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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A67908	The history of the troubles and tryal of the Most Reverend Father in God and blessed martyr, William Laud, Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury. vol. 1 wrote by himself during his imprisonment in the Tower ; to which is prefixed the diary of his own life, faithfully and entirely published from the original copy ; and subjoined, a supplement to the preceding history, the Arch-Bishop's last will, his large answer to the Lord Say's speech concerning liturgies, his annual accounts of his province delivered to the king, and some other things relating to the history.	Laud, William, 1573-1645.; Wharton, Henry, 1664-1695.; Prynne, William, 1600-1669. Rome's masterpiece.	1695 (1695)	Wing L586; Wing H2188; ESTC R354	691,871	692

in that Law But how sufficient soever that Cause may be in Parliament if I had been in a Premunire there-while and lost my Liberty and all that I had beside for disobeying the Royal Assent I believe I should have had but cold Comfort when the next Parliament had been Summoned no Exception against the Man being known to me either for Life or Learning but only this Censure Nor is there any Exception which the Arch-Bishop is by that Law allowed to make if my Book be truly Printed Then followed the Charge of Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton out of which it was urged That an unlimited Power was pressed very far and out of p. 40. That a way was found to make the Subject free and the King a Subject that this Man was preferred by me that Dr. Heylin confessed to a Committee that I commanded him to Answer Mr. Burton's Book and that my Chaplain Dr. Braye Licensed it I Answer'd as follows I did not prefer Dr. Heylin to the King's Service it was the Earl of Danby who had taken Honourable Care of him before in the University His Preferments I did not procure For it appears by what hath been urged against me that the Lord Viscount Dorchester procured him his Parsonage and Mr. Secretary Coke his Prebend in Westminster For his Answer to the Committee that I commanded him to Write against Burton It was an Ingenuous and a True Answer and became him and his Calling well for I did so And neither I in Commanding nor he in Obeying did other than what we had good Precedent for in the Primitive Church of Christ. For when some Monks had troubled the Church at Carthage but not with half that danger which Mr. Burton's Book threatned to this Aurelius then Bishop commanded St. Aug. to Write against it and he did so His Words are Aurelius Scribere Jussit feci But though I did as by my Place I might Command him to Write and Answer yet I did neither Command nor Advise him to insert any thing unsound or unfit If any such thing be found in it he must Answer for himself and the Licenser for himself For as for Licensing of Books I held the same course which all my Predecessors had done And when any Chaplain came new into my House I gave him a strict Charge in that Particular And in all my Predecessors Times the Chaplains suffer'd for faults committed and not their Lords though now all is heaped on me As for the particular Words urged out of Dr. Heylin's Book p. 40. there is neither Expression by them nor Intention in them against either the Law or any Lawful Proceedings but they are directed to Mr. Burton and his Doctrine only The words are You have found out a way not the Law but you Mr. Burton to make the Subject free and the King a Subject Whereas it would well have beseem'd Mr. Burton to have carried his Pen even at the least and left the King his Freedom as well as the Subject his From this they proceeded to another Charge which was That I preferred Chaplains to be about the King and the Prince which were disaffected to the Publick Welfare of the Kingdom The Instance was in Dr Dove And a Passage Read out of his Book against Mr Burton And it was added that the declaring of such disaffection was the best Inducement or Bribe to procure them Preferment To this I then said and 't is true I did never knowingly prefer any Chaplain to the King or Prince that was ill-affected to the Publick And for Dr. Dove if he utter'd by Tongue or by Pen any such wild Speech concerning any Members of the Honourable House of Commons as is urged thereby to shew his disaffection to the Publick he is Living and I humbly desire he may answer it But whereas it was said That this was the best Inducement or Bribe to get Preferment This might have been spared had it so pleased the Gentleman which spake it But I know my Condition and where I am and will not lose my Patience for Language And whereas 't is urged That after this he was Named by me to be a Chaplain to the Prince his Highness the Thing was thus His Majesty had suit made to him that the Prince might have Sermons in his own Chappel for his Family Hereupon his Majesty approving the Motion commanded me to think upon the Names of some fit Men for that Service I did so But before any thing was done I acquainted the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlain that then was with it my Lord knew most of the Men and approved the Note and delivered it to his Secretary Mr Oldsworth to Swear them This was the Fact And at this time when I put Dr Dove's Name into the List I did not know of any such Passage in his Book nor indeed ever heard of it till now For I had not Read his Book but here and there by snatches I am now come and 't is time to the last Particular of this day And this Charge was The giving of Subsidies to the King in the Convocation without consent in Parliament That the Penalties for not paying were strict and without Appeal as appears in the Act where it is farther said that we do this according to the Duty which by Scripture we are bound unto which reflects upon the Liberties of Parliaments in that behalf But it was added they would not meddle now with the late Canons for any thing else till they came to their due place 1. My Answer to this was That this was not my single Act but the Act of the whole Convocation and could not be appliable to me only 2. That this Grant was no other nor in any other way Mutatis Mutandis than was granted to Queen Elizabeth in Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time This Grant was also put in Execution as appeared by the Originals which we followed These Originals among many other Records were commanded away by the Honourable House of Commons and where they now are I know not But for want of them my Defence cannot be so full 3. For the Circumstances as that the Penalties are without Appeal and the like 't is usual in all such Grants And that we did it according to our Duty and the Rules of Scripture we conceived was a fitting Expression for our selves and Men of our Calling without giving Law to others or any intention to violate the Law in the least For thus I humbly conceive lyes the mutual Relation between the King and his People by Rules of Conscience The Subjects are to supply a full and Honourable Maintenance to the King And the King when Necessities call upon him is to ask of his People in such a way as is per pacta by Law and Covenant agreed upon between them which in this Kingdom is by Parliament yet the Clergy ever granting their own at all times And that this was my Judgment long before this

all the Proof here made mentions him only by whom the Kings Pleasure is signified not him that procures the Preferment So the Docket in this Case no Proof at all The Fifth Charge was a Paper Intituled Considerations for the Church Three Exceptions against them The Observation of the King's Declaration Art 3. The Lecturers Art 5. And the High-Commission and Prohibitions Art 10 11. The Paper I desired might be all Read Nothing in them against either Law or Religion And for Lecturers a better care taken and with more Ease to the People and more Peace to the Church by a Combination of Conformable Neighbouring Ministers in their turns and not by some one Humorous Man who too often mis-leads the People Secondly my Copy of Considerations came from Arch-Bishop Harsnet in which was some sour Expression concerning Emanuel and Sidney Colleges in Cambridge which the King in his Wisdom thought fit to leave out The King's Instructions upon these Considerations are under Mr. Baker's Hand who was Secretary to my Predecessor And they were sent to me to make Exceptions to them if I knew any in regard of the Ministers of London whereof I was then Bishop And by this that they were thus sent unto me by my Predecessor 't is manifest that this account from the several Dioceses to the Arch-Bishop and from him to his Majesty once a Year was begun before my time Howsoever if it had not I should have been glad of the Honour of it had it begun in mine For I humbly conceive there cannot be a better or a safer way to preserve Truth and Peace in the Church than that once a Year every Bishop should give an account of all greater Occurrences in the Church to his Metropolitan and he to the King Without which the King who is the Supream is like to be a great Stranger to all Church Proceedings The Sixth Charge was about Dr Sibthorp's Sermon that my Predecessor opposed the Printing of it and that I opposed him to Affront the Parliament Nothing so my Lords Nothing done by me to oppose or affront the One or the Other This Sermon came forth when the Loan was not yet settled in Parliament The Lords and the Judges and the Bishops were some for some against it And if my Judgment were Erroneous in that Point it was mis-led by Lords of great Honour and Experience and by Judges of great knowledge in the Law But I did nothing to affront any 'T is said that I inserted into the Sermon that the People may not refuse any Tax that is not unjustly laid I conceive nothing is justly laid in that kind but according to Law Gods and Mans. And I dare not say the People may refuse any thing so laid For Jus Regis the Right of a King which is urged against me too I never went farther than the Scriptures lead me Nor did I ever think that Jus Regis mentioned 1 Sam 8 is meant of the Ordinary and just Right of Kings but of that Power which such as Saul would be would assume unto themselves and make it right by Power Then they say I expunged some things out of it As first The Sabbath and put instead of it the Lords Day What 's my Offence Sabbath is the Jews Word and the Lords-Day the Christians Secondly about Evil Counseilors to be used as Haman The Passage as there Expressed was very Scandalous and without just Cause upon the Lords of the Council And they might justly have thought I had wanted Discretion should I have left it in Thirdly that I expunged this that Popery is against the first and the second Commandment If I did it it was because it is much doubted by Learned Men whether any thing in Popery is against the first Commandment or denies the Unity of the God-head And Mr. Perkins who Charges very home against Popery lays not the Breach of the first Commandment upon them And when I gave Mr. Brown this Answer In his last Reply he asked why I left out both Why I did it because its being against the second is common and obvious and I did not think it worthy the standing in such a Sermon when it could not be made good against the first But they demanded why I should make any Animadversions at all upon the Sermon It was thus The Sermon being presented to his Majesty and the Argument not common he committed the Care of Printing it to Bishop Mountain the Bishop of London and four other of which I was one And this was the Reason of the Animadversions now called mine As also of the Answer to my Predecessors Exceptions now Charged also and called mine But it was the Joint Answer of the Committee And so is that other Particular also In which the whole Business is left to the Learned in the Laws For though the Animadversions be in my Hand yet they were done at and by the Committee only I being puny Bishop was put to write them in my Hand The Seventh Charge was Dr Manwaring's Business and Preferment It was handled before only resumed here to make a Noise and so passed it over The Eighth Charge was concerning some Alterations in the Prayers made for the Fifth of November and in the Book for the Fast which was Published An 1636. And the Prayers on Coronation Day 1. First for the Fast-Book The Prayer mentioned was altered as is Expressed but it was by him that had the Ordering of that Book to the Press not by me Yet I cannot but approve the Reason given for it and that without any the least approbation of Merit For the Abuse of Fasting by thinking it Meritorious is the thing left out whereas in this Age and Kingdom when and where set Fastings of the Church are cryed down there can be little fear of that Erroneous Opinion of placing any Merit in Fasting 2 Secondly for the Prayers Published for the Fifth of November and Coronation Day The Alterations were made either by the King himself or some about him when I was not in Court And the Books sent me with a Command for the Printing as there altered I made stay till I might wait upon his Majesty I found him resolved upon the alterations nor in my judgment could I justly except against them His Majesty then gave Warrant to the Books themselves with the alterations in them and so by his Warrant I commanded the Printing And I then shewed both the Books to the Lords who Viewed them and acknowledged his Ma jesty ' Hand with which not his Name only but the whole Warrant was written And here I humbly desired three things might be observed and I still desire it First with what Conscience this passage out of my Speech in the Star Chamber was urged against me for so it was and fiercely by Mr. Nicolas to prove that I had altered the Oath at the King's Coronation because the Prayers appointed for the Anniversary of the Coronation were

Subsidies in a Year my Error if it were one was pardonable So we parted I went to my Lord Duke and acquainted him with it lest I might have ill Offices done me for it to the King and the Prince Sic Deus beet me servum suum laborantem sub pressurà eorum qui semper voluerunt mala mihi So may God bless me his Servant labouring under the pressure of them who alway wished ill to me April 16. Friday My Conference with Fisher the Jesuit Printed came forth April 18. Sunday I Preached at Paul's Cross. April 27. Tuesday My very good Friend Dr. Linsell cut for the Stone Circiter horam nonam ante Meridiem About Nine a Clock in the Forenoon May 1. Saturday E. B. Marryed The Sign in Pisces May 5. Wednesday Ascension-Eve The King's Speech in the Banquetting House at Whitehall to the upper House of Parliament concerning the Hearing of the Lord Treasurer's Cause which was to begin the Friday following This day my Lord Duke of Buckingham came to Town with his Majesty Sick And continued Ill till Saturday May 22. May 13. Thursday Lionel Earl of Middlesex Lord Treasurer of England and Master of the Wards Censured in Parliament for Bribery and Extortion and Deceiving the King c. To lose his Offices To be ever disinabled to bear any Fined to the King in 50000 l. Imprisoned in the Tower during the King's Pleasure Never to sit again as a Peer in Parliament Not to come within the Verge of the Court. May 15. Saturday Whitson-Eve The Bill passed in Parliament for the King to have York-House in exchange for other Lands This was for the Lord Duke of Buckingham May 16. Whitsunday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham This was the first Fit that he could be perswaded to take orderly May 18. Tuesday night I watched with my Lord Duke of Buckingham he took this Fit very orderly May 19. Wednesday The Bishop of Norwich Samuel Harsnet was presented by the House of Commons to the Lords His Cause was referred by the House to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury and the High Commission May 22. Saturday My Lord Duke of Buckingham missed his Fit May 26. Wednesday He went with his Majesty to Greenwich May 28. Friday E. B. came to London He had not leisure to speak with me though I sent and offered to wait all opportunities till June 16 being Wednesday May 29. Saturday The first Session of Parliament ended And the Prorogation was to the Second of November June 6. Second Sunday after Trinity I Preached at Westminster June 8. Tuesday I went to New-Hall to my Lord Duke of Buckingham and came back to London on Friday June 11. June 16. Wednesday I took my lasting leave of E. B. The great dry Summer My Dream June 4. Wednesday night 1623. In this Dream was all contained that followed in the carriage of E. B. towards me and that Night R. B. Sickned to the Death May 29. Saturday night 1624. I was marvellously troubled with E. B. before they came to London That there was much declining to speak with me but yet at last I had Conference and took my lasting leave And this so fell out Respice ad Maij 28. See May 28. July 7. Wednesday night My Lord of Durham's quarrel about the trifling business of Fr. N. July 23. Friday I went to lye and keep House and Preach at my Livings held in Commendam Creek and Ibstock That Friday night at St. Albans I gave R. R. my Servant his first Interest in my Businesses of moment July 27. This I confirmed unto him the Wednesday Morning following at Stanford August 7. Saturday while I was at Long Whatton with my Brother my passion by Blood and my fear of a Stone in my Bladder August 8. Sunday I went and Preached at my Parsonage at Ibstock and set things in order there August 26. Thursday My Horse trod on my foot and lamed me which stayed me in the Country a week longer than I intended Septemb. 7. Tuesday I came to London Septemb 9. Thursday My Lord of Buckingham consulted with me about a Man that offered him a strange way of Cure for himself and his Brother At that time I delivered his Grace the Copies of the two little Books which he desired me to write out Septemb. 16. Thursday Prince Charles his grievous fall which he had in Hunting Septemb. 25. Saturday My Lord Duke's proposal about an Army and the Means and whether Sutton's Hospital might not c. Octob. 2. Saturday In the Evening at Mr. Windebanks my Ancient Servant Adam Torless fell into a Swoon and we had much ado to recover him but I thank God we did Octob. 10. Sunday I fell at Night in Passionem Iliacam which had almost put me into a Fever I continued ill fourteen days Octob. 13. Wednesday I delivered up my Answer about Sutton's Hospital Novemb. 21. Sunday I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 6. Munday There was a Referment made from his Majesty to my Lord's Grace of Canterbury My Lords of Durham and Rochester and my self to Hear and Order a Matter of Difference in the Church of Hereford concerning a Residentiaryship and the Lecturer's place which we that day Ordered Decemb. 13. Munday I received Letters from Brecknock that the Salt-Peter Man was dead and buried the Sunday before the Messenger came This Salt-Peter Man had digged in the Colledge-Church for his work bearing too bold upon his Commission The News of it came to me to London about Novemb. 26. I went to my Lord Keeper and had a Messenger sent to bring him up to answer that Sacrilegious abuse He prevented his punishment by Death Decemb. 21. Tuesday Fest. Sancti Thomae Mr. Crumpton had set out a Book called St Augustins Summe His Majesty found fault with divers passages in it He was put to recall some things in Writing He had Dedicated this Book to my Lord Duke of Buckingham My Lord sent him to me to overlook the Articles in which he had recalled and explained himself that I might see whether it were well done and fit to shew the King This day Mr Crumpton brought his Papers to me Decemb. 23. Thursday I delivered these Papers back to Mr. Crumpton The same day at York-House I gave my Lord Duke of Buckingham my Answer what I thought of these Papers The same day I delivered my Lord a little Tract about Doctrinal Puritaenism in some Ten Heads which his Grace had spoken to me that I would draw for him that he might be acquainted with them Decemb. 31. Friday His Majesty sent for me and delivered unto me Mr. Crumpton's Papers the second time after I had read them over to himself and commanded me to correct them as they might pass in the Doctrin of the Church of England Januar. 3. Munday I had made ready these Papers and waited upon my Lord Duke of Buckingham with them and he brought me to the King There I was about an hour and a

was it from all suspition of being so much as built like an Antient Church Now since his Majesty took down these Galleries and the Stone-wall to make St. Giles's Church a Cathedral there certainly my Command took them not down to make way for Altars and Adoration towards the East which I never commanded in that or any other Church in Scotland The Charge goes on ART II. The second Novation which troubled our Peace was a Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon our Kirk found by our General Assembly to be devised for Establishing a Tyrannical Power in the Persons of our Prelates over the Worship of God and over the Consciences Liberties and Goods of the People and for Abolishing the whole Discipline and Government of our Kirk by General and Provincial Assemblies Presbyteries and Kirk-Sessions which was setled by Law and in continual practice from the time of Reformation This Charge begins with a General and will come to Particulars after And first it seems they are angry with a Book of Canons Excellent Church-Government it seems they would have that will admit of no Canons to direct or controul their Liberty And if they mean by obtruding upon their Church that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them because that Book was Confirmed by the King's Anthority then 't is a bold Phrase to call it Obtruding For if His Majesty that now is did by his Sole Authority Command the present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland he did but Exercise that Power which King James challenged did in the right of his Crown belong to him As appears manifestly by a Letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then Assembled at Perth That Royal Letter is large but very worthy any Mans Reading and is to be seen in the Relation of those Proceedings But because they speak of my Novations if they mean that this Book of Canons was Obtruded upon their Church by me Or if it were found in a Just Synod and upon fair Proceedings to Establish a Tyrannical Power of the Prelates over the Worship of God or the Consciences Liberties or Goods of the People Or for Abolishing any thing that was setled by Laws they had Reason both to be troubled and to seek in a Dutiful manner first rightly to inform His Majesty and then to desire a Remedy from him But if the Book of Canons did really none of these things as for ought I yet know it did not and as I hope will appear when they come to Particulars then this will be no longer a Charge but a Slander And howsoever if any thing in those Canons were Ordered against their Laws it was by our invincible Ignorance and their Bishops fault that would not tell us wherein we went against their Laws if so we did And for my own part I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole Business that they attempted nothing against Law But if their late General Assembly in which they say these things were found to be against Law did proceed Unwarrantably or Factiously as the most Learned Men of that Kingdom avow it did the less heed must and will in future times be given to their Proceedings But before they come to Particulars they think fit to lay Load on me and say That Canterbury was Master of this Work is manifest by a Book of Canons sent to him written upon the one side only with the other side blank for Corrections Additions and putting all in better Order at his pleasure Which accordingly was done as may appear by the Interlinings Marginals and filling up of the Blank Pages with Directions sent to our Prelates I was no Master of this Work but a Servant to it and Commanded thereunto by His Sacred Majesty as I have to shew under his Hand And the Work it self was begun in His Majesties Blessed Fathers Time For the Bishops of Scotland were gathering their Canons then And this is most manifest by a Passage in the Sermon which my Lord the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Preached before the General Assembly at Perth An. 1618 when I was a private Man and had nothing to do with these things The words are these And when I least expected these Articles that is the five Articles of Perth were sent unto me not to be proponed to the Church but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof which were then in gathering touching which Point I humbly excused my self c. So this Work was begun and known to that Church long before I had any thing to do with it And now when it came to be Perfected I did nothing but as I was Commanded and Warranted by His Majesty But indeed according to this Command I took a great deal more pains than I have thanks for as it too often falls out with the best Church-Men To this end 't is true a Book of Canons was not sent me but brought by my Lord the Bishop of Ross and delivered to me And if it were written on one side only and left Blank on the other for Corrections or Additions I hope there 's no sin in that to leave room and space for me to do that for which the Book was brought to me As for that which follows it hath less fault in it For they say it was for my putting all in better Order And I hope to put all in better Order is no Crime Censurable in this Court. And whatever they of Scotland think that Church did then need many things to be put in better Order and at this Day need many more Yea but they say this should not be done at my pleasure I say so too Neither was it For whatsoever I thought fit to correct or add in the Copy brought to me I did very humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland And under those Terms delivered it back to the Bishop which brought it with all the Interlinings Marginals and fillings up of Blank Pages and the best Directions I was able to give them And all this was in me Obedience to His Majesty and no Wrong that I know to the Church of Scotland I am sure not intended by me Neither are these Interlinings or Additions so many as they are here insinuated to be for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this Work All which would clearly appear were the Book produced Yet the Charge goes on against me still And that it was done by no other than Canterbury is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing and by a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own hand precisely to a Letter according to the former Castigations and Directions sent back to procure the King's Warrant unto it which accordingly was obtained By no other Hand than Canterburies is very roundly affirmed How is it proved Why by two Reasons First they say 't is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing An Excellent Argument The Book of Canons was delivered to me

Tyrannical Government contrary to Law I could not endeavour this my knowledge and judgment going ever against an Arbitrary Government in comparison of that which is settled by Law I learned so much long ago out of Aristotle and his Reasons are too good to be gone against And ever since I had the honour to sit at the Council Table I kept my self as much to the Law as I could and followed the Judgment of those great Lawyers which then sat at the Board And upon all References which came from His Majesty if I were one I left those freely to the Law who were not willing to have their business ended any other way And this the Lord Keeper the Lord Privy Seal and the Councel Learned which attended their Clients Causes can plentifully witness I did never advise His Majesty that he might at his own Will and Pleasure levy Money of his Subjects without their Consent in Parliament Nor do I remember that ever I affirmed any such thing as is Charged in the Article But I do believe that I may have said something to this effect following That howsoever it stands by the Law of God for a King in the just and necessary defence of himself and his Kingdom to levy Money of his Subjects yet where a particular National Law doth intervene in any Kingdom and is settled by mutual consent between the King and his People there Moneys ought to be Levied by and according to that Law And by God's Law and the same Law of the Land I humbly conceive the Subjects so met in Parliament ought to supply their Prince when there is just and necessary cause And if an Absolute necessity do happen by Invasion or otherwise which gives no time for Counsel or Law such a Necessity but no pretended one is above all Law And I have heard the greatest Lawyers in this Kingdom confess that in times of such a Necessity The King 's Legal Prerogative is as great as this And since here is of late such a noise made about the Subversion of the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom and Mens Lives called this way in question 't is very requisite that these Fundamental Laws were known to all Men That so they may see the danger before they run upon it Whereas now the Common Laws of England have no Text at all In so much that many who would think themselves wronged if they were not accounted good Lawyers cannot in many points assure a Man what the Law is And by this means the Judges have liberty to retain more in Scrinio Pectoris than is fitting and which comes a little too near that Arbitrary Government so much and so justly found fault with Whereas there is no Kingdom that I know that hath a setled Government but it hath also a Text or a Corpus Juris of the Laws written save England So here shall be as great a punishment as is any where for the breach of the Laws and no Text of them for a Man's direction And under favour I think it were a work worthy a Parliament to Command some prime Lawyers to draw up a Body of the Common Law and then have it carefully Examined by all the Judges of the Realm and thoroughly weighed by both Houses and then have this Book Declared and Confirmed by an Act of Parliament as containing the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom And then let any Man go to Subvert them at his Peril 2. He hath for the better accomplishment of that his Trayterous Design advised and procured divers Sermons and other Discourses to be Preached Printed and Published in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Vnlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesties Subjects is maintained and defended not only in the King but also in himself and other Bishops above and against the Law And he hath been a great Protector Favourer and Promoter of the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions I have neither advised nor procured the Preaching Printing or Publishing of any Sermons or other Discourses in which the Authority of Parliaments and the force of the Laws of this Kingdom are denied and an Absolute and Unlimited Power over the Persons and Estates of his Majesty's Subjects maintained and defended Nay I have been so far from this that I have since I came into place made stay of divers Books purposely written to maintain an Absolute Power in the Kingdom and have not suffered them to be Printed as was earnestly desired And were it fit to bring other Mens Names in question and expose their Persons to danger I have some of those Tracts by me at this present And as I have not maintained this Power in the King's Majesty so much less have I defended this or any other Power against Law either in my self or other Bishops or any other Person whatsoever Nor have I been a Protector Favourer or Promoter of any the Publishers of such false and pernicious Opinions knowing them to be such Men. 3. He hath by Letters Messages Threats Promises and divers other ways to Judges and other Ministers of Justice interrupted and perverted and at other times by the means aforesaid hath indeavoured to interrupt and pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Courts at Westminster and other Courts to the Subversion of the Laws of this Kingdom whereby sundry of his Majesty's Subjects have been stopped in their Just Suits and deprived of their Lawful Rights and subjected to his Tyrannical Will to their utter Ruin and Destruction I have neither by Letters Messages Threats nor Promises nor by any other Means endeavoured to interrupt or pervert the course of Justice in his Majesty's Judges or other Ministers of Justice either to the Subversion of the Law or the stopping of the Subjects in their Just Suits Much less to the ruin or destruction of any one which God forbid I should ever be guilty of The most that ever I have done in this kind is this When some poor Clergy-Men which have been held in long Suits some Seven Nine Twelve Years and one for Nineteen Years together have come and besought me with Tears and have scarce had convenient Clothing about them to come and make their address I have sometimes underwritten their Petitions to those Reverend Judges in whose Courts their Suits were and have fairly desired Expedition for them But I did never desire by any Letter or Subscription or Message any thing for any of them but that which was according to the Law and Justice of the Realm And in this particular I do refer my self to the Testimony of the Reverend Judges of the Common Law 4. That the said Arch-Bishop hath Traiterously and Corruptly sold Justice to those that have had Causes depending before him by Colour of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as Arch-Bishop High-Commissioner Referree or otherwise and hath taken unlawful Gifts and Bribes of his

a great deal of Thanks in the Name of that Nation Nor did I labour to introduce into the Kingdom of Scotland any Innovations in Religion or Government Neither do all or the most part or indeed any of those pretended Innovations tend to Popery or Superstition as hath before been sufficiently proved Neither did I upon their refusal to submit to these Advise his Majesty to Subdue them by force of Arms but the Counsels which I gave were open either at the Committee or the Council-Table Neither did I by my own Power and Authority contrary to Law procure any of his Majesty's Subjects or inforce the Clergy of England to contribute to the maintenance of that War But the Subsidies which were given to his Majesty at that time were given freely and in open Convocation and without any practice of my self or any other as appears by what I have formerly laid down But because so much noise hath been made against me both in the Scottish Charge before answered and in this Article about Popish Innovations in that Service-Book and that I laboured the introducing both of it and them I think it fit if not necessary to set down briefly the Story what was done and what I did and by what Command in all that Business And it follows Dr. John Maxwel the late Bishop of Ross came to me from his Majesty it was during the time of a great and dangerous Fever under which I then laboured It was in the Year 1629. in August or September which come that time is Thirteen Years since The Cause of his coming was to speak with me about a Liturgy for Scotland At his coming I was so extream Ill that I saw him not And had Death which I then expected daily as did my Friends and Physicians also seized on me I had not seen this heavy time After this when I was able to sit up he came to me again and told me it was his Majesty's Pleasure that I should receive Instructions from some Bishops of Scotland concerning a Liturgy for that Church and that he was imployed from my Lord the Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews and other Prelates there about it I told him I was clear of Opinion that if his Majesty would have a Liturgy setled there it were best to take the English Liturgy without any variation that so the same service-Service-Book might be established in all his Majesty's Dominions Which I did then and do still think would have been a great Happiness to this State and a great Honour and Safety to Religion To this he replyed that he was of a contrary Opinion and that not he only but the Bishops of that Kingdom thought their Country-men would be much better satisfied it a Liturgy were framed by their own Clergy than to have the English Liturgy put upon them yet he added that it might be according to the Form of our English Service-Book I answered to this that if this were the Resolution of my Brethren the Bishops of Scotland I would not entertain so much as Thoughts about it till I might by God's Blessing have Health and Opportunity to wait upon his Majesty and receive his farther directions from himself When I was able to go abroad I came to his Majesty and represented all that had passed His Majesty avowed the sending of Dr. Maxwell to me and the Message sent by him But then he inclined to my Opinion to have the English Service without any alteration to be established there And in this Condition I held that Business for two if not three Years at least Afterwards the Scottish Bishops still pressing his Majesty that a Liturgy Framed by themselves and in some few things different from ours would relish better with their Countrymen They at last prevailed with his Majesty to have it so and carried it against me notwithstanding all I could say or do to the contrary Then his Majesty Commanded me to give the Bishops of Scotland my best Assistance in this Way and Work I delayed as much as I could with my Obedience and when nothing would serve but it must go on I confess I was then very serious and gave them the best help I could But wheresoever I had any doubt I did not only acquaint his Majesty with it but Writ down most of the Amendments or Alterations in his Majesty's Presence And I do verily believe there is no one thing in that Book which may not stand with the Conscience of a right Good Protestant Sure I am his Majesty approved them all and I have his Warrant under his Royal Hand for all that I did about that Book And to the end the Book may be extant and come to the view of the Christian World and their Judgment of it be known I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin and if right be done it shall be Printed with this History This was that which I did concerning the Matter and Substance of this service-Service-Book As for the way of Introducing it I ever advised the Bishops both in his Majesty's Presence and at other times both by Word and by Writing that they would look carefully to it and be sure to do nothing about it but what should be agreeable to the Laws of that Kingdom And that they should at all times be sure to take the Advice of the Lords of his Majesty's Council in that Kingdom and govern themselves and their Proceedings accordingly Which Course if they have not followed that can no way reflect upon me who have both in this and all things else been as careful of their Laws as any Man who is a Stranger to them could be And in a Letter of mine after my last coming out of Scotland thus I wrote to the late Reverend Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Septemb. 30. 1633. concerning the Liturgy That whether that of England or another were resolved on yet 〈◊〉 should proceed Circumspectly Because his Majesty had no intendment to do any thing but that which was according to Honour and Justice and the Laws of that Kingdom And a Copy of this Letter I have yet by me to shew And for the truth of this Narration I know His Majesty and my Lord of Ross himself will avow it And here I take leave to acquaint the Reader That this was no new Conceit of His Majesty to have a Liturgy framed and Canons made for the Church of Scotland For he followed his Royal Father King James his Example and Care therein who took Order for both at the Assembly of Perth An. 1618. And now to return again to the Article There is one Charge more in it and that 's concerning the Pacification made the 〈◊〉 Year The Article says I did Censure it as Dishonourable and Advise for a new War But I did neither That which I spake was openly at the Council-Table and in His Majesty's presence And it was this There arose a debate at the Table about these Affairs and the Pacification and I

how such a Carriage as this through the whole Course of my Life in private and publick can stand with an Intention nay a Practice to overthrow the Law and to introduce an Arbitrary Government which my Soul hath always hated I cannot yet see And 't is now many Years since I learned of my great Master In humanis Aristotle Periculosum esse that it is a very dangerous thing to trust to the Will of the Judge rather than the written Law And all Kingdoms and Commonwealths have followed his Judgment ever since and the School-Disputes have not dissented from it Nay more I have ever been of Opinion that Humane Laws bind the Conscience and have accordingly made Conscience of observing them And this Doctrine I have constantly Preached as occasion hath been offered me And how is it possible I should seek to overthrow those Laws which I held my self bound in Conscience to keep and observe Especially since an endeavour to overthrow Law is a far greater Crime than to break or disobey any particular Law whatsoever all Particulars being swept away in that General And my Lords that this is my Judgment both of Parliaments and Laws I beseech your Lordships that I may read a short Passage in my Book against Fisher the Jesuit which was Printed and Published to the World before these Troubles fell on me and before I could so much as suspect this Charge could come against me and therefore could not be purposely written to serve any Turn I had leave and did read it but for Brevities sake refer the Reader to the Book it self As for Religion I was born and bred up in and under the Church of England as it yet stands Established by Law I have by God's Blessing and the Favour of my Prince grown up in it to the Years which are now upon me and to the Place of Preferment which I yet bear And in this Church by the Grace and Goodness of God I resolve to Dye I have ever since I understood ought in Divinity kept one constant Tenor in this my Profession without variation or shifting from one Opinion to another for any worldly Ends And if my Conscience would have suffered me to shift Tenets in Religion with Time and Occasion I could easily have slid through all the difficulties which have pressed upon me in this kind But of all Diseases I have ever hated a Palsie in Religion well knowing that too often a Dead-Palsie ends that Difease in the fearful forgetfulness of God and his Judgments Ever since I came in Place I laboured nothing more than that the External Publick Worship of God too much slighted in most parts of this Kingdom might be preserved and that with as much Decency and Uniformity as might be being still of Opinion that Vnity cannot long continue in the Church where Vniformity is shut out at the Church-Door And I evidently saw that the Publick neglect of God's Service in the outward Face of it and the nasty lying of many Places Dedicated to that Service had almost cast a Damp upon the true and inward Worship of God which while we live in the Body needs External helps and all little enough to keep it in any vigour And this I did to the uttermost of my Knowledge according both to Law and Canon and with the consent and liking of the People Nor did any Command Issue out from me against the one or without the other that I know of Farther my Lords give me leave I beseech you to tell you this also That I have as little Acquaintance with Recusants of any sort as I believe any Man of Place in England hath And for my Kindred no one of them was ever a Recusant but Sir William Webb Grandchild to my Uncle Sir William Webb sometimes Lord Mayor of London and him with some of his Children I reduced back again to the Church of England as is well known and I as able to prove One thing more I humbly desire may be thought on 't is this I I am fallen into a great deal of Obloquy in Matter of Religion and that so far as that 't is charged in the Articles That I have endeavoured to advance and bring in Popery Perhaps my Lords I am not ignorant what Party of Men have raised this Scandal upon me nor for what End nor perhaps by whom set on But howsoever I would fain have a good Reason given me if my Conscience lead me that way and that with my Conscience I could Subscribe to the Church of Rome what should have kept me here before my Imprisonment to indure the Libels and the Slanders and the base usage in all kinds which have been put upon me and these to end in this Question for my Life I say I would fain know a good Reason of this For first My Lords Is it because of any Pledges I have in the World to sway me against my Conscience No sure For I have nor Wife nor Children to cry out upon me to stay with them and if I had I hope the Call of my Conscience should be heard above them Or Secondly Is it because I was loth to leave the Honour and the Profit of the Place I was risen unto Surely no For I desire your Lordships and all the World else should know I do much scorn Honour and Profit both the one and the other in comparison of my Conscience Besides it cannot be imagined by any Reasonable Man but that if I could have complyed with Rome I should not have wanted either Honour or Profit And suppose I could not have so much of either as here I had yet sure would my Conscience have served me that way less of either with my Conscience would have prevailed with me more than greater against my Conscience Or Thirdly Is it because I lived here at ease and was loth to venture the loss of that Not so neither For whatsoever the World may be pleased to think of me I have 〈◊〉 very painful Life and such as I could have been very well content to change had I well known how And had my Conscience led me that way I am sure I might have lived at far more ease and either have avoided the barbarous Libellings and other bitter and grievous Scorns which I have here indured or at the least been out of the hearing of them Nay my Lords I am as Innocent in this business of Religion as free from all Practice or so much as thought of Practice for any alteration to Popery or any way blemishing the True Protestant Religion Established in the Church of England as I was when my Mother first bare me into the World And let nothing be spoken against me but Truth and I do here Challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to say their worst against me in point of my Religion In which by God's Grace I have ever hated Dissimulation and had I not

