„t and praysing it greatly quod consultum non esse iudicat vt cum Caluinistis generalis synodus habeatur That his highnes thinketh it not expedient to haue any general Synode with the Caluinists as they desired and secondly he addeth his owne iudgmeÌ„t to the Dukes about their punishmeÌ„t to wit that it is not conuenient vt punitionis officium contra Caluinistas intereà temporis penitus quiescat That the â—ffice oâ— punishing Caluinists in the meane space should vtterly cease but rather be continued Thirdly he passeth ouer to talke also of the Religion of England Chemnit his censure of English religion and of her Ma â—ie by name saying that no good thing in Religion is further to be expected of her That she hath vsed hardly the protestants of Germany That she seeth seeleâ—h now a third sect rysen vp in her realme of Puritanes which hate both her and Caluinians and are enemies also to Lutherans and then he scoffeth that she being a woman hath taken vpon her to make Ecclesiastical lawes And lastly quod soemineo à seculis â—naudito fastuse Papissam caput Ecclesiae fecit That with a womanly pryd I am forced to interprete his wordes as they ly neuer hard of in former ages she hath made her selfe a shee Pope and head of the Churche Thus sayth he and much more and if any Catholike wryter had set downe these wordes how would Syr F. haue inueighed against vs for them But now what wil he say to this cheefe champion of his new gospel Is this the vnity they haue among them did Lucifer his angels euer more furiously fight amoÌ„g themselues then these their folowers do But heere we must stay our hand and goe no further in forraine fights but rather get home as I promised and see what passeth there among only Caluinists and whether they be at any better peace then their brethren are at abroad and yf not then wil we laughe at Syr F. againe for his vnity in verity THE CONTINVATION of thesame narration about vnity in verity among ridged and soft Caluinistes named Protestants puritaines in England and Scotland CAP. VI. HAVING bene ouerlong in this narraration of sorraine disagreement amoÌ„gst new gospellers therby to shew the vanity of Syr F. his vaunt who said that all their churches in Christendome were of the selfe same iudgment and blessed vnity there wanteth not matter to make a farre longer recital of their domestical bickerings hatred and dissentions rysen among the Caluinists of England and Scotland since the raigne of her Maiestie seing there are extant so many bookes of those matters both betweene Cartwright Whitgyft Lupton Martyn Marprelate Mar-martyn amongst the rest O. E. also as is reported togeather with whole collections of the issue made divulged by publike authority wherin the controuersyes Bookes betvveen protestants and Puritans the one against the other stryfes and maner of defending them are particularly set downe togeather with the combats and assaultes sleights shifts indeauours and pollicies of each syde which comedy though it be ouer long for me to bring into this place yet wil I touche some few principal poynts for the readers instruction and partly also for recreation concerning the good agreement of thâ—se people or rather their warre and bickerings being all professors of one and the selfe same sect to the end we may see what vnity in verity they haue as our knight braggeth or rather how their spirit of diuision is no other then that of the Lutherans Swinglians and other sectaryes before rehearsed and as all other heretikes haue euer byn before them shal be after them for that the selfe same spirit of one and the selfesame find doth and shal possesse them all to the worldes end First then to beginne with some poynts of doctrine especially touching princes of whome heretikes comonly are egregious flatterers yf they fauour their sects and notorious traytors paricides yf they be against them let vs heare the more ridged part of Caluinists called Puritans coÌ„cerning her Ma tie authority Caluinian contention about Princes authority wherwith the knight seeketh continually to presse vs as though we denied both spiritual and temporal which is most false in the one but his men I meane English Protestants and Puritans are so deuided among themselues in this poynt as is incredible especially to him that heareth the fauning flattery of Sir F. to her Maiestie in his watchword and knoweth not what his doctors do hould and practise elswhere to the contrary For harken now to his Ministers assertions in this behalfe Princes say they may be deposed by the people yf they be Tirants against God and his truth Knockes in hist. Scot. Pag. 78. 372. and their subiects are free from their oathes of obedience Again the people are better then the king and of greater authority Bucchan de iure reg pag. 61.13.25.58.40.62 c. they haue right to bestow their crowne at their pleasure they may arraygne their Prince and depose him To them it appertayneth to make lawes and to the prince to execute them they haue thesame power ouer the king that the king hath ouer any particular person and it were good that rewardes were publikely appoynted by the people for such that kil tyrants as there are for those that kil wolfes and beares Againe when the mylder sort of Caluinists doe obiect to these rough and ridged brethreÌ„ of thesame sect Obiections finely ansvvered some places out of scripture or otherwise to temper this humor as that
we must obay kings whether they be good or bad Knokes appel fol. 26. they answere it is blasphemy so to say Againe when these obiect That God placed euil kinges and TyraÌ„ts sometymes to punish the people The others answere So he doth sometymes priuate men also to kill them Moreouer when they alleage S. Paule That he comandeth vs we should pray for princes â—uch de iure reg pag. â—7 1. Tim. 2. The other do answere we may punish theeues and pray for them also And when these reply that the same Apostle commaundeth expresly to be obedient to such a prince 1. Tim. 3. They answere Buch. Ibid. Pag. 50. That Paul wrote this in the infancy of the Churche but if he liued now he would say otherwise except he would dissent from himselfe Ibid. fol. 56.57 I leaue much more that might be alleaged to this effect And all this and much more is testified also by a brother of their owne of the softer sort in a book printed at London by publike authority in the yeare 1593. by Iohn wolfe the title wherof was Dangerous positions c. with this posy adioyned vnto it out of the epistle of S. Iude They despise gouernment and speake euil of them that are in authority And hauing geuen testimony to this which I haue cyted much more he giueth his censure of others also of the same profession beyond the sea Lib. 1. Pa. 12. This new diuinity sayth he of dealing thus with Princes is not only held by Knockes and Bucchanan alone that are Scots but generally for ought I can learne by most of the cheefe consistorians beyond the seas being of the Geneuian humor as Caluyn Beza Hotâ—maÌ„ c. And the same wryter in his second booke afterward doth shew at large how that M â— Goodman M r. Whittingham and other English Protestants that fled to Geneua in Q. Maries dayes haue left wrytten the same farre worse positions against the authority of princes as in their bookes and in the foresaid collection of this author may be read Here then these matters being so and of so great waight and the contradiction being open and notorious concerning princely authority and obedience thervnto belonging what wil our knight say here or how wil he defend vnity in verity to be amoÌ„g his brethreÌ„ in this so principal capital a poynt or how wil he satisfie her Maiestie herâ—n after all his faire speech for he doth not deny the PuritaÌ„s to be his brethren as O. E. doth afterward but rather defendeth them with main and might as after yow shal heare But if we leaue the Prince and come to Bishops which is the second principal member of their churche and body their disagreement is much more notorious then in the former For as the protestant speaketh honorably of them so doth the Puritan quite contrary calling them Dangerous posit lib. 20. cap. 12. the greatest and most pestilent enimyes that the state of England hath vnlawful false bastardly gouernours of the churche thrust in by ordenance of the diuel petty antechrists cogging cosening knaues profane paltery pernicious pestilent Prelates in respect of their places enymyes of God their calling meere Antichristian c. And this for their bishops and cheefe pastors whome they ought to presume according to S. Paules speech to be put ouer them yf any be by the holy Ghost Caluinian contradictioÌ„ about the Bish. cheefe Pastors Act. 20. But yf they be enymies of God cogging knaues petty Antichrists and ordayned by the diuel himselfe as these their owne children and brethren say and sweare then are English protestants wel directed by them and to a good end wil they come But let vs heare what they say of their immediate pastors and teachers I meane their ministers and present cleargie Our supposed ministers say they are a multitude of desperate and forlorne Atheists Ibid cap. 13. Of their ministers Ibid. cap. 11. accursed vncircumcised and murthering generation The cleargy is endighted as the followers of Antichrist they are wolues it is a Sinagoge of Sathan their only endeauour how to preueÌ„t Christ they are knowne to be enimyes vnto all syncerity Posir ibid. li. 2. cap. 4. c. And in another place Right puissant poysoned persecuting and terrible priests The holy league of subscripsion the crue of monstrous and vngodly wretches horned masters of the conspiration house Antichristian swynish rabble the conuocation of diuels vnder Belzabub of Canterbury cheeâ—e of diuels c. Thus of them And concerning the whole gouernment face Ibid. cap. 4. and corps of the Churche of England they say Antichrist raigneth amongst vs the established gouernment of the Churche is treaterous against the Maiestie of Iesus Christ it giueth leaue to a man to be any thing but a sound Christian c. And this of their whole Churche parts and pastors therof But I let passe what these fellowes say wryte of her Maiestie About the Q councel and parlament head of their Churche denying wholy her ecclesiastical authority and subiecting her to their pryuate excommunications when they please Dang posiâ— lib. â— c. Of the Lords of her priuy Counsel also charging them not to deale in matters ecclesiastical Of the Parlament in like maner and lawes made therby which in EnglaÌ„d is the highest court saying in particular therof Ibid. lib. 2. cap. 1. that as great indignity is offred vnto Iesus Christ in committing his English Churche vnto the gouernment of the common lawes as for hirâ—lings vnder any great king to commit his beloued spouse vnto the direction of the mistresse of the stewes c. Finally of their common book of seruice and administration of Sacraments established by Parlament The commâ—Ì„ book of Protestants wherin by name Sir F. in this reply braggeth so confidently VVast Pag. 12. that their is so great vnity amongst them these his brethren wryte thus Dang posit lib. 2. cap. 9. There prescript forme of seruice is ful of corruption in all the order of their seruice there is no edification but confusion The Sacraments are wickedly mangled and prophaned they eate not the Lords supper but play a pagent of their owne to blynd the people their publike baptisme is ful of childish and superstitious toâ—es c. All these fights warres and dissentions in most principal points of their religion are at this day in England betwene ridged or strayt Caluinists commonly called Puritans and the softer â—ort of the same Caluinian sect who are distinguished from the others by the name of moderate Protestants that do follow for their rule of faith and religion the prescript of Parlament and her Ma ties proceedings But now besides this contrariety of positions there is yet another dissention among these brethren more important then all the rest which is their disagreing and capital enimity about the interpretation of Scriptures VVarre in expounding scriptures wherunto
he answereth thus As if we had procured all these battayles murders destructions The florish of the minister as if we or our religion were the occasion c. what a shameles fellow is this to impute the cause oâ— troubles and warres vnto vs that euer auoyded warres as much as we could and offred force to no man nor euer styrred but as defendants for safegard of our lyues are lambes the cause of the cruelty of wolues All these big wordes are but arguments of the Noddyes distracted mynd c. Lo reader what a manner of answering this is and how many books might be made in this kynd of wryting wherfore leauing this let vs come to the matter of diuision in religion Where I say that before this alteration of religion by Luther there was vnity among Catholikes to wit one God adored throughout all christendome one faith and beleefe one forme of seruice one number of SacrameÌ„t one tongue in celebration one sacrifice one head of the Churche c. and that now â—ll is deuided O E. damneth all his ancestors he answereth first that to speake â—â—uly the most part of Christians in those dayes lyued â—ithout all knowledge of God or of Christ Iesus hauing â—â—thing of Christianity but the very name and the â—â—tward Sacrament of Baptisme So that he yeilâ—eth not to them the inward vertue of Baptisme nor the true beleefe of any one article of the creed before Luther rose which after he repeateth agayne in expresse wordes saying they vnderstood not any one article of the fayth Pag 17. What wil yow say to this man that maketh all his ancestors for so many hundred yeares together and the ancestors also of her Maiestie her father grandfather and the rest meere infidels and christians only in name and that they vnderstood no one article of christiaÌ„ fayth Were not this fellow worthier to be cuggelled then disputed withal his tongue rather to be putted out then his pen answered by wryting but he goeth forward saying that I do ridiculously distinguish faith from beleefe in that I do say there was theâ— one faith and beleefe in christendome before Luther as though the coniunction and did distinguish and nâ—t conioyne together who is heere ridiculous or who is the Noddy or who is the ridiculous noddy let the reader iudge Further he proceedeth affirming that whâ—ras I say before the alteration of religion there was one forme of seruice one number of Sacraments one tongue in celebration one sacrifice and one head of the Churche then are mâ—re palpable and vayne vntruthes conteyned iâ— tâ—esâ— wordes Pag. 17. then is possible to vtter readily with onâ— tongue And yet he with that his one tonguâ— vttereth readely and desperatly fiue or six notorious open lyes at the least in contradicting that I say For first to contradict that there was not one forme of seruice he bringeth in the differences of old Liturges Pag. â—8 saying not only the greek lyturgie doth much differ from the latyn but also the latyn liturges do much differ from themselues and were so full of abuses that the councel of Trent abolishing a number of old Missals portuisses was constrayned to make new yet all naught being nothing like the liturgies of the Apostolike Churche described by Iustyn martyr Dionise of Athens diuers other Fathers for those of S. Iames S. Basil S. Chrysostome are playnly counterfeited Heere though I call this but one ly First notorious lye about old and nevv lyturges and Missals or impudency yet are there diuers for first all these liturges do agree in the substance of the sacrifice whose manner of offring they do prescribe which heretikes cannot deny Caluyn himselfe doth accuse the Fathers for it lib 4. cap. 18. institut as a litle after shal be shewed more at large and consequently the differeÌ„ce betwixt these liturges and Missals is only eyther for that the one is in Latyn the other in Greeke or that they haue some differeÌ„t prayers ceremonyes altering nothing the thing it selfe as the Missals in like manner of the latyn Churche had alwayes that variety permitted to them without breach of vnity As â—or example those of the vse of Rome of Millan of Toledo in Spayne of Sarum in England and other national Churches are at â—his day allowed Neyther did the councel of â—rentabolish any of â—â—ese auncient vses but â—ome newer abuses that might perhaps in so great a body haue crept in And wheras this man wil seeme to allow of the lyturges of Iustine Martyr and of Dionise of Athens as Apostolike reiecting the other of S. Iames S. Basil S. Chrysostome as counterfet he contradicteth himself by ignorance and malice for that Iustine martyr and Dionise of Athens wrote noe lyturges and the other three which he reiecteth togeather with that of S. Clement which as litle he wil allow are the onely lyturges that are extant so that if theise be counterfet then are there noe Apostolike lyturges for Iustyne and Dionise to describe as he sayth they doe Ciril Hierosol Cathechis 4. 