considerable also that as the state of the Church yet stands the Laity have the benefit by the Leases which they hold of more than five parts of all the Bishops Deans and Chapters and College Revenues in England And shall it be yet an Eye-sore to serve themselves with the rest of their own This Evidence Mr. Browne whose part it was to summ up the Evidence against me at the end of the Charge wholly omitted For what Cause he best knows The next Charge was about my Injunctions in my Visitation of Winton and Sarum for the taking down of some Houses But they were such as were upon Consecrated Ground and ought not to have been built there and yet with caution sufficient to preserve the Lessees from over-much dammage For it appears apud Acta that they were not to be pulled down till their several Leases were expired And that they were Houses not built long since but by them and that all this was to be done to the end that the Church might suffer no dammage by them And that this demolition was to be made Juxta Decreta Regni according to the Statutes of the Kingdom Therefore nothing injoyned contrary to Law Or if any thing were the Injunction took not place by the very Tenor of that which was charged Mr. Browne omitted this Charge also though he hung heavily upon the like at St. Pauls though there was satisfaction given and not here The Ninth Charge was my intended Visitation of both the Vniversities Oxford and Cambridge For my Troubles began then to be foreseen by me and I Visited them not This was urged as a thing directly against Law But this I conceive cannot be so long as it was with the King's Knowledge and by his Warrant Secondly because all Power of the King's Visitations was saved in the Warrant and that with consent of all parts Thirdly because nothing in this was surreptitiously gotten from the King all being done at a most full Council-Table and great Councel at Law heard on both sides Fourthly because it did there appear that three of my Predecessors did actually Visit the Vniversities and that Jure Ecclesiae suae Metropoliticae Fifthly no Immunity pleaded why the Arch-Bishop should not Visit for the instance against Cardinal Poole is nothing For he attempted to Visit not only by the Right of his See but by his power Legatin from the Pope whereas the University Charters are Express that such power of Visitation cannot be granted per Bullas Papales And yet now 't is charged against me that I challenged this by Papal Power Mr. Browne wholly neglected this Charge also which making such a shew I think he would not have done had he found it well grounded The Tenth Charge was my Visitation of Merton College in Oxford The Witness Sir Nathaniel Brent the Warden of the College and principally concerned in that business He said First that no Visitation held so long But if he consult his own Office he may find one much longer held and continued at All-Souls College by my worthy Predecessor Arch-Bishop Whitgift Secondly he urged that I should say I would be Warden for Seven Years If I did so say there was much need I should make it good Thirdly That one Mr. Rich. Nevil Fellow of that College lay abroad in an Ale-House that a Wench was got with Child in that House and he accused of it and that this was complained of to me and Sir Nath. Brent accused for Conspiring with the Ale-Wife against Nevil I am not here to accuse the one or defend the other But the Case is this This Cause between them was publick and came to Hearing in the Vice-Chancellor's Court Witnesses Examined Mr. Nevil acquitted and the Ale-Wife punished In all this I had no Hand Then in my Visitation it was again complained of to me I liked not the business but forbare to do any thing in it because it had been Legally Censured upon the place This part of the Charge Mr. Browne urged against me in the House of Commons and I gave it the same Answer Lastly when I sate to hear the main Business of that College Sir Nathaniel Brent was beholding to me that he continued Warden For in Arch-Bishop Warham's time a Predecessor of his was expelled for less than was proved against him And I found that true which one of my Visitors had formerly told me namely That Sir Nathaniel Brent had so carried himself in that College as that if he were guilty of the like he would lay his Key under the Door and be gone rather than come to Answer it Yet I did not think it fit to proceed so rigidly But while I was going to open some of the Particulars against him Mr. Nicolas cut me off and told the Lords this was to scandalize their Witnesses So I forbare Then followed the last Charge of this day concerning a Book of Dr Bastwick's for which he was Censured in the High-Commission The Witnesses in this Charge were three Mr. Burton a Mortal Enemy of mine and so he hath shewed himself Mrs. Bastwick a Woman and a Wife and well Tutoured For she had a Paper and all written which she had to say though I saw it not till 't was too late And Mr. Hunscot a Man that comes in to serve all turns against me since the Sentence passed against the Printers for Thou shalt commit Adultery In the Particulars of this Charge 't is first said That this Book was written Contra Episcopos Latiales But how cunningly so-ever this was pretended 't is more than manifest it was purposely written and divulged against the Bishops and Church of England Secondly that I said that Christian Bishops were before Christian Kings So Burton and Mrs. Bastwick And with due Reverence to all Kingly Authority be it spoken who can doubt but that there were many Christian Bishops before any King was Christian Thirdly Mr. Burton says that I applied those words in the Psalm whom thou may'st make Princes in all Lands to the Bishops For this if I did err in it many of the Fathers of the Church mis-led me who Interpret that place so And if I be mistaken 't is no Treason But I shall ever follow their Comments before Mr. Burton's Fourthly Mrs. Bastwick says that I then said no Bishop and no King If I did say so I Learned it of a Wise and Experienced Author King James who spake it out and plainly in the Conference at Hampton-Court And I hope it cannot be Treason in me to repeat it Fifthly Mrs. Bastwick complained that I committed her Husband close Prisoner Not I but the High-Commission not close Prisoner to his Chamber but to the Prison not to go abroad with his Keeper Which is all the close Imprisonment which I ever knew that Court use Lastly the pinch of this Charge is that I said I received my Jurisdiction

would be made of them then that last Remedy but never till then This last Passage Mr. Brown insisted upon The taking of good Books from the People But as I have answered there was no such thing done or intended only a Word spoken to make busie Men see how they abused themselves and the Church by misunderstanding and misapplying that which was written for the good of both Lastly it was urged He said that the Communion-Table must stand Altarwise that Strangers which come and look into these Churches might not see such a Disproportion The Holy Table standing one way in the Mother-Church and quite otherwise in the Parochial annexed And truly to see this could be no Commendation of the Discipline of the Church of England But howsoever Mr. Clarke the other Witness with Wyan and agreeing with him in the most says plainly that it was the Lord of Arundel that spake this not I And that he was seconded in it by the Lord Weston then Lord Treasurer not by me The last Charge of this Day was a passage out of one Mr Shelford's Book p. 20 21. That they must take the Reverend Prelates for their Examples c. And Mr. Pryn Witnessed the like was in the Missal p. 256. Mr. Shelford is a meer Stranger to me his Book I never read if he have said any thing Unjust or Untrue let him answer for himself As for the like to that which he says being in the Missal though that be but a weak Argument yet let him salve it Here this Day ending I was put off to Saturday June 1. And then again put off to Thursday June 6. which held CAP. XXXIV My Twelfth Day of Hearing THis Day Serjeant Wild instead of beginning with a new Charge made another long Reply to my Answers of the former Day Whether he found that his former Reply made at the time was weak and so reputed I cannot tell But another he made as full of premeditated Weakness as the former was of sudden Mr. Pryn I think perceived it and was often at his Ear but Mr. Serjeant was little less than angry and would on I knew I was to make no Answer to any Reply and so took no Notes Indeed holding it all as it was that is either nothing or nothing to the purpose This tedious Reply ended Then came on the First Charge about the Window of Coloured Glass set up in the New Chappel at Westminster It was the History of the coming down of the Holy-Ghost upon the Apostles This was Charged to be done by me and at my Cost The Witnesses Mr. Brown imployed in setting up the Window and Mr Sutton the Glasier These Men say that Dr Newell Sub-Dean of Westminster gave Order for the Window and the setting of it up but they know not at whose Cost nor was any Order given from me So here 's nothing Charged upon me And if it were I know nothing amiss in the Window As for the Kings Arms being taken down as they say Let them answer that did it Though I believe that the King's Arms standing alone in a white Window was not taken down out of any ill meaning but only out of necessity to make way for the History The Second Charge was the Picture of the Blessed Virgin set upon a New-Built Door at S Marys in Oxford Here Alderman Nixon says That some Passengers put off their Hats and as he supposes to that Picture But my Lords his Supposal is no Proof He says that the next day he saw it But what did he see Nothing but the putting off the Hat For he could not see why or to what unless they which put off told it They might put off to some Acquaintance that passed by He farther says he saw a Man in that Porch upon his Knees and he thinks praying but he cannot say to that But then if the Malice he hath long born me would have suffer'd him he might have stayed till he knew to whom he was Praying for till then 't is no Evidence He says he thinks that I Countenanced the setting of it up because it was done by Bishop Owen But Mr Bromfeeld who did that Work gave Testimony to the Lords that I had nothing to do in it He says there was an Image set up at Carfax Church but pulled down again by Mr Widdows Vicar there But this hath no relation at all to me This Picture of the Blessed Virgin was twice mentioned before And Sir Nath Brent could say nothing to it but Hearsay And Mr Corbet did not so much as hear of any Abuse And now Alderman Nixon says he saw Hats put off but the wise Man knows not to what Nor is there any shew of Proof offer'd that I had any Hand or Approbation in the setting of it up Or that ever any Complaint was made to me of any Abuse to it or dislike of it And yet Mr. Brown when he gave the Summ of the Charge against me insisted upon this also as some great Fault of mine which I cannot yet see In the next Charge Mr. Serjeant is gone back again to White-Hall as in the former to Oxford The Witnesses are Mrs. Charnock and her Daughter They say they went being at Court into the Chappel and it seems a Woman with them that was a Papist And that while they were there Dr. Brown one of the King's Chaplains came in Bowed toward the Communion-Table and then at the Altar kneeled down to his Prayers I do not know of any Fault Dr. Brown committed either in doing Reverence to God or Praying and there And yet if he had committed any Fault I hope I shall not answer for him I was not then Dean of the Chappel nor did any ever complain to me They say that two Strangers came into the Chappel at the same time and saw what Dr. Brown did and said thereupon that sure we did not differ much and should be of one Religion shortly And that the Woman which was with these Witnesses told them they were Priests First this can no way Relate to me for neither did these Women complain to me of it nor any from them Secondly if these two Men were Priests and did say as is Testified are we ever a whit the nearer them in Religion Indeed if all the difference between Rome and us consisted in outward Reverence and no Points of Doctrine some Argument might hence be drawn but the Points of Doctrine being so many and great put stop enough to that Thirdly if Recusants Priests especially did so speak might it not be said in Cunning to Discountenance all External Worship in the Service of God that so they may have opportunity to make more Proselytes And 't is no small Advantage to my knowledge which they have this way made And this was the Answer which I gave Mr. Brown when he Charged this upon me in the House of Commons Here before they went any farther Mr. Serjeant Wilde

altered Which is absolute Nonsence Secondly he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out But that is visibly untrue for it is left in Thirdly that though it be in yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist as also their Rebellion Neither For the Change is this That Antichristian Sect altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which c. and whose Religion is Rebellion altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist but moderates both And for ought I yet know 't is necessary it should For if their Religion be Rebellion see what it will produce Is not this the Syllogism The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist Therefore Christianity is Rebellion I may not inlarge but you may see more if you please in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me he did not so much as mention that I had the King 's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular And besides urged this as a great Innovation because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years Not remembring therewhile that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament must be taken away or altered though it hath continued above Fourscore Nay and Episcopacy must be quite abolished though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford who came to Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the 〈◊〉 The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle I remember not the Relation He says he came to my Chaplain Dr Bray to License it And that Dr Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it which were better left out because we were upon a way of winning the Papists First I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too And Secondly I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England Especially if so easie a Cure as avoiding harsh Language would do it He says my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth Sure if the Censure be false he had reason to except against it if true yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says he came and complained to me and that I told him I was not at leisure but left it to my Chaplain So the Charge upon me was That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book and I would not Redress it To this I answerd First that my Chaplain was Dead and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book can neither confess him to be in an Errour nor yet justifie him Secondly for my own refusing to meddle with it Sir Edward took me in a time of business when I could not attend it Thirdly if I had absolutely refused it and left it to my Chaplain I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords that Arch-Bishop Abbot my immediate Predecessor and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain would never meddle with Licensing Books but ever referred them to his Chaplains And Dr. Mocket another of his Chaplains well known to Dr. Featly suffered for a Book sharply yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it Fourthly as the Liberty of the Press is in England and of the Books which are tendred to the Press the Arch-Bishop had better Grind than take that Work to his own Hands especially considering his many and necessary Avocations Lastly no Man ever complained to me in this kind but this Gentleman only So it is one only single Offence if it be any But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford I cannot yet see And so I answered Mr. Brown who in his Summary Charge forgot not this But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply in such Language as I am willing to forget The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. Potter about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken The Business this Dr Potter writ to me for my Advice I used not to be Peremptory but put some few things back to his farther consideration Of which three were now Charged upon me The first was he used this phrase Believe in the Pope I desired him to consider of In And in this I yet know not wherein I offend The Second was this Phrase The Idol of Rome I advised him to consider this Phrase too that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was And here Mr Nicolas cryed out with vehemency That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol I had not Dr Potter's Book now at hand and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it but else as many at least think the Mass the Idol of Rome as the Pope Unless Mr Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments The Third was That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. as I remember did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine as the Church But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments because there Mr. Brown began with this The two former he Charged also and I answered them as before But he omitted that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration In which way I humbly conceive I cannot be in Crime though I were in Errour Here ended the Business of this Day and I was Ordered to attend again June 27. CAP. XXXVIII The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I appeared again And the first Charge laid against me was my Chaplain Dr Bray's Expungings out of Dr Featly's Sermons The same Charge ad Verbum which was before and I give it the same Answer These Repetitions of the same things being only to increase Clamour and to fill more Mens Ears with it The Second Charge was certain Expunctions of some things against the Papists in Dr Clark's Sermons The Witness which Swore to the passages left out was one Mr White a Minister and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr Clark's But First this Witness is single Secondly he brought only a Paper in which he had written down what was Expunged but Dr Clark's Sermons he brought not with it So 't is not impossible he might be mistaken Howsoever I not having the Book could not possibly make an

to that which should be his Quiet the Grave 7. The Seventh was Arch-Bishop Neile a Man well known to be as true to and as stout for the Church of England established by Law as any Man that came to Preferment in it Nor could his great Enemy Mr. Smart say any thing now against him but a Hearsay from one Dr. Moor of Winchester And I cannot but profess it grieves me much to hear so many Honest and Worthy Men so used when the Grave hath shut up their Mouths from answering for themselves 8. The next was Dr Cosin to be Dean of Peterborough I named Four of his Majesty's Chaplains to him as he had Commanded me And the King pitched upon Dr. Cosens in regard all the Means he then had lay in and about Duresm and was then in the Scots Hands so that he had nothing but Forty Pound a Year by his Headship in Peter-House to maintain himself his Wife and Children 9. The Ninth was Dr. Potter a known Arminian to the Deanery of Worcester What Proof of this Nothing but the Docket And what of the Crime Nothing but Dr. Featly's Testimony who says no more but this That Dr. Potter was at first against Arminianism that 's Absolute But afterwards he defended it as he hath heard there 's a Hearsay 10. The Tenth was Dr Baker 11. The Eleventh Dr Weeks Both very Honest and Able Men but Preferred by their own Lord the Lord Bishop of London 12. The Twelfth was Dr Bray He had been my Chaplain above Ten Years in my House I found him a very Able and an Honest Man and had reason to Prefer him to be able to Live well and I did so Here is nothing objected against him but his Expungings and not Expungings of some Books which if he were Living I well hope he would be able to give good Account for 13. The Thirteenth Dr Heylin He is known to be a Learned and an Able Man but for his Preferment both to be his Majesty's Chaplain and for that which he got in that Service he owes it under God to the Memory of the Earl of Danby who took care of him in the University 14. After these they named some whom they said I preferred to be the King's Chaplains The Witness here Mr. Oldsworth the Lord Chamberlain's Secretary He says the Power and Practice of naming Chaplains was in the Lord Chamberlain for these 25. Years And I say 't is so still for ought I know He says that in all things concerning which the Lord Chamberlain's Warrant went in this Form These are to will and require you c. that there his Lordship did it without consulting the King and that the Warrant for Chaplains run all in this Form First this is more than I know or ever heard of till now Secondly be it so yet 't is hard to deny the King to hear Men Preach before they be sworn his Chaplains if his Majesty desire it since it argues a great care in the King especially in such a Factious time as began to overlay this Church Thirdly he confesses that he knows not who put the King upon this way but believes that I did it He is single and his belief only is no Evidence And whosoever gave the King that Advice deserved very well both of his Majesty and the Church of England That none might be put about him in that Service but such as himself should approve of But that which troubled this Witness was another thing He had not Money for every one that was made Chaplain nor Money to get them a Month to wait in nor Money to change their Month if it were inconvenient for their other Occasions nor Money for sparing their Attendance when they pleased In which and other things I would he had been as careful of his Lord's Honour as I have been in all things For 't is well known in Court I observed his Lordship as much as any Man The Men which are instanced in are Dr Heylin But he was preferred to that Service by my Lord the Earl of Danby Then Dr. Potter But the Lord Keeper Coventry was his means Dr. Cosens was preferred by Bishop Neile whose Chaplain he had been many Years and he moved the Lord Chamberlain for it Dr Lawrence was my Lord Chamberlain's own Chaplain and preferred by himself and in all likelyhood by Mr. Oldsworth's means For he was Fellow of Magdalen College in Oxford as Mr. Oldsworth himself was and he once to my Knowledge had a great Opinion of him Dr. Haywood indeed was my Chaplain but I preferred him not to his Majesty till he had Preached divers times in Court with great Approbation nor then but with my Lord Chamberlain's Love and Liking As for Dr. Pocklington I know not who recommended him nor is there any Proof offered that I did it 15. Then they proceeded to my own Chaplains They name Four of them First Dr. Weeks But he was never in my House never medled with the Licensing of any Books till he was gone from me to the Bishop of London So he is charged with no Fault so long as he was mine The Second Dr Haywood But he is charged with nothing but Sales which was a most desperate Plot against him as is before shewed The Third was Dr. Martin Against him came Mr. Pryn for his Arminian Sermon at S. Pauls Cross. But that 's answered before And Mr. Walker who said he proposed Arminian Questions to divers Ministers Belike such as were to be examined by him But he adds as these Ministers told him So 't is but a Hear-say And say he did propose such Questions may it not be fit enough to try how able they were to answer them The Fourth was Dr. Bray Against him Dr. Featly was again produced for that which he had expunged out of his Sermons But when I saw this so often inculcated to make a noise I humbly desired of the Lords that I might ask Dr. Featly one Question Upon leave granted I asked him Whether nothing were of late expunged out of a Book of his written against a Priest and desired him to speak upon the Oath he had taken He answered roundly that divers passages against the Anabaptists and some in defence of the Liturgy of the Church of England were expunged I asked by whom He said by Mr. Rouse and the Committee or by Mr. Rouse or the Committee Be it which it will I observed to the Lords that Mr. Rouse and the Committee might expunge Passages against the Anabaptists nay for the Liturgy established by Law but my Chaplains may not expunge any thing against the Papists though perhaps mistaken From thence they fell upon Men whom they said I had preferred to Benefices They named but Two Dr Heylin was one again whom I preferred not The other was Dr Jackson the late President of Corpus Christi College in Oxford Dr Featly being produced said Dr Jackson was a known Arminian If so to him 't is well The Man

is upon the bare Circumstance of Quomodo How Christ is present in the Sacrament As for that which was said in the beginning of this Charge That Rome is a True Church I ever did and ever must grant it that such it is Veritate Entis in the Truth of it's Entity and Being For as I have said against Fisher Ens Verum Being and True are convertible one with another And every thing that hath a Being is truly that Being which it is in truth of Substance but a Right or an Orthodox Church I never said it was either in Doctrine or Manners As a Thief is a true Man in Verity of his Essence that is he is a Creature indued with Reason but it doth not therefore follow that he is a true Man Veritate Moris in his Life and Conversation And this I answered first to the Lords and after to Mr. Brown's Summary Charge who in his last Reply said two things First That when I said Rome was a True Church I spake it generally without this Distinction But this is quite beyond the Proof for no Witness says so Besides it is manifest by distinction of Fundamentals from other Doctrines acknowledged by both the Witnesses that I did not speak it absolutely but plain enough to any ordinary Understanding Secondly which I was very sorry to hear from so grave a Man he added That there was no Truth of a Church but in the Verity of Doctrine and Manners and that in Veritate Entis a Company of Turks were a True Church Now God be merciful to us whither are we posting 'T is known that the Greek Word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies Church signifies also in Heathen Authors any kind of Company or Congregation of Men Turks if you will But in Ecclesiastical Writers and among all Christians the Word Church is used only and so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 too for a Company of Men which profess the Faith of Christ and are Baptized into his Name And will any Man say that a Company of Turks are such a Church in Veritate Entis in the Verity of this Being as all the World knows Papists are Or if he will not speak de Ente tali but change the Suppositum he may say what he please But I was very much troubled to hear this and from him I had almost forgot that Mr. Nicolas here pressed the Authority of the Homilies upon me again where 't is said That the Bishop of Rome and their Adherents are not the true Church But the Answer is easie For I say as the Homily doth and as it means too in that place Namely that the Church of Rome is not the true that is not the Catholick Church nor the Head thereof But there is a great deal of difference between the Church and a Church The one is the General the other a Particular The Church it cannot be A Church it is and a true one too in the Sense before specified Upon occasion of this Mr. Nicolas his Mouth was open again and said That at the beginning I reckon'd up some that I had Converted But if this were my Opinion and that if this might stand for good I might Convert the Devil and all My Ears had been so beaten with his Language that I was patient and left him to insult And to help on this business while he was in these loud Expressions the E. of Pembrook came to Mr. Burton to the Bar and in my hearing desired him to repeat the Testimony he had given which Mr. Burton did and his Lordship seemed to be much pleased with it Not long before when the News was come hot to the House that York was taken when I came at Five in the Afternoon to make my Answer I was no sooner come to the Bar but the same Lord came and sat just before me and there with much Joy told Mr. Lieutenant the News I presume he did it in favour to me because he thought it would put me in very good Heart being then instantly to begin to make my Answer God forgive this Lord for I have deserved in my time far better of him if he understood himself or any Man else The next Charge was out of Dr. Packlinton's Altare Christianum p. 49 50. where he speaks they say for I now have not his Book of a Happiness that the Bishops of England can derive their Succession from St. Peter which in great Scorn Mr. Nicolas called the Archbishop's Pedigree First If there be any Crime in this Dr. Pocklinton is to Answer it not I. Secondly He may scorn what he will but Wise Men know 't is a great Honour to the Church of England and a great Stopple in the Mouths of the Romanists that her Bishops can derive their Calling successively from St Peter especially considering how much they stand upon personal Succession Thirdly Dr. Pocklinton in this says no more for me and the Bishops than St. Augustin urged for himself and his Brethren against the Donatists in the same words save that St. Aug. begins at St. Peter and descends to his own time and the Dr. begins at his own time and ascends to St. Peter But it seems an Upstart Clergy without a Calling will serve Mr. Nicolas well enough The Sixth Charge was That Books were written of purpose to maintain these Opinions and such Men as writ them only preferred He named Mr. Shelford Mr. Butterfield Dr. Cosins and Dr. Pocklinton This hath been Clamoured upon already if any have set out unworthy Books they may be called to account for it I hope I shall not answer for all the Divines in the Kingdom They whom I preferred were Worthy and Able Men and it will not be in the Power of Mr. White 's Centuries to Blast a Man of them among any that know them For these that are named Mr. Shelford I know not Mr. Butterfield I saw punished in the High-Commission Neither of them preferred that I know The two last by whomsoever they were preferred deserved all the Preferment they had and more The Seventh Charge is out of my Diary at June 15 1632. where 't is said that I preferred Mr Secretary Windebank my old Friend And here Mr. Nicolas laid all the Correspondency open which he said that Gentleman had with the Popes Agents with Priests and Jesuits and when he had made him this way as foul as he could then I must be guilty of all for preferring such a Man to the King This Gentleman was indeed my ancient Friend In my many Years Acquaintance with him I saw nothing in him but Honesty and Worth If when he was preferred he deceived my Opinion he is living to answer for himself Many in all Ages have been preferred to Princes which do not answer the Hopes and Desires of them which prefer them and yet they not made answerable for them neither But whether he did fail in any Publick Trust or no I am not his Judge

Pryn and caused it to be here inserted H. W. Jan. 29. Mar. 4. See the Order 〈◊〉 Rushw. p. 827. Pryn p. 48. Mar. 9. Scilicet plus quam 〈◊〉 triennio 〈◊〉 tempus 〈◊〉 judicium 〈◊〉 seni Tacit. L. 6. 〈◊〉 * have 〈◊〉 Tacit. L. 3. 〈◊〉 Note that where entire set Speeches were made by the Arch-Bishop although spoken by him at the Bar the same marks are put to it But wheresoever those marks are found in the History from the second to the last day of the Trial inclusive the words to which they are affixed were not spoken at the Bar at that time but either added afterwards by the Arch-Bishop at the Recapitulation of his Answer or inserted in writing the History H. W. Die Primo Mar. 12. 1643. See a Relation of what then passed before Wild began his Speech apud Rushw. p. 827. and Wild's Speech entire Ibid. p. 828 c. and in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 51 c. * The Death and dispersion of our Witnesses the 〈◊〉 of some of our Members who have been employed and taken pains in 〈◊〉 business So Wild's Speech apud Pryn p. 51. * The multitude of diversions which we have had and have daily So Wild's Speech Ibid. * Treason in the highest pitch and altitude So Wild's Speech p. 52. * Transubstantiation is not mentioned in Wild's Speech apud Pryn p. 52. † The particular Ceremonies charged with Popery and Superstition are not named in Wild's Speech Ibid. * None of the Particulars which follow to the end save the conclusive Sentence are to be found in Wild's Speech apud Pryn but only some General 〈◊〉 and Accusations to this purpose H. W. Optat. L. 6. Cont. 〈◊〉 This Speech is extant also in Rushw. p. 830 c. Heylin p. 516 c. Pryn p. 53 c. * Capitally or Criminally Rushworth Pryn. Sen L. 6. de Benef. c. 28. † Much more Rushw. Pryn. Act. 25. 11. Job 27. 〈◊〉 * An 〈◊〉 to subvert Rush. Pryn. † Testimony Rush. Pryn. | here 〈◊〉 Heylin Rush. Pryn. Arist. 2. 〈◊〉 c. 7 8. Tho. 2. 2a 〈◊〉 60. 〈◊〉 5. Confer with Fisher §. 26. Num. 14 p. 211. * now Rush. Pryn. † 〈◊〉 a 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 dangerous Rushw. | so Rush. Pryn. * 〈◊〉 you with Rush. Pryn. † my Place hath or ever had since the 〈◊〉 Rush. Pryn. | since which Rush. Pryn. * 〈◊〉 Rush. Pryn. † Libelling Rush. Pryn. * served Rush. Pryn. * more Rush. Pryn. † more Rush. Pryn. | Men of great abilities and some Rush. Pryn. * promised Rush. Pryn. W. Pryn in his Popish Royal Favour p. 71. Pryn in Printing the Arch-Bishop's Speech 〈◊〉 this whole Passage concerning himself H. W. * See Rushworth p. 832. who relateth that when some of the Lords hearing the Name of Birkenhead and imagining him to be the Author of the Oxford Aulicus smiled at it the Arch-Bishop taking notice of it stopped and assured the Lords that he meant not him but another Person of like Name Yet after all Pryn in publishing this Speech hath the Impudence to affirm in the Margin of his Book that this Convert of the Arch 〈◊〉 was the Author of all the Libellous Popish Oxford Aulicus's although he knew full well that his Name was John Birkenhead and adds that at the naming of this 〈◊〉 most of the Lords and 〈◊〉 smil'd but saith not one word of the Arch-Bishop's correction of their mistake H. W. † in St. Johns Rush. Pryn. 9. | Chesford Rush. Pryn. * and Sister Rush. Pryn. † Right Honourable the Countess of Buckingham Rush. Pryn. 13. * A desperate Apostate-Papist Mr. Cheynes's Sermon at his Funeral informs us how good a 〈◊〉 be Lived and Died. Thus Godly Will. Pryn in his Marginal Note on this place p. 56. † 〈◊〉 Gentleman Rushw. Pryn. 20. | Winchcomb Rushw. Pryn. 21. * Wollescot Rushw. Pryn. † It being only in God's Power not mine to preserve them from relapse Rushw. Pryn. Note that the 〈◊〉 Copies of this Speech Printed in Rush. c. are very different from this being taken from the Arch-Bishop's Mouth as he spoke this from the Original as be wrote it H. W. * Hundreds of real Converts to Christ for every one of his pretended ones and that himself had Converted above 120 Papists Pryn p. 56. Die Secundo Mar. 13. 1643. I. Sir Ed. Cook Inst. p. 3. c. 1. Speed in Hen. 4. §. 42. Ibid. II. 1 Eliz. c. 6. §. 〈◊〉 * Part. 4. 〈◊〉 c. 74. 1 Eliz. c. 1. 1 Ed. 6. c 12. 1 Ed. 6. c. 12. §. ult 1 Eliz c. 6. §. ult The dreadful Licence of Inferences among our English Pleaders in Cases of Death Speed in H. 7. S. 61. Aug. l. 7. de Civ Dei c. 3. III. IV. V. VI VII 〈◊〉 Mat. 21. 44. * two of the. Prov. 16. 14. VIII IX * No such word there sure it should be Prerogative Regis W. S. A. C. X. Can. 77. Can. 79. XI * f. Walker XII 25 Hen. 8. c. 20. §. ult XIII Heylin Cont. Burton p. 40 Aug. 2. Retract c. 21. XIV XV. My Sermon in Psal. 75. 2 3 p. 14. Die Tertio * 〈◊〉 Rushw. Saturday Mar. 16. 1643. * Here the Relation is imperfect It seems he mov'd that his Solicitor might come to him and in the mean time the Hearing put off W. S. A. C. Die Quarto I. * Sixteen vide * See this Record twice referred to afterwards In the latter Place the useful Words of it are recited So that perhaps it will not be necessary to print the whole Patent but if it be I have a Copy of it W. S. A. C. This came not to my Hands H. W. II. III. IV. V. VI. Tacit. L. 3. Annal. VII * did VIII IX 〈◊〉 5. 7. X. W. Pryn's Breviate of the Arch-Bishop's Life p. 19. Paulò post medium Si 〈◊〉 erant quare 〈◊〉 damnati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 si scelerati quare sic 〈◊〉 Aug. Epist. 172. XI XII I. Mar. 22. 1643. Friday Die Quinto Frigidius dictum W S 〈◊〉 C. * from II. Injunct of Q. Eliz. 〈◊〉 III. IV. Cyril Hierosol Cateche 15. 1 Eliz. c. 2. V. VI. * by St Mat 21. 13. 1 Reg. 12. 16. * In the second 〈◊〉 of this 〈◊〉 VII VIII XI I. Thursday Mar. 28. 1644. Die Sexto * Exclude from the Benefit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 21. II. 2. * f. 〈◊〉 4. 5. 6. 8. 1. 2. Sir Timothy Baldwin hath these Papers W. S. A. C. 3. Ma. Parkeri Antiqu. Britan. in vita Joh. Stafford p. 326 327. III. Job 〈◊〉 34. 〈◊〉 Chro. 〈◊〉 251. * 101. Can. 62. Ec. 〈◊〉 Die Septimo April 4. 1644. * 1640. 〈◊〉 April 4. 1644. April 8. April 11. April 16. Die Septimo I. * l. for the making of which he said it was against Law for the 〈◊〉 Vide supra post 〈◊〉 Art 21. 〈◊〉 3. a Can. 40.