5. mistach Ambros. lib. 5. 6. de Sacram but S. Ciril in his Cathechisme and S. Ambrose in his bookes de Sacramentis doe describe and expounde the foresayd lyturges by this man reiected And so he talketh he cannot tel what The second notoriously is in contradicting one number of Sacraments held among Catholykes before Luthers alteration 2. Notoriouslyes about the nomber of 7. Sacramentes The number of 7. Sacraments sayth he was not certaynely established nor receiued before the late councel of Trent and in the councel of Lateran vnder Pope Innocentius there is mention made only of 2. Sacraments which wee retayne Here are two shameful vntruthes auowched coÌ„cerning two councelles For first the Councel of Florence which was an hundred yeares before that of Trent Concil Florent in instruct Armenoâ—um to wit anno 1440. doth set downe plainly and distinctly the number of seauen Sacraments in the same order that â—ee doe now and aboue 200. yeares before that councel agayne Peter Lombard Bishoppe of Paris Sentent lib. 4 dist 2. commonly called M. of the sentences all other scoolemen after him doe set downe and handle distinctly seauen Sacramentes without any note of noueltie or contradiction made against them which is an euident argument that this was at that tyme also the common doctryne of the Catholyke Church And albeit the auncient Fathers as this man obiecteth doe not set downe precisely this nomber of Sacraments in expresse wordes and in one place all together yet doe they set downe the thinges them-selues and the same nomber also in different places as by Catholyke writters is shewed aboundantly when they treate of the nomber of Sacraments And as for the obiection about the councel of Lateran it is an egregious impudencie for that in the very same place by him alleaged in his margent A â—alfication about the
c. Marke the arrogancy of thâ—s petty chaplaâ—n we suspend we see we finde who are those wee I pray yow Oh that Doctor Martyn Luther were aliue againe to canuase this arrogant barking bastardly whelp of his he would proue him but a very demy puppie Of Caluyn he sayth when Caluyn was better informed about the Supremacy he changed his style and retracted his opinion but where and when I pray yow why haue yow not noted the place and tyme for Caluyn was to great a man I trow to change style or retract opinions were it neuer so false or impious and whether he changed in this let his Elizeus that had his cloke spirit of wickednes double I meane Theodor Beza be witnes who is more to be beleeued in this case then O. E. that is but a fugitiue of Caâ—uyns campe going about to betray his Captayne Lastlie about the gouernment of his English Churche he addeth concerning Beza Pag. 22. I say that in external gouernment it is not necessarie that all Churches should concur and agree Loe his saying and albeit he say madlie yet I trust he wil not say but that in one and the selfe same Churche agreeing all in one true doctryne of Iesus Christ as in the former leafe he affirmeth all sortes of protestants do it is necessarie they agree in the substantial poynts at least of some gouernement among them-selues Pag. 18. as for example Atheistical Doctrine O.E. of some one head the cheife members therof as whether the Prince be supreeme head ecclesiastical and may make Bishops and whether the Bishops be true Prelates and may make ministers and whether they be of Gods or the diuels making that are so made which is the proper controuersie betweene them of England and Beza at this day and was with Iohn Caluyn also while he lyued To deny this I say were a very mad new doctrine for souldiour O.E. to teach now vnder a ministers coate to wit that none of all these things are necessarie poynts of doctrine but indifferent rather and that in his Churche a minister a ministrel a preacher and a pyrate a bishop and a bytesheep a deane and a diuel are all one And that this fellow and his compagnions haue no religion nor conscience in saying and denying The Suruey of pretended holy discipline c. printed by Io. VVolf 159â— cap 2â— fol. â—54 admitting or reiecting at their pleasures it may appeare by one of their publyke books printed and set foorth against the puritanes where they haue a whole Chapter of accusations against the said puritanes for reiecting conteÌ„ning new ghospelling wryters of their owne when they make against them which yet yow see practised here by O. E. him-self though no Puritane and that euen against the very cheife heads and syres of both their religions Luther Caluyn Beza yea some are of opinion that O.E. was the Author of that book wherin the Puritanes are so eagerly argued for this fault of coÌ„temning their owne wryters wheÌ„ they make against them though I cannot easely beleeue the same for that it seemeth les fondly writteÌ„ in that kynd then could be expected of this maÌ„nes shallow cacitie that wrote this doltish answere to the Wardword but be it how it wil yow shal see the Puritanes taken vp very sharply by protestants in that book for reiecting both their owne authors and auncient Fathers which yet yow see this arrogant foole doth practise heere in the one I meane touching their owne and yow shal heare afterward how egregiously his fellowes dâ— the like in the other that is to say concerning the auncient Fathers But first let vs see what is obiected to the Puritanes in the former poynt In a certayne place Pellican Bullinger Bucer Illyricus Suruey c. 28. Pap. â—54 and Musculus all great Doctors among the Lutherans being brought in against the Puritane doctrine Cartwright answereth them thus Puritans coÌ„teÌ„pt of their ovvne Doctors If they were for one a hundred they could not beare downe the Apostle to wit standing with him as he presumeth But after these is brought in Luther himselfe interpreting a peece of Scripture otherwise then they would haue it but they answere that his exposition is out of season T. Cartvv li. 2. Pag. 313. 314. Then is brought in Bishop Ridly and brother Bucer great doers in K. Edwards dayes in England but the first is dismissed thus Bishop Ridley being a partie in this cause ought to be no witnes the second thus Ibid. pag. 398. Bucer hath other grosse absurdityes sometymes Homer sleepeth his reasons are ridiculous c. Iewel and Fox do folow but Fox is shaken of with this saying that he took greater payne in his story to declare what is done then how iustlie or vniustlie how conueniently or vnconuenieÌ„tlie it was done Iewel receyued this iyrke as a contumely ingrauen in his tombe as the Protestant complayneth B Iewel calleth the doctryne of the ghospel wantonnesse Ibi. Pag. 11â— Finally they write thus of all the cheif English protestants in K. Henry K. Edward Q. Mary and in this Q. tyme before them-selues their knowledge was in part T. Catvv li. 1. Pag. 196. and being sent out in the morning or 〈◊〉 the Sunne of the ghospel was rysen so high they might ouer see many things which those which are not so sharpe of sight as they were may see for because that which they want in the sharpnes of sight they haue by the benefit clearnes of the Sunne and light greater then in their dayes Loe heere the growing and disagreeing protestant fayth and euery man his new light and lanterne in his hand Whosoeuer cometh after presumeth to see more then his fellow that went before him Wher wil this matter end but marke their wrangling spirites one within an other the puritanes are sorely reprehended for this contemptuous vsing their owne authors but are the puritanes more arrogant or bolder in this poynt then yow haue heard O.E. before euen with the first parent of their profession As for the old Doctors of the ancient Cath. Churche Suruey Pag. 329. the foresaid book of protestaÌ„ts hath also a special chapter of examples of the Puritanes contempt against them calling S. Ignatius scholler to S. Iohn the Euangelist a counterfet and vayne man S. Irenaeus is reiected except sayth the Suruey he wil frame his speech after the new cut Sur. pag. â—3â— Annot Bezae in act â—4 1. Timoth. 5. euen according to Bezaes pleasure Iustinus Martyr being vrged that lyued presentlie after the Apostles answere is made that in the dayes of Iustine there began to peepe out in the ministerie some things Th. Cartvv li 2. Pag. 621. which went from the simplicitie of â—he ghospel To S. Iustine is added S. Hierome whom they answere thus Corruption groweth in tyme as the tymes are so are they that lyue in them there is not such sinceritie to be
diuersity of religion in England hath byn cause of the warres and tumults round about vs which yet Fraunce Flaunders and Scotland do testifie how true or false it is or that any doleful alteratioÌ„s haue byn made at home which he saith is lyke that the warder â—eemeth to haue byn hired to speak in a lamentable voice and to shed some few teares for compassion of the domages receyued both by cleargy and nobility and the deathes of so many Priests as haue byn executed for religion which he with a loÌ„g ydle discourse wil needs goe about to prooue that they were truly traytors both by our common ciuil and imperial lawes But this extrauagant excursion of his about those late martyrs I am to answere afterward more at large in his new chalenge wheras he maketh this one of his articles that our Priests dy not for religion but for treason And albeit future ages wil be more indifferent iudges in this matter as more free from passion therin yet to vnderstand better the state of the question I would aske of this wyse states-man lawyer as he maketh him-selfe who both heere and euery where els calleth me noddy whether yt be lawful to all sâ—ates hauing taken to them-selues a forme of religion to make any articles of the opposite religion matters of trâ—ason And whether yt had byn lawful to Catholyks in Q. Maries dayes so to haue done against protestants and whether the treasons so made be true and properly treasons and the offenders rightly to be called traytors And when he hath answered me this VVhether our Priests be traytors or martyrs and I shal haue prooued to him out of their owne wryters and chroniclers as I can and by their owne publyke records that this is the state of our question with them that many or most of our Priests haue byn executed only for those articles of treason that were so made then wil yt be easy to iudge and discerne what kynd of traytors they are who for those transgressions haue byn put to death and executed Then wil all this vayne fellowes babling out of books of imperial and comon lawes about treasons of other kynds be quite cut of and proued childish and to no purpose Wherfore to draw at length to an end of this Encounter I doubt not good Readers but thow doest see by thy wisdome how not-with-standing the double reply made by the K â— and minister the warders discourse about these blessings and curssings remayneth yet whole and firme And albeit the minister hath brought more words theÌ„ the K t. yet no more substance but rather lesse and both of them much fraud and folly as in the admonition following in part shal appeare THE VVARNING and admonition to Sir F. H. and his frendes as also to his aduocate proctor O. E. vpon the first Encounter of blessings CHAP. XIX AND now for the conclusion of this Encounter I think is not amisse to the end that this my answere and reioynder which I call a Warn-word may do his duty and performe so much as the name and title importeth I am to bestow vpon the K t. in this place a breife and frendly admonition or warning wherby he may him-self yf passion wil suffer him to see the truth or others at least wayes that are more indifferent lesse passionate in the cause then he coÌ„sider the difference of our manner of proceeding in this affayre to wit the plaine and round dealing on our side going directly to the matter and the shifting and shufling on his to auoyde due trial and how that with no probability of reason or truth can he stand in the controuersy taken in hand of his blessings brought in by change of religioÌ„ his defence wherof is so impertinent false and from the matter as before yow haue seene yet for better memories sake and for some aduertisment to the K t. to look ouer his owne faults I shal breefly heere put him in mynd of that which hath passed in this Encounter First the charge of notorious flattery in bragging of so many blessings come to England by change of religion seemeth to ly stil vpon him more heauy then before for that he hath answered substantially to noe one argument of his aduersary to the contrary and the shift of passing ouer whole treateses and discourses of the warder yea foure or fiue as is prooued without any reply or mention Cap. 1â— argueth great weaknes in his cause The other shift also of excusing his flattery by the flattery of Canonists yf it were true is very vayne and ridiculous The new ten deuised blessings are such so poore Nevv deuised blessings as noe man would haue brought them in but he that eyther for lack of iudgment decerneth not what is for him nor what is against him or whome necessity forceth to expose him-selfe to the laughter of all men For who wil not laught to see vnity brought in for a blessing among protestants that cold neuer yet agree in the poynts of their religion nor euer wil or can and whose badge of dissension and disagreement is so notorious aboue all other heretyks before them Vid. cap. 3. â— 5. 6. Who wil not laugh also and bite his lip to see good woorks abstayning from persecution assigned for two other peculiar blessings considering what passeth in England and what in other countreys I passe our the rest as false or foolish or both vntil I come to the tenth that is copious generation of children which in respect of the marriage of their friars monks ministers we yeild vnto them but deny it to be a blessing especially to those parishes that by force are coÌ„strayned to maintayne their copious brood of spring to this I cal to witnesse the Churche-wardens parishioners This then is folly to bring in such sorts and sutes of blessings as euery chyld may see there vanity and laugh at them But that which ensueth of frauâ— fleights and deceyts is farre worse Variety of shifts which may be discouered by the variety of shifts noted in his whole discourse as namely that which was last recyted of passing ouer and dissembling all his aduersaryes principal arguments reasons allegations without mention at all or els mentioning them only in a word or two without further answere in lyke manner his not quoting places of books or chapters of the authors which he cyteth when he wil deceaue is a new trick neuer vsed perhaps before by any that hath written of controuersies though the other of misalleadging corrupting peruerting forcing them against their owne expresse meaning hath I grant byn vsed by diuers and cheefly by the patrons and grandsyres of English protestancy Vid. cap. 9. 10. Iewel and Fox whome this man principally followeth but yet so as he out goeth his maister yf it may be in that art as by the examples alleadged before of abusing S. Hierome S. Augustine S.