to know more of the Secret History of the Transactions preceeding and accompanying the Grand Rebellion than the whole 〈◊〉 besides who hath confidently Related that when the Earl of Strafford enter'd into the Service of King Charles I. and began to be employed as Chief Minister of State he covenanted with him that no Session of Parliament should be called or held during his Ministry Now the 〈◊〉 of this Report appears from what the Arch-Bishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5. 1639. that the first movers for calling a Parliament at that time were the Earl of Strafford and himself Nothing also can reflect more Honour upon the Memory of any Person that what the Arch-Bishop in the following History cap. 9. relateth of the Earl's rejecting the unworthy Proposition made to him by Mr. Denzell Hollis in the Name of the Leading Men of the House of Commons a matter wholly unknown before But to proceed with Prynne soon after the Martyrdom of the Arch-Bishop whether prompted by his unwearied Malice or by his eternal itch of scribling or incited by the Order of the House of Commons made March 4. 1644 5. desiring him to Print and Publish all the Proceedings concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Trial He immediately set himself to Defame the Arch-Bishop and justifie the Proceedings of the Rebel Parliament against him more at large To which purpose he Published in 1646. in 66 Sheets in Folio his Necessary Introduction to the History of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial Which in the Preface he calleth A New Discovery of sundry Plots and hidden Works of Darkness Containing bitter Invectives and Accusations against the whole Proceedings of the Court from the time of the Treaty about the Spanish Match to that day and labouring to prove that both King James and Charles designed to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Religion and to introduce Popery using Arch-Bishop Laud as their chief Instrument in that bad Design An Accusation which neither himself nor any other Man in his Wits ever believed Soon after this in the same Year 1646. was Published by the same Author Canterbury's Doom or the First Part of a compleat History of the Trial of the Arch-Bishop in 145 Sheets in Folio containing as himself acknowledgeth only the History of the Preliminaries of the Trial till the commencement of it together with the Commons Evidence his Answers to it and their Replies upon him in maintenance of the first general Branch of their Charge of High Treason against him to wit his Trayterous endeavours to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established among us to introduce Popery and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome The remaining part of the Trial he engaged by Promise made both in the beginning and end of that Book to Compleat and Publish with all convenient speed but never made good his Vndertaking nor as I believe ever did intend it For he well knew that however what was urged against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial in this matter and was largely amplified in his History in proof of the Arch-Bishop's endeavour to subvert the Established Religion carried with it some shew of Truth in the Judgment of a then miserably deluded People who were cheated into a Belief cursed be the wilful Authors of that Cheat which in great measure yet continueth that good Works Building Repairing Consecrating and Adorning Churches bowing at the Name of Jesus prosiration to God in Prayer wearing Copes retaining the use of Canonical Hours in Prayer and such like Decent Vsages and Ceremonies were downright Popery for these and such like were the Proofs of that Accusation brought against the Arch-Bishop Yet that all which they did or could produce in confirmation of their other Heads of Accusation against the Arch-Bishop carried not with it the least appearance of proof For which Reason Prynne began the History of his Trial with the Charge and Proofs of Popery although that was not the first but the last Head of Accusation brought against him and canvassed in the course of his Trial. However the Godly Cheat once begun was by any means to be continued and therefore it was pretended by Prynne and other Adversaries of the Arch-Bishop that although to give him his due for such are Prynne's own words pag. 462. the Arch-Bishop made as full as gallant as pithy a Defence of so bad a Cause and spake as much for himself as was possible for the Wit of Man to invent and that with so much Art Sophistry Vivacity Oratory Audacity and Confidence without the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any thing c. yet that after all the Crimes objected being undeniably proved against him and himself thereupon despairing of being able to justifie and clear his Innocence either to the then present or to succeeding times did burn all the Notes of his Answers and Defence before his Death of purpose to prevent their publication after it Which Calumny Prynne hath twice in Epist. Dedic and pag. 461. repeated pretending to have received the knowledge of it from the Arch-Bishop's own Secretary Mr. Dell. The falsity of this base Report appears sufficiently from this History wrote by the Arch-Bishop and now Published He had begun to compose it before the end of the Year 1641. and continued it from time to time till the 3d of January 1644 5. which was the seventh day before his Execution For on the 4th of January being acquainted that Sentence had passed upon him in the House of Lords he conveyed the Original Copy of his History into safe hands and prepared himself for Death That he had begun it before the end of 1641. and augmented it from time to time appears evidently from several places of it And although in the Narration of his Trial many things said or alledged in the Recapitulation on the last days be interwoven with the History of every days Trial yet all those passages were added by him afterwards on the blank pages which he had for that purpose left over-against every written page in the Original Copy and from thence were according to his directions transcribed in the other Copy into one entire Narration Hence it comes to pass which the Reader will easily observe that the Arch-Bishop writing down the Transactions of every day as they happened hath left so many plain Indications of haste and sometimes of heat Some things seem to have been wrote while his Spirits had not yet recovered a sedate Temper many improprieties of Language committed and other defects admitted which the Arch-Bishop himself being sensible of had wrote in the first leaf of his Book Non apposui manum ultimam W. Cant. That the most Reverend Author wrote this History for the publick Vindication of himself cannot be doubted Nay himself more than once affirmeth that he intended it for the Vindication of himself to the whole Christian World and chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of England in Foreign parts where

History to Note which of them were in his Hands and which being wanting to him were to be sought elsewhere He was earnestly employed about this Matter and the Original and Copy with many of the Papers belonging to it lay on his Scrutoire before him and himself was then writing certain Quaeries Memoranda's and Directions for his use therein in a 〈◊〉 paper when a violent 〈◊〉 seized him August 25. which having 〈◊〉 him to his Bed full thirteen weeks he at last surrendred up his Pious Soul to God the 24th of November on Friday early in the Morning in the 77th Year of his Age. As soon as he had Reason to apprehend that his Sickness would prove mortal remembring what he was last employed about the Edition of this History he was desirous to see me that so he might commit the care of it to me But so it was that I hearing of his Sickness and not knowing any thing either of this History being in his Hands or of his Intentions about it took a Journey into Suffolk to wait upon him as in Duty bound having the Honour and the Happiness to be his Chaplain whither I came on the last day of October He was then pleased to acquaint me with his Design related to me how the History with the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud came into his Hands how he had often prepared himself for the perfection of this Edition and was at last hindred by his present Sickness In fine he laid his Commands upon me to perfect what he had begun and to Publish the History as soon as might be and then immediately caused to be delivered to me the Original and Copy of the History with the Diary and all other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud or his own relating to them which then laid upon or about his Scrutoire or could be found in his Study His Voice was then very weak and his Spirits faint so that he could not give to me that perfect account by what means the Copy came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's Hands which I had desired of him For he having omitted to tell me that distinctly and I desiring satisfaction in that and some other Questions about this Book he could only answer me These are material Questions but I am weary with speaking and my Spirits are faint I cannot make to you any farther Answers herein After which I never presumed to trouble him with the Question However having observed upon Reading the Book and looking over the Papers that many even of those Memorials were wanting which I found that my Most Reverend Patron had in his written Notes marked to be in his Hands I took the boldness when I next waited on him on November 22. following to acquaint him with this defect Whereupon he immediately ordered me to search all his Papers the greater part of which had not been opened nor put in order since his removal from Lambeth which I began forthwith to do and thereby found many Papers relating to this History or other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud scattered and divided among several parcels of other Writings But before I had searched half way evident signs of approaching Death appearing in him I quitted the search at that time and renewed it not again till several weeks after his Death when I looked over the remaining part of his Papers and with the leave of his Executors took thence whatsoever related to or might be subservient to this Design In this latter search I found many things but neither first nor last could find several Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud of great moment which I am well assured were in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft because I find them testified so to be in the Catalogue of Arch-Bishop Laud's Papers in his hands drawn by himself Among these is a large Answer of Arch-Bishop Laud to a Speech made by William Lord Viscount Say and Seal against the Civil Power of Bishops and Printed by him London 1642. His Answer to the Speech of the same Lord against the Liturgy and Printed London 1641. I found and have published in the end of this Volume as well because it contains many Historical passages of the Arch-Bishop's own Life and Actions as for that it is no where referred to in this History and so could not well be placed among the Memorials intended for the Second Part. Arch-Bishop Laud had also wrote a large and elaborate Answer to the Speech of Nathaniel Fiennes Son to the Lord Say against the new Canons made in the end of the Year 1640. and Printed London 1641. which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to in this History This also was in the Hands of my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft as I find as well by the written Catalogue before mentioned as by a particular Paper of Observations made by him upon it toward the completion and illustration of it whereby it appears to consist of above fifty Pages in Folio But this after a tedious and diligent search I could not find Which will not appear incredible to those who know what a vast multitude of Papers and Collections my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft left behind him and therein more perhaps wrote with his own Hand than any Man either of this or the last Age ever did write Having obtained all the Papers which could be found I set my self to perfect the Edition of this History which I have at last performed yet with greater trouble and labour than can easily be imagined I caused the Diary to be exactly Transcribed adjoined an English Translation to the Latin part of it diligently collated the Copy of the History with the Original the Articles and other Memorials with the Printed Copies if any such were added what Observations I thought necessary in the Margin have every where Religiously retained the Author 's own words and expressions throughout although therein I must confess against the Judgment of my most Reverend Patron expressed in his written Notes have only amended the Orthography which both in Original and Copy was monstrously vitious inserted some words where the Sense was imperfect but have always included such in Crotchets and in some places substituted Greek words instead of Latin in Citations out of Greek Fathers or Authors So that the Reader may be assured this History is faithfully conveyed to the Publick I have retained all my late Lord Arch-Bishop Sancroft's Observations whether wrote in the Margin of the Book or elsewhere if considerable subjoyning to them the Letters W S A C I have subjoined to many of my own Observations of greater moment the Letters H. W. And where Arch-Bishop Laud had added any thing in the Margin I have adjoyned the Letters W C As for the Collection of Memorials and other Papers which by the Author's Direction should have accompanied this History finding that they could 〈◊〉 be Published in the same Volume without swelling it to too great a bulk I have reserved them for a Second Part and if God grant me Life and Health will cause them

long Service He was pleased to say He had given me nothing but Gloucester which he well knew was a Shell without a Kernel June 29. His Majesty gave me the Grant of the Bishoprick of St. Davids being St. Peter's day The general expectation in Court was that I should then have been made Dean of Westminster and not Bishop of St. Davids The King gave me leave to hold the Presidentship of St. John Baptist's Colledge in Oxon in my Commendam with the Bishoprick of St. Davids But by Reason of the strictness of that Statute which I will not violate nor my Oath to it under any colour I am resolved before my Consecration to leave it Octob. 10. I was chosen Bishop of St. Davids Octob. 10. 1621. I resigned the Presidentship of St. Johns in Oxford Novemb. 17. 1621. I Preached at Westminster Novemb. 5. I was Consecrated Bishop of St. Davids Novemb. 18. 1621. at London-House Chappel by the Reverend Fathers the Lords Bishops of London Worcester Chichester Elye Landaffe Oxon. The Arch-Bishop being thought Irregular for casual Homicide Januar. 6. The Parliament then sitting was dissolved by Proclamation without any Session Januar. 14. The King's Letters came to the Arch-Bishop and all the Bishops about London for a Contribution of the Clergy toward recovery of the Palatinat Januar. 21. The Arch-Bishop's Letters came to me about this business Januar. 25. I sent these Letters and my own into the Diocess Febr. 17. I Preached at Westminster All my former Sermons are omitted March 9. I heard of the death of L. B. He died Januar. 17. between 6 and 7 in the Morning March 18. Dr. Theodore Price went towards Ireland out of London about the Commission appointed there March 24. I Preached at Court commanded to Print Anno 1622. April 13. The King renewed my Commendam April 16. I was with his Majesty and the Prince's Highness to give notice of Letters I received of a Treasonable Sermon Preached in Oxford on Sunday April 14. by one Mr. Knight of 〈◊〉 April 14. Sunday I waited at the Entertainment of Count Swartzenburge the Emperour's Ambassadour in the Parliament House April 23. Being the Tuesday in Easter week the King sent for me and set me into a course about the Countess of Buckingham who about that time was wavering in point of Religion April 24. Dr. Francis White and I met about this May 10. I went to the Court to Greenwich and came back in Coach with the Lord Marquess Buckingham My promise then to give his Lordship the Discourse he spake to me for May 12. I Preached at Westminster May 19. I delivered my Lord Marquess Buckingham the Paper concerning the difference between the Church of England and Rome in point of Salvation c. May 23. My first Speech with the Countess of Buckingham May 24. The Conference between Mr. Fisher a Jesuit and my self before the Lord Marquess Buckingham and the Countess his Mother I had much Speech with her after June 9. Being Whitsunday my Lord Marquess Buckingham was pleased to enter upon a near Respect to me The particulars are not for Paper June 15. I became C. to my Lord of Buckingham And June 16. Being Trinity Sunday he Received the Sacrament at Greenwich June 22. c. I saw two Books in Folio of Sir Robert Cottons In the one was all the Order of the Reformation in the time of Hen 8. The Original Letters and Dispatches under the Kings and the Bishops c. own hands In the other were all the Preparatory Letters Motives c. for the suppression of the Abbies their suppression and value in the Originals An Extract of both which Books I have per Capita July 5. I first entred into Wales July 9. I began my first Visitation at the Colledge in Brecknocke and Preached July 24. I visited at St. Davids and Preached July 25. August 6 7. I visited at Carmarthen and Preached The Chancellor and my Commissioners visited at Emlyn c. July 16 17. and at Haverford-West July 19 20. Aug. 15. I set forwards towards England from Carmarthen Septemb. 1. My Answer given to His Majesty about 9 Articles delivered in a Book from Mr Fisher the Jesuit These Articles were delivered me to consider of Aug. 28. The Discourse concerning them the same Night at Windsor in the presence of the King the Prince the Lord Marquess Buckingham his Lady and his Mother Septemb. 18. aut circiter There was notice given me that Mr. Fisher had spread certain Copies of the Conference had between him and me Maij 24. into divers Recusants hands Octob. .... I got the sight of a Copy c. in October made an Answer to it Octob. 27. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 12. My Ancient Friend Mr R Peashall died horâ 6. matutinâ It was Thursday and Sol in Capri. Lucia Virgo in some Almanacks a day before in some a day after it Decemb. 16. My Lord Marquess Buckingham's Speech to me about the same Keye Decemb. 25. I Preached at St. Giles without Cripplegate I was three times with the King this Christmas and Read over to him the Answer which I had made to Fisher which he commanded should be Printed and I desired it might pass in a third Person under the Name of R. B. Januar. 11. My Lord of Buckingham and I in the inner Chamber at York House Quòd est Deus Salvator noster Christus Jesus Januar. 17. I received a Letter from E. B. to continue my favour as Mr. R. P. had desired me Januar. 19. I Preached at Westminster Januar. 27. I went out of London about the Parsonage of Creeke given me into my Commendam Januar. 29. I was instituted at Peterborough to the Parsonage of Creeke Januar. 31. I was inducted into Creeke Februar 2. Being Sunday and Candlemas day I Preached and Read the Articles at Creeke Febr. 5. Wednesday I came to London I went that Night to his Majesty hearing he had sent for me He delivered me a Book to read and observe It was a Tract of a Capuchin that had once been a Protestant He was now with the French Ambassadour The Tract was to prove that Christ's Body was in two places at once in the Apparition to St Paul Act IX Feb. 9. I gave the King an account of this Book Febr. 9. Promovi Edmundum Provant Scotum in Presbyterum Primogenitus meus fuit in Domino I Ordained Edmund Provant a Scot Priest He was my First-begotten in the Lord. Febr. 17. Munday the Prince and the Marquess Buckingham set forward very secretly for Spain Febr. 21. I wrote to my Lord of Buckingham into Spain Febr. 22. Saturday I fell very ill and was very suddenly plucked down in 4 days I was put into the Commission of Grievances There were in the Commission the Lord Marquess Buckingham Lord Arundel Lord Pembroke Bishop of Winchester and my self The Proclamation came out for this Febr. 14. March 9. I Ordained Thomas Owen Bat of Arts Deacon March 10. I

Ordained him and John Mitchel Priests March 23. I Preached at White-Hall Anno 1623. March 31. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 9. I received Letters from my Lord of Buckingham out of Spain April 13. Easter-day I Preached at Westminster April 26. I Ordained John Burrough Master of Arts Deacon and Priest May 3 and 16. My Speech with B. E. and the taking off my Jealousies about the great business June 1. Whitsunday I Preached at St. Brides June 13. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain June 15. R. B. died at Stony Stratford which what it will work with B. E. God in Heaven knoweth and be merciful unto me July 6. I Preached at Westminster July 15. St. Swythin A very fair day till towards 5 at Night Then great extremity of Thunder and Lightning Much hurt done The Lanthorn at St. James's House blasted The Vane bearing the Prince's Arms beaten to pieces The Prince then in Spain It was Tuesday and their St. James's day Stilo Novo Aug. 17. I received Letters from the Duke of Buckingham out of Spain Aug. 31. I Preached at Sunninge with my Lord of Bristol Septemb. 8. I was at Bromley and heard of the unfortunate passage between my Friends there Octob. 3. Friday I was with my Lord Keeper to whom I found some had done me very ill Offices And he was very jealous of L. B's Favour Octob. 5. The Prince and the Duke of Buckingham landed at Portsmouth from Spain Octob. 6. Munday they came to London The greatest expression of Joy by all sorts of People that ever I saw Octob. 20. I Ordained Thomas Blackiston Batch of Arts Deacon Octob. 26. The fall of an House while Drewrye the Jesuit was Preaching in the Black-Fryars About 100 slain It was in their Account Novemb. 5. Octob. 31. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed between the Lord Keeper and me Novemb. 12. Wednesday night a most grievous Fire in Bread-street in London Alderman Cocking's House with others burnt down Novemb. 18. Tuesday night the Duke of Buckingham Entertained the two Spanish Embassadors Don Diego de Mendoza the Extraordinary and Don Carolo 's Columnas the Ordinary and Mexia I think his Name was Ambassador from the Arch-Dukes One of the Extraordinary Ambassadors of Spain Marquess Iniioca came not because Mendoza and he could not agree upon Precedency His Majesty and the Prince were there The Bishop of London and my self waited upon the King Decemb. 14. Sunday night I did Dream that the Lord Keeper was dead that I passed by one of his Men that was about a Monument for him that I heard him say his lower Lip was infinitely swelled and fallen and he rotten already This Dream did trouble me Decemb. 15. On Munday Morning I went about business to my Lord Duke of Buckingham We had Speech in the Shield-Gallery at White-Hall There I found that the Lord Keeper had strangely forgotten himself to him and I think was dead in his Affections Decemb. 21. I Preached at Westminster Decemb. 27. St. John's day I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham I found that all went not right with the Lord Keeper c. He sent to speak with me because he was to Receive the next day Decemb. 30. I adventured to tell my Lord Duke of Buckingham of the Opinion generally held touching the Commission of sending Sir Edward Coke and some others into Ireland before the intended Parliament Januar. 3. I received my Writ to appear in Parliament Febr. 12. following Januar. 10. I received a Command under Seal from my Lord of London to warn for the Convocation Januar. 10. I was with my Lord Duke of Buckingham and shewed him the state of the Book Printed about the Visitation of the Church and what was like to ensue upon it Januar. 11. I was with his Majesty to shew him the Epistle that was to be Printed before the Conference between me and Fisher the Jesuit Maij 24. 1622. which he was pleased to approve The King brake with me about the Book Printed then of the Visitation of the Church He was hard of belief that A. B. C. was the Author of it My Lord Keeper met with me in the with-drawing-Chamber and quarrelled me gratis Januar. 12. I sent the Summons down into the Country to the Clergy for their appearance at the Convocation Januar. 14. I acquainted my Lord Duke of Buckingham with that which passed on the Sunday before between the Lord Keeper and me Januar. 16. I was all day with Doctor W. about my Papers of the Conference and making them ready for the Press Here is left a large void space in the Original to insert the Occurrences of the Eight following Days which space was never filled up Januar. 25. Dies Solis erat Ego solus nescio quâ tristitiâ languens Premebat anxium invidia J. L. odium gratuitum Sumpsi in manus Testamentum Novum Groeco idiomate pensum diei ordine lecturus Caput autem mihi occurrit ad Hebr. XIII Ibi statim occurrit mihi moerenti metuentique illud Davidis Psal. 56. Dominus mihi Adjutor non timebo quid faciat mihi homo Exemplum mihi putavi propositum sub eo Scuto quis non tutus Protege me O Dominus Deus meus Januar. 31. Commissio emissa sub magno Sigillo Angliae me inter alios Judicem Delegatum constituit in Causa Dilapidationis inter Rev. in Christo Patrem Richard Neile Dominum Episcopum Dunelm Franciscum James Filium Haeredem Praedecessoris Huic Commissioni inservivi ab horâ secundâ 〈◊〉 ad quintam Dies erat Saturni Locus Camera magna ubi Legum Doctores simul convivant vulgò dictus Doctors Commons Februar 1. Dies solis erat Astiti Illust. Principi Carolo Prandenti Hilaristum admodum sibi conviva multa obiter cum suis. Inter caetera se si necessitas aliquod genus 〈◊〉 imponeret Juristam esse non posse Subjunxit Rationes Nequeo inquit malam causam defendere nec in bonâ succumbere Sic in majoribus succedas in aeternum faustus Serenissime Princeps Februar 4. Dies Mercurij erat Colloquium cum Fishero Jesuitâ habitum Maij 24. 1622. Jussu Sereniss Regis Jacobi Scriptis mandatum Regi ipsi antea perlectum typis excudendum hodiè traditur cum Approbatione Episcopi London Nunquam ante-hac sub praelo Laboravi Nullus Controversor Et ita oro amet beetque animam meam Deus ut ego benè ad gloriam nominis ejus sopitas cupio conorque Ecclesiae nunquam satis deflendas distractiones Invisi hodiè Ducissam Buckinghamiae Ostendit mihi illa 〈◊〉 Faemina Precum formulam Hanc ei in manus dedit alia mihi nè de Nomine nota Mulier Perlegi Mediocra omnia nihil egregium nisi quòd Poesi similior canebat Januar. 25. It was Sunday I was alone and languishing with I know not what

and Soul diers to fall up on me in the King's absence Sept. 21. I received a Letter from John Rockel a M an both by Name and Person unknown to me He was among the Scots as he tra velled through the Bishoprick of Durham he heard them inveigh and rail at me exceedingly and that they hoped Shortly to see me as the Duke was Slain by one least suspected His Letter was to advise me to look to my self Septemb. 24. Thursday A great Council of the Lords were called by the King to York to consider what way was best to be taken to get out the Scots and this day the Meeting began at York and continued till Octob. 28. Octob. 22. Thursday The High Commission sitting at St. Pauls because of the Troubles of the Times Very near 2000 Brownists made a Tumult at the end of the Court tore down all the Benches in the Consistory and cryed out they would have no Bishop nor no High Commission Octob. 27. Tuesday Simon and Jude's Eve I went into my upper Study to see some Manuscripts which I was sending to Oxford In that Study hung my Picture taken by the Life and coming in I found it fallen down upon the Face and lying on the Floor the String being broken by which it was hanged against the Wall I am almost every day threatned with my Ruine in Parliament God grant this be no Omen Novemb. 3. Tuesday The Parliament began the King did not ride but went by Water to Kings Stairs and thorough Westminster-Hall to the Church and so to the House Novemb. 4. Wednesday The Convocation began at St. Pauls Novemb. 11. Wednesday Thomas Vis count Wentworth Earl of Straffor d Accused to the Lords by the House of Commons for High Treason and restrained to the Usher of the House Novemb. 25. Wednesday He was sent to the Tower Decemb. 2. Wednesday A great Debate in the House that no Bishop should be so much as of the Committee for preparatory Examinations in this Cause as accounted Causa Sanguints put off till the next day Decemb. 3. Thursday The Debate declined Decemb. 4. Friday The King gave way that his Council should be Examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case I was Examined this day Decemb. 16. Wednesday The Canons Condemned in the House of Commons as being against the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject and containing divers other things tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequence Upon this I was made the Author of them and a Committee put upon me to enquire into all my Actions and to prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper House I was na med as an Incendiary by the Scot tish Commissioners and a .... Complaint promised to be drawn up to morrow Decemb. 18. Friday I w as Accu sed by the House of Commons for High Trea son without any particular Charge laid against me which they said should be prepared in convenient time Mr. Denzell Hollys was the Man that brought up the Message to the Lords Soon after the Charge was brought into the Upper-House by the Scottish Commissioners tending to prove me an Incendiary I was presently committed to the Gentleman Us her but was permitted to go in his Company to my House at Lam beth for a Book or two to Read in and such Papers as pertained to my Defence against the Scots I stayed at Lambeth till the Evening to avoid the gazing of the People I went to Evening Prayer in my Chappel The Psalms of the day Psal. 93 and 94. and Chap. 50. of Esai gave me great Comfort God make me worthy of it and fit to receive it As I went to my Barge hundreds of my poor Neighbours stood there and prayed for my safety and return to my House For which I bless God and them Decemb. 21. Munday I was Fined 500 l. in the Parliament House and Sir John Lambe and Sir Henry Martin 250 l. a piece for keeping Sir Robert Howard close Prisoner in the Case of the Escape of the Lady Viscountess Purbecke out of the Gate-House which Lady he kept avowedly and had Children by her In such a Case say the Imprisonment were more than the Law allow what may be done for Honour and Religion sake This was not a Fine to the King but Damage to the Party Decemb. 23. Wednesday The Lords Ordered me to pay the Money presently which was done Januar. 21. Thursday A Parliament Man of good Note and Interessed with divers Lords sent me word that by Reason of my patient and m oderate Carriage since my Commit ment four Earls of great power in the Upper-House of the Lords were not now so sharp against me as at first And that now they were resolved only to Se quester me from the King's Coun cil and to put me from my Arch Bishoprick So I see what Justice I may expect since here is a Resolution taken not only before my Answer but before my Charge was brought up against me Febr. 14. Sunday A. R. And this if I Live and continue Arch-Bishop of Canterbury till after Michaelmas-day come Twelve-month Anno 1642. God bless me in this Febr. 26. Friday This day I had been full ten weeks in restraint at Mr. Maxwell's House And this day being St. Augustin's day my Charge was brought up from the House of Commons to the Lords by Sir Henry Vane the Younger It consisted of fourteen Articles These Generals they craved time to prove in particular The Copy of this General Charge is among my Papers I spake something to it And the Copy of that also is among my Papers I had Favour from the Lords not to go to the Tower till the Munday following March 1. Munday I went in Mr. Maxwell's Coach to the Tower No noise till I came into Cheapside But from thence to the Tower I was followed and railed at by the Prentices and the Rabble in great numbers to the very Tower Gates where I left them and I thank God he made me patient March 9. Shrove-Tuesday ........ was with me in the Tower and gave great engagements of his Faith to me March 13. Saturday Divers Lords Dined with the Lord Herbert at his new House by Fox-Hall in Lambeth Three of these Lords in the Boat together when one of them saying he was sorry for my Commitment because the buil ding of St. Pauls went slow on there-while the Lord Brooke replied I hope some of us shall live to see no one stone left upon another of that Building March 15. Munday A Committee for Religion setled in the Upper-House of Parliament Ten Earls ten Bishops ten Barons So the Lay-Votes shall be double to the Clergy This Committee will meddle with Doctrine as well as Ceremonies and will call some Divines to them to consider of the Business As appears by a Letter hereto annexed sent by the Lord Bishop of Lincoln to some Divines to attend this Service Upon

made them Traytors Septemb. 1. Thursday Bishops Voted down and Deans and Chapters in the Lower House That Night Bonfires and Ringing all over the City Ordered cunningly by Pennington the new Lord Mayor About this time ante ult Aug. the Cathedral of Canterbury grosly Profaned Septemb. 9. Friday An Order from the House about the giving of Alhallows-Bread-street The Earl of Essex set forward towards the King Septemb. 10. Voted down in the upper House Dubitatur Octob. 15. Saturday Resolved upon the question that the Fines Rents and Profits of Arch-Bishops Bishops Deans and Chapters and of such notorious Delinquents who have taken up Arms against the Parliament or have been active in the Commission of Array shall be sequestred for the use and service of the Common-wealth Octob. 23. Sunday Keinton Field Octob. 24. Munday An Order from the House to keep but Two Servants speak with no Prisoner or other Person but in the presence of my Warder this common to other Prisoners Octob. 26. Wednesday Mr. Cook 's Relation to me of some Resolutions taken in the City c. Octob. 27. The Order of Octob. 24. not shewn me till Octob. 26. and I sent a Petition to the House for a Cook and a Butler Thursday October 28. This Order revoked Friday And this granted me Novemb. 2. Wednesday Night I Dreamed the Parliament was removed to Oxford the Church undone Some old Courtiers came in to see me and jeared I went to St. John's and there I found the Roof off from some parts of the Colledge and the Walls cleft and ready to fall down God be Merciful Novemb. 8. Seventy Eight Pounds of my Rents taken from my Controuler by Mr. Holland and Mr. Ashurst which they said was for Maintenance of the King's Children Novemb. 9. Wednesday Morning Five of the Clock Captain Brown and his Company entred my House at Lambeth to keep it for Publick Service and they made of it The Lords upon my Petition to them deny'd they knew of any such Order and so did the Committee yet such an Order there was and divers Lords hands to it but upon my Petition they made an Order that my Books should be secured and my Goods Novemb. 10. Some Lords went to the King about an Accommodation Novemb. 12. Saturday A Fight about Brainford Many slain of the Parliaments Forces and some taken Prisoners Such as would not serve the King were sent back with an Oath given them The Fight is said to begin casually about billotting Since this Voted in the House for no Accommodation but to go on and take all advantages Novemb. 16. Wednesday An Order to barr all Prisoners Men from speaking one with another or any other but in presence of the Warder nor go out without the Lieutenants leave And to barr them the Liberty of the Tower Novemb. 22. Tuesday Ordered That any one of them may go out to buy Provision Novemb. 24. Thursday The Souldiers at Lambeth House brake open the Chappel door and offered violence to the Organ but before much hurt was done the Captains heard of it and stayed them Decemb. 2. Friday Some of the King's Forces taken at Farnham About an hundred of them brought in Carts to London Ten Carts full their Legs bound They were sufficiently railed upon in the Streets Decemb. 19. Munday My Petition for Mr Coniers to have the Vicaridge of Horsham Before it came to be delivered the House had made an Order against him upon complaint from Horsham of his disorderly Life So Decemb. 21. St. Thomas's day I petitioned for my Chaplain Mr. William Brackstone Refused yet no Exception taken That day in the Morning my young dun 〈◊〉 were taken away by Warrant under the Hands of Sir John Evelyn Mr. Pim and Mr Martin Decemb. 23. Thursday Dr. Layton came with a Warrant from the House of Commons for the Keys of my House to be delivered to him and more Prisoners to be brought thither c. January 5. A final Order from both Houses for setling of Lambeth Prison c. Thursday All my Wood and Coals spent or to be spent there not reserving in the Order that I shall have any for my own use nor would that Motion be hearkned to January 6. Friday Epiphany Earl of Manchester's Letter from the House to give All-Hallowes-Bredstreet to Mr. Seaman January 26. Thursday The Bill passed the Lords House for Abolishing Episcopacy c. Feb. 3. Friday Dr. Heath came to perswade me to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet c. Febr. 14. Tuesday I received a Letter from his Majesty dated January 17. to give Chartham to Mr Reddinge or lapse it to him That Afternoon the Earl of Warwick came to me and brought me an Order of the House to give it to one Mr Culmer This Order bare date Febr 4 Febr. 25 Saturday Mr Culmer came to me about it I told him I had given my Lord my Answer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thursday St Cedd's day The Lord Brooke shot in the left Eye and killed in the place at Lichfeild going to give the Onset upon the Close of the Church he having ever been fierce against Bishops and Cathedrals His Bever up and armed to the Knees so that a Musket at that distance could have done him but little harm Thus was his Eye put out who about two Years since said he hoped to live to see at St Pauls not one Stone left upon another March 10. Friday This Night preceeding I dreamed a Warrant was come to free me and that I spake with the Lieutenant that my Warder might keep the Keys of my Lodging till I had got some place for my self and my Stuff since I could not go to Lambeth I waked and slept again and had the very same Dream a second time March 20. Munday The Lord of Northumberland Mr Pierpoint Sir John Holland Sir William Ermin and Mr Whitlock went from both Houses to Treat of Peace with his Majesty God of his Mercy bless it and us March 24. Friday One Mr Foord told me he is a Suffolk Man that there was a Plot to send me and Bishop Wrenn as Delinquents to New-England within fourteen days And that Wells a Minister that came thence offered wagers of it The Meeting was at Mr Barks a Merchant's House in Friday-street being this Foord's Son-in-Law I never saw Mr Foord before Anno 1643. March 28. Tuesday Another Order from the Lords to give Chartham to one Mr Edward Hudson My Answer as before April 11. Tuesday Another Order for the same and very peremptory This came to me April 12. whereupon I petitioned the House Thursday April 13. My former Answer being wilfully mistaken by Hudson That present day another Order very quick which was brought to me Friday April 14. I Petitioned the House again the same day with great submission but could not disobey the King April 12. Another peremptory Order to Collate Chartham on Mr Edw Corbet brought to me Saturday April 22. April 24. Munday I gave my Answer as before but in

as soft Terms as I could April 25. Tuesday It was moved in the House of Commons to send me to New-England But it was rejected The Plot was laid by Peters Wells and others Maij 1. Munday My Chappel windows at Lambeth defaced and the steps torn up Maij 2. Tuesday The Cross in Cheapside taken down Maij 9. Tuesday All my Goods seized upon Books and all The Seizers were Captain Guest Layton and Dickins The same day an Order for further restraint of me not to go out of it without my Keeper This Order was brought to me Maij 10. Maij 16. Tuesday An Order of both Houses for the 〈◊〉 of my Benefices c. void or to be void This Order was brought to me Wednesday Maij 17. at Night Methinks I see a cloud rising over me about Chartham business There having been a Rumour twice that I shall be removed to a Prison Lodging Maij 23. Tuesday I sent my Petition for Maintenance This day the Queen was Voted a Traytor in the Commons House Maij 19. Saturday Another Order to Collate Edward Corbet to Chartham It was brought to me Friday Maij 26. I Answered it Saturday Maij 27. as before H W Thus far the Arch-Bishop had proceeded in his Diary when it was violently seized and taken out of his 〈◊〉 by William Prynne on the last day of May 1643. The 〈◊〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by Prynne himself Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life p. 28. and gloried in as a most worthy Action But the barbarous manner of it is more largely described by the Arch-Bishop himself in the following History After the Book came into his Enemies Hands it was frequently urged against him as Evidence at his Trial and when the Trial was near finished Prynne caused it to be Printed and Published it in the beginning of September 1644. but corrupted and in part only of which see before in the Preface The Arch-Bishop had almost filled up his Paper Book wherein he wrote this Diary when it was taken from him But in the last Leaf of it are found certain Projects wrote with his own Hand at what Time or in what Year is uncertain which I have subjoyned Things which I have Projected to do if God Bless me in them I BLotted out II To Build at St Johns in Oxford where I was bred up for the good and safety of that Colledge Done III To overthrow the Feoffment dangerous both to Church and State going under the specious pretence of buying in Impropriations Done IV To procure King Charles to give all the Impropriations yet remaining in the Crown within the Realm of Ireland to that poor Church Done and setled there V To set upon the Repair of St Paul's Church in London Done VI To Collect and Perfect the broken crossing and imperfect Statutes of the University of Oxford which had lain in a confused Heap some Hundred of Years Done VII Blotted out VIII To settle the Statutes of all the Cathedral Churches of the new Foundations whose Statutes are imperfect and not confirmed Done for Canterbury IX To annex for ever some settled Commendams and those if it may be sine curâ to all the small Bishopricks Done for Bristol Peterborough St. Asaph Chester Oxford X To find a way to increase the Stipends of poor Vicars XI To see the Tythes of London Settled between the Clergy and the City XII To set up a Greek Press in London and Oxford for Printing of the Library Manuscripts and to get both Letters and Matrices Done for London XIII To settle 80. Pounds a Year for ever out of Dr Fryar's Lands after the Death of Dr John Fryar the Son upon the Fabrick of St Paul's to the repair till that be finished and to keep it in good state after XIV To procure a large Charter for Oxford to confirm their ancient Priviledges and obtain new for them as large as those of Cambridge which they had gotten since Hen 8 which Oxford had not Done XV To open the great Square at Oxford between St Maryes and the Schools Brasen-nose and All-Souls XVI To settle an Hospital of Land in Redding of 100. Pounds a Year in a new way I have acquainted Mr Barnard the Vicar of Croydon with my Project He is to call upon my Executors to do it if the Surplusage of my Goods after Debts and Lega cies paid come to three Thousand Pounds Done to the value of 200. Pounds per Annum XVII To erect an Arabick Lecture in Oxford at least for my Life time my Estate not being able for more That this may lead the way c. Done I have now settled it for Ever The Lecture began to be read Aug 10 1636. XVIII The Impropriation of the Vicaridge of Cuddesden to the Bishop of Oxford finally Sentenced Wednesday April 19 1637. And so the House built by the now Bishop of Oxford Dr John Bancroft setled for ever to that Bishoprick Done XIX A Book in Vellam fair Written containing the Records which are in the Tower and concern the Clergy This Book I got done at my own Charge and have left it in my Study at Lambeth for posterity Junij 10 1637. Ab Anno 20 Ed 1 ad Annum 24 Ed 4 Done XX A new Charter for the Colledge near Dublin to be 〈◊〉 of his Majesty and a Body of new Statutes made to rectify that Government Done XXI A Charter for the Town of Reading and a Mortmain of c. Done XXII If I live to see the repair of St Pauls near an end to move his Majesty for the like Grant from the High Commission for the buying in of Impropriations as I have now for St Pauls And then I hope to buy in two a Year at least XXIII I have procured for St John Baptist's Colledge in Oxford the perpetual Inheritance and Patronage of c. FINIS THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES AND TRYAL OF THE Most Reverend Father in God WILLIAM LAUD Lord Arch-Bishop Of CANTERBURY Wrote by Himself during his Imprisonment in the Tower Psal XI 3 Old Translation The Foundations will be cast down and what hath the Righteous done Or as it is Rendred in the last Translation If the Foundations be destroyed what can the Righteous do LONDON Printed for Ri Chiswell at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard M DC XCIV THE HISTORY OF THE TROUBLES OF WILLIAM LAUD LORD Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Which began to fall upon him 〈◊〉 18 1640. CAP. I. DEcemb 18. 1640. being Friday Upon this day Mr. Densell Hollis second Son to John Earl of Clare by Order from the House of Commons came up to the Lords and Accused me of High Treason and told the Lords they would make proof thereof in convenient time But desired in the mean time that I might be committed to safe Custody This was strange News to my Innocency For this I can say of my self without falshood or vanity that to the uttermost of my Understanding I served the King my Gracious