Bernard others hath in part byn seene but wil more appeare in the other incounters following especially the second and seauenth The other shifts also of repeating againe often the things before answered as though they had neuer byn answered of accusing others for excusing him-self of running behynd the cloath of â—tate thrusting her Ma ties person and gouernment betwene him his aduersary his bold impudent assertions of things manifestly knowne to be false as that the puritans and protestants are all one and that there is no difference of religion betwene them Admonition and conclusion and other such lyke all these poynts I say haue byn sufficiently layd open before as they fel out nor need they any new repetition here againe but rather admonition to wit that the K t. would with some indiffereÌ„cy coÌ„sider of these points and enter into contemplation of a good conscience remeâ—bring rather his eternal good theÌ„ his teÌ„poral honour and therwithal these words of S. Augustine to Iulian. Aug. cont Iul. lib. 5.6.7 Etst coram hominibus sit dura frons tua erubescat saltem coram Deo mens tua Albeyty our forehead be hard and blush â—ot before men yet let yow mynd at least blush before God which were noe lesse wholsome then holy counsel for him yf he would follow yt And this was my exhortation and Warn-word to S. F. before I saw the supplement of his proctor O. E. which being much more shamelesse bytter and false then any thing vttered by the K t. I was tempted to take this sentence of S. Augustine from him and bestow yt vpon the minister but in the end I resolued to leaue yt common to both and to the end yow may consider how fitly the foresaid sentence as wel of a shamelesse mynd as of a shamelesse forehead doth fal vpon the masked minister O. E. yow must remember how he hath behaued him-selfe in the former combat how euen at his very first calling vpon the stage he shewed vs a notorious cosening trik about falsifying a place of S. Augustine Vid. Cap. 3. Stechus Eugobinus in naming the Pope God and at his next goying vp he telleth certayne notorious lyes Cap. 13. which all the world cannot excuse adding ther-vnto a lyke falsification about the counsel of Lateran Cap. 15. his impudency also foolish inconstancy and contradiction to himself is to be remembred in his third admission to tel his tale further his egregious folly in setting downe his English rule of faith wherby he would exclude the a Cap. 16. in annot vpoÌ„ hiâ— epist. to the â—ead puritans and no lesse folly is discouered in alleadging Cath. Emperors decrees quite against himself And his grosse ignorance is laid forth by occasion of his argument Aâ—â—iones sunt suppositoruÌ„ therby to prooue that Catholyks receaue not their faith from the vniuersal Churche Finally his atheisme and irreligious iudgement is discouered and conuinced not only by that he saith the differences betwene Lutherans b Cap 17. Zwinglians Caluinists Puritanes not to be any essential points in matters of religioÌ„ but also by his coÌ„temptible speches of the first Doctors fathers of his owne religion especially yf any of those two books named by me before Cap 6 7. and wrytten against the Puritanes â— meane the Suruey of disciplinar Doctrine and Daungerous positions were written by him as some wil say wherin the whole story of the deformed Churche of Geneua by Caluyn VVickednes of Caluyn Pharellus Beza and others Pharellus Beza and others and their actions councels drifts and attempts about the same are so set downe and printed by publike authority in EnglaÌ„d that yf a man would study to describe notorious wicked men and catylines of their countrey without conscience he could not set it downe nor expresse it more liuely theÌ„ it is done in the foresaid books against the foresaid new prophets and their cheefest northen schollers to wit Iohn Knocks and his fellowes in Scotland and Goodman and his mates in EnglaÌ„d which argueth no faith or conscience in any of them but only to say and do for the tyme as the tyme serueth and as their proper lucar ease ambition and sensuality requireth and herby may be warned the discreet reader to look to his soule and saluation seing these men for them-selues do seeme to make that the last and least part of their care or cogitations feeding vs with many faire words of blessings but filling vs with myseryes The end of the first Encounter THE SECOND ENCOVNTER ABOVT FALSHOOD AND LYING OBIECTED TO SYR F. AND OF certayne absurd groundes and principles fayned by him to be in Catholyke doctrine And how he dischargeth him-self therof THE SVMME OF THAT which before was set downe betweene the watchman the warder CAP. I. AS in the former first Encounter the knight in his vaunt of vanitie VVatchvvord and vanitie therof height of heretical pryde went about to persuade vs yea to lay before our face the inestimable and innumerable blessings which our country for sooth had receyued by change of Catholyke religion into Protestancie so for better confirmation of this so loftie a dryft he took vpon him in this second Encounter to make declaration that in Queene Maries raygne and former tymes vnder Catholyke English Princes there was uothing els but darkenesse cloudes mistes shadowes ignorance blyndnes want of learning lack of light and other such calamities and miserable obscurities for proof wherof he setteth downe as it were by way of preface or preparation to his designed treatise certayne preambles forged by him-self as for example that the only desyre to read vpon the book of God the old or new testament was held for heynous heresie in former tymes so farre foorth that for this only act or desyre men were brandled to the slaughter and then passing further on to the depth of his discourse he setteth downe fower famous grounds or principles of Catholyke doctryne all put in order by him as most sure and consequent the one of the other which he calleth general grouÌ„ds and Maximes of our religion The first that ignorance is the mother of deuotion The second that lay men may not medle with matters of religion The third that the Pope and euery least masse-priest coÌ„ming froÌ„ him must be obeyed though he commaund that which is blasphemous before God The fourth that the Popes pardons are ready remedies for all synne among vs though neuer so greiuous euen immediatly committed against God him-self For answere of all which fancyes the Warder hauing made a competeÌ„t declaration to shew first how fond and ridiculous a maÌ„ner of proceding this was The VVarder his defence against the VVatchman the first parte and is in our K t. after so much folly and flatterie vttered in his former tale of blessings throughout the first EncouÌ„ter to enter now into so shameles a course of forging falsifying and lying for
before or is it strange that he should pretend to come to this new light by reading Scriptures what other pretence did euer auncient heretyke or new take vpon him or what other excuse could this man make of running out of his Cloister or taking a sister to his Compagnion or from a Iudge of heretykes while he was a Dominican fryar to become an heretyke himselfe as appeareth plainly by Fox his whole discourse though S. F. so telleth the tale as he could be content we thought him to be a great learned Catholyke and for that cause betweene Ihon Fox and him they haue â—octored the poor fryar without euer heaâ—ing him dispute much lesse do his act only â—o geue him more reputation and reuerence with the reader And on the other syde they do bring in the â—rch-bishop of Aix who was against him and calleth him wicked Apostata to speak most absurdly though he were knowne to be a most reuerend and learned man and among other wordes they make him say thus This doctrine is contrarie to our holy Mother the Churche and to oâ—r holy Father the Pope a most vndoubted and true God in earth And did not those haynous woords deserue I pray yow some quotation where they might be found but neyther the K t. nor the Fox vouchsafeth vs so muche but as though the matter were most certaine the K t. braueth in a marginal note with these woordes O blyndnes O blasphemy But a man might more iustly say O cogging O cosenage that dare auouche so horrible a slaunder against so honorable a personage without cyting the place or Author for the iustification But we must passe ouer many of these absurdities with patience so go on to other matter HOVV LONG THE CAtholyke Romayn Religion hath florished in England of the authoritie of S t. Bede Arnobius abused by Sir F. togither with a comparison examined betwene our learned men and those of the Protestants and first of Ihon Husse bragged of by Syr Francis CAP. III. AFTER this the K t. before he come to answere in particuler to the vntruthes obiected against him wil needs say somewhat to those woords of myne that aboue a thowsand yeares the State of Enâ—land and the Princes peoplâ— nobilitie and learned men therof had contâ—nued in that Egyptian or rather Chimerian darcknes VVast-vvord Pag. 34. which he describeth vnder Clowdes Mystes and Shadowes vntil his new Sunshine Doctors came in c. Which woords of myne he hauing corruptly alleaged as often his fassion is sayth two things first that my bold assertioÌ„ of a thowsaÌ„d yeares is vayne for that yt is euident by Bedes playne testimonie that in his tyme this Iland had the Scriptures in their owne language as though this only were sufâ—icient to make that age to be oâ— Protestants Religion though it had byn so and the second that we do secretly yeild the first 600. yeres after Christs to Protestants seing we challenge commonly but a thowsand for our selues But by this last point to answere this first yow may see how wise an Answerer this is seing that when we name a thowsand yeares we vnderstand from the first conuersion of our English nation vnder Gregory the first Protestants religion in no age which no man can doubt of but yf syr F. wil goe higher vnder the Britans we shal easely also shew the lyke in that tyme. But in the meane space yt is but a hungry trick of this needy knight to snatch that which is not giueÌ„ him to wit 600. yeres together of the primitiue Churche wherof our meaning is to giue him no one yeare nor half one wherin his Religion was extant or had any one that professed the same in those daies as he doth now Enc. 7. c. 4 5.6.7.8-9 this I shal largely proue declare afterward and this to the second point But now to the first point of proof alleaged out of S t. Beede yf it were true as Syr. F. citeth thesame surely knights should haue truth in their allegations to wit that Scriptures were in those dayes read by some people in their vulgar languages and tongues which Bede nameth yet were yt nothing against vs who do vse thesame libertie and haue done in all ages to permit some vulgar translations for suche as are thought meet to profit Enc 1.8 infra cap. 5. and not to take hurt therby as before hath byn declared and after shal be shewed more at large But now yow must vnderstand that this playne and euident testimony of S. Bede which Syr F. braggeth of but quoteth yt not as commonly his shift is when he would not haue matters examâ—ned or his fraud found out this place I say of Bede which he alleageth is quite contrary to him for this sayth Bede Beda lib. 1. hist Angl. cap. 1. Haec in praesenti â—uxta numerum librorum quibus lex diuina scripta est quinque gentium linguis vnam eandemque summae veritatis verae sublimitatis scientiam seruatur confitetur Anglorum vz Britonum Scotorum Pictorum Latinorum quae in meditatione Scripturarum caeteris omnibus est facta communis c. This Iland at this present according to the number of the fyue Bookes wherin the law was written by Moyses doth in fyue tonges search owt and confesse one and the self same knowlege of the highest truth A notable abusing of S. Bedes authoritie and of the true highnes which is the Religion of Christ Iesus to wit the tongue of the Angles or Englishmen of the Britans of the Scots of the Pictes and of the Latines or relykes of the Romanes which Latyn tougue ys now made common to all the rest in meditation of the Scriptures Thus sayth Bede wherin 3. things are to be obserued first that all thâ—se fyue nations lyuing together in one Iland and in continual enmitie and warres in other pointes yet in Religion and profession of one truthe they all agreed which sheweth notably the vnitie of Catholyke doctrine euen among enemies and ouerthroweth that fond fiction of protestaÌ„ts who in all their bookes giue out and auow especially Fox and Hollinshed that the religion of the Britans was different from that which S. Augustine the Monke brought in from Rome to the English nation Fox monu pag 107.108 Hoâ—â—nâ—h des crip Angl. Cap. 9. Secondly yt is â—o be noted that since the new Religion of Protestants came vp though all the â—â—and aâ—most be of one tonge throughly frends in othâ—r matterâ— yet in points or Religion they agree not as in Bedes tyme when they were enemies which is the vertue of their vnitie And thirdly may be noted the euil dealing of Syr F. himself aâ—so who in this place sticketh not to auowche to the Reader that by these woords of Bede it is euident and plaine that the Scriptures were now in all these fyue tonges where as S. Bede sayth the quite contrary to wit that the
that tyme therof as Aeneas Syluius in the history of the Bohemians IohaÌ„nes Dubrauius B. of Olimutz IohaÌ„nes Cochlaeus in his history of the Hussits and others For as for the acts and gests of the councel 〈◊〉 selfâ— which are the best witnesses the whoâ—e â—â—tenth sessâ—on contayneth this Storie at large 〈◊〉 Iohn Hus his comming to the councel his â—â—am nation conference peruersitie condemâ—ation and the â—yke And fiâ—st yt is declared â—â—erein how that after Masse of the holy â—ost being song by the Cardinal of Viuaria â—egat for the Pope The number that came to this councel Arch and Byâ—hops 346. Abboâ—s and Doctors 564. Princes noblemen and their traâ—ne 16000 Fox Pâ—g 5 9. Sessio 15. Pag 314. the Letanies also sayd and 〈◊〉 the Princes both Ecclesiastical and temâ—oral set in their order which in the beginâ—ing of the sayd Session are recounted by â—ame Iohn Husse was brought into the â—ouncel vpon a Saturday the 6. of Iuly anno â—omini 1415. who being placed ad meduâ—m â—oncily vbi erat leuaâ—us in vnum altum scamnum c. â—n the mydest of the councel raised vp vpon a â—igh stoole to the end that all men might see â—im there was a learned Sermon made first â—y the B. of Laudium vpon these woordes Desâ—ruatur coâ—pus peccati Rom. 16. and that â—eing ended there was first made by the councel decretum silenâ—ij a decree that all men â—hould hold tâ—eir peace and after were read the articles of Iohn wicklief vnder whom Husse had studied in EnglaÌ„d to the number of 60. or there about condemned before in a councel at Rome which Iohn Husse was accused after that condeÌ„nation to haue preached and defended in Bohemia And after this his owne Articles to the number of 30. were read also publykly and condemned the last therof was this Nullus est Dominus ciuilis nullus est Praelatus nullus est Episcopus dum est in peccato morâ—â— no man is a ciuil Magistrate A vvicked article of Iohn Husse nor Prelate no Bishop so long as he is in mortal sinne After this doth follow in that session great coÌ„pany of other articles for the formâ— were fouÌ„d vnder his owne hand which weâ—â— proued by witnesses processes against hiâ— all which being vrged and shewed to 〈◊〉 wicked false and seditious his refuge wâ—â— when he was pressed by the councel anâ— learned men therof that he did appeale 〈◊〉 Iesus Christ from them all The manner of Iohn Hus his ansvvere flying therebâ— as the councel sayth all ordinary Ecclesiaâ—stical iurisdiction as heretyks are wont tâ— doe when they can not defend their fancieâ—â— Ses. 15. Pag. 316. And wheÌ„ after the condeÌ„nation of these arâ—ticles diuers Cardinals Archbyshops Bishopâ— and other men which the records do nameâ— were appoynted by the councel to conferâ— with him agayne and to persuade him tâ— follow reason and not to stand only in hiâ— owne Iudgement Respondit quod vellet stare iâ— eo quod scripsit manu sua in praesenti parte factâ— hinc inde suasionibus quod non vellet inhaerere suâ—â— opinionâ— Sed potius stare cum tota Ecclesia c. Hâ— answered that he would stand in that he haâ— written with his owne hand in the presenâ— affayre then diuers persuasions being madâ— to and fro vnto him that he would not so stick in his owne opinion but that he would stand rather with the whole Churche and with the learned men therof in this present councel gathered together Finally he stood â—â—iffe in his owne purpose c. Thus far the â—oords of the register And then agayne a litle after Reperto deâ—um Iohanne remanere in peruersitate sua Vaâ—neglory held Husse from coÌ„uerting and diâ—â—â—e quod propter homines quos dòcuit de opposito 〈◊〉 velit abâ—urare c. And finally finding that â—ohn Hus did persist in his peruersitie saying â—â—at in respect of these men whome he had â—aught the contrary he would not abuire â—r that yt would be scandalous c. Heereâ—pon they proceeded to this condemnation â—nd thus much of that poynt wherby apâ—eareth contrarie to S r. Francis assertion that â—e was both heard disputed with and chaâ—â—tably persuaded to returne vnto the truthe But besydes the former articles of doctrine â—e was conuinced also of two notorious vnâ—â—uthes one a ly the other a forgerie conâ—erning England for first he had published 〈◊〉 Prage Stovv Pag. 326. that in a meeting of many Catholyke â—â—â—rned men against his Maister Ihon VVicliffe in â— Paules Churche in London which I ghesse to â—e that which Iohn Stow mentioneth in the â—nd of K. Edward the 3. his lyfe Tvvo famous heretical vntruthes of Husse anno 1377. â—hen Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster vpon â—ontention against the B. of London stood â—r wicliffe and defended him in S. Paules â—hurche Husse said that such a Thunder and â—â—ghtening came from heauen vpon the suddayne as â—â—ke vp the dores and so chased VViclifs enemies 〈◊〉 with much a do they escaped into London This â—as one notorious ly which is conuinced also your histories The second was that Husse had brought forged testimony of the vniuersitie of Oxford affâ—â—â—ming that Iohn VVicliffe both lyued and dyed Catholyâ—e man which thing was proued â—orâ—gerie by testimony of thesame vniuersitie which vnder their Seale had gathered 26â— errors out of the books and wryting 〈◊〉 Wâ—cliffe and sent them to the sayd counâ—â—â— of constance to be seene iudged and conâ—demned as they were All this and much more is related of Ihoâ— Husse in the session of the councel by whicâ— is conuinced the falsitie of S. F. who saytâ— that he was condemned not being so mucâ— as heard but loden with chaynes and fetterâ— wherof no Author els that euer I read dotâ— make any mention but that the K â— as yâ— seemeth hath deuised yt at home in his studieâ—â— CoÌ„â—rarieties betvvixt Husse and Syr F. religioÌ„ And finallie why he should labour so mucâ— for the prayse of this Ihon Husse or brinâ— him in for one of the learnedest and chiefeâ—â— champions of his Churche I see no reason buâ— beggarie on their behalfe and penurie oâ— men to fil vp their Churche For that Hussâ— confesseth many things in his articles for 〈◊〉 agaynst S. F. as the seuen Sacraments Art 8 Pag. 318. anâ— dyuers others poynts of Catholyke religionâ— And on the other syde hath many proposiâ—tions which S. F. wil not dare to admit iâ— Englandâ— eyther for shame or feare as thaâ— aboue mencioned of the ciuil magistrate Art 30. Pag. 319. Paâ—tors and Prelates to lose their authoritieâ— and that they are not to be obeyed when sâ— euer they fal into mortal sinne which were a very hard case for both cleargie and laitie this day in England And an other that beginneth thus Quilibet Tyrâ—nnus potest debâ—â— licitè meritoriè occidâ— per quemâ—umque vassalum suum vel sâ—bditum c. Euery
him as one of the companie cryed out belyke some poore woman that was his Hostes or other new sister bewiched by him Beatus venter qui te portauit Luther in act VVormat Blessed was the belly that bare thee which yet other Authors do not testifie But yf it were so yt was no lesse vanitie arrogaÌ„cie in him to report yt of himself then madnes in the other to make that comparison of him with Christ and yet it seemeth he was made therby both more proud and obstinate For albeit he were dealt with all afterward by diuers sent vnto him by the Archb. of Triuers and others of that counsel to reforme himself yet would he not but stil remitted himself to the word of God which the Emperor vnderstanding sent vnto him his Secretarie the chancelor of Austria commanding him that within one and twentie dayes he should depart and put himselfe within his owne securitie agayne vpon his owne peril And this was the Emperors fauour of which S.F. so much braggeth that Luther departed from Wormes in safetie which was to much fauour in deed considering eyther his merits or the publyke dammages insued by him afterward to the world and happie had yt beene for many thousand soules yf he had byn dealt withal as Iohn Husse was But now touching Symon Grinaeus which is his third example Fox Act. and men pag. 1884. excoÌ„ment Melanch in c. 10. Dan. brought in to shewe the great learned men of his syde which he took out of Ihon Fox though for pryde he wil not confesse yt what doth it proue to his purpose though yt were in all respects as Fox alleageth yt out of MelaÌ„chton as good an author as him selfe The vayne brag of SymoÌ„ Grynaeus his learning disputation the storie is this Symon Grinaeus being at the towne of Spire in the yeare 1529. when Ferdinandus K. of the Romanes was present and hearing Faber Bishop of Vienna a famous learned man make a Catholyke Sermon he went to him secretly as Melanchton reporteth after the Sermon ended warning him of certayne errors in his SermoÌ„ as he termed them being in deed points of Catholyke doctrine offring to conferre with him yf he would about the same But the Bishop being called for at that present by the King told him he could not then but deferred the same vntil the next day and in the meane space the Kings officers being informed that Grynaeus a Lutheran was in the towne and seeking to apprehend him the Protestants hearing of yt they attributed it vnto the B. procurement which perhaps was false and Grynaeus raÌ„ne away by night ouer the Ryuer of Rheene and so escaped This is the storie of Grynaeus as his best frends tel it wherin yow see there is no mencion of disputation but only of running away and how then doth this proue that S. F. men are better learned then ours especially the last two Luther and Grynaeus a Lutheran who are as eager against S. F. with all the learning they haue as they are against vs Enc. 1. cap. 4. 5. as I haue sâ—ewed at large by their words deeds and wrytings in the former Encounter And moreouer the learning they had they receyued froÌ„ vs among whom they were brought vp and not from those of S.F. syde And consequently we may better brag of them then he yf any thing were in them worth bragging at all as in deed there was not when they fel from the Catholyke Churche to wrangling and heresie There remayneth then the last brag of our K t. about the colloquy at Poysie in France by Peter Martyr About the Colloquie at Poysie betvveene Catholykes protestants Beza and other 12. ministers wherof S. F. vaunteth as though the Catholykes had receyued the worst in that meeting but who shal be iudge of this S.F. alleageth no Author at all but his owne word saying that our Card of Loraine was in a pitiful taking there and that I must needs yeild VVast Pag. 39. that eyther their men were more learned theÌ„ ours there or that which he more desyreth that their cause was better Wherfore I shal alleage here the summe of the matter out of the best authors that haue written therof as Belleforest Surius Pegnillus B. of Mets and Claudius de Sanctis who was present and then let the reader himselfe be Iudge First then the truth is this that Charles the nynth K. of France being newly come to his Kingdome a child of 12. yeares old finding all in warre and garboyle and that the murder of his predecessor had byn designed in Geneua the yeare before Chro. geneb pag 457. Sur. in iust an 1561. by Caluyn Beza Otoman and others as Genebrard and Surius do testifie thought yt expedient or at least-wayes his mother the Queene to permit this meeting somwhat therby to mitigate the heretykes that were in armour though it being amongst swords on euerie syde the Catholykes did mislike therof and some refused to come thither others that came complayned greatly Complaint of F Laynetz of the colloquie at Poisie and among others Iacobus Laynets a Spaniard and great learned man General afterward of the Iesuites who spoke openly against it in the colloquie yt self shewing that it was rather a betraying of religion then defending yt to put it in dispusation with such disaduantage when the Hugonots were in the ruffe and had taken Newhauen Roane and most of the chiefe holdes round about threatning also to ouer-ruÌ„ne all France as for the greatest parte they did the yeare following and so was this colloquy dissolued sayth Genebrad without any fruite at all Geneb anno 1561. Herevpon diuers bragging and lying books were set out by the heretykes of this meeting and their victorie therin as though they had gayned all and one shamed not to say and write that the Catholykes had yeilded and offred to become all Protestants wherof Genebrard writeth thus Geneb Pag. 464. Impudentissimum est mendacium quod Lauaterus scribit colloquutores Catholicos consensisse cum ministris Lauat in hist. de re Sacramentâ— It is a most impudently that Lauater a Swinglian historiographer doth wryte that the speakers of the Catholyke partie in Poysie did agree in opinion with the Ministers And then he addeth that the sequel of this Colloquie or conference was most bloody warre that ensewed presently throughout all France and endured for 18. yeares together and in the verie next yeare after he sayth that France suffred more in that one yeare of Frenchmen themselues enraged with heresy then in all former ages by strangers At what tyme also England took Newhauen into their hands deliuered by the Hugonots This was the case then of the temporal state when this armed meeting of Hugonots was appoynted in France rather vpon necessitie and feare as the Queene mother of FraÌ„ce after excused hirselfe and that famous learned Bishop Claudius Sanctius testifieth it of her owne
and suche other like vsed among vs can not be a hinderaÌ„ce to knowlege as the K t. would seme to affirme but rather a furtherance for that otherwise why hath Ihon Foxe so many pictures and payntings in his book but to teache men therby the contents of his writings But consider reader here as before I haue sayd the substance of heretical answering which runneth vp and downe neuer commeth to the purpose Hath not the warder offred our watchman fayre and frendly that whereas he hath affirmed written published in print that it is a Maxime among vs rule infallible that ignorance is the mother of deuotion we are content that he proue it only a Minime And where as for proof of the former he was bound to shew that all Catholike wryters or the most part of them auouched it we are content to accept the woord or testimony of any one Cath. author learned or vnlearned that euer wrote or printed such a position And is not S r. F. then with his whole presbyterie of ministers maruelously shamed yf they bring not forthe some one suche wryter Impertinent dealing of our aduersaries Can a more easie or indulgent satisfaction be required of so rigorous a charge wel what then do they After running hither thither and telling vs a tale how Pâ—us Quintus went on foot for edifying the people as much apperteyning to this matter as the steeple of CaÌ„terbury to the Church-yard of Paules they come out at length with this proofe I say thâ—â— Doctor Fulke doth iustly charge your Rhemists with this old impudent proposition VVast pag. 6â— that ignorance of the scriptures is the mother of deuotion for what meant els their so strickt forbidding to Laymen the reading of scriptures in the vulgar tonge Loe here a witnes a reason againe repeated of this Maximè To the witnes the answere is quickly made Aske my fellow whether I be a theef The reason being ridiculous and refuted before bringeth a new forged assertion with yt that laymen are by name stricktly forbidden the reading of scriptures which is as shamles as the former yf he meane it generally of all lay men as the woords doe stand and consequentlie noe lesse impossible for Sir Frauncis to shew out of any Cath. A nevv false position brought foorâ—h by the knight Author liuing or dead then the former position of Ignorance to be the mother or daughter of deuotion And besydes it is apparantly ridiculous to very chyldren who see how many laymen are learned and reade scriptures daylie and some laymen haue wrytten also commentaries vpon the scriptures So as to be a layman bringeth noe impediment in it self to reade Scriptures Wherfore after this he runneth to an impertinent excursion by iesting at our distinction of Fides implicita explicita Pag. 49. The controuersy about fides implicita explicita Hence saith he hath growen your deuise of fides implicita a faith wrapped foulded vnder the obedience of the Church namely that it is sufficient though they know not distinctly what they ougâ—t to beleue but obediently submit their vnderstauding to the Churche beleuing as the