ready made That which was mine is here confessed to be but Interlinings and Marginals and Corrections and at most some Additions And they would be found a very small Some were the Original Book seen And yet it must be Evident that no Hand but mine did this by my Magisterial way of Prescribing in an Interlining or a Marginal Excellent Evidence Secondly they have another great Evidence of this But because that is so nervous and strong I will be bold to reduce it to some Form that it may appear the clearer though it be against my self There was they say a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own Hand and according to the former Castigations and Directions sent to have the King's Warrant to it which was obtained Therefore these Interlinings and Marginals c. were done by no other than Canterbury Most Excellent Evidence and clear as Mid-Night The plain Truth is contrary to all this Evidence For by the same Command of His Majesty the Reverend Bishop of London was joyned with me in all the view and Consideration which I had either upon the Book of Canons or upon the Service-Book after So it is utterly untrue that these Interlinings or Marginals or Corrections or call them what you will were done by no other than Canterbury For my Lord of London's both Head and Hand were as deep in them as mine And this I avow for well known Truth both to the King and those Scottish Bishops which were then imployed and this notwithstanding all the Evidences of a Magisterial way and a New Copy And yet this General Charge pursues me yet farther and says The Kings Warrant was obtained as is said to these Canons but with an Addition of some other Canons and a Page of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons thus Composed was Published in Print The inspection of the Books Instructions and his Letters of Joy for the success of the Work and of other Letters from the Prelate of London and the Lord Sterling to the same purpose all which we are ready to exhibit will put the Matter out of all debate Yet more ado about nothing Yet more noise of Proof to put that out of all debate which need never enter into any For if no more be intended than that I had a view of the Book of Canons and did make some Interlinings and Marginals and the like I have freely acknowledged it and by whose Command I did it and who was joyned with me in the Work So there will need no Proof of this either by my Letters or the Prelate of Londons or the Lord Sterlings Yet let them be exhibited if you please But if it be intended as 't is laid that this was done by no other than Canterbury then I utterly deny it and no Proof here named or any other shall ever be able to make it good As for the Addition of some other Canons and Pages of New Corrections according to which the Book of Canons is said to be Composed and Published Truly to the utmost of my Memory I know of none such but that the Copy written by my Lord of S. Andrews own Hand and sent up as is before mentioned was the very Copy which was Warranted by His Majesty and Published without any further Alteration But if any further Alteration were it was by the same Authority and with the same Consent And for my Letters of Joy for the Success of the Work let them be exhibited when you please I will never deny that Joy while I live that I conceived of the Church of Scotland's coming nearer both in the Canons and the Liturgy to the Church of England But our gross unthankfulness both to our God and King and our other many and great Sins have hindred this great Blessing And I pray God that the loss of this which was now almost effected do not in short time prove one of the greatest Mischiefs which ever befel this Kingdom and that too This is the General Charge about the Canons Now follow the Particulars Beside this General Charge there be some things more special worthy to be adverted unto for discovering his Spirit First the Fourth Canon of Cap 8. For as much as no Reformation in Doctrine or Discipline can be made perfect at once in any Church Therefore it shall and may be Lawful for the Kirk of Scotland at any time to make Remonstrances to His Majesty or his Successours c. Because this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations he writes to the Prelate of Ross his Prime Agent in all this Work of his great Gladness that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain And his great desire that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful Now come the Particulars worthy to be adverted unto for the discovery of my Spirit And the first is taken out of the Fourth Canon of Cap. 8. The Charge is that this Canon holds the Door open to more Innovations First I conceive this Accusation is vain For that Canon restrains all Power from private Men Clergy or Laye nay from Bishops in a Synod or otherwise to alter any thing in Doctrine or Discipline without Authority from His Majesty or his Successours Now all Innovations come from private assumption of Authority not from Authority it self For in Civil Affairs when the King and the State upon Emergent Occasions shall abrogate some Old Laws and make other New that cannot be counted an Innovation And in Church-Affairs every Synod that hath sate in all times and all places of Christendom have with leave of Superiour Authority declared some Points of Doctrine condemned other-some Altered some Ceremonials made new Constitutions for better assisting the Government And none of these have ever been accounted Innovations the Foundations of Religion still remaining firm and unmoved Nay under favour I conceive it most necessary that thus it ought to be And therefore this Canon is far from holding a Door open for more Innovations since it shuts it upon all and leaves no Power to alter any thing but by making a Remonstrance to the Supream Authority that in a Church-way approbation may be given when there is Cause And therefore if I did write to the Prelate of Ross that this Canon might be Printed fully as one that was to be most useful I writ no more then than I believe now For certainly it is a Canon that in a well-governed Church may be of great use And the more because in Truth it is but Declaratory of that Power which a National Church hath with leave and approbation of the Supream Power to alter and change any alterable thing pertaining to Doctrine or Discipline in the Church And as for that Phrase said to be in my Letter that this Canon did stand behind the Curtain it was thus occasioned My Lord the Bishop of Ross writ unto me from the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews that no words might

they go on to make it manifest that this was my Work And so far as it was mine I shall ingenuously and freely acknowledge in each Particular as occasion shall be offered me But how do they make it manifest it was my Work Why 1. By the Memoirs and Instructions sent unto him by our Prelates wherein they give special account of the Diligence they have used to do all which herein they were enjoyed This Proof comes very short For considering the Scottish Bishops were Commanded by His Majesty to let me see from time to time what they did in that Service-Book they had good reason as I conceive to give me some Account of their Diligence and Care in that behalf And yet this will never conclude the Work to be mine Why but if this Proof come not home yet it will be Manifest 2. By the approbation of the service-Service-Book sent unto them and of all the Marginal Corrections wherein it varies from the english-English-Book shewing their desire to have some few things changed in it which notwithstanding was not granted This we find written by S. Andrews own Hand and subscribed by him and Nine other of our Prelates This Argument is as loose as the former For I hope though I had had nothing at all to do with that Book yet I might have approved both the Book it self and all the Marginal or other Corrections wherein it differs from so it be not contrary to the English Book Therefore my approving it will not make me the Author of it As for that which follows that their Prelates did desire to have some few things changed in it which was not granted First you see they say before that the Popish Errors in that Book be many and yet the change of a few things would serve their turn And if this Change were not granted that was not my fault but their own who might have changed what they pleased whether I would or no. But they should do well to shew this Paper under St. Andrews Hand and nine other Bishops For my part as I remember it not so I believe it not But they hope to prove it better 3. By Canterbury's own Letters witnesses of his Joy when the Book was ready for the Press of his Prayers that God would speed the work of his hope to see that Service set up in Scotland of his diligence in sending for the Printer and directing him to prepare a Black Letter and to send it to his Servants at Edinburgh for Printing this Book of his Approbation of the Proofs sent from the Press of his fear of delay for bringing this work speedily to an end for the great good not of that Church but of the Church of his incouraging Ross who was intrusted with the Press to go on with this piece of Service without fear of Enemies All which may be seen in the Autographs This Argument is as weak as any of the former Indeed it is nothing but a heap of Non Sequiturs My Letters express my Joy when the Book was ready for the Press Therefore I made the Book As if I might not be glad that a Good Book was ready for the Press but I must be the Author of it Next I prayed that God would speed the Work I did indeed and heartily but may not I humbly desire God to bless a Good Work though I be not the Author of it Yea but I hoped to see that Service set up in Scotland I did indeed and was heartily sorry when my hopes failed And that Nation will one day have more cause to be sorry for it than I. But what then It follows not thence that the Work was mine Again I was diligent with the Printer to prepare Letters and send to his Servants I was indeed diligent herein but it was at the intreaty of my Brethren the Scottish Bishops And truly I could do little for them the Printer being then in England If I would not send to him and desire him to be diligent Yea but I Approved the Proofs that were sent from the Press And there was good Reason I should if they were well done But I hope many a Man takes care of the Proofs from the Press though the Work be not his The next they would fain have seem something but 't is no better than the rest For they would prove this Book was my work because I feared delay whereas I would have a speedy end for the Good of not that Church but the Church Fear of delay is no proof that the work was mine But do you not mark the subtlety For the good of the Church not that Church They would fain have some Mystery hid here but sure there is none For if I writ any such thing The Church and That Church were the same Church of Scotland For when a Man writes to a Learned Man of another Nation and desires any thing to be done for the good of the Church he is to be understood of the good of that Church unless some circumstance sway his meaning another way which is not here Yea but I incouraged Ross who was intrusted with the Press to go on without fear of Enemies Therefore the work was mine Will not young Novices laugh at this Logick Well they say all this appears in the Autographo Let them shew the Autographon And if all this be there then you see all is nothing they have shewed but their Weakness to collect so poorly And if it be not there then they have shewed their Falshood with which some of them are too well acquainted But prove it good or bad another proof they have And that is 4. By Letters sent from the Prelate of London to Ross wherein as he rejoyceth at the sight of the Scottish Canons which although they should make some noise in the beginning yet they would be more for the good of the Kirk than the Canons at Edinburgh for the good of the Kingdom So concerning the Liturgy he sheweth that Ross had sent to him to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the Service-Book and that the Press behoved to stand till the Explanations came to Edinburgh which therefore he had in haste obtained from his Grace and sent the dispatch by Cant. his own conveyance This Argument is much ado about nothing In which notwithstanding I shall observe some passages and then come to the force of the Argument such as it is And first though the business of the Canons be over yet a Merriment in the Bishop of London's Letter must be brought in Secondly Though by this Letter of the Prelate of London it be manifest he had to do with those Canons as well as I and though he past as full and as Honourable a Censure upon them as I do in any Letter of mine yet against their Knowledge and their Conscience they avouch peremptorily before that this was done by Cant. and no other and all this to heap

Oblation for no other end but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 21. not of the Spiritual Sacrifice but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. This Book they say Inverts the Order of the Communion in the Book of England Well and what then To Invert the Order of some Prayers in the Communion or any other part of the Service doth neither pervert the Prayers nor corrupt the Worship of God For I hope they are not yet grown to be such superstitious Cabbalists as to think that Numbers work any thing For so the Prayers be all good as 't is most manifest these are it cannot make them ill to be read in 5. 7. or 3. place or the like unless it be in such Prayers only where the Order is essential to the Service then in hand As for Example to read the Absolution first and the Confession after and in the Communion to give the Sacrament to the People first and read the Prayer of Consecration after In these Cases to Invert the Order is to Pervert the Service but in all other ordinary Prayers which have not such a necessary dependence upon Order first second or third work no great effect And though I shall not find fault with the Order of the Prayers as they stand in the Communion-Book of England for God be thanked 't is well yet if a Comparison must be made I do think the Order of the Prayers as now they stand in the Scottish Liturgy to be the better and more agreeable to use in the Primitive Church and I believe they which are Learned will acknowledge it And therefore these Men do bewray a great deal of Will and Weakness to call this a New-Communion only because all the Prayers stand not in the same Order But they say there are divers secret Reasons of this Change in the Order Surely there was Reason for it else why a Change But that there was any hidden secret Reason for it more than that the Scottish Prelates thought fit that Book should differ in some things from ours in England and yet that no differences could be more safe than those which were in the Order of the Prayers especially since both they and we were of Opinion that of the two this Order came nearest to the Primitive Church truly I neither know nor believe As for the only Reason given of this Change 't is in my Judgment a strange one 'T is forsooth for no other end they say but that the Memorial and Sacrifice of Praise mentioned in it may be understood according to the Popish meaning not of the Spiritual Sacrifice but of the Oblation of the Body of the Lord. Now Ignorance and Jealousie whither will you For the Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving no Man doubts but that is to be Offer'd up Nor doth any Man of Learning question it that I know but that according to our Saviour's own Command we are to do whatsoever is done in this Office as a Memorial of his Body and Blood Offered up and shed for us S. Luc. 22. Now 't is one thing to Offer up his Body and another to Offer up the Memorial of his Body with our Praise and Thanks for that infinite Blessing So that were that Change of Order made for this end which is more than I know I do not yet see how any Popish Meaning so much feared can be fastned upon it And the Words in that Prayer are plain as they are also in the Book of England That we offer and present unto God our Selves our Souls and Bodies to be a reasonable holy and lively Sacrifice unto him What is there here that can be drawn to a Popish Meaning unless it be with the cords of these Mens Vanity Yet thus much we have gained from them That this Prayer comes in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion Any approbation is well of that Antichristian Service-Book as 't is often called And I verily believe we should not have gained this Testimony of them for it but only that they are content to approve that to make the greater hatred against their own Next they tell us 2. It seems to be no great matter that without warrant of the Book of England the Presbyter going from the North end of the Table shall stand during the time of Consecration at such a part of the Table where he may with the more ease and decency use both his Hands Yet being tryed it importeth much As that he must stand with his hinder parts to the People representing saith Durand that which the Lord said to Moses Thou shalt see my hinder parts Truly this Charge is as it seems no great matter And yet here again they are offended that this is done without warrant of the Book of England How comes this Book of England to be so much in their esteem that nothing must be done without warrant from it Why 't is not that they approve that Book for they will none of that neither But 't is only to make their Complaint more acceptable in England Yet they say this very remove of the Presbyter during the time of Consecration upon tryal imports much The Rubrick professes that nothing is meant by it but that he may use both his Hands with more ease and decency about that work And I protest in the presence of Almighty God I know of no other Intention herein than this But these Men can tell more They are sure it is that he may turn his hinder parts to the People representing that which the Lord said to Moses And what Warrant have they for this Why Durand says so Now truly the more Fool he And they shall do well to ask their own Bishops what acquaintance they have with Durand For as for my self I was so poorly satisfied with the first Leaf I Read in him that I never medled with him since Nor indeed do I spend any time in such Authors as he is So I have nothing to do with this Yea but they find fault with the Reason given in the Rubrick For they say He must have the use of both his Hands not for any thing he hath to do about the Bread and the Wine for that may be done at the North end of the Table and be better seen of the People But as we are taught by the Rationalists That he may be stretching out his Arms represent the extension of Christ on the Cross. But the Reason given in the Rubrick doth not satisfie them For they say plainly They have no use of both their Hands for any thing that is to be done about the Bread and the Wine Surely these Men Consecrate these Elements in a very loose and mean way if they can say truly that they have not use of both their Hands in this work Or that whatsoever is done may as well be done at the

St. Paul He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue speaks not unto Men for they understand him not yet he speaks to God and doubtless doth not mock him for he edifies himself and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries neither of which can stand with the mocking of God Now say they As there is no word of all this in the English Service so doth the Book in King Edward's Time give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture which yet gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book and even in Cassander his own Judgment a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind that he calleth them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus and would have them to be abhorred because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious ter-impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam As there is no word of all this in the English Service so neither is there in the Book for Scotland more or other or to other purpose than I have above expressed For the Book under Edw. 6. at the end of it there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter But it is only of some Gestures such as are there named Similes not of all But if any will extend it unto all then I humbly desire it may be Piously and Prudently considered whether this confusion which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice be not like to prove worse than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity And yet say they these Gestures for all this Liberty given gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 't is true Bucer did make some Observations upon that common-prayer-Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer And after he had made such Observations upon it as he thought fit he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches that which is given me to see and discern in this business I will subscribe This done your most Reveverend Father-hood and the rest of your Order that is the rest of the Bishops may judge of what I write Where we see both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him and his Christian Humility to leave what he had done to the judgment of the then Governours of this Church By which it appears that he gave his Judgment upon that Book not as being the Censurer of it as these Men call him but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it to that Authority which required it of him Much less was it such a Censure as must bind all other Men to his Judgment which he very modestly submits to the Church Howsoever this has been the common Error as I humbly conceive of the English Nation to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert and to the contempt or passing by at least of Men of equal worth of their own Nation which I have observed ever since I was of ability to judge of these things But be this as it may These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer For they say he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures But Bucer's words are Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Mass it self not to the Gestures in it of bowing the Knee or beating the Breast or the like which in themselves and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also are far enough from being Execrable As for that which follows and which are Bucer's words indeed That These Gestures or any other which confirm to the simple ter impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam as he there calls it the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass are to be abhorred there 's no doubt to be made of that Unless as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both they be such Ceremonies as Impeach not the free Justification of a Sinner by Faith in Christ and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them Now all this at the most is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies and in such time and place must be understood too as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me and Bucer must make his own Speeches good For my own part I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind as my Accusers here call him And he says plainly a little after in the same place concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things Quanquam est quod in istis viris desiderem though I approve them in many things yet there is somewhat which I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on 3. The Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is also to be found here For the Words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England and yet are taken in here Almighty God is in called that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here is made a work of God's Omnipotency The words of the Mass ut fiant nobis are Translated in King Edward's Book that they may be unto us which is again turned into Latin by Alesius ut fiant nobis They say the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is to be found in this Service-Book But they must pardon me I know it is not there I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment and yet suffer that to pass But let 's see their proof The words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Liturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England yet are taken into this Service-Book I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy fit for Bucer to censure sharply and therefore not tending to that purpose For did they tend to that they could not be censured too sharply The words it seems are these O Merciful Father of thy Almighty Goodness vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son Well if these be the words how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them Why first the Charge here is made a

work of God's Omnipotency Well and a work of Omnipotency it is what ever the Change be For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements either in Nature or Vse to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them is no proof at all of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament 'T is true this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England but I wish with all my Heart it were For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation Secondly these words they say intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament because the Words in the Mass are ut fiant nobis that they may be unto us the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom I would with all my Heart that these words ut fiant nobis That these Elements might be To us worthy Receivers the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope that this great Controversie which to all Men that are out of the Church is the shame and among all that are within the Church is the division of Christendom might have some good Accommodation For if it be only ut fiant nobis that they may be to us the Body and the Blood of Christ it implies clearly that they are to us but are not Transubstantiated in themselves into the Body and Blood of Christ nor that there is any Corporal Presence in or under the Elements And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome than their own Service For as the Elements after the Benediction or Consecration are and may be called the Body and Blood of Christ without any addition in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture So when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ nobis to us that Communicate as we ought there is by this addition fiant nobis an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood And the true Sense so well signified and expressed that the words cannot well be understood otherwise than to imply not the Corporal Substance but the Real and yet the Spiritual use of them And so the words ut fiant nobis import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove And I hope that which follows will have no better success On the other side the Expressions of the Book of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by Faith and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee are utterly deleted Before they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament by some positive words And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England For they say and 't is true that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy at the delivery of the Elements and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland But it is altogether false either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it For the first of feeding on Christ by Faith if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence surely neither the Scottish Bishops nor my self were so simple to leave it out here and keep these words in immediately after that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us which have duly received those Holy Mysteries with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son For the feeding on Christ by Faith and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ are all one and 't is hard that the asserting of a Spiritual Food should be made the proof a Corporal Presence or that the omitting of it in one place should be of greater force than the affirming it in another The like is to be said of the second omission of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us For that remembrance of his Death and Passion is expressed almost immediately before And would not this have been omitted as well as the other had there been an intention to forget this remembrance and to introduce a Corporal Presence Besides St. Paul himself in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this in remembrance of me But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing which we bless is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ The Bread which we break is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ Which Interrogation there is a pressing Affirmation and these words in remembrance of Christ are omitted And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence I hope they will not But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work it cannot reflect upon me For when I shall come to set down as I purpose God willing to do the brief Story what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland it shall then appear that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them without any Omission or Addition at all this or any other that so the Publick Divine Service might in all his Majesty's Dominions have been one and the same But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England and this was one as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand Dr. Wetherborne whose Notes I have yet by me concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book And concerning this particular his words are these The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life And so The Blood of c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd Amen There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book And if there be no more in ours the Action will be much the shorter Besides the words which are added since take eat in remembrance c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion So that for my part First I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words none at all And next if there be any it proceeded not from me That which follows is a meer flourish in the general For they say Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his Sectaries which this Paper cannot contain They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur at

Corpus nostrum est subjectum quo recipitur Many weak Collections and Inferences are made by these Men out of this part of the Communion of the Bodily Presence of Christ but not one Evidence is or can be shewed As for Sectaries I have none nor none can have in this Point For no Men can be Sectaries or Followers of me in that which I never held or maintained And 't is well known I have maintained the contrary and perhaps as strongly as any my Opposits and upon Grounds more agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church Among these Sectaries which they will needs call mine they say there are which teach them that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé For this Opinion be it whose it will I for my part do utterly condemn it as grosly Superstitious And for the Person that affirms it they should have done well to name him and the place where he delivers this Opinion Had this been done it had been fair And I would then have clearly acknowledged what Relation if any the Person had to me and more fully have spoken to the Opinion it self when I might have seen the full scope together of all that he delivered But I doubt there is some ill Cause or other why this Author is not named by them Yet the Charge goes on 4. The Book of England abolishes all that may import the Oblation of † an unbloody Sacrifice but here we have besides the preparatory Oblation of the Elements which is neither to be found in the Book of England now nor in King Edward's Book of old The Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ which Bellarmin calls Sacrificium Laudis quia Deus per illud magnoperè laudatur This also agrees well with their late Doctrine First I think no Man doubts but that there is and ought to be offered up to God at the Consecration and Reception of this Sacrament Sacrificium Laudis the Sacrifice of Praise And that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy for the Instruction of the People And these Words We entirely desire thy Fatherly Goodness Mercifully to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving c. are both in the Book of England and in that which was prepared for Scotland And if Bellarmin do call the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ a Sacrifice of Praise sure he doth well in it for so it is if Bellarmin mean no more by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ than a Commemoration and a Representation of that great Sacrifice offered up by Christ himself As Bishop Jewel very Learnedly and fully acknowledges But if Bellarmin go farther than this and by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ mean that the Priest Offers up that which Christ himself did and not a Commemoration of it only he is Erroneous in that and can never make it good But what Bellarmin's Opinion and Meaning is when he calls it Sacrificium Laudis a Sacrifice of Praise I cannot tell till they be pleased to cite the place that I may see and consider of it In the mean time there is as little said in the Liturgy for Scotland which may import an Oblation of an unbloody Sacrifice as is in the Book of England As for the Oblation of the Elements that 's fit and proper And I am sorry for my part that it is not in the Book of England But they say farther We are ready when it shall be judged convenient and we shall be desired to discover much more of Matters in this kind as Grounds laid for Missa Sicca or the Half Mass for Private Mass without the People of Communicating in one kind of the Consumption by the Priest and Consummation of the Sacrifice of receiving the Sacrament in the Mouth and not in the Hand c. Here 's a Conclusion of this Charge against me concerning the Service-Book And these charitable Men which have sought no less than my Life now say they are ready when it shall be convenient and that they shall be desired to deliver much more in this kind Sure the time can never be more convenient for them than now when any thing they will say shall be believed even against apparent Evidence or most full Proof to the contrary And I do desire them that notwithstanding this is Hora vestra Potestas Tenebrarum their most convenient time that they will discover any thing which they have more to say But the Truth is here 's nothing in this threatned Heap but Cunning and Malice For they would seem to reckon up many things but divers of them are little different as Missa Sicca and Communicating in one kind And neither these nor any of the rest offered with any Proof nor indeed are they able to prove that any Grounds are laid for any one of them in that service-Service-Book And for my own part I have expressed my self as fully against these particulars as any Protestant that hath Written Yet they say Our Supplications were many against these Books But Canterbury procured them to be Answered with Horrible Proclamations We were constrained to use the Remedy of Protestation But for our Protestations and other Lawful Means which were used for our Deliverance Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebells and Traytors to all the Parish-Kirks of England where we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace against those Devices and Novations Canterbury kindles War against us In all these it is known that he was although not thes ole yet the principal Agent and Adviser Their Supplications against these Books of the Canons and the Service were many indeed But how well qualified the matter duly considered I leave to them who shall take the pains to look into them And howsoever most untrue it is that I caused them to be answered with Horrible Proclamations Nor were they constrained by any thing that I know but their own wilfulness to use the Churlish Remedy of Protestation against their Sovereigns Lawful Power in Lawful Things They add that for their Protestations and other Lawful Means which they used for their Deliverance Canterbury procured them to be proclaimed Rebels Now truly I know no other Lawful means that they used but taking up of Arms professedly against the King And I for my part do not conceive that Lawful for Subjects to do in any Cause of Religion or otherwise and this I am sure was the Ancient Christian Doctrine And yet when they had taken up Arms I did not procure them to be declarered Rebels and Traytors The Proclamation for that went out by Common Advise of the Lords of the Council and their carriage at that time deserv'd it plentifully let them paint over that Action how they can And let the World and future Ages judge whether to take Arms against their Sovereign were a Christian and an orderly seeking to

to my Hands to the State and there left them to do what they pleased in it But that for which they were Sentenced was a Book Written by Mr. Burton and Printed and sent by himself to the Lords sitting in Council and a Letany and other Scandalous things scattered and avowed by Dr. 〈◊〉 and things of like nature by Mr. Pryn. And he was thought to deserve less Favour than the rest because he had been censured before in that great Court for gross abuses of the Queens Gracious Majesty and the Government in his Book Intituled Histriomastix This Censure being past upon these Men though I did no more than is before mentioned yet they and that Faction continued all manner of Malice against me And I had Libel upon Libel scattered in the Streets and pasted upon Posts And upon Friday July 7. 1637. a Note was brought to me of a short Libel pasted on the Cross in Cheapside that the Arch-Wolf of Canterbury had his Hand in persecuting the Saints and shedding the Blood of the Martyrs Now what kind of Saints and Martyrs these were may appear by their Libellous Writings Courses with which Saints and Martyrs were never acquainted And most certain it is that howsoever the Times went then or go now yet in Queen Elizabeth's Time Penry was Hanged and Vdal Condemned and Dyed in Prison for less than is contained in Mr. Burton's Book as will be evident to any Man that compares their Writings together And these Saints would have lost their Lives had they done that against any other State Christian which they did against this And I have yet one of the desperatest Libels by me that hath ordinarily been seen which was sealed up in form of a Letter and sent to me by Mr. Pryn with his Name to it And but that it is exceeding long and from the present business I would here have inserted it To return then The Faction of the Brownists and these three Saints with their Adherents for they were now set at Liberty by the House of Commons and brought into London in great Triumph filled the Press almost Daily with Ballads and Libels full of all manner of Scurrility and more Untruth both against my Person and my Calling These were cried about London-streets and brought many of them to Westminster and given into divers Lords Hands and into the Hands of the Gentlemen of the House of Commons And yet no Order taken by either House to suppress the Printing of such known and shameless Lyes as most of them contained A thing which many sober Men found much fault withall and which I believe hath hardly been seen or suffered in any Civil Common-wealth Christian or other But when I saw the Houses of Parliament so regardless of their own Honour to suffer these base and Barbarous Courses against an Innocent Man and as then not so much as Charged in general I thought fit to arm my self with Patience and endure that which I could not help And by God's Blessing I did so though it grieved me much more for my Calling than for my Person And this spreading of Libellous Base Pamphlets continues to this Day without controul and how long it will continue to the Shame of the Nation I cannot tell While I was thus committed to Mr. Maxwell I found I was by the course of the House to pay in Fees for my Dyet and Custody Twenty Nobles a day This grew very heavy For I was stayed there full ten weeks before so much as any General Charge was brought up by the House of Commons against me which in that time came to Four Hundred Sixty Six Pound Thirteen Shillings and Four Pence And Mr. Maxwell had it all without any Abatement In the mean time on Munday December 21. upon a Petition of Sir Robert Howard I was Condemned to pay Five Hundred Pounds unto him for false Imprisonment And the Lords Order was so strict that I was commanded to pay him the Money presently or give Security to pay it in a very short time I payed it to satisfie the Command of the House but was not therein so well advised as I might have been being Committed for Treason Now the Cause of Sir Robert Howard was this He fell in League with the Lady Viscountess Purbeck The Lord Viscount Purbeck being in some weakness and distemper the Lady used him at her pleasure and betook her self in a manner wholly to Sir Robert Howard and had a Son by him She was delivered of this Child in a Clandestine way under the Name of Mistress Wright These things came to be known and she was brought into the High-Commission and there after a Legal Proceeding was found guilty of Adultery and Sentenced to do Pennance Many of the great Lords of the Kingdom being present in Court and agreeing in the Sentence Upon this Sentence she withdrew her self to avoid the Penance This Sentence passed at London-House in Bishop Mountain's time Novemb. 19. An. Dom. 1627. I was then present as Bishop of Bath and Wells After this when the Storm was somewhat over Sir Robert Howard conveyed her to his House at ....... in Shropshire where she Lived avowedly with him some Years and had by him ... Children At last they grew to that open boldness that he brought her up to London and lodged her in Westminster This was so near the Court and in so open view that the King and the Lords took notice of it as a thing full of Impudence that they should so publickly adventure to outface the Justice of the Realm in so fowl a business And one day as I came of course to wait on his Majesty he took me aside and told me of it being then Arch-Bishop of Canterbury and added that it was a great Reproach to the Church and Nation and that I neglected my Duty in case I did not take order for it I made answer she was the Wife of a Peer of the Realm and that without his leave I could not attach her but that now I knew his Majesty's pleasure I would do my best to have her taken and brought to Penance according to the Sentence against her The next day I had the good hap to apprehend both Her and Sir Robert and by Order of the High-Commission-Court Imprisoned her in the Gate-House and him in the Fleet. This was as far as I remember upon a Wednesday and the Sunday sevennight after was thought upon her to bring to Penance She was much troubled at it and so was he And therefore in the middle of the week following Sir Robert dealt with some of his Friends and among the rest with one Sir ....... of Hampshire who with Mony corrupted the Turn-Key of the Prison so they call him and conveyed the Lady forth and after that into France in Man's Apparel as that Knight himself hath since made his boast This was told me the Morning after the escape And you must think the good Fellowship of the Town was

with Truth and preserve all the Foundations of Religion entire For I have Learned from a Prime School-Man of their own That every Vnion doth not perfect the true Reason or Definition of that which is good but that only upon which depends Esse perfectum Rei the perfect Essence of that thing So that in this particular if the substance of Christian Religion be not perfected by any Vnion that Vnion it self cannot have in it Rationem boni the true Being and Nature of Good And therefore I did never desire that England and Rome should meet together but with forsaking of Errour and Superstition especially such as grate upon and frett the Foundations of Religion But were this done God forbid but I should Labour for a Reconciliation if some Tenets of the Roman Party on the one side and some deep and imbittered Disaffections on the other have not made it impossible as I much doubt they have But that I shou'd practice with Rome as now it stands and to that end should confederate with Priests and Jesuits or hold secret intelligence with the Pope or treat with him or any Instruments Authorised by him or by any Agents is utterly untrue As I hope may fully appear by that which follows vid. init libri And First in hope that they which have observed my Life in times past will give me Credit in this time of my Affliction I do here make my solemn Protestation in the Presence of God and this great Court that I am Innocent of any thing greater or less that is charged in this Article or any part of it And I do here offer my Corporal Oath Please it the Lords to give it me in the strictest form that any Oath can be conceived that I am wholly Innocent of this Charge And let nothing be tendred against me but Truth and I do challenge whatsoever is between Heaven and Hell to come in and Witness whatsoever they can against me in this Particular For all that I have feared in all this Charge against me is not Guilt but Subornation of Perjury Against which Innocency it self cannot be safe And I have found the deadly Hatred of some Men against me to be such as that though I cannot suspect the House of Commons of such an Irreligious Baseness yet I have great Cause to suspect some particular Men which I see make no Conscience of the Way so they may compass their End Secondly Should I practice be it with whom you will to superinduce Romish Tyranny and Superstition over the true Religion established in England I have taken a very wrong way to it For I have hindred as many from going to the Roman Party and have reduced as many from it and some of great Quality and some of great Learning and Judgment as I believe any Divine in England hath done And is this the way to bring in Romish Superstition to reduce Men from it Or is this the Reward from the State which Men must look for that have done these Services Thirdly The Book which I have Written against Mr. Fisher the Jesuit must of Necessity either acquit me of this Calumny or proclaim me a Villain to the World And I hope I have so lived as that Men have not that Opinion of me sure I am I have not deserved it And had this Book of mine been written according to the Garb of the Time fuller of Railing than Reason a Learned Jesuit would have Laughed at it and me and a Learned Protestant might have thought I had Written it only to conceal my self and my Judgment in those Difficulties But being Written in the way it is I believe no Romanist will have much Cause to Joy at it or to think me a Favourer of their Cause And since I am thus put to it I will say thus much more This Book of mine is so Written by God's great blessing upon me as that whensoever the Church of England as they are growing towards it apace shall depart from the Grounds which I have therein laid she shall never be able before any Learned and disingaged Christian to make good her Difference with and her Separation from the Church of Rome And let no Man think I speak Pride or Vanity in this For the Outrages which have been against me force me to say it and I am confident future times will make it good unless Profaneness break in and over-run the whole Kingdom which is not a little to be feared Fourthly I must confess I am in this Particular most unfortunate For many Recusants in England and many of that Party beyond the Seas think I have done them and their Cause more Harm than they which have seemed more fierce against them And I doubt not but I shall be able to prove that I have been accounted beyond Sea the greatest Enemy to them that ever sat in my Place And shall I suffer on both sides Shall I be accounted an Enemy by one part for opposing the Papist and accused for a Traytor by the other for Favouring and Complying with them Well If I do suffer thus 't is but because Truth usually lies between two Extreams and is beaten by both As the poor Church of England is at this day by the Papist and the Separatist But in this and all things else in despight of all Malice Truth shall be either my Protection from Suffering or my Comfort while I suffer And by God's gracious assistance I shall never depart from it but continue at the Apostle's Ward 2 Cor. 13. Nihil possum contra veritatem I can do nothing against the Truth and for it I hope God will enable me patiently to suffer any thing Fifthly If I had practised with the Pope or his Agents for the alteration of Religion in England surely I must have used many great and dextrous Instruments to compass my end And in a business of so great Consequence Difficulty and Danger to all that should have a Hand nay but a Finger in it no Man would venture to meddle without good pay And 't is well known that I have filled no Purse nor laid up any store to set ill Instruments on work upon that or any other unworthy design Sixthly I am a Man in Years great Years for a Man so loaded with business as I have been all my Life And it cannot be long before I must go to give God Almighty an account of all my Actions And whatsoever the Malignity of the Time may put upon me yet they which know me and my ways will easily believe that I have not so little Conscience or care of my Soul as to double with God to my very Death Nay could I have doubled thus I could easily have seen a way through all this difficulty and how to have been as gracious with the People as any even the worst of my Predecessours But I have ever held that the lowest depth of Baseness to frame Religion to

after came another Ordinance requiring me by vertue of the said Ordinance to give Chartham to Mr. Corbet This Order was not brought to me till Friday May 26. Then it was brought unto me by Mr. Corbet himself and Sir John Corbet a Parliament Man came with him Now upon the Tuesday before I had sent an humble Petition to the Lords for Maintenance The Prayer of which Petition was as follows Humbly prayeth that your Lordships will take his sad condition into your Honourable Consideration that somewhat may be allowed him out of his Estate to supply the Necessities of life assuring himself that in Honour and Justice you will not suffer him either to beg or starve And your Petitioner shall ever pray c. The Answer which this Petition had in the Lords House was Let him give Chartham as is Ordered and then We will consider of Maintenance So my Petition was sent down to the House of Commons To the last forenamed Order I gave my former Answer and humbly Petitioned the Lords accordingly May 27. following So they departed and as they went down the Hill together Sir John was over-heard to say to Mr. Corbet thus The Archbishop hath Petitioned the Lords for Maintenance and they have sent his Petition to the Commons And since he will not give you the Benefice I 'll warrant you he shall have no Maintenance And so accordingly my Petition was rejected in the House of Commons CAP. XVIII THis was Wednesday the last of May It was the Fast-Day A Search came betimes in the Morning into the Tower upon all the Prisoners for Letters and other Papers But I have some Reasons to think the Search had a special aim at me First because following me thus close about Chartham as they did I conceive they 〈◊〉 desirous to see whether I had any such Letter from the King as I pretended If I had not they had advantage against me for my Falshood if I had they meant to see what Secret passed from his Majesty to me Secondly because I had lately Petitioned for Maintenance and by this Search they might see what I had by me And he that searched my Chamber told me upon occasion that he was to take all Papers which might discover Delinquents Estates Thirdly because all other Prisoners had their Papers re-delivered them before the Searchers went from the Tower except some few Verses of Sir Edward Hern's But mine were carried to the Committee yet with promise that I should have them again within two or three Days Fourthly because as Layton was put into Lambeth-House so my implacable Enemy Mr. Pryn was picked out as a Man whose Malice might be trusted to make the search upon me And he did it exactly The manner of the Search upon me was thus Mr. Pryn came into the Tower with other Searchers so soon as the Gates were open Other Men went to other Prisoners he made haste to my Lodging Commanded the Warder to open my Doors left two Musketeers Centinels below that no Man might go in or out and one at the Stair-head with three other which had their Muskets ready Cocked he came into my Chamber and found me in Bed as were also my Servants in theirs I presently thought upon my Blessed Saviour when Judas led in the Swords and Staves about him Mr. Pryn seeing me safe in Bed falls first to my Pockets to rifle them and by that time my two Servants came running in half ready I demanded the sight of his Warrant he shewed it me and therein was Expressed that he should search my Pockets The Warrant came from the Close Committee and the Hands that were to it were these E. Manchester W. Saye and Seale Wharton H. Vane Gilbert Gerard and John Pim. Did they remember when they gave this Warrant how odious it was to Parliaments and 〈◊〉 of themselves to have the Pockets of Men searched When my Pockets had been sufficiently ransacked I rose and got my Cloaths about me and so half ready with my Gown upon my Shoulders he held me in the search till past Nine of the Clock in the Morning He took from me Twenty and One Bundles of Papers which I had prepared for my Defence the two Letters before named which came to me from his Gracious Majesty about Chartham and my other Benefices the Scottish service-Service-Book with such Directions as accompanied it a little Book or Diary containing all the Occurrences of my Life and my Book of Private Devotions both these last written through with my own Hand Nor could I get him to leave this last but he must needs see what passed between God and me A thing I think scarce ever offer'd to any Christian. The last place which he rifled was a Trunk which stood by my Bed-side In that he found nothing but about Forty Pound in Money for my necessary Expences which he meddled not with and a Bundle of some Gloves This Bundle he was so careful to open as that he caused each Glove to be looked into upon this I tender'd him one pair of the Gloves which he refusing I told him he might take them and fear no Bribe for he had already done me all the Mischief he could and I asked no Favour of him So he thanked me took the Gloves bound up my Papers left two Centinels at my Door which were not dismissed till the next Day Noon and went his way I was somewhat troubled to see my self used in this manner but knew no help but in God and the Patience which he had given me And how his Gracious Providence over me and his Goodness to me wrought upon all this I shall in the End discover and will magnisie however it succeed with me CAP. XIX UPon my last Answer to the House concerning Chartham there came out an Ordinance against me to take all my Temporalities into the Parliament's hands that so they might give not only Chartham but all things else which fell into my Gift And because it is an Ordinance of a great Power and Extent I shall set it down as it was Printed and Published Junij 10. being Saturday Whereas by an Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament of the 17. of May 1643. the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is required from time to time until his Tryal to Collate such fit Persons unto any Ecclesiastical Preferment in his Patronage as shall by both Houses be Nominated unto him and in pursuance of the said Ordinance another Ordinance of the Lords and Commons past the 20th of the same Month requiring the said Arch-Bishop to Collate upon Ed. Corbet Fellow of Merton Colledge in the University of Oxford the Rectory of Chartham in the County of Kent void by the Death of Dr. Bargrave the last Incumbent and whereas the said Arch-Bishop refuseth Obedience to the said Ordinance It is therefore Ordered and be it so Ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament that all the Temporalities

to give an easie Account for this But whereas I said the Repair of St. Pauls was a strange piece of Treason And they presently Replyed that they did not Charge the Repair upon me but the Manner of doing it by demolishing of Mens Houses To that I Answered as follows with this first that the Work hath cost me above One Thousand and two Hundred Pounds out of my own Purse besides all my Care and Pains and now this heavy Charge to boot No one Man offering to prove that I have Mis-spent or diverted to other use any one Penny given to that work or that I have done any thing about it without the Knowledge Approbation and Order of his Majesty or the Lords of the Council or both To the Particulars then For the three Orders taken out of the council-Council-Books I shall not need to repeat them But what is the Mystery that these Orders are reckoned backward the last first Is it to aggravate as if it rose by steps That cannot well be because the first Order is the Sourest if I conceive it right Besides here was real Composition allotted for them and that by a Committee named by the Lords not by me And I think it was very real for it Cost Eight or Nine Thousand Pounds as appears upon the Accounts meerly to take down the Houses which had no Right to stand there before we could come at the Church to Repair it And if any thing should be amiss in any of these which is more than I either know or believe they were the Council's Orders not mine And shall that be urged as Treason against me which is not Imputed to them so much as a Misdemeanour Besides the Lords of the Council are in the ancient Constitution of this Kingdom one Body and whatsoever the Major Part of them concludes is reputed the Act of the whole not any one Man's And this I must often Inculcate because I see such Publick Acts like to be heaped upon my Particular 1. The first Witness about this Business of St. Pauls is Mich. Burton and 't is charged that his House was pulled down in King James's time That he was Promised relief but had none That hereupon he got a Reference from his Majesty that now is and came with it to the Council and was referred to the Committee That Sir Hen. Martin told him that the Arch-Bishop was his hinderance That he resorted to me and that I bid him go to King James for his Recompence To this my Answer was That this House which he says was his was as is confessed by himself taken down in King James's Time when an attempt was made about the Repair of this Cathedral but nothing done If he desired satisfaction he was to seek it of them who took down his House not of me If his Majesty that now is gave him a Reference he was by the Lords of the Council or by me if to me it were Referred to be sent to the Sub-Committee because Satisfaction for each House was to be Ordered by them Nor had I any Reason to take it on my Care which was done so long before He says that Sir Henry Martin told him that I hindred him But that 's no Proof that Sir Hen Martin told him so For 't is but his Report of Sir Henry Martin's Speech And I hope Sir Henry neither did nor would do me such apparent Wrong He was the third Man to whom I brake my Intentions touching the Repair and the Difficulties which I foresaw I was to meet with And he gave me all Encouragement And it may be when nothing would satisfie the eager Old Man I might bid him go to King James for Recompence but 't is more than I remember if I did so And this Man is single and in his own Case and where lyes the Treason that is in it Besides least Consideration was due to this House For not many Years before the Demolishing of it it was Built at the West End of St. Pauls for a Lottery it was said to be the House of one Wheatly and after the Lottery ended finished up into a Dwelling-House to the great annoyance of that Church The Bishop and Dean and Chapter being asleep while it was done 2. The next Charge about St. Pauls was Witnessed by Mary Berry That her Husband was fain to set up his Trade elsewhere and that every Man reported the Bishop was the Cause of it Her Husband was forced by this Remove to set up his Trade elsewhere so she says And perhaps in a better Place and with Satisfaction sufficient to make him a better Stock Where 's the Wrong Beside she is single and in her own Cause and no Proof but that every Man reported the Bishop was the means to remove him And it is Observable that in King James his Time when the Commission issued out for the demolishing of these very Houses the Work was highly applauded and yet no Care taken for Satisfaction of any Private Mans Interest That now great Care hath been taken and great Sums of Money Expended about it yet I must be a Traytor and no less for doing it This makes me think some Party of Men were heartily angry at the Repair it self though for very Shame it be turned off upon the demolishing of the Houses 3. The next that came in was Tho Wheeler He says that his House was pulled down by the Committee by my Direction above Eleven Years ago And that Word was brought him of it His House was pulled down but himself confesses it was by the Committee It was he says above eleven Years ago and the time limited in that Article is Six Years He says that Word was brought him that I was the Cause or gave the Direction Word was brought him but he Names not by whom nor from whom so all this Proof is a single Hearsay of he knows not whom Whereas I had the Broad-Seal of England for all that was done It was replyed here That for demolishing of these Houses the King's Commission was no full and legal Warrant I should have procured Authority from Parliament I replyed to this Interruption That Houses more remote from the Church of St. Pauls were pulled down by the King's Commission only in K. Ed. 3. time and humbly desired a Salvo might be entered for me till I might bring the † Record which was granted 4. The last Instance for this Charge of St. Pauls was the House of W Wakern who Witnessed that he had a Hundred Pound recompence for his House but then was after Fined in the High-Commission-Court 100 l. for Prophanation of which he paid 30 l. To this I gave this Answer That his Charge is true and that after he had received 100 l. Composition the Cry of the Prophanation brought him into the High-Commission It was thus The Skulls of Dead-Men perhaps better than himself were tumbled out of their Graves into his Draught and part of the Foundation of the

Church as appeared in the taking down of his House was broken or pared away to make room for the uncleanness to pass into the Vault And surely were I to sit again in the High-Commission I should give my Vote to Censure this Prophanation But himself confesses he paid but Thirty Pound of it which was too little for such an Offence And besides my Lords this was the Act of the High-Commission and cannot be charged singly upon me And I cannot forbear to add thus much more That the Bishop and Dean and Chapter whoever they were did ill to give way to these Buildings and to increase their Rents by a Sacrilegious Revenue No Law that I know giving way to Build upon Consecrated Ground as that Church-Yard is But howsoever the present Tenants being not in Dolo I ever thought fit they should have Recompence for their Estates and they had it The next Charge was about the Shops of the Goldsmiths in Cheapside and Lumbard-street An Order was made at the Council-Table Novemb. 12. 1634. That within Six Months the Goldsmiths should provide themselves Shops there and no where else till all those Shops were furnished And this under a Penalty and to give Bond. These two were the ancient Places for Goldsmiths only Time out of Mind And it was thought fit by the Lords for the Beauty of the Place and the Honour of the City to have these Places furnished as they were wont and not to have other Trades mixed among them Beside it concerned all Mens Safety For if any Plate were stoln the enquiry after it might be made with more ease and speed Whereas if the Goldsmiths might dwell here and there and keep their Shops in every by-place of the City stoln Plate might easily be made off and never heard of But howsoever if in this Order there were any thing amiss it was the Order of the Council-Table not mine And far enough off from Treason as I conceive 1. Upon this Charge there were two Instances The first is Mr Bartley who said his House was taken from him by Order to the Lord Mayor 1637. That my Hand was to the Order That he was Imprisoned Six Months and recovered 600. l. Damages of Sir Ed. Bromfield That after this he was Committed to Flamsted a Messenger belonging to the High Commission about Dr. Bastwick's and Mr. Burton's Books That after this he was sent for to the Council and there heard my Voice only That when he desired some help Sir Tho. Ailsbury's Man told him he were as good take a Bear by the Tooth That all this was for his entertaining a Man that came out of Scotland and lastly That Dr. Haywood my Chaplain had Licensed a Popish Book To which I gave this Answer That if the Lord Mayor put him from his house by Order from the Lords being a Stationer among the Goldsmiths then it was not done by me And though my Hand were to the Order yet not mine alone and I hope my Hand there subscribed no more Treason than other Lords Hands did And if he did recover 600 l. against Sir Ed. Bromfield who I think was the Lord Mayor spoken of surely he was a Gainer by the Business And whereas he says he was after seized again and Committed to Flamsted about the Books Named If he were as was informed a great Vender of those and such like Books less could not be done to him than to call him to Answer He says farther that he was sent for to the Council-Table and there he heard my Voice only against him It may be so and without all fault of mine For that heavy Office was usually put upon me and the Lord Keeper to deliver the Sense of the Board to such as were called thither and Examined there And by this Means if any sour or displeasing Sentence passed how just soever it mattered not it was taken as our own and the Envy of it fell on us And that this was so many Lords here present know well He adds what Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man said when he would have Petitioned again But since Mr. Bartley is single here and in his own Cause why doth he rest upon a Hearsay of Sir Thomas Ailsbury's Man Why was not this Man Examined to make out the Proof And if this Man did so far abuse me as to speak such Words of me shall I be Abused first and then have that Abuse made a Charge That he was troubled thus for a Scotchman's coming to him is nothing so nor is any Proof offered Though then the Troubles were begun in Scotland and therefore if this had any relation to that Business I pleaded again the Act of Oblivion For that of Dr. Haywood I shall give my Answer in a more proper Place for 't is objected again 2. The second Instance was in Mr Manning's Case He speaks also of the Order of the Council Novemb. 12. 1634. That the Goldsmiths in their Book make an Order upon it June 15. 1635. That they which obey not should be suspended I think 't is meant from use of their Trade That when some intreated them to Obedience I should say This Board is not so Weak but that it can Command or to that effect For the Council's Order it was theirs not mine For the Order which the Company of Goldsmiths made upon it It was their own Act I had nothing to do with it For the Words If I did speak them which is more than I remember he is single that Swears them and in his own Cause But my Lords I must needs say whether I spake it then or not most true it is that the Council-Table is very weak indeed if it cannot Command in things of Decency and for Safety of the Subject and where there is no Law to the contrary And this was then my Answer The Third Charge of this Day was That I forced Men to lend Money to the Church of St Pauls And Mrs Moore was called upon But this was deserted The next Charge was concerning a long and tedious Suit between Rich and Poole about the Parsonage of North-Cerny in Glocestershire That Rich was turned out after three Years Possession by a Reference procured by Poole to the Lord Keeper Coventry and my self And that I did in a manner Act the whole Business at the Reference That Letters were sent from the Council to Sir William Masters one of the Patrons to see Poole Instituted and to Imprison Rich if he refused Obedience That after by the Lord Marshal's procurement there was another Reference obtained to thirteen Lords who awarded for Rich. I was never more weary of any Business in my Life than I was of this Reference And I was so far from Acting the whole Business as that I did nothing but as the Lord Keeper directed the Cause was so entangled with Quare Impedits and many other Businesses of Law Our Judgments upon full Hearing went with Poole and we certified accordingly And upon this it may

be the Letters mentioned were sent down for Poole And if the Lord Keeper that now is then his Majesty's Solicitor could not or durst not meddle but gave back his Fee as was farther urged his Lordship is living to tell the Cause himself for here was none set down though it were urged as if he did it because I was a Referree And in the mean time this is but a bare Report concerning him If the thirteen Lords to whom it was after referred were of another Opinion that was nothing to us who without any touch of Corruption did as our Knowledge and Conscience guided us And my Lords it seems this Title was very doubtful for after all this it came into this Parliament was referred to a Committee where Mr. Rich was very willing to compound the Business And well he might for I was since certified by a Gentleman a Lawyer that understood well and was at the Hearing of that Cause that it was one of the foulest Causes on Rich's side that ever he heard And out of this I took the Summ of my Answer which I gave to Mr. Browne when he Summed up my Charge The Witnesses to this Charge were Mr. Rich his Brother and my good Friend Mr. Talboys But this latter witnesses nothing but that he heard me say that Poole's Behaviour was unfit so there I checked the one Party And that upon some words given me by Rich I should say do you throw dirt in my face And why might I not ask this Question if his words deserved it So upon the Matter here is Rich single in his Brother's Case and nothing throughout that looks like Treason Here I had a snap given me that I slighted the Evidence whereas they as 't was said did not urge these Particulars as Treason but as things tending to the violation of Law and should be found to make Treason in the Result The Truth is I did then think within my self that such Evidence might very well be slighted in an Accusation of Treason But I thought better to forbear and so in my continued patience expected the next Charge Which was Mr Foxlie's Imprisonment about Popish Books That he was tender'd the Oath ex Officio then brought before the Council and imprisoned again by a Warrant under my Hand and others and my Hand first to the Warrant his Wife not suffer'd to come to him till he was sick that the chief Cause of all this was the Impropriations because he desired to Name the Men for the Feoffment My Lords This Man confesses he was called in question about popish-Popish-Books but expressing no more I cannot tell what to make of it nor can I tell how to Accuse him of Popish Books For I cannot tell which is least his Understanding of them or his Love to them And for tendring him the Oath ex Officio that was the usual proceeding in that Court When he was brought before the Lords of the Council he says the Warrant for his Imprisonment was under my Hand and others This was according to course So the Commitment of him was by the Lords not by me But my Hand was first so was it in all things else to which I was to set it And the restraint of his Wife from coming to him was by the same Order of the Lords And upon her Petition when her Husband was sick both of them confess she had admittance But whereas he says The chief Cause of his Commitment was the Feoffment he is much mistaken Himself says before it was about Popish Books This I am sure of the Feoffment was not so much as mentioned against him Though he freely confesses that he got twelve Men to undertake that Feoffment which was a great deal more power than he could take to himself by Law And his Wife speaks not one word to the Cause of his Imprisonment So he is single and in his own Cause and no Treason unless it be against Mr. Foxlye The next Charge of this day was Mr Vassall's Imprisonment And to save Repetition I shall weave all the circumstances of Aggravation and my Answer together First he is single in all both Substance and Circumstance Secondly he says that he conceives I was the cause of his Imprisonment But his Conceit is no proof He says again that I said at the Council-Table whither he was called Why sit we here if we be not able to Judge It may be my Lords I said so I remember not now but if I did say so it was of such things only as were fit and proper for that Honourable Board to judge of Then he Charged me that I should there say That he did eat the Bread out of the King's Childrens Mouths and that if he were in another Country he would be Hang'd for it I doubt this Gentleman has borrowed some of Sir Hen. Vane's Memory But I remember no such thing Yet if I did say it it was no Treason For if I did say he might be Hang'd for the like in some other Country it was because the Laws and Customs of other Countries and this of ours differ in many things So that by this Speech he was to thank the Law of the Land for his preservation notwithstanding his opposition against Majesty which where the Laws were not so favourable to the Subject would not be indured He says He was fain to deposite 300 l. into the Hand of Sir Abra. Dawes and that it was taken out the next day But he says withal it was done by a Decree at the Council-Board and I hope I shall not be held Author of all Decrees which passed there He says that I called him Sirrah A high Crime if I did so High Treason at least But sure this Gentleman's Spleen swell'd up Sir into Sirrah For that is no Language of mine to meaner Men than Mr. Vassal is The main of this Charge is Words and those if utter'd hasty not Treasonable And as M. Lepidus spake in the Case of C. Lutorius Priscus Vana à scelestis dicta à maleficiis differunt vain things differ from wicked and words from malicious deeds and let any Man else be sifted as I have been for all the time I have been a Bishop which is now upon the point of Twenty and three Years and I doubt not but as high Words as these will be heard fallen from him upon less occasion and of greater Personages than Mr. Vassal is Besides Mr. Vassal at the end of his Testimony desired the Lords he might have Reparation which altogether in Law infirms that which he Testified After this followed a Charge about a Grant passed from his Majesty to one Mr. Smith The difference was between Mrs. Burrill and him As far as I can recall it was thus The King had made a Grant to Mr. Burrill in his Life time of a Wharf or something else belonging to the Thames Mr. Smith conceals this and gets a Grant from his Majesty over the Head of the

Widow and her Children And as himself confesses His Majesty being informed that Mrs. Burrill was Sister to the Reverend Prelate Bishop Andrews being then dead should say that he would not have granted it to Mr. Smith had he known so much This was an Honourable Memory of his faithful Servant her Worthy Brother But whatsoever was done in this business was by Order of the Council-Board and not by me As was also the 250 l. which he says was paid in to Sir William Beecher by way of deposite as I conceive In which if he had any hard Measure the Law was open for his Right And in the whole business he is single and in his own Cause The next Charge was Sir Jo Corbett's which because it is expressed at large in the Article before recited I shall not here repeat but apply the Answer to it which I then gave Sir John says he was sent for about Reading the Petition of Right at a Sessions in the Country and that the Earl of Bridgwater should say he was disaffected to the King This concerns not me in any thing He says That for this he was Committed lay long in the Fleet and was denied Bail But he says it was denyed by the whole Board So by his own Confession this was the Act of the Council not mine And this Answer I gave to Mr. Browne when he put this part of the Charge into his Summ. In his Cause with Sir John Stonehouse about a Waste I cannot recal the Particulars But what-ever was done therein himself confesses was by Order at the Council-Table and His Majesty present April 18. 1638. For the I le built by the Lord Viscount Kilmurrye the Grant which I made was no more than is ordinary in all such Cases And 't is expressed in the Body of the Grant Quantum in nobis est de Jure possumus so there is nothing at all done to the prejudice of Sir John's Inheritance For if we cannot Grant it by Law then the Grant is voided by its own words And that the Grant was such and no other I shew'd the Deeds ready Attested out of the Office Besides had I wronged him there was an ordinary Remedy open by Appeal to the Delegates And this was well known to him for he did so Appeal from a like Grant against him by the now Lord Bishop of Duresme then of Lichfield and Sir John's Diocesan And whereas 't is alledged That I made this Grant without the consent of him the Patron or the then Incumbent Sir John acknowledges like a Gentleman that I sent unto him for his consent if it might have been had And this I foresaw also that if I had denyed the Lord Viscount that which was not unusual then the Complaint would have fallen more heavy on the other side that I made Persons of Quality in a manner Recusants by denying them that conveniency which was in my power to grant So I must be faulty whatever I do Then the business of the Tythes of London was raised up in Judgment against me And it was Read out of my Diary that I projected to give the Ministers assistance therein I had been much to blame having been Bishop of London should I have had other thoughts For their Case is very hard all their Offerings being shrunk a way into nothing but a poor Easter-Book The Ministers of London had often petitioned about some Relief long before my time And I did then and do still think it most just they should have it For they are now under the Taskmakers of AEgypt the Tale of Brick must be made they must Preach twice a Sunday get Straw where they can And yet I never thought of any thing contrary to Law had all been done which I desired For that was no more than that the Citizens would voluntarily yield to some reasonable addition where Right and Need appeared And this I am sure nor did nor could cross with the Act of Parliament concerning the Tythes of London And Mr. Moss who is their only Witness in this particular says no more against me but that I pressed this business much and often Which is most true I did and held it my Duty so to do but still in the way before mentioned After this came the great Charge as it was accounted concerning the Censure of Mr Pryn and Burton and Bastwick in the Star-Chamber and their Banishment as 't is called upon it The Witnesses produced in some Circumstances of that Cause were Mr Cockshott Tho Edwards William Wickens Mr Burton Mrs Bastwicke and Mr Pryn himself The Censure is known and urged to be against Law But so far as any Particular is put upon me my Answer is present to it 1. And first for Mr Cockshott he says Mr. Attorney Bancks sent him being then his Servant to give me an Account of that Business Hence 't is inferred That I took care of it This might have had some shew of Proof if I had sent to Mr. Attorney to give me an account of it But there 's no word of any such Proof And yet considering what relation their Cause had to the Church if I had sent and desired some Account of the Proceedings I humbly conceive my Place in the Church considered it could have been no great Crime 2. Then were Read certain Warrants One Febr. 1. 1632. for Commitment another of Febr. 2. 1636. to bar access to them These were Acts of the Lords sitting in Star-Chamber not mine Then was Read a third Order after Sentence given of May 13. 1634. for the seizing of his Books But this as the former was an Act of the Court not mine And 't is expressed in the Order as the Charge it self lays it down for the disposal of the Books according to Law Then the Warrant of their Commitment to the Islands Aug. 27. 1637. This Commitment was no Device of mine nor did I ever hear of it till it was spoken by others in the Star-Chamber Nor do any one of these Warrants prove any thing that can be call'd my Act And I humbly conceive that I ought not by Law nor can by Usage of Parliamentary-Proceedings be charged single for those things which were done in Publick Courts The last Order was November 12. 1637. about the Aldermen of Coventry and the Quo Warranto resolved upon against the Charter of that City only for supposed Favours shew'd to Mr. Pryn in his passage that way First 't is confessed in the Charge that this was an Act of the Lords Secondly that it was made at a full Board Thirdly 't is not urged that any one Man disliked it Fourthly the Complaint which caused it was that both Aldermen and their Wives and other Citizens were not content to shew Mr. Pryn kindness but they both did and spake that which was disgraceful to the Star-Chamber-Sentence But howsoever there is no Particular in that Order that is or can be Charged upon me 3. This for

another Instituted else Church-Men were in a miserable Condition for their Livelyhood Excommunication is in many Cases void in Law Ipso Facto and yet ante latam Sententiam till Sentence be orderly pronounced against it no Man shall be subjected to those fearful Consequences which follow upon it And upon this ground of Natural Equity that in the Statute concerning the Uniformity of Common-Prayer proceeds where 't is said that a party once Convicted for depraving the Common-Prayer Book and relapsing into the same Crime shall be deprived of all his Spiritual Promotions Ipso Facto But how without any Legal Proceedings No God forbid For the Words preceeding immediately in the Statute are that he must be first Legally Convicted of that Criminal Relapse and then follows Ipso Facto and not before And therefore the superinstitution before the Simony tryed and judged was Illegal beside the great danger to the Parishioners while two Parsons and their several Friends are scambling for the Tithes Secondly Fautrye was not Censured for the Original cause of Simony but for an Intruder and Colluder too with Jeames to Abuse the Kings grant of the Benefice Thirdly it seems Fautrye had no better Opinion of his own Cause for he went to his Benefice in Jarsey and set not his Title on Foot again till after Seven Years and that I think was when he heard that Mr. Johnson was a Pretender to it And his Bond upon the Sentence was to make a final Peace For the Prohibition which he says was refused I have answered that before in the Charge about Prohibitions Besides it appears by Law that as Prohibitions may be granted in some Cases so in some Cases they may be refused For Dr. Beal there is not the least shew of Proof offered that I brought him in if to do so be a Crime Thus far Mr. Fautrye went As for Mr. Johnson's Title He says That the Lords ordered it for him and declared that we in the High-Commission could put no Man out of his Freehold Where first if your Lordships have Ordered this Business I must crave to know how far I shall have leave to speak to it For if there be any Errours Charged upon the Sentence given in the High-Commission if they may not be spoken to they cannot be satisfied This I am sure of the Commission hath Power to deprive For the Statute gives it Power to use all Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Censures of which Deprivation is known to be one And that Power is expresly given to deprive some Offenders of all their Spiritual Promotions by the Statute following Therefore I think it follows necessarily either that we have Power over Freehold in that Case or else that a Benefice is not a Freehold But I have no reason howsoever to speak any thing were I left never so free against your Lordships Order which very honourably left Dr. Beal to the Law as 't is confessed by Johnson Besides these two in their own Cause one Mr. Jenkins is produced but to what end I know not unless it be to bespatter Dr. Beal He says That Seven Years since Dr. Beal was Vice-Chancellor of Cambridge that in his Sermon then he inveighed bitterly against the Power of Parliaments and named some unsavoury Speeches of his both concerning their Persons and Proceedings Surely if Dr. Beal did as is Testified he was much to blame But what is this to me If it be said I did not punish him How could I punish that I knew not And I profess I heard not of it till now at Bar. If it be said I did Prefer him That I do absolutely deny and neither Mr. Jenkins nor any other offers the least Proof that I knew the one or did the other The Sixth Charge was concerning the Statutes of the University of Oxford in which and the Cathedrals of the New Erection Mr. Nicolas says I took on me to be an Vniversal Law-giver Many such Offices he bestows upon me which God knows and I believe he too that I never affected No my Lords the great Necessities of that Vniversity called upon me for it Their Statutes lay in a miserable confused Heap When any Difficulty arose they knew not where to look for Remedy or Direction Then into the Convocation-House and make a new Statute and that many times proved contrary to an Old one concerning the same business Men in the mean time sworn to both which could not possibly be kept together By this means Perjury was in a manner unavoidable And themselves confess in their Register which is now in Court that till this was done they did in a sort Swear that they might be Forsworn Besides my Lords I did not abolish any the Old Books in which the Statutes lay so confused some in one Book and some in another but left them all entire in the Vniversity in Case in any after-times any use might be made of them Nor did I with them as some Ancient Philosophers are said to have done with the Works of some that went before them That is make them away to advance their own Honour the more as if without any help of former Pains they had done all themselves Holding it Honour more than enough for me that God had so highly Blessed me in this Work as to finish and settle those Statutes which the greatest Men in their times Cardinal Wolsey first and after him Cardinal Pool assayed but left as imperfect as they found them Neither did I any thing in this Work but by the consent of the Vniversity and according to an Act and a Delegacy thereby appointed of their own Convocation Mr. Nicolas says There is a Rasure in one of the Acts and supplied in other Ink. I told your Lordships then presently being loath to lye never so little under such an Imputation that if there be any such it must be Charged upon the Vniversity not upon me for those Records were never in my Hands nor is it so much as said they were And since I withdrew to make my Answer I have viewed the Record and an Alteration or Addition there is and 't is a known Hand 'T is Dr. Duppa's Hand now Lord Bishop of Salisbury and then Vice-Chancellor who I doubt not but is able to give a good account of what he did therein and why And for ought appears 't is nothing but the amendment of some slip which their Ignorant Register French had failed in and the Vice-Chancellor thought it safest to mend with his own Hand And for my own part if ever I did any thing worth Thanks from the Publick in all my Life I did it in this Work for that Vniversity And I wish with all my Heart the times were so open as that I might have the Vniversity's Testimony both of me and it Since I cannot a great Lord present in the House when this Charge was laid against me supplied in part their Absence For he was over-heard say to another Lord I