Churche beleueth though what the Churche beleueth they know not This Carbonaria â—ides or Colliars faith is highlie commended by Card. Hosius c. Thus wryteth the K t. and as for the later part of this assertion coÌ„cerning Card. Hosius we shal handle yt a litle after when we come to coople with the Minister O. E. shewing how egregriously he abuseth both Card. Hosius his reader in this point But for the former about the distinction it self of fides explicita and implicita we must handle a litle here with our K t. aduertising first the reader that by fides explicita we meane a cleare distinct and particular faith or belief of any article point or parcel of Christian Religion and by fides implicita we meane a more darck secret or hiddeÌ„ faith implied as it were or wrapped to vse S r. F. woord in the belief of an other more general poynt which includeth this As for example in the article of Christs incarnation we do beleue clerely and distinctly not only that the sonne of God was made flesh for vs but further also in particuler that in two distinct natures there was but one person and yet not one wil only but two distinst wils the like and this is fides explicita But some other men that are not bownd to know 〈◊〉 these and other particularities be ongâ—â—ng to Christâ— an faith in these and other misteries may beleue the same things per fidem implicitum by an implâ—ed faith to wit by beâ—euâ—ng in general that the Sonne of God was maâ—e flesh for our redemption and moreouer beleuing whatsoeuer other points Gods holie Churche teacheth deduceth or beleueth in this behalf albeit they do not clerelie know them or vnderstand them in perticuler And this is so necessarie a point of doctrine for the saluatioÌ„ of the common sort of people as yf we take it away as Sectaries doe who vnderstand it not it must needs follow that thowsands yea millions of Christians must perish for lack of fayth The necessytie of â—ides implicita for saluation of the common sort of Christians seing the whole first Councel of Nice set downe this dreadful foundation as appeareth in the creed of S. Athanasius that it is necessarie for him that â—il be saued to hold the whole Cath. faith which yf any man doe not he must perish eternally wherof must needs be inferred that for so muche as the far greater parte of Christians do not know or vnderstand the forsaid pointes of faith and manie more belonging to many misteries of Christian Religion and consequently can not beleue them but only by fides implicita as hath byn shewed it followeth I say that if we take away the truth and vse of fides implicita which euer hitherto the Cath. Churche hath taught yow must needs teache desperation and damnation to the vnlearned sort that eyther for lack of tyme capacitie learning and other such lets can not come to know and beleue all particulars belonging to a Christian set downe in bookes or handled by learned men but content only with the cleere and distinct beleef of such articles as are most needful and important do beleue the rest fide implicita that is by the implied faith of the Churche Wherfore how so euer this distinction of fides explicita and implicita may trouble the vnlearned Sectaries of our tyme and giue them occasion to iest at that they vnderstand not as S r. F. doth here yet the thing it self is most euidently true and necessary and the same distinction in other woords is set downe by S. Augustine where he speaketh of the differens of the faith of holie men vnder the old testament he not being able otherwise to defend the position of S. Paule and other Apostles affirming the old good Iewes to
some such other of as light credit as himself you see what cogging it is one of them to aleadge another especially seing Fox also citeth the same woords with the same parenthesis to vse the words of my author but neyther the one or the other citeth any author at all And most certayne it is that neuer any author of credit in the world said or wrote that S. Thomas eyther practised treason or was made a saint in K. Henry the 3. his tyme as in the former woords of his watch our knight affirmed for that his contenâ—ion was with K. Henry the 2. grand father to K. Henry the 3. and his canonization was by Pope Alexander the 3. many yeares before K. Henry the 3. was borne as all wryters do agree And the poore shift which heere the knight runneth vnto for saluing of his former error to wit that S. Thomas his body was translated Se Math. Paris and Matth VVest an DnÌ„i 1220. Henr. reg 3. an 5 of the translation of S Tho. 6. Iuly or as he tearmeth it shrâ—ned the 4. yeare of K. Henry the 3. maintayneth not his former assertion that Thomas Becket committed treason and was made a Saint in K. Henry the 3. his tyme. For what if S. Thomas body was translated from one shrine to another vnder K. Henry the 3. doth this proue that he was not canonized before or that he commâ—tted treason against this prince that was scarsely borne 30. yeares after his death VVard pag. 2â— VVe haue an example saith he of Thomas Becket in Henry the 3. his tyme whose treasons to the prince were apparant and manifest c. And is it not hereby apparent and manifest that he told vs before that Tho. Becket committed treasons vnder Henry the 3â— and can this be excused now with telling vs that his body was translated vnder Henry the 3 But these are the ordinary shifts which our aduersaryes vse when they are taken trip to runne to impertinent matter therby to dazel the eyes of the reader Let them read but Iohn Stow in the 25. yeare of K. Henry the 2. his raigne which was of our Lord 1179. and 41. before the translation of S. Thomas his body mentioned heere by them and they shal find that both the sâ—d K. Henry the 2. and K. Lewes of France went in pilgrimage to S. Thomas his Tombe and offered rich Iewels for their deuotion being but 8. yeares after his death which happened in the yeare 1171. So as herby is seene that he was canonized vnder K. Henry the 2. and not the third To which effect also and for cleering this whole story let the ancient authentical authors be read which liued with S. Thomas or presently after him as for example those fiue that wrote his whole lyfe actions and death The authentical authors of the story of S. Tho. of Canterburie to wit Herbert Hoscan afterwards Cardinal Iohn Salisbury bishop of Charters Allen Abbot of Teukesbury VVilliam and Edward monks of Canterbury all which liued with him as did also Peter of Blois ArchdeacoÌ„ of VVels And soone after vnder K. Richard the first sonne to K. Henry the second wrote Roger Houeden doctor and cheef reader of diuinity in Oxford the whole life of S. Thomas as is extant in his story and so did Nubergensis also handle thesame at the same tyme and so consequently after these Mathew Paris Mathew of VVestminster Thom. VValsingam Polidor Virgil and others downewards in their histories all which do agree in this point against Sir Francis First that S. Thomas was slayne and canonized vnder Pope Alexander the 3. and K. Henry the second and not vnder Henry the 3. his nephew and secondly that he was a most holy man of lyfe euen setting the priuiledge of his martyrdome a side and neyther taynted with grosse sinnes as these grosse tongues do slaunder him nor comitted euer any point of treason against his king but as primate and head of the English Churche stood for the Ecclesiastical libertyes therof as in conscience he was bound and by the issue of this my reioynder shal appeare Wherin first I must note vnto yow that the knight in the beginning of the combat about S. Thomas of Canterbury doth complayne that I in my former answere seemed to threaten that they who striued against Saynts would remayne in the end with broken heads and that in some place I speak of bastinados but all this is but picked matter by him to make a quarrel for wel he knoweth that this is not to be vnderstood but figuratiuely and that we are not to enter bataile or to stand with so puissant a knight in material armes Wherfore the bastinados or broken heads which I say he is like to gaine by fighting with saints is in his credit and reputation with men VVhat bastinados and brokeÌ„ heads are threatned to S. F. and in his demerit also with God if he esteeme that any thing as it is like inough he doth but litle But for the first about discredit I do remit it to the iudgment of the indifferent reader what men wil or may think oâ— the honour of such a knight as is not ashamed to come foorth in print with so many op probrious speeches made out as it seemeth of his fingers ends against so honorable a personage as S. Thomas of Canterbury was whilst he liued and so highly praysed and esteemed by all wryters for 4. hundred yeares after his death and this without alleadging any one author old or new good or bad credible or without credit for proof of that which he wryteth For so doth S. F. deale with vs in his rayling narration against S. Thomas setting downe as he pretendeth the whole substance of that whieh passed betweene him the King without cyting book or author and quite contrary to all that for the most part which all ancient wryters that liued with him haue left behind them wrytten of this affayre and moreouer hath corrupted which is farre worse and falsified also witingly and willingly diuers things which he found in other authors False dealing of S. Francis therby to make them seeme somwhat to his purpose all which yow shal see euidently proued in this examination of the two foresaid points to wit of his lyfe coÌ„tention with the King And for the first about his lyfe and conuersation whatsoeuer S.F. tatleth of grosse sinnes here or els where most certayne and cleere it is that all the foresaid ancient authors and whosoeuer hath wrytten of him besides notwithstaÌ„ding they wrote vnder the foresaid K. HeÌ„ry his enemy or Richard the first his sonne do giue most high prayses to this man for his integrity of lyfe according to those words of D. Houeden D. Houeden annal part 2. fol. 2â—7 Vita etus irreprehensibilis erat coram Deo hominibus His lyfe was irreprehensible before God and man yea his very aduersaries themselues as Ihon Fox by name after he hath
vpon him and finally receyued the B. sacrament as a true Catholike and so died About which later recantation albeit Iohn Fox would seme to wrangle somwhat yet saith he Fox pag. 920 col 2. admit he did so being a man of a timerous conscience not fully resolued touching that matter of the Churche c. And then againe It is not impossible but that Bilney might both heare masse and receyue the sacrament for in that matter it may be he was not resolued otherwise c. Neyther do I fynd in all the articles against him that he was charged with any opinion against the masse or sacrament which makes me think that he was yet therin ignorant c. Thus answereth Fox about Thom. Bilney granting him as yow se not to haue byn fully and in all points of his religion yet he setteth him downe in his calender for a special martyr of his Churche in great red letters vpon the teÌ„th day of March saying Thomas Bilney martyr Whervpon I would aske Iohn Fox how he defendeth the second verse of S. Athanasius his creed coÌ„firmed in the first councel of Nice that except a man do keep the whole entyre Catholike faith In Symbol S. Athanal he shal perish without all doubt eternally Thomas Bilney did not hold all Foxes religâ—on by his owne confession and how then â—oth he put him in his calender for a martyr of his Churche As for VVilliam Coubridge whome we gaue for an instance of Fox his martyrs that blasphemed Christ VVill. Coubridge his articles are extant which he confessed openly by publike register vnder the B. of Lincolne in the yeare of Christ 1539. as Fox counteth them Blasphemous articles of Coubridg Of which articles the 7. is this that Christ was not the redeemer but the deâ—eyuer of the world and the 8. I esteemed saith he the word Christ Apud AlanuÌ„ Capum dial 6 p. 623. as a filthy word and therfore did blot it out of my books whersoeuer I found it And the tenth I affirmed and wrote that all those which belâ—eued in the name of Christ are damned to hel c. Thus do relate the registers but what saith Iohn Fox Fox p 1033. col 1 n 79. Coubridge saith he being mad and besides his right senses was condemned by Longland C. of Lincolne and comitted to the fire by him to be burnt at Oxford c. So saith Fox but he concealeth one thing which is that Coubridge his cause was sent by the bishop to the L. Cromwel Vicegerent to the king at this tyme in spiritual affayres and that by his voice also he was condemned as Alanus Copus in the foresaid place doth shew But how soeuer this was yf it be true that VVilliam Coubridge was mad and besides his senses as Fox here for his excuse deuiseth how happeneth it then that himself maketh him a martyr of his Churche doth register him vnder that name and worthy title in his ecclesiastical calender vpon the 10. of October an 1539. Is not this to make mad and furious men pillers of his new Churche The last was one Collyns of whome Fox wryteth thus Colyns and his dog Fox Ibid. 1033. Colyns being besides his wits seing the priest holding vp the host ouer his head at masse shewing it to the people he in like manner counterfetting the priest took vp a litle dog by the legs held him ouer his head shewing him also to the people for which he was brought to examination condemned to the fyre c. This is the narratioÌ„ of Fox himself touching Colyns whome notwithstanding this he setteth downe for a solemne martyr vpoÌ„ the foresaid 10. of October in the yeare of our Lord 1538. So as heer no man can deny nor Fox himself doth but that he maketh diuers wicked blasphemous and distracted men to be of his martyrs patroÌ„s in heauen so with mad men I leaue him among whome we may wel account him whether we consider his wit or wrytings Wel then to returne to our purpose treated I would aske our aduersaryes which of these two wayes hath more indifferency or reason in it to haue saints declared by publike inquisition examination and sentence or by euery particular mannes iudgment and fancy at his pleasure And thus much is spoken of this matter by occasioÌ„ of Syr F. his Pope-made saints which must needs haue more authority then Fox-made-saints and as for his prophane proposition which he calleth a prouerb to wit that many be worshipped in heauen for saincts that are damned in hel Pag. 59. he would draw all mennes harts into mistrust and contempt of all saints their miracles and memories I thought good to enlarge my self somwhat in this behalf to shew the conformity of spirit betwene auncient christians vs for the care towards saincts and our equal proceeding conforme to all reason and piety in declaring the holynes of saincts the contrary mad fantastical dealing of heretiks doing or vndoing of their owne heads what each maÌ„ for the tyme thinketh best For imagine yow yf the Lutherans in Germany should haue the vewing or correcting of Iohn Fox his martyrologe how many saints would they strike out and cast to the dunghil which he hath put in and painted out in the highest degree And the like would Brownists and Puritans doe Nothing then is certayne among these goodfellowes and so let vs leaue them for this is the diuels drift by discrediting some to cal all in question But now to return to the Archbishop S. Thomas whome in particular our knight desyreth to discredit let vs heare what he sayth First he cyteth out of Caesarius a monk as he calleth him Pag. 59. That there was a question made in Paris after S. Thom. his death whether he were damned or saued Roger the Norman who had byn a special enimy to the Archbishop saying that he was daÌ„ned for that heresisted his King Peter a Parisian that was chaunter of that Churche holding that he was a true martyr This story out of Caesarius is in part true but yet powdered with so many falsities corruptions partly by S r. F. and partly by Iohn Fox from whome he took it as it is a world to see and sheweth euidently that a maÌ„ may beleeue nothing they alleadge further then he seeth it with his eyes For first they alleadge this author quite against his owne meaning A notorious corruption of Caesarius by Fox and Syr F. for he being a German and lyuing about Colonia at the same tyme or soone after the Archb. was murdered he proueth his great holines among other things by his great and many miracles for that is the title of his book Illustrum miraculorum historiarum memorabilium libri 12. Twelue books of famous miracles and histories happened in the world And hauing spoken of other countryes and men at length he commeth to treat of S. Tho. of Canterbury in these words