here stepped in Mr. Pryn and said This was according to the Form in Missali Parvo But 't is well known I borrowed nothing thence All that I used was according to the Copy of the late Reverend Bishop of Winchester Bishop Andrews which I have by me to be seen and which himself used all his Time Then from my Chappel he went to my Study And there the Second Charge was That I had a Bible with the Five Wounds of Christ fair upon the Cover of it This was curiously wrought in Needle-Work The Bible was so sent me by a Lady and she a Protestant I was loth to deface the Work but the Bible I kept in my Study from any Man's Hand or Eye that might take Offence at it Mr. Brown touched upon this and my Answer was the same saving that I mentioned not the Lady Secondly That I had in my Study a Missal and divers other Books belonging to the Roman Liturgy My Lords 't is true I had many but I had more of the Greek Liturgies than the Roman And I had as many of both as I could get And I would know how we shall answer their Errors if we may not have their Books I had Liturgies all I could get both Ancient and Modern I had also the Alcoarn in divers Copies If this be an Argument why do they not accuse me to be a Turk Thirdly to this Charge was added my Private Prayer Book which Mr. Pryn had taken from me in his Search Where first I observed That the Secrets between God and my Soul were brought to be divulged in open Court Nihil Gravius dicam But see whether it can be parallel'd in Hetheanism But what Popery was found in these Prayers Why first they said my Prayers were in Canonical Hours Hora Sexta Hora Nona c. I injoyned my self several hours of Prayer That I hope is no Sin And if some of them were Church-Hours that 's no Sin neither Seven Times a Day will I praise thee was the Prophet David's long before any Canonical Hours And among Christians they were in use before Popery got any Head God grant this may be my greatest Sin Secondly The Prayer which I made at the Consecration of the Chappel at Hammersmith I desired that might be read or any other No Offence found Thirdly the Word Prostratus in my Private Devotions before I came to the Eucharist If I did so to God what 's that to any Man But I pray in all this curious Search and Mr. Pryn here and all along spared no pains why were no Prayers to the B. Virgin and the Saints found if I were so swallowed up in Popery From my Study he went on to my Gallery The Serjeant would find out Popery ere he had done Thence I was Charged with three Pictures The First of them was a Fair Picture of the Four Fathers of the Western Church S Ambrose S Jerom S Augustine and S Gregory It was as Lawful to have this Picture as the Picture of any other Men. Yea but there was a Dove pictured over them and that stood for the Holy-Ghost That 's more than any Witness did or durst depose The Second was the Ecce Homo as Pilate brought Christ forth and shewed him to the Jews This Picture is Common and I yet know no hurt of it so it be not Worshipped And that I detest as much as any Man and have written as much against it as any Protestant hath And it was then read in part And for both these Pictures I answered farther out of Calvin That it is Lawful to make and have the Picture of any things Quorum sint Capaces Oculi which may be seen Now the Dove was visible and seen S. John 1. That 's for the first Picture And for the Second the Ecce Homo why did Pilat say Ecce but that the Jews might and did see him St. Joh. 19. So both Pictures lawful by the Rule laid down by Calvin Mr. Brown Charged against both these Pictures very warmly And when I had Answer'd as before in his Reply he fell upon my Answer and said it was in the Homilies but either he quoted not the place or I else slipped it That every Picture of Christ was a Lye because whole Christ cannot be Pictured But by this Argument it is unlawful to Picture any Man for the whole Man cannot be Pictured Who ever drew a Picture of the Soul And yet who so simple as to say the Picture of a Man is a Lye Besides the Ecce Homo is a Picture of the Humanity of Christ only which may as lawfully be drawn as any other Man And it may be I may give farther Answer when I see the place in the Homilies The Third Picture found in my Gallery I marvel why it was produced For it relates to that of our Saviour St. John 10. Where he says that the Shepherd enters into the Sheepfold by the door but they which climb up to enter another way are Thieves and Robbers And in that Picture the Pope and the Fryars are climbing up to get in at the Windows So 't is as directly against Popery as can be Besides it was Witnessed before the Lords by Mr. Walter Dobson an Ancient Servant both to Arch-Bishop Bancroft and Abbot that both the Ecce Homo and this Picture were in the Gallery when he came first to Lambeth-House which was about Forty Years since So it was not brought thither by me to countenance Popery And I hope your Lordships do not think me such a Fool if I had an intention to alter Religion I would hang the Profession of it openly in my Gallery thereby to bring present danger upon my self and destroy the work which themselves say I intended cunningly And if there be any Error in having and keeping such Pictures yet that is no sufficient proof that I had any intention to alter the Religion Established which I desire may be taken notice of once for all From my Gallery the Serjeant crossed the Water to White-Hall and sure in haste for at that time he took no leave of Captain Guest or his Wife before he left Lambeth At the Court he met Sir Henry Mildmay This Knight being produced by him against me says That in my time Bowings were constantly used in the Chappel there But first Dr. Featly told your Lordships there was nothingin my Chappel but as it was in use at White-Hall So all the Popery I could bring was there before And Secondly if bowing to God in his own House be not amiss as how it should I yet know not then there can be no fault in the constant doing of it Quod semel fecisse bonum est non potest malum esse si frequentèr fiat So St. Jerome Teaches Thirdly I am very sorry that any Reverence to God in his House and in the time of his Worship

should be thought too much I am sure the Homilies so often pressed against me cry out against the neglect of Reverence in the Church This passage was read and by this it seems the Devil 's Cunning was so soon as he saw Superstition thrust out of this Church to bring Irreverence and Prophaneness in Here Mr. Browne having pressed this Charge Replies upon me in his last that I would admit no mean but either there must be Superstition or Prophaneness whereas my words can infer no such thing I said this was the Devil's Practice I would have brought in the mean between them and preserved it too by God's Blessing had I been let alone Sir Hen. says next that he knew of no Bowings in that Chappel before my time but by the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter at their Solemnity No time else Did he never see the King his Master Offer before my time Or did he ever see him Offer or the Lord Chamberlain attend him there without Bowing and Kneeling too And for the Knights of the Garter if they might do it without Superstition I hope I and other Men might do so too Especially since they were Ordered by Hen. 5. to do it with great Reverence ad modum Sacerdotum Which proves the Antiquity of this Ceremony in England He farther says there was a fair Crucifix in a piece of Hangings hung up behind the Altar which he thinks was not used before my time But that he thinks so is no proof He says This fair piece was hanged up in the Passion Week as they call it As they call it Which they Will he shut out himself from the Passion Week All Christians have called it so for above a Thousand Years together and is that become an Innovation too As they call it Fifthly He says the hanging up of this piece was a great scandal to Men but indifferently affected to Religion Here I humbly crave leave to observe some few Particulars First that here 's no proof so much as offer'd that the piece was hung up by me or my Command Secondly that this Gentleman came often to me to Lambeth and professed much Love to me yet was never the Man that told me his Conscience or any Mans else was troubled at it which had he done that should have been a scandal to no Man Thirdly that if this were scandalous to any it must be offensive in regard of the Workmanship or Quatenus Tale as it was a Crucifix Not in regard of the work certainly for that was very exact And then if it were because it was a Crucifix why did not the old one offend Sir Henry's Conscience as much as the new For the piece of Hangings which hung constantly all the Year at the back of the Altar thirty Years together upon my own Knowledge and somewhat above long before as I offer'd proof by the Vestry Men and so all the time of Sir Henry's being in Court had a Crucifix wrought in it and yet his Conscience never troubled at it Fourthly that he could not possibly think that I intended any Popery in it considering how hateful he knew me to be at Rome beyond any my Predecessors since the Reformation For so he protested at his return from thence to my self And I humbly desire a Salvo that I may have him called to Witness it Which was granted When they had charged me thus far there came up a Message from the House of Commons I was commanded to withdraw But that Business requiring more haste I was dismissed with a Command to attend again on Wednesday May 22. But then I was put off again to Munday May 27. And after much pressing for some Maintenance considering how oft I was made attend and with no small Expence on May 25. I had an Order from the Committee of Sequestrations to have Two Hundred Pound allowed me out of my own now Sequestred Estate It was a Month before I could receive this And this was all that ever was yet allowed me since the Sequestration of my Estate being then of above Two Years continuance CAP. XXXIII The Eleventh Day of my Hearing THis day Mr. Serjeant Wilde followed the Charge upon me And went back again to my Chappel Windows at Lambeth Three Witnesses against them The first was one Pember a Glasier He says there was in one of the Glass-Windows on the North side the Picture of an Old Man with a Glory which he thinks was of God the Father But his thinking so is no proof Nor doth he express in which of the North Windows he saw it And for the Glory that is usual about the Head of every Saint And Mr. Brown who was the Second Witness and was trusted by me for all the work of the Windows both at Lambeth and Croydon says expresly upon his Oath that there was no Picture of God the Father in the Windows at Lambeth But he says He found a Picture of God the Father in a Window at Croydon and Arch-Bishop Cranmer's Arms under it and that he pulled it down So it appears this Picture was there before my time And continued there in so Zealous an Arch-Bishop's time as Cranmer was well known to be and it was pulled down in my time Neither did I know till now that ever such a Picture was there and the Witness deposes he never made me acquainted with it The Third Witness was Mr. Pryn. He says he had taken a survey of the Windows at Lambeth And I doubt not his diligence He repeated the Story in each Window I have told this before and shall not repeat it He says the Pictures of these Stories are in the Mass-Book If it be so yet they were not taken thence by me Arch-Bishop Morton did that work as appears by his Device in the Windows He says the Story of the day of Judgment was in a Window in atrio that must not come into the Chappel Good Lord whither will Malice carry a Man The Story opposite is of the Creation and what must not that come into the Chappel neither The Chappel is divided into an inner and utter Chappel In this outward the two Windows mentioned are And the Partition or Skreen of the Chappel which makes it two was just in the same place where now it stands from the very building of the Chappel for ought can be proved to the contrary So neither I nor any Man else did shut out the day of Judgment He says I had Read the Mass-Book diligently How else should I be able really to confute what is amiss in it He says I had also a Book of Pictures concerning the Life of Christ in my Study And it was fit for me to have it For some things are to be seen in their Pictures for the People which their Writings do not perhaps dare not avow The Second Charge of this day was about the Administration of

the Sacrament in my Chappel The Witnesses two The first was Dr. Haywood who had been my Chaplain in the House They had got from others the Ceremonies there used and then brought him upon Oath He confessed he Administred in a Cope And the Canon warranted it He confesses as it was urged that he fetched the Elements from the Credential a little Side-Table as they called it and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table Where 's the offence For first the Communion Table was little and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there while the Service was in Administration And Secondly I did not this without Example for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops used it so all their time and no exception taken The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall one of my Menial Servants A very forward Witness he shewed himself But said no more than is said and answered before Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of his Majesty And first out of my Diary Feb 2 1625. 'T is urged that I carried back the Regalia offer'd them on the Altar and then laid them up in their place of safety I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster and I was to look to all those things and their safe return into Custody by the place I then Executed And the offering of them could be no offence For the King himself offers upon solemn days And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do Secondly they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done but it only relates the Practice what was done And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form it was my Predecessors fault not mine for he so Anointed him They say there was a Crucifix among the Regalia and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation and that I did not except against it My Predecessor Executed at that time And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there But I remember not any there Yet if there were if my Predecessor approved the standing of it or were content to connive at it it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical And I say if it were it was not taken thence by me And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation And so the Prayer be good and here 's no word in it that is excepted against 't is no matter whence 't is taken Then leaving the Ceremonies he charged me with two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Body of the King's Oath One added namely these Words 〈◊〉 to the King's Prerogative The other omitted namely these words Quae Populus Elegerit which the People have chosen or shall choose For this latter the Clause omitted that suddenly vanished For it was omitted in the Oath of King James as is confessed by themselves in the Printed Votes of this present Parliament But the other highly insisted on as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws First I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance none at all For the King 's Just and Legal Prerogative and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together and have so stood for Hundreds of Years Secondly that Alteration what ever it be was not made by me nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book Thirdly if any thing be amiss therein my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King and not I. I was meerly Ministerial both in the Preparation and at the Coronation it self supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster After this days work was ended it instantly spread all over the City that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me what Answer so-ever I made The People and some of the Synod now crying out that this one thing was enough to take away my Life And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath yet seeing how this fire took I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James might be seen and compared and the Copies brought into the Court both from the Exchequer and such as were in my Study at Lambeth And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime as when my Mother bare me into the World A Salvo was entred for me upon this And every day that I after came to the Bar I called upon this Business But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence that I could not get the Books to be brought forth nor any thing to be done till almost the last day of my Hearing Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer nor in my Study but only that of King James whereas when the Keys were taken from me there were divers Books there as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament And one of them with a Watchet Sattin Cover now missing And whether this of King James had not my Secretary who knew the Book seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag would not have been concealed too I cannot tell At last the Book of King James his Coronation and the other urged against me concerning King Charles were seen and compared openly in the Lords House and found to be the same Oath in both and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me And so did Mr. Brown when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me both before the Lords and after in the House of Commons And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition And for that the Arguments which both used are the same And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces or put them in different places I will 〈◊〉 set down the whole Business together and the Answer which I then gave Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House when he came to this Article said he was now come to the Business so much

agrees as he said with my Judgment For that in a Paper of Bishop Harsnett's there is a Marginal Note in my Hand that Salvo Jure Coronae is understood in the Oaths of a King But first there 's a great deal of difference between Jus Regis Praerogativa between the Right and Inheritance of the King and his Prerogative though never so Legal And with Submission and until I shall be convinced herein I must believe that no King can Swear himself out of his Native Right Secondly If this were and still be an Error in my Judgment that 's no Argument at all to prove Malice in my Will That because that is my Judgment for Jus Regis therefore I must thrust Praerogativam Regis which is not my Judgment into a Publick Oath which I had no Power to alter These were all the Proofs which Mr. Maynard at first and Mr. Brown at last brought against me in this Particular And they are all but Conjectural and the Conjectures weak But that I did not alter this Oath by adding the Prerogative the Proofs I shall bring are Pregnant and some of them Necessary They are these 1. My Predecessor was one of the Grand Committee for these Ceremonies That was proved by his Servants to the Lords Now his known Love to the Publick was such as that he would never have suffered me or any other to make such an Alteration Nor would he have concealed such a Crime in me loving me so well as he did 2. Secondly 'T is Notoriously known that he Crowned the King and Administred the Oath which was avowed also before the Lords by his Ancient Servants And it cannot be rationally conceived he would ever have Administred such an alter'd Oath to his Majesty 3. Thirdly 'T is expressed in my Diary at Januar. 31. 1625. And that must be good Evidence for me having been so often produced against me that divers great Lords were in this Committee for the Ceremonies and did that Day sit in Council upon them And can it be thought they would not so much as compare the Books Or that comparing of them they would indure an Oath with such an Alteration to be Tender'd to the King Especially since 't is before confessed that One Copy of King James his Coronation had this Alteration in it and the other had it not 4. Fourthly 'T is expressed in my Diary and made use of against me at Januar. 23. 1625. That this Book urged against me did agree per Omnia cum Libro Regali in all things with the King's Book brought out of the Exchequer And if the Book that I then had and is now insisted upon did agree with that Book which came out of the Exchequer and that in all things how is it possible I should make this Alteration 5. Fifthly with much Labour I got the Books to be compared in the Lords House That of King James his Coronation and this of King Charles And they were found to agree in all things to a Syllable Therefore 't is impossible this should be added by me And this I conceive cuts off all Conjectural Proofs to the contrary Lastly In the Printed Book of the Votes of this present Parliament it is acknowledged that the Oath given to King James and King Charles was the same The same Therefore unaltered And this Passage of that Book I then shewed the Lords in my Defence To this Mr. Maynard then replyed That the Votes there mentioned were upon the Word Elegerit and the doubt whether it should be hath chosen or shall chuse I might not then Answer to the Reply but the Answer is plain For be the occasion which led on the Votes what it will as long as the Oath is acknowledged the same 't is manifest it could not be altered by me And I doubt not but these Reasons will give this Honourable House Satisfaction that I added not this Particular of the Prerogative to the Oath Mr. Brown in his last Reply passed over the other Arguments I know not how But against this he took Exception He brought the Book with him and Read the Passage And said as far as I remember that the Votes had Relation to the Word Chuse and not to this Alteration Which is in Effect the same which Mr. Maynard urged before I might not Reply by the Course of the Court but I have again considered of that Passage and find it plain Thus First they say They have considered of all the Alterations in the Form of this Oath which they can find Therefore of this Alteration also if any such were Then they say Excepting that Oath which was taken by his Majesty and his Father King James There it is confessed that the Oath taken by them was one and the same called there That Oath which was taken by both Where falls the Exception then For 't is said Excepting that Oath c. why it follows Excepting that the Word Chuse is wholly left out as well hath Chosen as will Chuse Which is a most manifest and evident Confession that the Oath of King James and King Charles was the same in all things to the very leaving out of the Word Chuse Therefore it was the same Oath all along No difference at all For Exceptio firmat Regulam in non Exceptis and here 's no Exception at all of this Clause of the Prerogative Therefore the Oath of both the Kings was the same in that or else the Votes would have been sure to mention it Where it may be observed too that Serjeant Wilde though he knew these Votes and was present both at the Debate and the Voting and so must know that the Word Chuse was omitted in both the Oaths yet at the first he Charged it eagerly upon me that I had left this Clause of Chusing out of King Charles his Oath and added the other God forgive him But the World may see by this and some other Passages with what Art my Life was sought for And yet before I quite leave this Oath I may say 't is not altogether improbable that this Clause And agreeing to the Prerogative of the King 's thereof was added to the Oath in Edward 6. or Queen Elizabeth's time And hath no Relation at all to the Laws of this Kingdom absolutely mentioned before in the beginning of this Oath But only to the Words The Profession of the Gospel Established in this Kingdom And then immediately follows And agreeing to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof By which the King Swears to maintain his Prerogative according to God's Law and the Gospel Established against all foreign Claims and Jurisdictions whatsoever And if this be the meaning he that made the Alteration whoever it were for I did it not deserves Thanks for it and not the Reward of a Traytor Now to return to the Day The Fourth Charge went on with the Ceremonies still But Mr. Serjeant was very nimble For he leaped from the Coronation at Westminster

for Mr. Greece who hath laboured much against me in all this Business God forgive him and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me God preserve him from his Father's End From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals and first to Canterbury Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare the two Witnesses two Prebendaries of that Church Dr Jackson and Dr Blechenden And first Dr Jackson says the Bowing was versus Altare So not to but toward the Altar and Dr Blechenden says it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God to whom if no Altar were there I should Bow Dr Jackson says this Bowing was to his Grief Strange I avow to your Lordships and the World no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church as he And for this Particular he never found the least fault with it to me and if he conceal his Grief I cannot ease it He says this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him For Dr. Blechenden says the Communion-Table was railed about and Bowings before it when he came first to be a Member of that Church and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach or not Performance of this Reverence I could tell your Lordships how often Dr Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized As for the Statutes my Secretary Mr Dell who copied them out testified here to the Lords that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester But there 's nothing but the old Objections Copes And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon and Reverence at coming in and going out of the Church And that great Kings have not in better Ages thought much to do And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church for 't is confessed the Injunction sent thither requires that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England So this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions But for the Copes in Cathedrals Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied For he said the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope Be it so But they must have that before they can wear it And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one my Injunction might require the providing and using of one Besides if there be no Popery no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one then certainly there can be none in the having of more for the same use The Superstition being lodged in the misuse not in the number From the Cathedrals Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches And First 't is Charged That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table But for ought I know this might have been concealed For it was liked so well that they to whom the Seats belonged removed them at their own Charges that the other might be done The next instance was in St Gregory's Church by S Pauls The Charge was the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise To the Charge it self Answer is given before The Particulars which are new are these The Witness Mr Wyan He says the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S Pauls And S Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary not by me He says next That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard and his Majesty present And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction about placing the Communion-Table In all this here 's nothing Charged upon me but maintenance of the Injunction And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it He says Sir Henry Martin came and saw it and said it would make a good Court Cupboard If Sir Henry did say so the Scorn ill became either his Age or Profession though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser God forgive them who have in Print called it so He says That hereupon I did say that he which spake that had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom This Man's Memory serves him long for Words This was many Years since and if I did speak any thing sounding this way 't is more like I should say Schismatical than Stigmatical Puritan But let him look to his Oath and which Word soever I used if Sir Henry used the one he might well hear the other For a prophane Speech it was and little becoming a Dean of the Arches He says that soon after this Sir Henry was put out of his Place Not very soon after this for I was at the time of this Business as far as I remember Bishop of London and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place After when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void neither could Sir Henry himself deny it And being void and in my Gift I gave it to another He says farther That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God in Bishop Jewel and Mr Fox his Judgment and that I replied it were better they should not have these Books in Churches than so to abuse them First for ought I yet know and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at their Judgment rightly understood is not so Secondly Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars and yet not differ from the Church of England As in this very Particular the Injunction for placing of the Table so is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England And I concieve the Queen then upon the Act of Reformation would not have enjoyned it nor the Church obeyed it had it been against the Word of God Thirdly if I did say That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs it were better they had them not in the Churches They gave too great occasion for the Speech For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed nor is that so much as Charged but said only thus That if no better use

for that 2. Yet the Second Witness Mr. Tomlyns says also that I did justifie this Picture God forgive him the Malice or Ignorance of this Oath be it which it will He might have been as wary as Mr. Caril and added as he remembers For so many Years since as this Hearing was he may easily mistake But if I did say any such thing why are not my own Papers here produced against me I had that written which I then spake and the Paper was in my Study with the rest and came for ought I know into their Hands which follow the Charge against me I ask again why is not this Paper produced Out of all doubt it would had there appeared any such thing in it He says also that I said then that if the Idol of Jupiter were set up yet it were not lawful to pull it down in a Popular Tumult but by Order and Authority I did say so or to that effect indeed and must say it still For I find in St. Augustin almost the very words And Bishop Davenant a Man very Learned 〈◊〉 this place of St. Augustin and approves it And they both prove this Doctrine from Deut. 12. Where the Command given for destroying of the Idols when they came into the Land of Canaan was not left at large to the People but setled in Moses the chief Magistrate and his Power And according to this Rule the Temple of AEsculapius though then grown very Scandalous was not pulled down but by 〈◊〉 Command Which place I then shewed the Lords But this Witness added that Mr Sherfeild had Authority to do this from the Vestry If he had that 's as good as none for by the Laws of England there is yet no power given them for that or any thing else And all that Vestries do is by usurpation or consent of the Parish but reaches not this The Bishop of the Diocess had been fitter to be consulted herein than the Vestry Here as if these Witnesses had not said enough Mr Nicolas offered himself to be a Witness And told the Lords he was present at the Hearing of this Cause and that four Witnesses came in clear that the Picture broken down was the Picture of God the Father and that yet the Sentence of the Court passed against Mr Sherfeild First if this be so it concludes against the Sentence given in the Star-Chamber not against me and he calls it here the Sentence of the Court. Secondly be it that it were undoubtedly the Picture of God the Father yet he ought to have taken Authority along with him and not to go about it with violence which he did and fell and brake his Leg in the Business Thirdly by his own description of the Picture it seems to me to be some old Fabulous Picture out of a Legend and not one of God the Father For he then told the Lords it was a Picture of an Old Man with a Budget by his side out of which he was plucking Adam and Eve And I believe no Man ever saw God the Father so Pictured any where Lastly let me observe how Mr Nicolas takes all parts upon him wherein he may hope to do me mischief The Sixth Charge was concerning a Bible that was Printed with Pictures and sold. The Witness Mr Walsal a Stationer Who says That this Bible was Licensed by Dr Weeks my Lord of London's Chaplain not mine so thus far it concerns not me Yes says Mr. Brown in his last Reply For it appears in a List of my Chaplains under my own Hand that Dr Weeks was one 'T is true when I was Bishop of Bath and Wells he was mine but my Lord of London had him from me so soon as ever he was Bishop And was his not mine when he Licensed that Book And Mr. Brown knew that I answer'd it thus to the Lords He says that I gave him direction that they should not be sold openly upon the Stalls but only to discreet Men that knew how to use them The Case was this As I was at Prayers in the King's Chappel I there saw one of them in Mrs. Kirk's Hand She was far enough from any affection to Rome And this being the first knowledge I had of it many were vented and sold before I could prevent it Upon this I sent for one whether to this Witness or another I cannot say and acquainted the Lords of the Council with it and craved their direction what should be done It was there Ordered that I should forbid the open Sale of them upon their Stalls but not otherwise to Learned and Discreet Men. And when I would have had this Order stricter no Man stuck to me but Mr Secretary Cook So according to this Order I gave direction to Mr Walsal as he witnesses Here Mr. Maynard replyed that I ought to have withstood this Order in regard it was every way faulty For said he either these Pictures were good or bad And if they were good why should they not be Sold openly upon the Stalls to all that would buy And if they were bad why should they be Sold privately to any To this Reply I was not suffer'd to Answer But when I heard Mr. Brown charge this Bible with Pictures against me then I answer'd the thing as before and took occasion thereby to answer this Dilemma thus Namely that this kind of Argument concludes not but in things Necessary and where no Medium can be given For where a Medium can be given the Horns of this Argument are too weak to hurt And so 't is here For Pictures in themselves are things indifferent not simply good nor simply bad but as they are used And therefore they were not to be sold to all comers because they may be abused and become evil and yet might be sold to Learned and Discreet Men who might turn them to good And that Images are things indifferent of themselves is granted in the Homilies which are against the very Peril of Idolatry He said there was some inconvenient Pictures among them as the Assumption and the Dove Be it so the Book was not Licensed by me or mine And yet as I then shewed the Lords they were not so strict at Amsterdam against these Pictures For the Book which Mr. Walsal shewed me was Printed and sent thence before it was Printed here Besides our old English Bibles in the beginning of the Queen were full of Pictures and no fault found As for that which is added at the Bar that one of these Bibles was found in Secretary Windebank's Trunk and another in Sir John Lambs That 's nothing to me The last Charge of this day was that something about Images was Expunged out of Dr Featly's Sermons by my Chaplain Dr Bray before they could be suffer'd to be Printed But first he himself confesses that I told him he might Print them so nothing were in them contrary to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England

from the Press both Old and New and expunging some things out of them 1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time but allowed by Authority in neither And King James said plainly That he thought the Geneva Translation was the worst and many of the Notes very Partial Vntrue Seditious and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits And gave Instance This passage I then read to the Lords And withal told them that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes than formerly and that that was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness and said he was called into the High Commission about these Books But he confesses it was not only for them He says the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes But he adds as he supposes And his Supposal is no Proof Besides he might have added here also that the restraint was not for the Notes only For by the numerous coming over of Bibles both with and without Notes from Amsterdam there was a great and a just fear conceived that by little and little Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom For the Books which came thence were better Print better Bound better Paper and for all the Charges of bringing sold better Cheap And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer that might have a better more Cheap And to preserve Printing here at home as well as the Notes was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys the Letter written to me and now produced against me But makes for me as I conceive For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English one with Notes and the other without And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home What should I do Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these and from such a hand Especially since he sends word also that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England So my Care was against all underminings both at home and abroad of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England for which I am now like to suffer And I pray God that point of Arminianism Libertas Prophetandi do not more Mischief in short time than is expressible by me 2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the 〈◊〉 concerning Printing Four Articles of this Decree were read namely the 1 2 18 24. What these are may be seen in the Deecree And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary So under your Lordships Favour I think those Four Articles as necessary as any Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes two Stationers Witnesses in this Particular say That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree and that Judge Bramston said he could not do it without me I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day why was not he examined but these Men only who oppose all Regulating of the Press that opposes their Profit And sure that grave Judge meant he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church almost Pressed to Death by the Liberty of Printing The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books was only for matter of Charges But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath which was that he makes no doubt but that all was done by my Direction and yet adds that he cannot say it So he swears that which himself confesses he cannot say And manifest it is in the Preface that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court and so by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall And the end of it was to suppress Seditious Schismatical and Mutinous Books as appears in the First Article 3. The Third Instance was That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam writ to me expressing therein that since the Proclamation made by the States no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels against either the State or Church of England Where 's the Fault For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church in procuring that Proclamation For till this was done every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam against either And if he had any Direction from me about it which is not proved I neither am nor can be sorry for it And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing proceeded from the Proclamation of the States not from any Power of mine 4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs But that was but named to Credit a base Business an Almanack made by one Mr. Genebrand In which he had left out all the Saints Apostles and all and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox And yet not all them neither for he had left out the Solemn Days which are in Fox as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23. In this Particular Mr. Genebrand Brother to this Almanack-maker witnesseth that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack If her Majesty did send to me about it as 't is probable she would disdain the Book is that any Crime in me Could I prevent her Majestys sending who could not know so much as that she would send He says his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court If I did say so surely my Lords I saw some practising by him in this new-found way He says the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks and burnt them It seems he could not hinder that nor I neither unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack For when he hath bought him he may burn him if he please But since the Book of Martyrs was named I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it It is well known how easily Abridgments by their Brevity and their Cheapness in short time work out the Authors themselves Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs But I still withstood it as my Secretary here present can Testifie upon these two Grounds The one lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse And the other lest if any Material thing should be left out that should have been charged as done of purpose by me as now I see it is in other Books

And I humbly pray your Lordships cast your Eyes upon the Frontispiece of the Book of Martyrs Printed An 1642. since this Parliament began and when I was safe enough from having any Hand in the Business and there you shall see as dangerous Pictures as have been charged upon me or any my Chappel Windows Upon Occasion of Mr. Genebrand's Calendar Mr. Pryn took occasion to tell the Lords that I had made Notes upon the Calendar in the Missal I desired they might be read It was thought too tedious They were nothing but some Additions of my own reading to the Occurrences on some Days And because the Calendar in the Missal was open and large I thought fit to Write them there 5. The Fifth Instance is in Dr. Pocklinton his Censure of ....... and of Flaccius Illyricus And that this Book was Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Bray And he was Censured in this Honourable House for that and like slips of his Then it was inferred at the Bar That it must be taken as my Act if it were done by my Chaplain But Inferences are no sworn Proof And I conceive no Man can by Law be punished criminally for his Servants Fact Unless there be Proof that he had a hand in it Then it was urged but without any Proof too that Dr. Pocklinton was preferred by me To which I shall answer when Proof is made And if I had 't is far enough from Treason 6. The next Instance was about the calling in of Thomas Beacons Disputation of the Mass. The Witness Mr. Pryn. He says the Book was Licensed and that a Papist thereupon said doth my Lord of Canterbury License such Books That I was informed of these Words and the Book called in the next Day First Mr. Pryn is single in this part of the Testimony for the Words Secondly if any Papist did say so it was not in my Power to stop his Mouth and they which License Books must indure many and various Censures as the Readers of them stand affected Thirdly if any Papist did so speak I have reason to think it was to do me a Mischief as much as in him lay Fourthly this is a very bold Oath For he swears that I was Informed of these Words He was not present to hear it and then he can have it but by Hearsay and no Religion teaches him to swear that for Truth which he doth but hear Lastly the Book was called in because it was slipt out contrary to the late Decree for Printing Yea but Mr. Pryn Swears and so doth Michael Sparks the other Witness that the Book was sent to the Printer before the Decree But first Sparks his Oath is uncertain for he says Mr. Pryn sent him the Book before the Decree and then by and by after says it was about that time Now the Book is somwhat large so that it might be sent him before the Decree and yet not be Printed till after and that a good space too And Secondly Mr. Pryn himself confesses the Book was sent when the Decree was in agitation 7. The Seventh Instance was about Arminianism as maintained by me against the Declarations of both Houses of Parliament and of King James concerning Vorstius and Bertius First I have nothing to do to defend Arminianism no Man having yet charged me with the abetting any point of it Secondly King James his Declaration is very Learned But under Favour he puts a great deal of difference between Vorstius and Bertius And his Majesty's Opinion is clear with the Article of the Church of England and so Expressed by himself And to which I ever Consented And the Passage in the Conference at Hampton-Court was then read to the Lords and yet for the Peace of Christendom and the strengthning of the Reformed Religion I do heartily wish these Differences were not pursued with such Heat and Animosity in regard that all the Lutheran Protestants are of the very same Opinions or with very little difference from those which are now called Arminianism And here comes in Michael Sparks who says He was called into the High-Commission about a Book of Bishop Carletons I cannot punctually remember all Particulars so long since But he confesses the Business was in the High-Commission And so not singly chargable against me Besides he is single in this Business He says he was Eleven Years in the High-Commission and never Sentenced This is more than I know But if it be so he had better luck than some Honester Men. For a bitterer Enemy to his power the Church-Government never had He was Mr. Pryn's Printer He says I was a Dean then and he thinks of Hereford I was never Dean of Hereford But howsoever this is a dangerous Oath let him think of it He Swears that I was a Dean then and a High-Commissioner or else what had I to do in the Business Now it is well known I was never a High-Commissioner till I had been a Bishop some Years For the Book it self Sparks says nothing what was the Argument of it But so far as I remember it was expresly against the King's Declaration And so I Answer'd Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me in the House of Commons And though in his Reply he seemed to deny this yet I remember no Proof he brought for it 8. The last Instance was pregnant and brought forth many Particulars As First Dr Featly's Parallels against Bishop Mountague But this was Still-born at least it says nothing of me Secondly Mr. Pryn's Perpetuity and against Dr Cosens both burnt But he doth not say absolutely burnt but as he is informed and he may be informed amiss And howsoever he says it was done by the High-Commission not by me Thirdly some Sheets of Dr. Succliff's Book Prohibited the Press at Oxford I hope Oxford is able to give an Account for it self And whereas it was here said at the Bar They hoped I would shew some repressing of the contrary part I would satisfie their Hopes abundantly could I bring Witnesses from Oxford how even and steddy a Hand I carried to both parts Fourthly Mr. Burton questioned about his Book called The seven Vials But himself confesses that upon Sir Henry Martin's Information that as that Cause was laid the High-Commission had no power in it he was dismissed Fifthly That about his Book Intituled Babel no Bethel he was questioned at a Court out of Term. This was very usual whensoever the Court was full of Business to hold one Court-day out of Term. This is Warranted by the Commission And warning of it was always publickly given the Court-day before that all whom it concerned might take notice of it and provide themselves Sixthly he says he was there railed at by Bishop Harsnet 'T is more than I know that Bishop Harsnet railed at him but if he did I hope I am not brought hither to Answer all Mens faults Seventhly he says he claimed the Petition of

absolute and a perfect Answer Thirdly this Witness confesses that Dr Weeks then Chaplain to my Lord of London had the view of Dr Clark's Sermons and took Exceptions against some passages as well as my Chaplain Dr Haywood did So it seems there was cause for it Fourthly I Answer that for this and for all other of like Nature my Chaplain must Answer for his own Act and not I. He is Living and an Able Man I humbly desire he may be called to his Account For 't is not possible for me to tell your Lordships upon what grounds he did Expunge these many and different passages which are instanced against me Lastly in all the passages of Dr Clark's Sermons it is not any where distinguished which were Expunged by my Chaplain and which by Dr Weeks So that the Charge in that behalf is left very uncertain For the passages themselves as they are many so they are such as may easily be mistaken the most of them And whether Dr Clark handled them in such manner as was not justifiable either against Arminius or the Papists cannot possibly be known till each place in the Book be Examined for the Thing and my Chaplain Dr Haywood for the Meaning This made a great noise in Mr Brown's Summary Charge against me he alledging that two and twenty Passages about Points of Popery were dashed out of Dr Clark's Sermons To which I Answer'd that I conceived my Chaplain would be able to make it good there were two hundred left in for two and twenty left out And that they which were left out were not some way or other justifiable against the Papists as set down and expressed by him And if so they are better out than in For we gain nothing by urging that against the Papists which when it comes to the Touch cannot be made good against them One Passage is here added out of Dr. Featly's Sermons p. 225. Where he inveighs against too much imbellishing and beautifying the Church and not the Souls of Men c. First if there be not a care to beautifie the Soul let Men profess what Religion they will 't is a just Exception and I believe no fault found with that But Secondly for the over-much beautifying of the Church 't is a Point that might well be left out Little necessity God knows to Preach or Print against too much adorning of Churches among us where yet so many Churches lye very nastily in many places of the Kingdom and no one too much adorned to be found Nay the very Consecration of Churches cryed down as is before expressed And this Opinion that no Place is Holy but during the Service in it made Mr. Culmer though a Minister to piss in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury And divers others to do so and more against the Pillars in St Paul's nearer hand as may daily be both seen and smelt to the shame of that which is called Religion Here Mr Nicolas would fain have shovell'd it to the out-side of the Church which had been bad enough but it was the inside I spake of and the thing is known Then an Instance was made in a Book of Dr Jones The Witness that any thing was Expunged out of this was only Mr Chetwin And he confesses that this Book was Licensed by Dr Baker and he my Lord of London's Chaplain not mine Here my Friends at the Bar infer that Dr Baker was preferred by me First that 's not so he was preferred by his own Lord. Secondly if he had been preferred by me it could have made no Charge unless proof had been made that I preferred him for abusing Dr. Jones his Book And for the Docket which is the only Proof offer'd that I preferred him I have already shewed that that is no Proof Yea but they say Dr Baker was imployed by me as one of my Visitors And what then Must I be answerable for every fault that is committed by every Man that I employ in my Visitation though it be a fault committed at another time and place though I humbly desire Dr. Baker may Answer for himself before I acknowledge any fault committed by him And though I conceive this Answer abundantly satisfactory for any thing that may concern me yet Mr. Brown omitted not this Instance against me The Third Charge was personally against my self and taken out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber The words these The Altar is the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth greater than the Pulpit for there 't is Hoc est Corpus meum this is my Body but in the other it is at most but Hoc est Verbum meum this is my Word And a greater Reverence is due to the Body than the Word of the Lord. Out of this place Mr Nicolas would needs inforce that I maintained Transubstantiation because I say There 't is Hoc est Corpus meum First I perceive by him he confounds as too many else do Transubstantiation with the Real Presence whereas these have a wide difference And Calvin grants a Real and True Presence yea and he grants Realiter too and yet no Man a greater Enemy to Transubstantiation than he As I have proved at large in my Book against Fisher and had leave to Read the Passage therein to the Lords And Mr. Perkins avows as much And Secondly the Word There makes nothing against this For after the Words of Consecration are past be the Minister never so Unworthy yet 't is infallibly Hoc est Corpus meum to every worthy Receiver So is it not Hoc est Verbum meum from the Pulpit to the best of Hearers nor by the best of Preachers since the Apostles Time And as Preaching goes now scarce is any thing heard from many in two long Hours that savours of the Word of God And St. Paul tells us 1 Cor. 11. of a great Sin committed in his Time of not discerning the Lord's Body when Unworthy Communicants received it Where was this Why it was There at the Holy Table or Altar where they Received yet did not discern I hope for all this St. Paul did not maintain Transubstantiation Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge pressed this also upon me I answer'd as before and added that in all Ages of the Church the Touchstone of Religion was not to Hear the Word Preached but to Communicate And at this day many will come and hear Sermons who yet will not receive the Communion together And as I call the Holy Table the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth so doth a late Learned Divine of this Church call the Celebration of the Eucharist the Crown of Publick Service and the most solemn and chief work of Christian Assemblies and he a Man known to be far from affecting Popery in the least And all Divines agree in this which our Saviour himself Teaches St. Mat. 26. That there is the same effect of the Passion of Christ and of this Blessed Sacrament

Worthily Received Another passage taken out of my Speech was That due Reverence be given to God and to his Altar Hence Mr. Nicolas infers again This Reverence is one joint Act therefore 't is Divine to the Altar as well as to God and so Idolatry First the very next words in my Speech are that this Reverence to the Altar comes far short of Divine Worship What can prevent an Objection if such plain words cannot Secondly having thus plainly expressed it he may infer too if he will that I do not then Worship God For this Reverence is one joint Act but 't is confessed that 't is not Divine Worship to the Altar and therefore not to God But Thirdly this Gentleman by his Favour understands not the Mysteries which lye hid in many parts of Divinity In this for one For when this Reverence is performed 't is to God as to the Creator and so Divine But 't is only toward not to the Altar and so far short And though in outward performance it be one joint Act yet that which is not separated is and must be distinguished one from the other To make a good Work acceptable to God there must be both Faith and Charity They cannot be separated one from the other what shall they not therefore be distinguished He that speaks saith St. Aug. by one joint Act sends out his Voice and his Word separated they cannot be shall not they be distinguished therefore But I have lived long enough and taken pains to small purpose if Mr. Nicolas or any Lay-Man else at his by and leisure Hours from a busie Profession shall be able to Teach me in that which I have laboured all my Life And God bless the poor Bishops and Clergy of England if falling into a Storm as I now am they must have such Judges as Mr. Nicolas The Fourth Charge Is the Licensing of Sales and other Books which had Popery in them by my Chaplain Dr. Haywood 1. To this Mr. Pryn who is the single witness says That he tender'd a Bill to the then Lord Keeper against my Chaplain for Licensing this Book and that his Lordship refused it If the Lord Keeper Coventry refused his Bill I believe were he living he would assign just Cause why he did it But whatever Cause he had it concerns not me that he rejected the Bill Mr. Pryn says farther That this Book of Sales was Printed heretofore but purged first by Dr. James but Licensed now by Dr. Haywood not according to that Purgation but with all the Points of Popery in For this he produces Mr. Oaks whose Son printed it And says farther That his Correcter at the Press found fault with some passages and thereupon he was sent to Dr. Haywood who returned answer as they say That if he Licensed it he would justifie it And that his Son told him this First My Lords this Under-Testimony of Mr. Oakes produced by Mr. Pryn is nothing but a Hearsay from his Son who is now dead and cannot be Examined and while he was living ran away and would not be Examined Secondly this was a most notable piece of Villany practised against my Chaplain and thorough his sides against me It was thus My Lords Whether the Bill were rejected or no I cannot tell but the Complaint of Printing this Book came publickly into the Star-Chamber And then was the first time that ever I heard of it I then humbly desired their Lordships that Dr. Haywood might answer whatever he had done amiss either there or where they pleased The Court presently commanded Mr. Atturny Bankes to call all Parties before him examine them thoroughly and then give his Account what he found that the Court might proceed farther according to Justice Dr. Haywood appeared and shewed Mr. Atturney how he had Corrected Sales in all Popish Points before he Licensed it But young Oakes and he which brought Sales to be Licensed who was then thought to be some Jesuited Recusant and as I remember Lodged for that time of Printing in Oakes his House ran both away or hid their Heads and would not be found And this was a meer Plot of this Recusant if not Priest to have Sales Printed with all his Points of Popery in him to work mischief to my Chaplain and my self And young Oakes was in all likelihood well payed for his pains This Account Mr. Atturney brought into that Court and this Relation Dr. Haywood who I obtained might be after sent for attested at this Barr. One Circumstance my old decayed Memory mistook For I thought and so at first told the Lords that for this Clamor raised upon him in this way I did soon after dismiss him my House But after I found that he was gone out of my House before Howsoever I left him without any Mediation to the Justice of the Court. And here I may not forget that which I then observed to the Lords that whereas 't is urged that many Points of Popery have passed the Press 't is no wonder if such Art be used as was here to get out Sales And this farther is observable that all these Quotations of Popish Opinions mentioned here to fill up the noise are out of four or five Books at the most of which more are out of this Sales than all the rest And called in he was as soon as known Which Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge acknowledges 2. After Sales the next Instance was in a Book Intituled Christ's Epistle to the Devout Reader Four particular Points were urged out of this But neither I nor my Chaplains had ought to do with it For it was Licensed at London House by Dr. Weeks Nor was there ever any complaint brought to me to have it called in Nor was any such Proof so much as offer'd 3. The Third Instance was of a Book called the Female Glory where Mr. Pryn who is single again said that Dr. Heylin answered Mr. Burton and justified all the Passages in this Book And added that this was by my direction But upon my Motion at the Barr concerning the boldness of this Oath Mr. Pryn recalled himself and said that I appointed him to answer Mr. Burton But it is one thing to appoint him to answer Mr. Burton And another to direct him to justifie all passages in the Female Glory 4. The Fourth Instance was in a Letter sent to me from one Croxton a young Divine in Ireland He was bred in St. John's College in Oxford At the Lord Mount-Norris his Intreaty I sent Croxton into Ireland to be his Chaplain If he miscarried there I could not help it nor hinder his writing of a Letter to me nor preseribe what he should write in it But to my remembrance I never heard of any Miscarriage of his in matter of Religion And whether he be living or dead I know not That Letter indeed hath a Cross at the top of it But then was another Letter of his shewed without a Cross in which

he calls Rome Monstrum Abominandum Howsoever I conceive all this is nothing to me 5. The Fifth Instance was a Book which they said was Licensed by Dr. Weeks And if so then not by my Chaplain But upon perusal I find no License Printed to it nor to any of the other but only to Sales which is answered 6. The Sixth Instance was in Bishop Mountague's Books the Gagg and the Appeal Here they said that Dr. White told Dr. Featly that five or six Bishops did allow these Books But he did not name me to be one of them Then Mr. Pryn urged upon his Oath that these Books were found in my Study And I cannot but bless my self at this Argument For I have Bellarmine in my Study Therefore I am a Papist Or I have the Alcaron in my Study Therefore I am a Turk is as good an Argument as this I have Bishop Mountague's Books in my Study Therefore I am an Arminian May Mr. Pryn have Books in all kinds in his Study and may not the Archbishop of Canterbury have them in his Yea but he says there is a Letter of the Bishops to me submitting his Books to my Censure This Letter hath no date and so belike Mr. Pryn thought he might be bold both with it and his Oath and apply it to what Books he pleas'd But as God would have it there are Circumstances in it as good as a Date For 't is therein expressed that he was now ready to remove from Chichester to Norwich Therefore he must needs speak of submitting those his Books to me which were then ready to be set out which were his Origines Ecclesiasticae not the Gagg nor the Appeal which are the Books Charged and which were Printed divers Years before he was made a Bishop and my Receit indorsed upon it is Mar. 29. 1638. And I hope Mr. Nicolas will not call this the Colour of an Answer as he hath called many of the rest given by me 7. The Seventh Instance was in a Book Licensed by Dr. Martin then my Chaplain in London-House This Book Mr. Pryn says was purposely set out to Countenance Arminianism as if it had been some Work of Moment whereas it was answered twice in the Queens Time If Dr Martin did this 't is more than I remember nor can I so long after give any Account of it But Dr Martin is Living and in Town and I humbly desired he might be called to answer He was called the next Day and gave this Account The Account is wanting a Space left for it but not filled up Mr. Pryn says farther that after this he Preached Arminianism at S. Paul's Cross. Why did not Mr. Pryn come then to me and acquaint me with it Which neither he nor any Man else did And I was in Attendance at Court whither I could not hear him And the Charge which came against him upon the next Days Hearing was this and no more That one then Preached at the Cross Vniversal Redemption but he that gave Testimony knew him not only he says one told him 't was Dr Martin 8. The last Instance was of a Bible commonly Sold with a Popish Table at the end of it This is more than I know or ever heard till now nor was any Complaint ever brought to me of it And I cannot know all things that are done abroad for Gain for that will teach them to conceal as well as move them to act Yet one of the Popish Heads mentioned in that Table was Confirmation which is commanded in our Church Liturgy and ratified by Law Here this day ended and I was ordered to appear again July 4. That Day I received a Note under Mr. Nicolas his Hand that they meant to proceed upon the 8 9 10 11 12 and 14th Original Articles and the Sixth and Seventh Additionals The last Warrant for other Articles came under Serjeant Wild's Hand and Mr. Nicolas signing this it seems mistook For the Eighth and Ninth Original Articles are in part proceeded on before Now they go forward with these and then on to the rest which I will write down severally as they come to them The same Day being Thursday all my Books at Lambeth were by Order of the House of Commons taken away by Mr. ....... Secretary to the Right Honourable the Earl of Warwick and carried I know not whither but are as 't is commonly said for the use of Mr Peters Before this time some good Number of my Books were delivered to the use of the Synod the Ministers which had them giving no Catalogue under their Hands which or how many they had And all this was done contrary to an Order of the Lords bearing Date Novemb. 9. 1642. for the safe keeping of my Books there And before I was Convicted off any Crime This Day also I received an Order which put off my Hearing to the next Day CAP. XXXIX The Seventeenth Day of my Hearing THis Day I appeared again And the First Charge against me was that I had preferred none to Bishopricks Deaneries prebends and Benefices but Men Popishly affected or otherwise unworthy And some they named 1. As First Dr Manwaring Disabled by the Parliament 2. Secondly Mr Mountague Excepted against by Parliament But for these no Proof was now brought They referred themselves to what was said before and so do I. And where they go to prove only by Dockets I desire it may still be remembred that the Docket is a full Proof who gave Order for drawing the Bill at the Signet Office But no Proof at all who procured the Preferment 3. Thirdly Bishop Corbet But the Earl of Dorset got my Lord Duke of Buckingham to prefer him to make way for Dr. Duppa his deserving Chaplain into Christ-Church Nor was any thing Charged against Dr Corbet but that he was preferred by me 4. Fourthly Bishop Pierce Against whom there was no Proof offered neither And he is living to answer it if any be 5. Nor was there now any Proof offered against Bishop Wren who was named also at the least not till he was made a Bishop So if I did prefer him it seems I did it when nothing was laid against him And if after he had his Preferment he did any thing unworthily that could not I foresee and he is living to answer it 6. The Sixth was Bishop Lindsy a Man known to be of great and universal Learning but preferred by the then Lord Treasurer Portland not by me Him they Charged with Arminianism The Witnesses two The First Mr. Smart he is positive He was his Fellow Prebendary at Durham There was Animosity between them And Smart not able to Judge of Arminianism Secondly Mr. Walker who could say nothing but that he heard so much from some Ministers and Dr. Bastwick So here is as Learned a Man as Christendom had any of his time Debased in this great and Honourable Court by Ignorance and a Hearsay And that when the Man is gone

put in were Persons disaffected to the Discipline if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England 3. Thirdly because no small part was given to School-Masters to Season Youth ab Ovo for their Party And to Young Students in the Universities to purchase them and their Judgments to their side against their coming abroad into the Church 4. Fourthly because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction was in the Hands of Twelve Men who were they never so Honest and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power to fill the Church with Schism yet who should be Successors and what use should be made of this Power was out of Humane reach to know 5. Because this Power was assumed by and to themselves without any Legal Authority as Mr. Attorney assured me He farther said that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire was specially given to St Antolins in London I say the more the pity considering the poorness of that Country and the little Preaching that was among that poor People and the plenty which is in London Yet because it was so given there was care taken after the Decree that they of St Antolins had consideration and I think to the full He says that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents till Good Men came to be in their Places Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them And what then In so many places not one Good Man found Not one Factious enough against the Church for Mr White to account him Good Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly had they been at my disposal I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney and nothing was done or to be done in these things but by his direction For Dr. Heylin if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment in any Sermon of his he is Living to Answer it me it concerns not Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this And I Answer'd as before And in his Reply he turned again upon it that it must be a Crime in me because I projected to overthrow it But under favour this follows not For to project though the word Projector sound ill in England is no more than to forecast and forelay any Business Now as 't is lawful for me by all good and fit Means to project the Settlement of any thing that is good so is it as lawful by good and Legal means to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding and doth still As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use they may see if they please in my Diary whence they had this another Project to buy them into the Churches use For given they will not be But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing but what they thought would make against me Here this day ended and I was Commanded to Attend again July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article which follows in these words He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches and to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches that so by such dis-union the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both The First Charge is That I deny them to be a Church For they say that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher that No Bishop no Church Now 't is well known they have no Bishops and therefore no Church The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion no Declaration of my own And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so they may Answer him Mr. Nicolas added that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book which Mr. Pryn carefully witnessed was found in my Study and Licensed by Dr. Braye Is this Argument come again that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study Leave it for shame But they have now left me never a Book in my Study so I cannot make them any fuller Answer without viewing the place than themselves help me to by their own Confession Which is that he adds this Exception that none but a Bishop can Ordain but in Casu Necessitatis which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines Yet this is very considerable in the Business whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me In which it seems is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination which they say I disliked And it seems I disliked upon good ground For he had given me power under his Hand to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me I would not take that power but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed if it could agree with his Judgment also Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration Could any thing be more fairly carried And this Letter was read to the Lords Yea but they say I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope No I did not simply dislike it but I advised Bishop Hall if he thought it good not to affirm it so positively And the Reason I gave was this That King James being pressed upon a great occasion that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist which might much trouble if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King His Majesty made Answer I maintain it not as a point of Faith but as a probable Opinion And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes Let him recall this Opinion and I 'll recall that This I writ to the Bishop but left him free to do what he pleased Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me in so much that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him Among other Titles bestowed upon me many and gross he called me over and over again Pander to the Whore of Babylon I was much moved and humbly desired the Lords that if my Crimes were such as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop yet I might be used like a Christian And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my

own Innocency I would desert my Defence before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike and wished him to leave and pursue the Evidence Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist But I did not deny it nor declare any Opinion of my own And many Protestants and those very Learned are of Opinion that he is not 'T is true I did not I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies Nor do I think that the calling of the Pope Antichrist did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist And sure I am Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness to say no worse in this Point did the Church of England no Good no Honour in Foreign parts For there he affirms That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World As for the thing it self I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons where he proves the Pope in his Opinion to be Antichrist Where he calls him also the Whore of Babylon Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed had I been her Pander And for Bishop Hall I only told him what King James had said and left him to make what use he pleased of it The Third Charge was out of a Paper which Bishop Hall about the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy sent unto me containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government In which either he or I or both say for that Circumstance I remember not That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law To this I answer'd that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling But their Calling so far as it is Jure Divino by Divine Right cannot be taken away They charge farther that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England And so I think it is For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time Intituled The Perpetual Government And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it Nor is this his Judgment alone but of the whole Church of England For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination are these words From the Apostles time there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ Bishops Priests and Deacons Where 't is evident that in the Judgment of the Church of England Episcopacy is a different not Degree only but Order from Priesthood and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times And this was then Read to the Lords And the Law of England is as full for it as the Church For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen absolutely confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination Where also the Law calls it The high Estate of Prelacy And Calvin if my old Memory do not fail me upon those words of St. John As my Father sent me so send I you c. says thus upon that place Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat And if our Saviour Christ put the same Person upon the Apostles and assigned to them the same Right which his Father gave him it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance And in the mean time cry out against Innovation For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary and confined to the Apostles Times Or else he gave the same Power though not with such Eminent Gifts to their Successors also to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World as St. Paul tells us he did Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along gives Bishops to be the Apostles Successors and then it would be well thought on what Right any Christian State hath be their Absolute Power what it will to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief for a third Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this and because two Collections had been before her Majesty desired that this third might be only in London and some few Shires about it I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants and to express my Duty to the Queen became an humble Suitor to his Majesty that this Collection also might go thorough England as the rest had done And 't is acknowledged by all that this I did Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business are two 1. The First is Mr. Wakerly He says that Mr. Ruly who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief and which he says I caused to be altered This first is a bold Oath for Mr. Wakerly was not present but Swears upon Hearsay Secondly what kindness I shewed him and the Business is mentioned before and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief as I had probable Reason to suspect I cannot much be blamed if I altered my Countenance towards him and my Speech too which yet these Witnesses for the other agrees in this have no Reason to call rough Carriage only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report He says That these words the Antichristian Yoak were 〈◊〉 out First this is more than I remember and the Briefs I had not to compare nor is there any necessity that two Briefs coming for the same thing with some Years distance between should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance Secondly if I did except against this passage it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender And partly because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal I remember well since I had the Honour to sit in this House the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino cast out the Bill A Prudent Lord asking the Peers whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament The other part of the Clause which they say was altered was the Religion which we with them profess Whence they infer because with them was left out that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion which follows not For we may be and are of the same Religion and yet agree not with them in those Opinions in

which we differ from them And Mr. Wakerly confesses that the Words as alter'd are That they are Persecuted for their Religion and their Religion is the Protestant Religion and so is ours And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different but the Opinions under the same Religion For Mr Wakerly he is a Dutchman born and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law I know not And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself since I complained to the King and the Lords that a Stranger born and bred should be so near a Secretary of State and all his Papers and Cyphers as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke A thing which few States would indure And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted let the World judge Admitted he was 2. The Second Witness was Mr 〈◊〉 He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection and my great readiness therein which doubtless I should not have shewed had I accounted them of another Religion He says there was no Alteration but in that Clause and that implies a manifest difference But that is but in his Judgment in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken and so is he Beside he comes here as a Witness of the Fact not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts He adds That if he remember well the Alteration was drawn by me But if he do not remember well what then Surely here 's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before and was furious till he foamed again but I saw a necessity of Patience Mr. Brown also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close But I gave it the same Answer The Fifth Charge and the last under this Article was the calling in of a Book An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat but called in only because against Arminianism The single Witness Michael Sparks He says this Book was called in but he knows not by whom nor mentions he for what But he says The Pursevants which searched for it were mine He means such as belonged to the High-Commission for other than such I had none And there was cause enough for calling in the Book without thinking of Arminianism But what is the Reason why here 's nothing urged against me about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches which fill the Body of this Article Why I conceive there may be two Reasons of it One because there was taken by Mr. Pryn among other Papers for my Defence a Letter under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester then Lord Treasurer in which she expresses her willingness that those Strangers distressed in and for point of Conscience should have Succour and free Entertainment but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy and have that Translated into their own Language And they knew I would call to have this Letter produced proved and read And had this Letter been stood unto they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done The other was because they found by their own search against me that all which I did concerning those Churches was with this Moderation that all those of their several Congregations in London Canterbury Sandwich Norwich or elsewhere which were of the second Descent and born in England should repair to their several Parish Churches and Conform themselves to the Doctrine Discipline and Liturgy of the Church of England and not live continually in an open Separation as if they were an Israel in AEgypt to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth And as this was with great Moderation so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council upon the Reasons openly given and debated And all this before I proceeded to do any thing As appears apud Acta Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article which here follows He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome and for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome and by himself his Agents or Instruments Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Seventh Additional Article That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past at Westminster and elsewhere within this Realm contrary to the known Laws of this Land hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely one called Sancta Clara alias Damport a dangerous Person and Franciscan Friar who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament were much Traduced and Scandalized the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him while he was in writing the said Book and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest at Oxford knowing him to be a Popish Priest The First Charge they say was to be laid as a Foundation and it was That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart both in Oxford and since I came thence 1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly He says There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there But he says he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me So here 's nothing of Knowledge And if I should say that above Thirty Years ago there was an Opinion that Dr. Featly then in Oxford was a Puritan this could make no Proof against him nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist make any Proof against me He says farther That one Mr. Russel who had been bred in S. John's College told him in Paris That I maintained some Catholick Opinions First Mr. Nicolas would have it that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar But that the whole College can witness it is not so nor had he ever any relation to me in the least Degree After his Father's Death he left the College and went beyond Sea where the Weak Man for such he was lost his Religion Secondly Dr. Featly says expresly that Mr. Russel said I was no Papist which for the Countenance of his own Change he would never have said had he thought me one Thirdly if he did say

thus That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion of which there was cause to fear Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince especially in point of Religion And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King as nothing could be greater Upon the matter it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People And had I not there consented to his Punishment I had deserved to be punished my self Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence laid this Charge upon me but spake not one Word to my Remembrance of this Answer given to it The Ninth Charge That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes and might justly have expected Thanks for it not such an Accusation But as for the Preface it was made and Printed at Oxford I medled not with it I could trust the University with little if not with the making of a Preface If they have done any thing amiss in it let them answer it The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days but no Effect came of the pains then taken Recruduit Labor says the Preface So that this I can answer for them There 's not a Word spoken of Religion but of Manners only and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following as Hers. For the Words to my remembrance are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only but must include the whole Interim or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes that is all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days which I think no Man can deny was Optanda Temporum Foelicitas Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me That was his Phrase But he added that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness Then he produced a Paper found in my Study Printed at Rome So were divers of my Books Printed there What of this They may Print what they will at Rome I cannot hinder it And I may have and keep whatever they Print no Law forbidding it Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford a great Traveller and a Man of great Worth As far as I remember his Letter came to me from Alexandria It was fit to be sent and kindly received as by me it was I desired it might be read Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion and that I concealed these Papers I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest Diaboli Impudentia the Devils Impudence and no less as S. Augustin speaks in another Case Did I conceal these Papers First the same Day that I received them I sent them by an Express to his Majesty I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell as I was commanded And this Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas knew For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me when he searched me at the Tower and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece Excepting the Slanders which he hath Jugled in of his own So soon as his Majesty came home I humbly besought him that he would be pleased to appoint a time and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business and this Examination continued till I was Committed What was after done I cannot account for Besides my Lords it appears by those Paprs that my Life was sought for because I would not give way to the Change of Religion and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this and yet now Mr. Nicolas from his Testimony presses these Papers against me But the King and the Lords and both Secretaries of State then present can witness that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned to have it sifted to the Bottom Notwithstanding all this Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing as if nothing had been said unto it And was so shameless as to say that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans But so soon as I found it was against the Papists I kept it secret till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers Where First there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it And Secondly I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers till I had sent them to his Majesty But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book alias Monsieur St Giles So they expressed it and I must follow the way they lead me First then they Charge that I had often Conference with him while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia No he never came to me till he was ready to Print that Book Then some Friends of his brought him to me His Suit then was That he might Print that Book here Upon Speech with him I found the Scope of his Book to be such as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it And so absolutely denyed it Nor did he ever come more at me after this but twice or thrice at most when he made great Friends to me that he might Print another Book to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right My Answer then was that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went in the Case of Episcopacy And howsoever that I would never give way that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling without calling in Aid from Rome and would in due time Maintenance he never had any from me nor did I then know him to be a Priest Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this 2. Secondly they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser and another at the end of the Book The Book was Printed at Lions where I could not hinder the Printing either of the whole or any part This might have been something had I Licensed it here But that I constantly denyed 3. Thirdly

They produced a Letter written to me from Venice by one Mr Middleton Chaplain there to the Right Honourable the now Earl of Denbigh his Majesty's Ambassadour Therein he writes That S Clara was Homo nequissimus and that one Monsieur S Giles was the Author of that Book That Clara and S Giles were the same Person is but Mr Middleton's Opinion Such News as he there heard some true some false he thought fit to write unto me And he being absent here 's no Proof upon Oath that they are one and the same Person And I hope a young Man's Letter from Venice or any other place signifying only such things as he hears shall not stand for good Evidence in a Case of Life And he was mainly deceived in this Particular as appears First Because what Clara is I know not But Monsieur S. Giles is a great Scholar and a Sober Man and one that gave the late L. Brooke so good Content that he allow'd him One Hundred Pound a Year during his Life Secondly Because 't is commonly known that Clara is an English man and S. Giles a French man born and bred Thirdly Because their own Article upon which they bring this Charge acknowledges them two distinct Persons Fourthly Because both Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas had Monsieur S. Giles before them in Examination and could not but know him to be a French man As appears by a Warrant given to him by Mr. Pryn to secure him after his Examination Which Warrant follows in these words These are to Certifie those whom it may concern That the Committee of the House of Commons appointed to prosecute the Archbishop of Canterbury have examined and received Satisfaction from Monsieur S. Giles a Domestick Servant to the Resident of Venice and therefore he is no farther to be examined or molested concerning the same This License came to my Hands since my Answering was past so I could not then shew it Monsieur S Giles was never the Man that gave me notice of any of this not so much as that he had been Examined But my Secretary Mr Dell came to hear of it by chance and went to him and had this Copy with some labour from him and will make Oath it is a true Copy This is not the thankfullest part at ever S. Giles played considering my Carriage towards him 4. Then they charged upon Monsieur S. Giles directly That I knew him to be a Priest and yet maintained him at Oxford The Case was this Mr S Giles was in good Place about the Queen's Majesty at her first coming Here he did so good Services to this State that he lost himself in France and durst not go thither when the French were sent away All this while the Man was unknown to me till his Majesty one day at St. James's told me this and that he was a Priest and that it lay upon him in Honour to allow him some Maintenance and prescribed me a way how to order it that he might receive One Hundred Marks a Year as from him And gave me Charge if the Pension were at any time behind I should acquaint him with it After this Mr. S Giles by his Friends Petition'd his Majesty that being a Stranger he might live in Oxford to have the use of the Library there being resolved to meddle no more with the Controversies of the Time but to apply himself to Metaphysical Learning His Majesty was desirous to have him plac'd in some College to save Charges But this I most humbly deprecated because it might be dangerous to the Youth there and scandalous to his Majesty the Church and the University and dangerous to my self being Chancellor To the rest I submitted So he was left to place himself in some Town-House as he could And for this his Majesty gave me his Warrant which Mr. Pryn in his Search took from me But here follows the true Copy of it Charles Rex CAnterbury Mr S Giles by serving us and this State hath lost all his hopes in France and desires to spend his time here at his private Studies I would have you think upon some way for his Maintenance and to place him in Oxford that he may have use of that Library which he much desires And you may so order it that his Profession in Religion may do no harm And according to this direction of his Majesty I did take Order but with assurance from himself and with Spies upon him there beside the special care of the Vice-Chancellor that he should not Converse with young Students nor Exercise his Priestly Office nor do any thing against the Laws Nor did I ever hear that he failed in any of these Assumptions 5. Then they produced one Mr. Broad who testified that while S Giles lived at Oxford some Doctors came to him Doctors were able to deal well enough with him but all resort of young Scholars was forbidden He says farther that Mr S Giles should say that the Bishops of England were Cordially of his Religion but that he feared their Rigidness would spoil all First this is but a Report of his Speech Secondly why was not S Giles at his Examination asked whether he said it or no And if he did what ground he had for it At the most 't was but his Opinion of the Bishops who were never the more Cordial to Popery for his thinking so And Thirdly I doubt it appears by this time that all is overthrown or near it not by the Rigidness but by the over-remisness of some Bishops who never would believe any danger could come from the Godly as they were called 6. Lastly What 's the Reason of this great Endeavour upon nothing but News in a Letter to make S Clara and Mr. S Giles to be one and the same Man Doubtless nothing but an Hydropical Thirst after my Blood For resort of Priests to Lambeth was usual in both my last Predecessors Times Bancroft's and Abbot's And some lay in the House and had Relief This was proved to the Lords by two Ancient Servants of that House Neither of which have been done in my Time Arch-Bishop Abbot made a Warrant this Warrant was shewed to secure Mr. Preston an English Priest upon a Command of King James Why may not I a French one by the Warrant of King Charles King James justified Bishop Bancroft for doing this when he was Bishop of London and no Privy Counsellor And may not I do it being Arch-Bishop and Privy Counsellor with as much Privity of the King and the State as he did But to let these pass why should I say here was a Thirst for Blood I 'll tell you why The Statute of 27 Eliz. makes it Felony without Benefit of Clergy to Maintain or Relieve any Romish Priest Born in England or any other of her Majesty's Dominions knowing him to be such Now they had laid their Article that I had given Maintenance to one Mounsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest

in those places which are cited do make the Pope the great Antichrist For in the first place the Words are To the beating down of Sin Death the Pope the Devil and all the Kingdom of Antichrist Which Words cannot possibly imply that the Pope is that Antichrist In the second place he is only called the Babylonical Beast of Rome which Phrase doth not necessarily signifie The Great Antichrist For the Beast so often mentioned in the Revelation is no where called the Babylonical Beast of Rome And if that Beast do stand for the Great Antichrist I say If because those Scriptures are very dark then the Beast is primarily the Roman Empire in the Judgment of the Geneva Noters And that there should be two great Antichrists is more than any man hath yet said Here Mr. Nicolas was up again with Pander to the Whore of Babylon and his other foul Language not remembring all this while which yet I was loath to mind him of that one of his zealous Witnesses against the Whore of Babylon and all her Superstitions got all his Means which are great by being a Pander to other lewd Women and loved the business it self so well as that he was not long since men say taken in Bed with one of his Wife's Maids Good Mr. Nicolas do not dispense with all Whores save the Whore of Babylon 6. The Sixth Particular was the Articles of Ireland which call the Pope the Man of Sin But the Articles of Ireland bind neither this Church nor me And some Learned Protestants do not understand that noted place of the Apostle 2 Thess. 2. as meant of Antichrist or the Pope 7. The Seventh and Last Particular is a Repetition of Sancta Clara and Mr. S. Giles and the Letter of News which were News indeed to make them one Man though this were Answered at large but the last Day and Sir Ed. Hungerford's Testimony brought up again It 's a sign Mr. Nicolas hath indeed no down-right right Proof as he said before that so tumbles up and down in repeating the same things The Third Charge is that I say in my Book That the Religion of the Church of Rome and ours is all one This is spoken only in opposition to other Religions in regard of Christianity The Words are Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion for the Christian Religion is the same to both c. And the like passage to this is in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And these Passages were read to the Lords So that either Papists must be denied to be Christians or else this Charge can work nothing against me The Fourth Charge is out of Chouneus his Book p. 45 46. Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Braye where they say 't is said That Rome is a True Church and differs not in Fundamentals And that at the High Commission when this Book was question'd by some I did say that the Church of Rome and the Protestants did not differ in Fundamentals but in Circumstances And this latter part was testified by Mr. Burton and one Mr. Lane who said they were present First Suppose this be false and that they do differ in Fundamentals yet this then is but my Errour in Divinity no Practice to overthrow Religion Secondly I suppose if I did so say I did not Err For the Foundations of Christian Religion are the Articles of the Creed and the Church of Rome denies no one of them Therefore there is no difference in the Fundamentals If they of Rome differ in Exposition of some of these that must needs be a Superstructure upon or beside the Article not the Article or Foundation it self Nor did I follow my own Judgment herein but Calvin's who says expresly That in despight of Antichrist the Foundations of the Church remain'd in the Papacy it self that the Church might not wholly perish And this Passage was then read to the Lords Thirdly These two Learned Witnesses as they would be reputed are quite mistaken in their very Terms For they report me as if I said Not in Fundamentals but in Circumstantials whereas these are not Membra opposita but Fundamentals and Superstructures which may sway quite beside the Foundation And this though not the only yet is a main Failing in the Roman Fabrick in which many things are built upon unwarrantable Tradition as is expressed in my Book at large and their many Superstitions named and that Passage read also to the Lords For though they differ not in the prime Foundations yet they in many things grate close upon them and in some things fall beside them to no small Hazard of their own Souls As for Circumstantials it seems these Men have forgotten or never knew that many times Circumstantials in Religion do quite destroy the Foundation For Example The Circumstances are these Quis Quid Vbi Quibus Auxiliis Quomodo Quando 1. Quid What a Man believes And that contains Fundamentals and in the first place 2. Vbi Place a meer Circumstance yet to deny that Christ took our Flesh of the B. Virgin and that in Judaea denies the Foundation and is flat Judaism 3. Quibus Auxiliis By what Helps a Man believes and in some measure obeys as he is commanded For to believe that a Man doth this by the strength of Nature only and not by Aid and Assistance of Grace is with the Pelagian to deny the Foundation and to overthrow the Grace of Christ. 4. Quando When That 's Time a meer Circumstance Yet to deny that Christ is already come in the Flesh denies the Foundation utterly and is flat Judaism and an inseparable Badge of the great Antichrist 1 John 4. And in the Case of the Resurrection to say 't is past already which is Time St. Paul tells us 2 Tim. 2. is no less than the Overthrow of the Faith And the Rule is general That some Circumstances Dant Speciem give the very Kind and Form to a Moral Action This for their Ignorance but for the Malice of their Oath I leave them to God's Mercy Here Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me fell upon this and said that when I gave divers Instances what dangerous Errors Circumstances did sometimes breed in Religion I gave no Instance in any point of Popery But to this I Answered First That it was not material what Instances I made so I was able to make some Secondly That it was not possible for me or perhaps a readier Man to have all Instances so present with his Memory Thirdly If an Instance in Popery rank Popery will serve the turn you may take it in Transubstantiation That is either a Fundamental Point or it is not If it be not Fundamental why did the Papist put the Protestant to Death for it And why did the Protestant suffer Death If it be Fundamental as it seems by both sides it was accounted it