shoppes and seing he wil vouchsafe vs no one author for his affirmatiue I shal alleage him most authentical testimonies About Iames Clement that slue the K. of France to wit 4. books for the negatiue wrytten and printed in Lyons presently vpon the fact it self intituled De iusta Henrici 3. abdicationâ— where in the 4. book and 23. Chapter all the particularities of this Iacobus Clemens and his fact are set downe and euidently shewed that he conferred with no man liuing therof before it was done and much lesse eyther confessed or receyued absolution before hand for the fact if he had so done yet had it ben nothing auayleable to him for how could any man giue absolution to him for a fact to come Sure I am that no Catholyke doctrine or authority can allow therof the reason is for that the party that should propose such a matter to be done eyther holdeth it for lawful or vnlawful Yf he hold it for lawful then 〈…〉 absolution if he hold it for 〈…〉 meaneth to do it then is he 〈…〉 sition to receyue eyther 〈…〉 gence seing he is not sory for 〈…〉 intention which is necessarily 〈…〉 often before hath byn noted in 〈…〉 eyther indulgence or absolution 〈…〉 auayleable and this is sufficient for 〈…〉 fiction of Syr Francis The other example also of 〈…〉 monk of Swynsted which our knight 〈…〉 that sundry authors do mention to haue 〈…〉 Iohn Syr F.F. dulent 〈…〉 and to haue receyued absolution before hand 〈…〉 his Abbot is no lesse grosse and absurd then 〈◊〉 former and our knight in good and play 〈◊〉 dealing for sauing his honour and honest 〈◊〉 should haue named those sundry authors 〈◊〉 some of them at least and not lyke Hickscorneâ— cast out the contumely Foâ— â—t and run behind thâ—â— dore when the proof is asked But the readâ—â— must vnderstand that he had this tale as thâ— most of all the rest here alleaged out of Ioâ—â— Fox as true a legender as himself is an alleageâ— and being to proud to acknowledg this boâ—â—â—d wing taketh the matter vpon himself Wherfore we must now try whether Fox or he be the truer man in relating Stories or whether both be not of one and thesame sise in misreporting Iohn Fox hath not only a long taleâ— but also a ful pagent printed and painted to this to wit of the poysoning of K. Iohn bâ— this monk of the monkes death and othe◠〈…〉 for him of the Abbots 〈…〉 he did it of other monks 〈…〉 his soule of Symons 〈…〉 and of his giuing it to the King 〈…〉 VVassaâ— my liege and other 〈…〉 which are expressed in six 〈…〉 different poeses put vnder 〈…〉 for the reader to see and consider the 〈…〉 And when all this pastime is ended 〈…〉 himself confesseth that authors 〈…〉 about the death of K. Ihon. For being 〈◊〉 â—hat afrayd to be taken trip as he saw it 〈◊〉 that he should and so be confounded by 〈◊〉 â—ent of all ancient wryters against this noâ—â—â—ion he sayth thus Many opinioÌ„s are amoÌ„g Chroniclers of the death of 〈◊〉 Iohn some of them do wryte that he died of sorow 〈◊〉 heauynes of hart as Poliâ—ore some of surfetting in 〈◊〉 night as Radulphus Niger some of the bloudy flux 〈◊〉 Roger Houeden some of a burning ague some of a 〈◊〉 sweat some of eating apples some of eating 〈◊〉 peaches plummes c. And thus yow see what 〈◊〉 is amoÌ„g wryters coÌ„cerning the death of this king 〈◊〉 of which writers though the most agree in this 〈◊〉 he was poysoned by the monk aboue named yet Mathew Paris something differing from the other wryters wryteth that he died of an ague by surfetting c. Mark heer now good reader and by this one example among ten thousand consider 〈◊〉 malitious falshood of Iohn Fox in setting â—owne his fantastical historyes to deceaue the â—eople â—or after that he hath with a long â—iscourse and narration of the kings pittiful poysoning by a monk and 〈…〉 foule circumstances therof 〈…〉 number of monks one dressin◠〈…〉 cutting him in peeces another 〈…〉 host ouer his head as in the 〈…〉 hearing his confession absoluing 〈…〉 rer before hand putting downe 〈…〉 also Ego absoluote c. another on his 〈…〉 ceauing the same and then 〈…〉 crying VVassal my liege as before is said 〈…〉 be seene in the pictures themselues and 〈◊〉 to mooue more compassioÌ„ towards the 〈◊〉 and hatred to monks and their religion 〈◊〉 said king is brought forth in a pagent dead 〈◊〉 a graue minister paynted with a long bearâ— to morne ouer him with this sentence printeâ— vnder king Iohn lieth heere dead of poyson After all this I say which Fox hath puâ— downe partly in print and partly in painting he cometh out at last with that blynd confession which before you haue heard that ancient authors do not agree about the death of king Iohn anâ—â—o all this adoe is brought in question by hâ—â— owne confession which should haue byn told at the beginning in vpright dealing to the ell â— that the reader should haue stayed his iudgâ—ment in all this reuel that Fox maketh about this matter And this of his malitious fraud now heare his impudency Of which wryters saith he the most agree iâ— this that he was poysoned by the monk aboue nâ—â—med c. To which I answere that this is sâ—â—â—melesse impudency for that not only all 〈◊〉 〈…〉 by him named do not agree 〈…〉 poysoning but no one of them 〈…〉 much as once mention or 〈…〉 rather do expressely deny it by 〈…〉 manner of death happened to 〈…〉 then by poysoning of the moÌ„k 〈…〉 Fox himself coÌ„fesse in the 〈…〉 yf yow mark them for he saith 〈…〉 affirmeth that he died of heauynes 〈…〉 Radulphus Niger of surfetting Roger 〈…〉 bloudy Flux some of a burning ague cold 〈…〉 eating of apples peares peaches plâ—mmes c. 〈◊〉 how then do the most of these authors 〈◊〉 in this that king Iohn was poysoned by â—â—â—e monk seing they neuer so muche as name â—â—ther poyson or monk but do recite other â—â—uses of his death Heer Iohn Fox is taken 〈◊〉 though he be a Fox with his owne trap as â—ow see Againe Iohn Stow that printed his Annales â—â—â—â—ce Fox published his book of Acts moâ—â—ments to wit anno 1592. wryting the â—hole Story and death of king Iohn telleth it 〈◊〉 contrary to that which Fox setteth â—â—wne according to the ancient historiograâ—â—ers aboue mentioned naming neyther monk nor poyson and in the end of his narâ—ation addeth this Thus I haue set downe the life â—hough much abridged and death of king Iohn after 〈◊〉 wryting of Roger VVindouer Roger Houeden Rad. 〈◊〉 Rad. Cogshal Canon of Barnwel and Mathew 〈◊〉 is and others who all liued when the K. raigned 〈◊〉 wrote for that tyme what they saw or hard credibly reported This is the 〈…〉 Stow which conuinceth Fox 〈…〉 pudency in that thesaid Fox 〈…〉 most part of the aforesaid
〈…〉 to agree about the poysoning of 〈…〉 wheras no one of them holdeth it 〈…〉 contrary as yow haue hard But how then commeth in this 〈…〉 cal story so much vrged and diligenâ—t thâ— forth by Iohn Fox in his lying acts and 〈…〉 Yow may read in Iohn Stow 〈◊〉 the place alleadged the first author therof for it was an author without a name whichâ— wrote about a hundred and seuentene yeares agoe and took vpon him to continew the fabulous story of Geffrey of Monmouth among infinite other fables telleth also this of King Iohns poysoning as he receyued it by some vulgar report The book was caused to be printed at the charges of one VVilliam Caxton and so comonly called Caxtons chronicle and in the prologue he wryteth thus In the yeare of our lord 1483. in the 22. yeare of the raigne of K. Edward the 4. at S. Albons so that all mâ—n may know the acts of our noble Kings of England are compiled in this book c. This went in the prologue and then in the end agayne he sayth thus Here endeth this present chronicle of England with the fruite of tymes compiled in a book and also printed by one sometyme scholmaister of S. Albons vpon whose soule God haue mercy Amen And newly imprinted in Fleetstreet at the signe of the Sunne by me VViâ—ken de word In the yeare of our Lord God 1515. 〈…〉 how this book was 〈…〉 withall many hundreds 〈…〉 in the book set downe after the 〈…〉 wyues tales naming no author 〈…〉 he had it for he liued almost 300. 〈…〉 the fact all the former authors 〈…〉 that liued with King Iohn or 〈…〉 to this mannes tyme excepting only 〈…〉 â—onicon that meÌ„tioneth it as a vulgar tale 〈…〉 polidore after him with like reiection all â—â—ners I say former wryters which best should know the truth not only made no meÌ„tion therof but set downe expressely other manner and causes of K. Ihons death as yow haue heard and yet would Fox of meere malice and against his owne conscience beleeue this author against all the rest and set it forth in print pagents and paintings as before hath byn sayd and all other English heretyks since haue followed him in the same impudency both in bookes sermons common speeches which sheweth that they do not follow reason nor seek truthe but only to hold the reader in error by any meanes of sleight or â—alshood whatsoeuer which ought to warne euery true Christian man who seeketh sincerely to know the verity of matters in controuersy and the saluation of his owne soule not to beleeue so easily these cosening people but to enter into better consideration of their doings especially of Iohn Fox the most fraudulent and perfidious wryter that euer put pen to paper in our language if I be not greatly deceyued who haue taken paynes 〈…〉 many others to examine the 〈…〉 wilful falshood of diuers of his 〈…〉 But to returne againe to Sir 〈…〉 Reader note one trick more of his 〈…〉 wing this story of K. Iohn to be as I 〈…〉 was not only content to vse Fox his frauâ—â—â—â— deceyue his Reader but would needs ad somâ— what of his owne deuise also For albeit thâ— former Chronicle of Caxâ—on if so it may be called do recount the summe of the matter most fondly as to the Reader may appeare yet doth he not tel that the monks name was Symon as S. Francis calleth him nor that his Abbot highly commended him for his zeale as Syr Francis addeth out of Fox his inuention who forgeth also that the monk alleaged for himself the prophesy of Cayphas Iohn 11. saying It is better that one dy then all the people perish and moreouer I am wel contented to loose my life and so become a martyr that I may vtterly destroy this tyrant and then with that the Abbot did weep for gladnes and much commended his feruent zeale c. All these speches and circumstances I say are added and much more by Iohn Fox and S. FraÌ„cis to the Story to make it vp more ful for that no such word is in the author CaxtoÌ„ but rather the contrary that both the monk and the abbot were very sorrowful And last of all it is most false which is the principal part of this Story for which it was brought in by Sir Francis that the Abbot gaue him absolution before hand for the committing of this 〈…〉 it had byn committed for 〈…〉 such matter at all in the story but 〈…〉 he asked to be shriuen and assoyled 〈…〉 of his sinnes but not that the 〈…〉 yeild ther-vnto and much lesse 〈…〉 was any mention on eyther part of 〈…〉 olution for the sinne to come but rather â—r his sinnes past as men are wont to doe when they go to warre or to lyke attempts where many sinnes are ordinarily comitted for which no man asketh absolution before hand as our two maysters heer wil needs haue the monk to haue done though in deed Sir Francis is the more impudent of the two for that Iohn Fox durst not to auouch this manifestly of absoluing aforehand for sinnes to come yet our knight blusheth not to affirme ytâ— without all warrant or witnesse in the world and so becommeth the disciple worse then his maister Fox setteth downe the words somewhat more cunningly and dexterously 〈◊〉 and Fox 〈◊〉 riue 〈…〉 hal 〈◊〉 most â—â—dulently to wit The monk being absolued of his Abbot a forehand went c. where yow see that he putteth downe the word a forehand with a parenthesis as added of himself if any would vrge him of falshood But S r. Francis taketh quite a way the parenthesis and affirmeth the matter absolutely saying He highly commended his zeale and gaue him absolution a forehand for committing of this wicked act c. And by this let the reader iudge of them both Maister and scholler doctor disciple and I haue byn the longer in diciphering their cosenage in this one example to the end that their malice and lack of coÌ„science being fully seene in few points may be held suspected in the rest For that most true it is that they who in matters of religion do falsifie and lye of purpose cannot possibly be thought to be true or religious in any thing nor to seek religion for religion but faction and self wil vnder the name of religioÌ„ let them say what they wil. And this shal suffise for this chapter where is nothing to be added about our minister O.E. for that he passeth ouer with vtter silence all that the knight hath handled in this place about the poysoning of king Iohn so as all the blame must light vpon himself his champioÌ„ not presuming to make any defence at all for him Now then let vs passe to that which ensueth THE SPEECH OF THE warder is defended wher he calleth the way of saluation by only faith the common Cart way of protestants the truthe of which doctrin is examined CAP.
conscience can there be in such men as vse so many fraudes and vtter so manifest falshoods as in this our answere we haue plainely demonstrated and then good reader when thow hast once discouered this point of singular importance which is that truthe indeed is not sought by them that preteÌ„d to seek truth nor religion by them that treat of religion but only that shifts are sought to make a shew of saying euer somwhat then I doubt not but thou wilt resolue with thy self what is behooful for thee to do for sauing of thy owne soule not leauing it vpon the waues of vncertayne disputes and altercations of men but staying it vpon the sure rock of Christs Catholike and visible Churche which is left and appointed as an infallible stay for all men wherunto I implore his heauenly grace and deuyne assistance AN ADDITION BY the publisher of this book wherin he sheweth first a reason why these two Encounters are set forth alone then the difference he findeth in the wryters and their wrytings thirdly how a man may vse this which heer is said to the decision of any Controuersy of our tyme. CAP. XVIII THREE things do I promise good Christian Reader as yow see in the title of this my addition which I shal endeauour to performe with the greatest breuity and perspicuity that I may And as for the first which is the reason why after the expectation of so many monethes wherin the defence of the whole eight Encounters that ly in dispute betwene the watchman and Warder S. F Hastings and N. D. should haue appeared we now set forth only two of the first The cause â—nd reason of this is easely declared for it was â—s followeth More then a ful yeare hath now passed â—ince the whole reioynder of N. D. to Syr F. Hastings reply about the foresaid eight Encounters and the remitter to the LL. of her Maiesties most honorable Councel was enâ—â—ed The cause of delay and sent to be put in print but then was â—here receaued a new aduise that another answere was in print also to the watch word whose author was figured by the two letters â— E. And albeit the work was said to be of such quality as it merited not a seueral anâ—were and much lesse the man yet for that was not expedient to let it passe without â—ome check of examination the Warder N. â— resolued to deferre the publishing of his â—ormer work vntil he might haue a vew of â—his book also which being more hardly â—rocured and longer expected then at the beâ—inning was presumed caused also the stay of â—his edition But when at lenght it came to sight and â—hat the author N.D. had taken it in hand to â—nswere ioyntly with the other of Sir FraÌ„cis â—ntermingling and coopling them togeather 〈◊〉 â—yow haue seene by experience in these two â—ncounters The reason vvhy these â— Encounters are set forth alone then fel there new difficultyes â—nterruptions as namely diuers monethes â—â—cknesse and diuers other lets and impediâ—ents of vnexpected busynesse to the author â—â—d besides this the corps of these two Enâ—â—unters grew to so great a bulk as of themselues they seemed to be sufficient for one book especially considering the many difficulties that we haue in printing greater volumes in these dayes and all commodity of our owne countrey prints printers and other helpes being debarred vs. Wherfore vpon these and other lyke reasons I began to deale effectually with the author of this work that he would be content to yeild vnto the publishing of these two Encounters alone promissing him that as the other should come to be ready and thorowly polished which I hope wil be very shortly I would set them forth also eyther all togeather or two or three EncouÌ„ters in a book as these go according to the quantity or bignesse which they shal grow vnto And this is so much as is needful to be sayd of this first point The second also may be dispached with the lyke breuity The 2. point of this addition which is about the difference of the wryters and wrytings of these Encounterers for so much as I do not meane to stand vpon all differeÌ„ces obserued by me in reading ouer their books but to note some few only referring me also in these to that which before hath byn set downe in the Encounters themselues especially in the seueral admonissions and warnings ensuing vpon euery Encounter and conteyning as it were a breef recapitulation of the whole only then I wil say that two notorious differences me thinketh I haue obserued in coÌ„ferring these books and wryters togeather The first is touching truthe and falshood playne dealing and shifting The first differeÌ„ce about true dealing falshood discouered almost in euery leaf of the former EncouÌ„ters which is a diffeâ—ence of somuch quality as whersoeuer it is found on the worser part it ought greatly to mooue and make deep impression in the Reader that is careful of his owne saluation for that the matters in controuersy coÌ„cerning true faith being of the highest importance that may be to our soule and euerlasting good or hurt euery man ought to be attent whersoeuer he findeth falshood or deceyt to be wilfully and purposely intended and that it cannot be excused by error or ignorance or heat of speach or other lyke infirmities there he ought to stay his foot stand fast and not to passe further without firme resolution neuer to beleue him agayne And for that in all the reply both of S r. F. and O.E. his defendant I do not find that the VVarder is so much as charged to my remembrance and much lesse conuinced of any one such wilful falsification as before I haue alleaged and that both the knight and minister are accused almost in euery leaf of this crime and that with such manifest proofes and demonstrations as I see not how possibly they can quite themselues here hence I do inferre that it importeth exceedingly euery wise and discreet Reader to remember wel this difference Another difference also there is not a litle to be marked in the very substance of their wrytings The 2. difference idle or profitable matter handled concerning the profit or losse of tyme which the reader may reap by perusing them ouer for that S r. F. and O.E. if yow look attentiuely into their books do treat nothing eyther methodically or substantially throughout their replies but following the Warder vp and downe do wraÌ„gle here and iangle there taking exceptioÌ„s against these or those words without handling any one point learnedly or with substance throughout all their whole discourses neyther coÌ„futing soundly their aduersaries nor confirming wel their owne parts so as when a man hath red ouer their whole books he remayneth with more doubts and darknes then before feeling only his spirit of incredulity and contradiction more increased by this reading but his braynes more weakened and wearied and his vnderstanding lesse cleer
Heretical wryters their confusion and vanity in wryting discouered Enc. 1. cap. 1. num 8.9 c. S. Hierome his words much abused by S. F. Enc. 1. c. 9. n. 2. His great humility in subiecting his iudgment to Pope Damasus Enc. 1. cap. 16. num 18. S. Hilary his iudgment of the Popes heauenly authority Enc. 1. cap. 3. num 14. Hosius egregiously abused falsified Enc. 2. c. 8. n. 2.3 c. Hostâ—ensis abused by S. Francis Enc. 1. cap. 2. num 7. Husse and his whole cause examined in the councel of Constance Enc. 2. cap. 3. num 15.16.17 c. His daungerous doctrine that No man is a Prince prelate or Magistrate vvhile he is in mortal sinne Ibid. num 17. Two famous heretical lyes prooued there against him ibid. num 20. Husse contrary to S. F. in doctrine Eâ—c 2. cap. 3. nu 21. Husse his doctrine reiected by Luther for euer and euer ibid. num 22. Husse his leather breeches kept at this day for reliques among the Hussâ—ts in Prage ibid. num 24. I. IDolatry and Idolatrors agreeing only to heretiks in the Christian Churche obseruat nâ— 1â— 12 c. Ignorance whether she be the mother of deuotion Enc. 2. cap. 7. n. 3.4 c. Index Expurgatorius why and how it is to be made Enc. 2. cap. 9. n. 21.22 c. Iustification how greatly Lutherans and Caluinists do disagree about thesame whether it be by works or faith only Enc. 2. cap. 16. n. 8.9.10 c. K. KIng Iohn fayned by protestants to haue byn poysoned by a monk against the testimony of all antiquity Enc. 2. cap. 15. n. 3.4.5 c. Knockes founder of Caluinisme in Scotland His wicked daungerous doctrine about the deposition of Princesâ— Enc. 1. cap. 6. nu 3.4.5 c. L. LAteran Counsel falsified by the minister O. E. Enc. 1. cap. 13. num 10. Lay-men whether they be forbidden by Catholyks to medle in matters of religioÌ„ Enc. 2. cap. 7. And more largely cap. 9. per totum Lyes historical and doctrinal how they differ Enc. 2. â—ap 2. num 3. Lutherans and Sacramentaries their warre one against the other Enc. 1. cap. 5.4 c. per totum Luther his iudgment and sentence of the Sacramentaries ibid. cap. 5. num 1. 2. Luther what manner of man he was according to the iudgment of ZuingliaÌ„s and Caluinists Enc. 1. cap. 5. num 5. Luther Canonized by Iohn Fox ibid. num 4. Luthers prophesy of the destruction of protestants especially Caluinists by diuision amongst themselues Enc. 1. cap 7. num 4. Luther his going to Angusta and VVormes and dealing there Enc. 2. cap. 1. num 8. Luther his condemnation by the Emperour and his councel wherin he was said to be a diuel and not a man Ibid. n. 8. Luther wryteth of himself that one cryed to him Beatusventer qui te portauit c. Ibid. n. 9. M. MArtyrs tombes frequented with great deuotion by christians in Rome in S. Hieromes tyme. Enc. 1. c. 9. n. 3.4 c. what diligence was vsed in old tyme in registring the liues of martyrs and the dayes of that suffefering Enc. 2. cap. 11. n. 5. What maÌ„ner of martyrs Fox setteth downe of his Churche the one contrary to the other in beleef Enc. 2. cap. 11. n. 8.9.10.11 c. Masse and the sacrifice therof confessed by antiquity Enc. 1. cap. 13. n. 12. Masse in the latyn tongue and fruite of the hearing therof though it be not vnderstood by the people Enc. 2. cap. â— n. 6.7 c. Merits of good works what they are and how they may stand with Gods grace and Christs merits Enc. 1. cap. 10. num 6.7 c. Miracles of S. Thomas of Canterbury and the authentical proof therof Enc. 2. cap. 11. Miracles how fondly and heathen-like they are iested at by protestants Enc. 2. cap. 11. num 20. Miracles defended by S. Ambrose S. Augustine Enc. 2. cap. 11. num 26.27 c. N. NObility and commons corrupted pittifully by Wickliffe his doctrine Enc. 2. cap. 2. num 10.11 c. O. OBedience spiritual to the Pope may stand with temporal to the Prince obseruat num 5. Ochinus that taught in England in K. Edward his dayes his sentence of Caluyn and Beza Enc. 1. cap. 5. O. E. Minister His extreeme pride malice and folly In the ansvvere to his epistle He is prooued a noddy by spelling the word Noddy ibid. He is described what fellow he is ibid. He is a bloody fellow poore and needy and hopeth for scraps by other mennes ruine obseruat num 1.2 c. He is proued to be a notorious firebrand of sedition obseruat num 7. He excuseth his rayling by confessing it to be weaknes in him obseru num 37. The manner of his wryting is layd open as impertineÌ„t impudent and impotent Enc. 1. cap. 1. num 7. He is shewed to be a most shamelesse and impudent flatterer Enc. 1. cap. 3. num 23.24 c. He is proued also to be a true Oedipus and hungry parasite ibid. num 6. He is desperate in denying when he is pressed saying among other things that there is no diuision at all among Protestants Enc. 1. He damneth his auncestors that were Catholyks as hauing only the bare name of Christians Enc. 1. cap. 13. n. 6. His contemptuous speeches of Luther and Caluyn togeather with playne Atheisme Enc. 1. cap. 17. num 10. 11.12 c. He braggeth that he wil go to Syuil or Paris to dispute with Catholyks if he may haue leaue Enc. 2. cap. 4. n. 22. P. PAnormitâ—â— Hostiensis two learned Canonists greatly abused by S. F. Enc. 1. cap. 2. num 17. Parlament what it may do in matters of Religion and did both in Q. Mary and K. Edwards tymes Enc. 1. cap. 16. num 8.9 c. Pardons and for what sinnes they are vsed by Cath. doctrine Enc. 2. cap. 14. num 6.7 c. and to whome they are auayleable ibid. F. Paâ—sons defended against the raging malice of the minister O.E. Books and treateses written by him In Epist. to O.E. Persecution against Catholyks Enc. 1. cap. 10. num vlt. Plesâ—is Mornay his lyes discouered before the K. of FraÌ„ce Enc. 2. cap. 2. num 3. Poysy colloquy or conference betwene Catholyks and protestant ministers Enc. 2. cap. 4. num 12. The dissolution of the Protestant ministers in that meeting ibid. nâ—m 16. Their dissention in points of Religion ibid. nnm 19. The good that came by that disorderly meeting and conference ibid. Popes their most honorable titles taken out of auncâ—nt Doctors Enc. 1. cap. 3. num 13.14 c. Prayer to Saints Enc. 2. cap. 6. num 8. Priests authority in absoluing sinnes according to Chrisostome Enc. 1. cap. 3. num 13. Protestants and Puritans how they agree in Christ crucified what comfort they take one of the other Notes vpon the epist of S. F. num 8.9.10 c. Protestants more deuided then before by their synods and councels Enc. 1. cap.
faith and all the rest fide implicitâ— by an implyed faith in that they beleeue the holy Catholike Churche and all that shee beleeueth which implyeth so much as is necessary to any maÌ„nes saluation And how sure and safe a way this is yow hane heard out of S. Augustine * Ibid. cap. 7. before that simplicity of beleeuing maketh the common people most safe Wherfore according to this selfsame way also The short sure vvay of Cath. beleef the said Catholike doctors do teach vs how that in these troublesome and contentious tymes of disputes and controuersyes a man that is in errors or doubts may come to be a perfect Catholike in resoluing himself vpoÌ„ the truthe of very few particular questioÌ„s and controuersyes beleeuing the rest in geneâ—al tearmes and being ready to accept and admit whatsoeuer the Catholike Churche doth â—each albeit he be not yet instructed in the particulars nor knoweth the arguments that be on both sides nor be able to solue them but desyreth to be instructed as tyme and occasioÌ„ shal be offered therunto To this resolution when any man ariueth and is content in these things which he knoweth not to follow the councel of S. Paule 2. Cor. 10. which is to captiuate his vnderstanding to the obedience of Christ and his faith taught in the Catholike Churche he is now at a good stay and may be held for a sound Catholike though in many particular points he know not the reasons to and fro but may afterward informe himself as tyme and ability and other occasions shal permit him standing fast and firme in this principle that he wil not guide his faith by his owne iudgment knowledge or persuasioÌ„ nor of any other particular man but only by the receyued sentence and determination of that visible Catholike Churche Matth. 16. Ioh. 14. Marc vlt. 1. Tim. 3. 1. Ioh. 2. to whome only Christ hath promised the assurance of his holy spirit and in which Churche though his promise of diuine help were not yet are there so many humane helpes of true knowledge also considering their number vniuersality continuance descent and consent as euery wise man would rather cast himself vpon them then vpon any particular sect of new vpstarts that want all these helpes and agree neyther with themselues nor others Wel then yow wil aske me perhaps what are those few principalle pointes which being wel vnderstood would suffice to make a man a good Catholike Wherto I answere with S. Augustine and other holy Fathers that one only were sufficient yf a man hold it perfectly Aug. lib. 2. ca. 25. cont Ep. Gâ—â—dentij Ecl. 3. c. 64. contra Cres. which is to renounce his owne fancy and to beleue the visible and vniuersal christian Churche and all that shee beleeueth and teacheth vs to beleeue as before we haue declared and for that betwene vs and protestants the question is moued though with litle or no probability at all on their side which and where is the Catholike christian Churche at this day I may referre the reader to diuers substantial treateses handled in this book before wherby he may easily resolue himself in that matter As for example the Treatese before set downe in the beginning of the first * Cap. 2. Encounter who are properly Catholiks and who are heretiks by the old lawes of auncient Catholike Emperors made expressely against heretiks And if it so fal out VVho are Catholykes that all points set downe in those lawes do agree fully to protestants and nothing at all to vs that are called Catholiks at this day but rather that we agree fully with those that then were called Catholikes and distinguished by that name and nature then is it euident where the Catholike Churche standeth seing that the body of Catholike people maketh the true Catholike Churche In like manner there is another treatese in the same Encounter about About the rule of faith The rule of faith wherby men ought to be guided in all controâ—ersyes doctrines and disputations Enc. 1. ca. 15. 16. yea as S. Paul saith in the exposition of scriptures themselues Rom. 12. which rule being nothing els but the very corps or body of christian beleef left by Christ and his Apostles and carefully defended from age to age by the Fathers and doctors of all tymes vnto ours yf this rule be prooued to be only among vs Roman Catholiks as it is and that the protestants of our dayes haue neyther this nor any other certayne rule at all of agreement in faith beside the particular decrees of seueral countreys where this or that sect doth beare sway then is it euident that where this certayne rule iâ— found there is the true Catholike Churche 〈◊〉 no where els for that vnto her only this rulâ—â— was deliuered to be kept vnuiolate vnto thâ— worlds end for it is the depositum pawne oâ— pledge 2. Tim. 6. so carefully commended by S. Paul tâ— Timothy and by him to all Catholike bishopâ— for euer Againe wheras the Catholike Church 〈◊〉 faith is but one and we demonstrate that thâ— same hath continued by succession in the Romayne Churche for fiftene hundred yeares 〈◊〉 more Enc. 1. c. 3.4 5. without disagreeing in any one articlâ— of faith once defined Vnion and Succession and that the ProtestaÌ„t haue not byn able to hold this vnity of one and the selfsame doctrine among their ofâ—spring forlesse than 50. yeares togeather buâ— that maugre their Maisters teeth their successors deuided themselues into different opposite sects of Lutherans Anabaptists Swinglianâ— Caluinists Brownists and the like a thing proper to all heresies as holy Fathers do note most euideÌ„t it may be on which part the Catholike Churche standeth and God with herâ— who is God of vnity and not of diuision And lastly not to be ouerlong in this matter nor to seek many examples False true dealing the principal point handled throughout all the second Encounter touching falsityes falshoods falsifications fictions and other notorious wilful corruptions vsed by these two protestant wryâ—ers the knight and his minister in defence of their bad cause do easily testifie of what Churche they bee and any one of these things wel considered and maturely pondered is sufficient to make any man resolue himself that hath discretion to discerne or care to procure his owne saluation FINIS The end of the second Encounter THE THIRD TABLE OF CERTAINE NOTORIOVS SHIFTS SLIEGHTES DECEITS and impostures vsed by Syr F. and O. E. in their answers and replyes MANY and sundry are the deuises sleights and shifts which the pouerty and necessity of the protestant cause doth force heâ—â— defâ—nders to seek out and vse for some shew of probable defence when they are pressed as throughout this whole book yow wil find noted and obserued Heer only we shalâ— make a certaine breef Catalogue of the most ordinary and knowne shifts that do euery where occurre and by
them yow may ghesse of the rest and of our protestants whole manner of wryting and answering our books The first is to passe ouer and dissemble with silence the principal and most substantial points of their aduersaryes wrytings and to answere more largely other points that are of farre lesse difficulty wherof the reader shal find many complaints made by vs throughout this whole work The second shift is when the whole matter cannot be dissembled nor put of by silence then to giue as it were a nod vnto it answering it only in general by a word or two and then to passe on as though all were sufficiently answered wherof yow shal find store of examples noted by vs in this our answere A third shift is when they are charged with any fault committed not so much to defend themselues as to accuse others of the like fault on out side as though this did cleer them as for example when Sir F. in the first Encounter is argued for absurd flattering her Maiestie and the State he telleth vs againe for his excuse that Canonists in Rome do much more flatter the Pope And againe in the second Encounter when he is accused to auouch many lyes he obiecteth to vs againe that Friars were braue liars in king Richard the 2. his dayes and other such like A fourth shift is running behynd the cloth of State to wit when out aduersaries hauing the tyme and state fauorable vnto them do vpoÌ„ euery litle occasion couer themselues with that buckler As for example when they haue be haued themselues in temperatly against vs in words and do eyther feare or feel a round reply they step presently behynd the cloth of state puttingâ— both her Maiestie the common welth betwene them and vs as though we might not answere them but by impugning the other The fifth shift is to repeat their aduersaryes words stil with some vntruthe or aduantage altering thesame for their purpose and yet setting them downe in a different letter as though they were their owne words of which fraud I am forced to complaine often though more of the minister then of the knight in this behalf The sixt shift is that when they name authors and alleage their testimonies against vs and yet would be loâ—h to haue them examined their custome is neuer lightly to quote book work or chapter but only the author in general leauing to vs to seek out where it is to be found why how or in what sense it was spoken yf it were spoken at all The seauenth shift is to alleadge authors contrary to their owne meaning and to their whole discourse and purpose which could not be vnknowen to them that alleaged them And this is very malitious dealing and oftentymes vsed as after yow shal see proued The 8. shift or deceit or rather imposture is not only to alleage authors against their owne inteÌ„tioÌ„s but wittingly also to corrupt their very woords text leauing out somthings and adding and altering others as by examination yow shal find The nynth shift is a kynd of bold impudeÌ„cy in denying things notoriously knowne to all men As for example to deny as Sir F. and O. E. do that there is any substantial point of difference in religion betwene Lutherans Suinglians Caluinists or that the Protestants of our tyme haue byn troublesome or rebellious against their lawful Catholike princes or that there is any diuision at all or disiunction betweene Puritans and protestants in England And the like The tenth shift is impertinent and ridiculous answering matters wholy from the purpose as for example the question being whether England be blessed at this day by change of Catholike religion Sir F. answereth that she was once blessed though she be not now And many other such examples yow shal find The eleueÌ„th shift is to alleage rather matter expressely against themselues and their fellowes when they are sore pressed then to seeme to say nothing As when O.E. alleageth the constitution of Archbishop Arundel in England about reading scriptures in a vulgar tongue quite contrary to himself And againe thesame man hauing seene and read that Sir F. in the 6. Encounter affirmeth S. Augustine to haue said that it neuer pleased any good man in the Churche that heretiks should be put to death yet he alleageth S. Augustine to the coÌ„trary as praysing the punishing of heretiks by the Imperial lawes and such other like The tweluth and last shift for I wil go no further is plaine cosenage falsifying and lying and this vpon euery occasion wherof there are so many offered and the kynds and formes are so diuers as it were ouerlong to alleadge particular examples for euery one yet by those few that do ensue the reader may make a ghesse of the rest especially yf they should be taken out of all the eight Encounters as those that follow are out of two only Examples of false dealing ENcont 1. cap. 2. n. 7.8 c. Sir Francis wilfully abuseth Panormitan and wittingly slaundereth other Canonists affirming them to say Dominus noster Deus Papa c. Enc. 1. cap. 9. n. 3.4.5.6 c. Syr F. falsifieth and notably abuseth two places the one of S. Hierome the other of S. Augustine to proue therby publike seruice in vulgar languages which neither of them euer meant Enc. 2. cap. 2. n. 9. Sir F. abuseth Thom. VValsingham against his owne meaning and deceyueth therwith his reader deceitfully accusing friars to be liars not telling that they were corrupted by VVickliffe Enc. 1. cap. 3. n. 10. 11 c. O. E. falsely affirmeth Augustinus Stenchus to haue written against the donation of Constanryne and therin to haue adored the Pope as God both points being notorious lyes Enc. 2. cap. 3. n. 4. 5 c. Sir F. corrupteth the authority both of S. Bede and Arnobius by alleaging them both against their owne meaning the first for seruice in the vulgar tongue the second against images Encount 2. cap. 8. n. 2. 3. A famous cosening trick of O. E. is to be found where he alleageth the words of S. Hilary for the words of Hosius therby to make them lesse esteemed Encount 2. cap. 8. num 4. Another shameful deceit of the same O. E. is discouered in alleaging Tertullian his words for the words of Hosius to thesame fraudulent end Encount 2. cap. 9. n. 8.9.10 c. Sir F. peruerteth malitiously without all conscience a discourse of S. Chrisostome about reading scriptures in vulgar languages Enc. 2. cap. 10.11.17.18.19 deinceps Intolerable false dealing of Sir F. Iohn Fox and O. E. concerning S. Thomas of Canterbury Enc. 2. cap. 13. n. 18. A notable cosenage of O. E. in citing a Canonist making him to say that no man must say to the Pope Domine cur ita facis Lord why do yow so Enc. 2. cap. 14. n. 24. O. E. abuseth egregiously Cardinal Bellarmine and others in citing them about pardons Enc. 2. cap. 11. n. 14.15.16 A shamful