was nothing done against Law any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties And I am perswaded many Friends in either House do what they justly may when such sad Occasions happen And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons But Mr. Brown did not begin with this but with another here omitted by Mr. Nicolas though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts of which this was one That if he express himself so he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine as to the Church This Mr. Brown said took away all Authority from Parliaments in that kind But under Favour this takes away nor all nor any that is due unto them Not all for my Words are about giving so much Power Now he that would not have so much given to the one as the other doth not take away all from either Not any that is due to them For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power as appears by the Comparative Words so much my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words as that that which is proper to the Church might not be ascribed to Parliaments And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law The Words of the Statute are Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered Judged or determined to be Heresy by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation Where 't is manifest that the Judging and Determining Part for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin is in the Church For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation and so the Law requires it Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given but there must preceed a Debate a Judging a Voting and a Determining Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine Heresie or no Heresie is in the Church But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience and for Punishment is in the Parliament with this Assent of the Clergy Therefore I humbly conceive the Parliament cannot by Law that is till this Law be first altered Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require To this Mr. Brown in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons said Two Things The one that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only and the Adjudging of that but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion If it be for Heresie only that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it upon the Neck of any Subject without Determination in Parliament then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion according to the First Clause in Magna Charta which establishes the Church in all her Rights And her main and constant Right when that Charter was made and confirmed was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of The other was that if this were so that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation we should have had no Reformation For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented First it is not as I conceive to be denyed that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please and by their Absolute Power may change Religion Christianity into Turcism if they please which God forbid And the Subjects whose Consciences cannot obey must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law But both King and Parliament are sub graviori Regno and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power But beside this Absolute there is a Limited Power Limited I say by Natural Justice and Equity by which no Man no Court can do more than what he can by Right And according to this Power the Church's Interest must be considered and that indifferently as well as the Parliaments To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition and by Absolute Power Abolished it without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation And then in her first Year An. 1559. She had a Visitation and set out her Injunctions to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation But then so soon as the Clergy was settled and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition a Synod was called and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation and that by a just and orderly Power Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self but may many ways be made such by Misinformation or otherwise And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power and yet preserves this Church in her just Right Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well For the Lord Brook tells us That what a Church will take for true Doctrine lies only in that Church Nay the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this For M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully That the Priests were Judges of Religion and the Senate of Law The Second Proof is That I made two Speeches for the King to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them These Speeches were read to the Lords and had I now the Copies I would insert them here and make the World Judge of them First I might shuffle here and deny the making of them For no Proof is offer'd but that they are in my Hand and that is no necessary Proof For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand which were not my making though I transcribed them as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands But Secondly I did make them and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases and being commanded to the Service I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign Thirdly As I did never

promised to take all into Consideration And so I was dismissed Sine Die But here I may not go off from this Dream so since Mr. Pryn hath Printed it at the end of my Diary Where he shamelesly says This Dream was Attested from my own Mouth at my Tryal in the Lords House For I have set down all that pass'd exactly Nor did I then give any Attestation to it only before I could gather up my self to Answer the Earl of Pembroke in a fitting manner and not to hurt my self Mr. Nicolas fell upon me with that Unchristian bitterness as diverted me from the Earl to Answer him But once for all and to satisfie any Man that desires it That is all true which I have here set down concerning this Dream and upon my Christianity and hope of future Salvation I never had this Dream nor any like it nor did I ever tell it this Lord or any other any other way than in Relation to Badger and Pryn as is before related And surely if I had had such a Dream I should not have had so little Discretion as to tell it any Man least of all to pour it into that Sieve the Earl of Pembroke For that which follows and wherein his Charity and Words are almost the same with those of Mr. Nicolas I give him the same Answer and forgiving him all his most Unchristian and Insatiable Malice against me leave my self in the Hands of God not in his I Received an Order from the Lords that if I had a mind to make a Recapitulation as I had formerly desired of my long and various Charge I should provide my self for it against Munday next this Order came upon Friday and that I should give in my Answer the next Morning what I meant to do The next day in Obedience to this Order I gave in my Answer which was Humble Thanks that I might have liberty to make it referring the day to their Honourable Consideration with this that Munday next was a very short time for such a Collection Upon this Answer an Order was presently made that I should provide to make my Recapitulation upon Munday September the Second And about this time the certain day I know not it was Resolved in the House of Commons that according to my Plea I should enjoy the benefit of the Act of Oblivion and not be put to Answer the Thirteenth Original Article concerning the Scottish Business And truly I bless God for it I did not desire the benefit of that Act for any Sense of Guiltiness which I had in my self but in Consideration of the Times and the Malice of the now Potent Faction which being implacable towards me I could not think it Wisdom to lay by any such Power as might help to secure me Yet in the former part of this History when I had good Reason to think I should not be called to Answer such General Articles I have set down my Answer to each of them as much as Generals can be Answer'd And thereby I hope my Innocency will appear to this Thirteenth Article also Then came Munday Sept. 2. and according to the Order of the Lords I made the Recapitulation of my whole Cause in matters of greatest Moment in this form following But so soon as I came to the Bar I saw every Lord present with a New Thin Book in Folio in a blue Coat I heard that Morning that Mr. Pryn had Printed my Diary and Published it to the World to disgrace me Some Notes of his own are made upon it The first and the last are two desperate Untruths beside some others This was the Book then in the Lords Hands and I assure my self that time picked for it that the sight of it might damp me and disinable me to speak I confess I was a little troubled at it But after I had gathered up my self and looked up to God I went on to the Business of the Day and thus I spake CAP. XLIII My Recapitulation Mr. Lords my Hearing began March 12. 1643 4. and continued to the end of July In this time I was heard before your Lordships with much Honour and Patience Twenty Days and sent back without Hearing by reason of your Lordships greater Employments Twelve Days The rest were taken up with providing the Charge against me And now my Lords being come near an end I am by your Grace and Favour and the leave of these Gentlemen of the Honourable House of Commons to represent to your Lordships and your Memories a brief Summ of my Answers to this long and various Charge In which I shall not only endeavour but perform also all possible Brevity And as with much Thankfulness I acknowledge my self bound to your Lordships for your Patience So I cannot doubt but that I shall be as much obliged for your Justice in what I am innocent from Crime and for your Clemency in what the common Frailty of Mankind hath made me Err. And I Humbly desire your Lordships to look upon the whole Business with Honourable Care of my Calling of my Age of my long Imprisonment of my Sufferings in my Estate and of my Patience in and through this whole Affliction The Sequestration having been upon my Estate above Two Years In which notwithstanding I may not omit to give Thanks for the Relief which my Petitions found for my present necessities in this time of my Hearing at your Honourable Hands 1. First then I humbly desire your Lordships to remember the generality and by occasion of that the incertainty of almost every Article charged upon me which hath cast me into great streights all along in making my Defence 2. Next That your Lordships will be pleased to consider what a short space upon each Days Hearing hath been allowed me to make my Answer to the many Charges in each several Day laid against me Indeed some Days scarce time enough to peruse the Evidence much less to make and then to review and weigh my Answers Especially considering to my greatest Grief that such a Charge should be brought up against me from so Great and Honourable a Body as the Commons of England In regard of which and all other sad Occasions I at first did and do still in all Humility desire that in all Particulars concerning Law my Councel may be heard before your Lordships proceed to Sentence and that a Day may be assigned for my Councel accordingly 3. Thirdly I heartily pray also that it may be taken into your Honourable Consideration how I have all manner of ways been sifted to the very Bran for that what e're it amounts to which stands in Charge against me 1 The Key and use of my Study at Lambeth Books and Papers taken from me 2 A Search upon me at the Tower made by Mr. Pryn and One and Twenty Bundles of Papers prepared for my Defence taken from me and not Three Bundles restored to me again This Search made before any Particular Articles

Reader And if they do not make themselves of another Religion I shall never endeavour to make them 13. By a Pack of such Witnesses as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling Messengers and Pursevants and such as have shifted their Religion to and again Pillory-men and Bawds And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests 12. In the midst of these upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation it was pressed against me That I had altered the King's Oath 14. And last of all That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments Upon both these I did very much enlarge my self But here also that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction that I did not the one nor am the other But my Lords there are other strange Arguments produced against me to prove my Compliance with Rome which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten 1. As first my Lords it hath been Charged upon me That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons one Clause whereof is this That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this and can be no other That I did endeavour to bring in Popery because I made and took a solemn Oath never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument And they which follow are as pregnant against me 2. Secondly My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me where the Argument must lie thus I have endeavoured to advance Popery because I have written against it And with what strength I have written I leave to Posterity to judge when the Envy which now over-loads me shall be buried with me This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here save that his Life was not sought I never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity nor I hope ever shall And let the Church of England look to it for in great Humility I crave to write this though then was no time to speak it That the Church of England must leave the way it 's now going and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome 3. Thirdly All the late Canons have been charged against me and the Argument which is drawn from thence must lie thus The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in 4. Fourthly I have by my Industry and God's great Blessing upon my Labours stayed as many from going and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done I named them before and had Scorn enough put upon me for it as your Lordships could not but both see and hear where the Argument lies thus I converted many from Popery and setled them in the Religion established in England Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way 5. Fifthly The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self by Andreas ab Habernfield hath been charged against me That Plot for altering of Religion and by what ways your Lordships have heard already and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece Now if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information and no Proof of any Particular as indeed it did What 's become of Rome's Master-piece But if it had any reality in it as it appeared to be a sad Plot not only to me but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent with an absolute Undertaking to prove them then it appears expresly that I was in danger of my Life for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England 'till I was taken out of the way And though in conclusion the Proofs failed yet what was consulted and it seems resolved concerning me is plain enough And then the Argument against me lies thus There 's no hope to bring in Popery 'till I am taken out of the way therefore I did labour to bring it in Do not these things my Lords hang handsomly together 6. Lastly There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers brought out of my Study into this Honourable House they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany Why they should be brought hither but in hope to charge them upon me I know not and then the Argument will be this I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments and what Proof they make against me I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason For answer to which I must be bold to tell your Lordships That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason the Result from them cannot be Treason which will appear by these Reasons following 1. First The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises But 't is confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them And this holds in Nature in Morality and in Law In Nature and that both for Integral and Essential Parts for neither can the Body of a Bear and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox nor the Legs of a Bull the Body of a Horse and the Head of an Ass result into a Man In Morality and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices For neither can many Actions of Liberality Meekness and Sobriety rise up into a Result of Fortitude neither can many Actions of Malice Drunkenness and Covetousness result into Treason In Law 't is so too For be there never so many particular Crimes yet there is no Law in this Kingdom nor any where else that I know that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law So this imaginary Result is

share therein as he could desire his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes of People whom Love or Curiosity or remorse of Conscience had drawn together purposely to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable That being whilst he Lived the greatest Champion of the Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established he had the Honour being Dead to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed after it had been long disused and almost reprobated in most Churches of London Hitherto Dr. Heylin The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury viz. Jan. 4. they likewise passed an Ordinance that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines Rushworth par 3. vol. 2. pag. 839. H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate with his Arms and this Inscription Engraven thereon In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis qui Securi percussus Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij AEtatis suae LXXII Archiepiscopatûs XII In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London and being carried to Oxford was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament In Dei Nomine Amen I William Laud by God's great Mercy and Goodness Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being in perfect Health tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London God knows for what in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty do hereby Make Ordain and Declare this my Last Will and Testament in Manner and Form following And First in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart I 〈◊〉 beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour And though I have been a most Prodigal Son yet my hope is in Christ that for his sake God my most merciful Creator will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father Amen Lord Jesus In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort into the Mercies of God the Father through the Merits of God the Son in the Love of God the Holy Ghost And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity One God to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come and in my Change to receive me to that Rest which he prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name So Amen Lord Jesu Amen Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness And whosoever hath Offended me I pray God forgive them and I do And I hope and pray that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him Amen For my Faith I Die as I have Lived in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ foreshewed by the Prophets and Preached to the World by Christ himself his Blessed Apostles and their Successors and a True Member of his Catholick Church within the Communion of a Living part thereof the present Church of England as it stands Established by Law Secondly I leave my Body to the Earth whence it was taken in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant And for my Burial tho' I stand not much upon the place yet if it conveniently may be I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner yet my earnest desire is I may not be buried in the Tower But wheresoever my Burial shall be I will have it private that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses Thirdly For my Worldly Estate I Will that my Debts be presently paid which at this time I praise God are very small Then for St Paul's Church it grieves me to see it at such a stand And tho' I have besides my pains given largely towards it and the Repairs thereof yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work if ever it go on while the Party trusted with it lives But my Executors are not charged with this 't is in safe but other Hands Item I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles whom God bless 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt which he owes me being 2000 l. and require that the Tallies for it be delivered up Item I give to St John's College in Oxford where I was bred all my Chappel-Plate gilt or party-gilt All my Chappel-Furniture all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death which they have not in their Library and 500 l. in Money to be laid out upon Lands And I Will that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike upon the 17th day of October every fourth Year Something else I have done for them already according to my Ability And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace my Chalice and Patin of Gold and these I desire the young Duke to accept and use in his Chappel as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love and the Honour to be beloved of his Father So God bless him with wise and good Counsels and a Heart to follow them By Father and Mother I never had Brother nor Sister but by my Mother many They were all Ancient to me and are Dead but I give to their Children as followeth Legacies To his Brother Dr Robinson's Children Scil Henry and John and Lucie and Elizabeth Wife to Dr Baily To Dr Cotsford Son of his Sister Amie To Dr Edward Layfield Son of his Sister Bridget To Eliz Holt Daughter of his Sister Bennet To William Bole Son of his Sister Elizabeth To his Sister Briget's Daughter Wife to Mr Snow To his Chaplains Rings rich or Watches To the Poor of several places he had reference to 5 l. each To Canterbury Lambeth and Croydon 10 l. each To the University of Oxford where I was Bred and to the Town of Reading where I was Born I have already in perpetuity as God hath made me able Item I give to so many of my Servants as did continue my Servants

till the time that the Storm fell on me as followeth Among the rest to Mr Cobb my Organ that is at Croydon my Harp my Chest of Viols and the Harpsichon that is at Lambeth The remainder of my Estate above that which is given or shall be added to this my Will I charge my Executor as he will Answer me at the Bar of Christ that he lay out upon Land as far as it will go and then settle it by some sure course in Law to such Uses and under the same Conditions as I have setled my Land at Bray upon the Town of Reading Of which 50 l. per Annum to be setled on the Town of Ockingham 50 l. on Henly upon Thames 50 l. on Wallingford and 50 l. on Windsor to the Uses aforesaid for ever If it rise to less that there be an even abatement to all these places But if it purchase more as says he it needs must if I be well dealt with all above 200 l. per Annum he gives to Dr Baily and his Son William after him and his Heirs for ever He held a Lease of Barton-Farm near Winchester of the Cathedral Church of Winchester taken in his Servant Richard Cobb's Name Rent 370 l. per Annum of which he gives during the Lease 50 l. per Annum to the City of Winchester for the binding out of Apprentices the rest to several Nephews and Servants And if says he the Cathedral Church of Winchester be suffered to enjoy its Lands I leave the power of renewing this Lease to Dr Richard Baily he paying Mr Rich. Cobb 100 l. for his pains taken for me in this Purchase c. Item I give to my Successor if the present Troubles in the State leave me any my Organ in the Chappel at Lambeth Provided that he leave it to the See for ever Likewise I give him my Barge and Furniture to it As for the Pictures in the Gallery at Lambeth I leave them to Succession as well those that I found there as those which I have added But in case the Arch-Bishoprick be dissolved as 't is threatned then I Will that my Executor add the Organ the Barge and such Pictures as are mine to my Estate that is if they escape Plundering Item I give to my Servant Mr R C besides what already 50 l. if he deal truly with my Estate By this Will I do revoke all former Wills and do charge my Executor as he will Answer me before Christ that he perform my Will punctually in all Particulars which the Rapine of the Time shall not have Plundered from him or the Violence of the Time over-ruled him Item I do lay upon Dr Baily above Named the charge of all my Papers and Paper-Books if they can escape the Violence of the Time And I give him an English Bible in 4to cover'd with Murry-leather in which are some brief Notes upon the Liturgy and a Note-Book in Folio in which is my Catalogue of Books in relation to my course of Study and my Directory to almost all my other Papers and Books All which Papers and Paper-Books I give him also But with this Proviso that he burn all that he thinks not fit to use himself that my Weakness whatever it be be not any Man's Scorn and my Diligence I am sure cannot Then he makes Dr Baily his sole Executor and gives him 200 l. for his pains But adds If he shall not be Living at the time of my Death or shall die before he make due Probat of this my Will then Mr John Robinson of London Merchant And if he die then Mr Edward Layfeild And if he die then Dr Tho Walker Master of Vniversity College And my express Will is that whatsoever my Estate amounts unto my Executor shall have no more of it than is particularly and by Name given him in this my Will And I do heartily pray my Executor to take care that my Book written against Mr Fisher the Jesuit may be Translated into Latin and sent abroad that the Christian World may know see and judge of my Religion And I give unto him that Translates it 100 l. He makes the Bishops Juxon Curle Wren and Duppa Overseers of his Will and gives them for their pains 10 l. apiece Thus I forgive all the World and heartily desire forgiveness of God and the World And so again commend and commit my Soul into the Hands of God the Father who gave it in the Merits and Mercies of my Blessed Saviour Jesus Christ who Redeemed it and in the Peace and Comfort of the Holy Ghost who Blessed it and in the Truth and Unity of his Holy Catholick Church and in the Communion of the Church of England as it yet stands Established by Law I most willingly leave the World being weary at the very Heart of the Vanities of it and of my own Sins many and great and of the grievous Distractions of the Church of Christ almost in all parts of Christendom Which Distractions God in his good time make up who well knows upon what many of them are grounded For the Mony to bear the Charge of those Legacies expressed in my Will and other Intendments I have for fear of the present Storm committed it to honest and I trust in God safe Hands And I doubt not but they will deliver the Mony in their several Custodies to my Executor for the Uses expressed But I forbear to Name them lest the same Storm should fall on them which hath driven me out of all I have considerable in my own Possession c. Jan 13 Anno 1643. Probat 8 Jan 1661. by Dr Baily Several Passages of Arch-Bishop Laud's Conference with Fisher the Jesuit 〈◊〉 Londin 1639. Fol. referred to in the preceding History I. Pag. 211. IN some Kingdoms there are divers Businesses of greatest Consequence which cannot be finally and bindingly ordered but in and by Parliament And particularly the Statute-Laws which must bind all the Subjects cannot be made and ratified but there And again as the Supreme Magistrate in the State Civil may not abrogate the Laws made in Parliament though he may dispense with the Sanction or Penalty of the Law quoad hic nunc as the Lawyers speak II. Pag. 171. John Capgrave one of your own and Learned for those Times and long before him William of Malmesbury tells us that Pope Vrban the Second at the Council held at Bari in Apulia accounted my worthy Predecessor S. Anselm as his own Compeer and said he was as the Apostolick and Patriarch of the other World So he then termed this Island Now the Britains having a Primate of their own which is greater than a Metropolitan yea a Patriarch if you will he could not be appealed from to Rome by S. Gregory's own Doctrine III. Pag. 278. The Doctrine it self is so full of Danger that it works strongly both upon the Learned and Unlearned to the Scandal of Religion and the Perverting of Truth For the unlearned

Sermons and Homilies and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard But if some Men upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons fit for all Times and Occasions and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised for Publick Worship this would make it utterly Vnlawful and to be Professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof As the Pharisees to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God I hope my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel than he had with that under the Law And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance I shall most willingly grant And therefore I do acknowledge that in the time of the Gospel God appointed the foolishness of Preaching 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means but not to be The Means if it be meant the only Means by which he will save those that believe I likewise confess that in the World's Account 't is made the Foolishness of Preaching And I would to God some Men much magnified in these Times did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it not only the Foolishness but the Madness of Preaching such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation I conceive also as well as my Lord that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach as it falls out in too many Parishes in England and the true Cause is the smallness of the Living unable to Feed and Cloath Men and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts there not only might be but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies and that in such Cases yes and in other Cases too they may very lawfully be heard And I think farther that if some Men not upon their own private Authority but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation shall not upon pretence but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching such as of late hath been and is too common in England should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions which is not impossible to be done and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship I must needs say it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some be it never so gross Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit should grow in any National Church so high so Seditious so Heretical and Blasphemous so Schismatical and Outragious as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours I say if such a Book of Sermons should be so set out by the Church direction and published by the Authority of King and Parliament as the Book of Common Prayer is When the Comparison is made thus even and my Lords Instance so brought home I do then think such a Book not devised for publick Worship but for publick Instruction for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God but as to teach us Faith and Obedience and how we are to pray and give Worship to him might be used with great profit yea and with far more than many Sermons of the present time which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority under a false pretence of Obedience to God And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord certainly in Cases of such Extremity as is above-mentioned and when nothing else will serve I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers and yet that such an Imposition would be far from making it utterly unlawful and to be professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof For 't is probable these Sermons my Lord speaks of would be Preached before they were Printed And the end of their being Preached was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World And that also was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print that the benefit of them might reach the farther and be of longer continuance So that upon the Matter the Printing of Sermons is but a large and more open Preaching of them still And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance And therefore if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons as is mentioned it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it and to the Exclusion thereof As for that which follows that this is like the Pharisees who to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God This is but a Simile and is Answered in the former And you see that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction which God forbid it did help to publish God's Ordinance and not make void his Commandments Howsoever my Lord may take this along with him That that Party which he governs in this Kingdom are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees as any Men in Christendom and will if they be let alone make void all the Service of God to bring in their Dreams against all Reason Religion and lawful Authority And this is most true whatever they think of themselves But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance Let it be considered what difference can be found between these but only this Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer not so in this of Preaching and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us if so enjoined It is fit my Lord should have his desire in this that it be considered what difference can be found between these And out of all doubt my Lord acknowledges that some difference there is And were it this only as his Lordship would have it That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer and not so in this of Preaching that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer For if the Service have not fault in it but that 't is enjoyned And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty in which Christian People may consent and unanimously and uniformly worship him be no fault at all as most certain it is not 'T is neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage and leave every Minister and perhaps other Men too to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation which doubtless would be many times such as no good understanding Christian could

do here upon the Second of Januay 1635. Comput Angl. present my Account both for the Diocess and Province of Canterbury concerning all those Church-Affairs which are contained in your Majesty's most gracious Instructions published out of your most Princely and Religious care to preserve Unity in Orthodox Doctrine and Conformity to Government within this your Church of England And First for my own Diocess I humbly represent to your Majesty that there are yet very many Refractory Persons to the Government of the Church of England about Maidstone and Ashford and some other Parts the Infection being spread by one Brewer and continued and increased by one Turner They have been both Censured in the High-Commission Court some Years since but the Hurt which they have done is so deeply rooted as that it is not possible to be plucked up on the suddain but I must crave time to work it off by little and little I have according to your Majesty's Commands required Obedience to my Injunctions sent to the French and Dutch Churches at Canterbury Maidstone and Sandwich And albeit they made some shew of Conformity yet I do not find they have yielded such Obedience as is required and was ordered with your Majesty's Consent and Approbation So that I fear I shall be driven to a quicker proceeding with them The Cathedral Church begins to be in very good Order And I have almost finished their Statutes which being once perfected will mutatis mutandis be a sufficient Direction for the making of the Statutes for the other Cathedrals of the new Erection which in King Henry the Eighth's Time had either none left or none Confirmed and those which are in many things not Canonical All which Statutes your Majesty hath given Power to me with others under the Broad Seal of England to alter or make new as we shall find Cause And so soon as these Statutes for the Church of Canterbury are made ready I shall humbly submit them to your Majesty for Confirmation There is one Mr Walker of St John's the Evangelist a Peculiar of mine in London who hath all his time been but a disorderly and a peevish Man and now of late hath very frowardly Preached against the Lord Bishop of Ely his Book concerning the Lord's Day set out by Authority But upon a Canonical Admonition given him to desist he hath hitherto recollected himself and I hope will be advised For the Diocess of London I find my Lord the Bishop hath been very careful for all that concerns his own Person But Three of his Arch-Deacons have made no return at all to him so that he can certifie nothing but what hath come to his knowledge without their help There have been convented in this Diocess Dr Stoughton of Aldermanbury Mr Simpson Curate and Lecturer of St Margarets New-Fishstreet Mr Andrew Moline Curate and Lecturer of St Swithin Mr John Goodwin Vicar of St Stevens Colman-street and Mr Viner Lecturer of St Laurence in the Old 〈◊〉 for Breach of the Canons of the Church in Sermons or Practice or both But because all them promised Amendment for the future and submission to the Church in all things my Lord very moderately forbore farther proceeding against them There were likewise convented Mr Sparrowhawke Curate and Lecturer at St Mary Woolchurch for Preaching against the Canon for Bowing at the Name of Jesus who because he wilfully persisted is suspended from Preaching in that Diocess As also one Mr John Wood a wild turbulent 〈◊〉 and formerly Censured in the High-Commission-Court But his Lordship forbore Mr White of Knightsbridge for that his Cause is at this present depending in the Court aforesaid Concerning the Diocess of Lincoln my Lord the Bishop returns this Information That he hath Visited the same this Year all over in Person which he conceives no Predecessor of his hath done these Hundred Years And that he finds so much good done thereby beyond that which Chancellours use to do when they go the Visitation that he is sorry he hath not done it heretofore in so many Years as he hath been Bishop He farther Certifies that he hath prevailed beyond Expectation for the Augmenting of Four or Five small Vicarages and conceives as your Majesty may be pleased to remember I have often told you upon my own Experience that it is a Work very necessary and fit to be done and most worthy of your Majesty's Royal Care and Consideration For Conformity his Lordship professeth that in that large Diocess he knows but one unconformable Man and that is one Lindhall who is in the High-Commission Court and ready for Sentence My Lord the Bishop of Bath and Wells Certifies that his Diocess is in very good Order and Obedience That there is not a single Lecture in any Town Corporate but grave Divines Preach by course and that he hath changed the Afternoon Sermons into Catechising by Question and Answer in all Parishes His Lordship farther Certifies that no Man hath been Presented unto him since his last 〈◊〉 for any Breach of the Canons of the Church or Your Majesty's Instructions and that he hath received no notice of any increase of Men Popishly affected beyond the number mentioned in his last Certificat The Bishop of this See died almost Half a Year since and had sent in no Certificat But I find by my Visitation there this present Year that the whole Diocess is much out of Order and more at Ipswich and Yarmouth than at Norwich it self But I hope my Lord that now is will take care of it and he shall want no Assistance that I can give him Mr Samuel Ward Preacher at Ipswich was Censured this last Term in the High-Commission Court for Preaching in Disgrace of the common-prayer-Common-Prayer-Book and other like gross Misdemeanours These Six Bishops respectively make their Answer that in their own Persons they have observed all your Majesty's Instructions and that they find all their Clergy very conformable no one of them instancing in any particular to the contrary In this Diocess the Bishop found in his Triennial Visitation the former Year two noted Schismaticks Wroth and Erbury that led away many simple People after them And finding that they willfully persisted in their Schismatical course he hath carefully preferred Articles against them in the High-Commission Court where when the Cause is ready for Hearing they shall receive according to the Merits of it Concerning this Diocess your Majesty knows that the late Bishop's Residence upon the place was necessarily hindred by his Attendance upon your Majesty's Person as Clerk of the Closet But he hath been very careful for the observance of all your Instructions and particularly for Catechizing of the Youth As also for not letting of any thing into Lives to the Prejudice of his Successor in which he hath done exceeding well And I have by your Majesty's Command laid a strict Charge upon his Successor to look to those Particular Leases which

such Proceeding in this Case The very Parties that tendred this Cap presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it and to the Romish Church which he maintains to be a True Church wherein Men are and may be saved And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First intimates That the First was in such sort entertained by him as rather encouraged than discouraged the Party to make the Second And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it insinuates That the King rather enclined to than against it or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him to accept or reject it as he best liked As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind or practise it in the least against Priests and Jesuits For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language Therefore he is no great Enemy to them The Second thing which may seem strange to others is this That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate or conspire his Death unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery Papists and the Church of Rome which admits an easie Answer The Truth is the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders and they with them they having been oft banished out of France and other Realms by the Sorbonists Dominicans and other Orders no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders as themselves do one against the other yea the Priests and Jesuits in England were lately at great Variance and persecuted one another with much Violence This is no good Argument then that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves What Correspondency he held with Franciscus de Sancta Clara with other Priests and Dr Smith Bishop of Calcedon whom the Jesuits persecuted and got Excommunicated though of their own Church and Religion is at large discovered in a Book entituled The English Pope and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber with all those Alterations wherein it differs from the English written with his own Hand some of which smell very strongly of Popery As namely his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving Take and drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee c. and leaving only this former Clause the better to justifie and imply a Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand The Presbyter during the time of Consecration shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR where he may with more Ease and Decency USE BOTH HIS HANDS than he can do if he stand at the North-end With other Particulars of this kind Moreover in his Book of Private Devotions written with his own Hand he hath after the Romish Form reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours And in the Memorials of his Life written with his own Hand there are these suspicious Passages among others besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap Anno 1631. Jun. 21. 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. c. meant of Dr. Smith the Popish Bishop of Calcedon as is conceived Jun. 25. Mr. Fr. Windebank my old Friend was Sworn Secretary of State which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was the Plot relates and his Flight into France for releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison and from Executions by his own Warrants and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them confirms About this time Dr Theodore Price Sub-dean of Westminster a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook and his Chaplain Griffith Williams soon after died a Reconciled Papist and received Extream Vnction from a Priest Noscitur ex comite August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial Saturday at Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate Address to her when I had occasion All which considered together with his Chaplains Licensing divers Popish Books with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press with other Particulars commonly known will give a true Character of his Temper that he is another Cassander or middle Man between an Absolute Papist and a real Protestant who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom than take a Puritan by the Little Finger An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony Pomp and external Worship in which he was over-zealous even to an open 〈◊〉 Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers who made Scruple of them if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets How far he was guilty of a Conditional Voting the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called and for what end it was summoned this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest Decemb 5. 1639. Thursday the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish Rebellion The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland my Lord Marquess Hamilton and my self And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE c. But of him sufficient till his Charge now in preparation shall come in Observations on and from the Relation of this PLOT FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand our own Three Realms and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction First That there hath been a most cunning strong execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry Policy Subtilty Engines by many active potent Confederates of all sorts all Sexes to undermine the Protestant Religion re-establish Popery and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath

Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to K William and Q Mary 4to Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690. The Jesuits Memorial for the intended 〈◊〉 of Ergland under their first Popish Prince Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the 〈◊〉 K James the Second and found in his Closet With an Introduction and some Animadversions by Edward Gee Chaplain to their Majesties 8vo Dr Cumberland now Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights comprehending their 〈◊〉 by help of Antient Standards compared with ours of England useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans and the Eastern Nations 8vo Dr Patrick now Lord Bishop of Ely his Parable of the Pilgrim written to a Friend the sixth Edition 4to 1681. Hearts-Ease or a Remedy against all Troubles with a consolatory Discourse particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations To which is added two Papers printed in the time of the late Plague The sixth Edition corrected 12mo 1695. Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests 〈◊〉 The Touch 〈◊〉 of the Reformed Gospel wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained 1692. 8vo Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution 4to Exposition of the Tea Commandments 8vo A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops in a Letter 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 B 's refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells 4to A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience so far as relates to them 4to A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called A brief Answer to the said 〈◊〉 c. 4to 〈◊〉 Or a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it in a Book intituled The Theory of the Earth are excepted against and it is made appear That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted By Erasmus Warren Rector of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 4to The Present State of Germany By a Person of Quality 8vo Memoris 〈◊〉 to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years determined December 1688 By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8vo 〈◊〉 of what 〈◊〉 in Christendom from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679 8vo 〈◊〉 Historical Collections The Third Part in two Volumes Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament Nov 3 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War to that Period Fol 1692. A Discourse of the Pastoral Care By Gilbert Burnet Lord Bishop of Sarum 1692 The Character of Queen Elizabeth Or A full and clear Account of her Policies and the Methods of her Government both in Church and State her Vertues and Defects Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time By Edmund Bohun Esq 1693. 8vo The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent 1693. An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland In Two Parts From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom to the 23 d. of March 1691 2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published declaring the War to be ended Illustrated with Copper Sculptures describing the most important Places of Action By George Story an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages 4to 1693. Linguae Romanae Dictionarium 〈◊〉 Novum Or A New Dictionary in Five Alphabets 〈◊〉 English Words and Phrases before the Latin 2 Latin Classic 3 Latin Proper Names 4. Latin Barbarous 5. Law-Latin Cambridge 4to 1693. Dr John Conant's Sermons 1693. 8vo Of the Government of the Thoughts By Geo Tully 〈◊〉 of York 8vo 1694. Origo Legum Or A 〈◊〉 of the Origine of Laws and their Obliging Power as also of their great Variety and why some Laws are immutable and some not but may suffer change or cease to be or be suspended or abrogated In Seven Books By George Dawson Fol. 1694. Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum 〈◊〉 I The Truth of the Christian Religion II The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III The Infallibility and Authority of the Church IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum 8vo 1694. A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer In Answer to a Book intitused A brief Discourse of the 〈◊〉 of Common-Prayer-Worship By John Williams D D 4to 1694. A true Representation of the absurd and 〈◊〉 Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the 〈◊〉 4to 1694. Memoirs of the most 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of it during the Primacy of the said Archbishop are greatly illustrated and many singular Matters relating thereunto now first published In Three Books Collected 〈◊〉 from Records Registers Authentick Letters and other Original Manuscripts By John 〈◊〉 M. A. Fol. 1694. A Commentary on the First Book of Moses called Genesis By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely 4to 1695. Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams Par. 1. pag 64. Par. 2 pag. 115. Par. 2 pag. 65 66. 〈◊〉 2. pag. 85. Pag. 86. 115. c. Pag. 129. Pag. 131. Pag. 230. L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor Octob 1693. pag 4 5. Epist Ded. Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it 〈◊〉 Clause is 〈◊〉 omitted by Prynne Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr Heylin and 〈◊〉 who following him relate that Dr Laud held the Presidentship of St Johns in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St Davids All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion are omitted by Prynne * Livimus * al. 〈◊〉 * An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially in favour of Dr Preston and prejudice of Dr White H W These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p 162. * These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne † Bargrave Pestis Fames * It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol.

curiously Written and richly 〈◊〉 It is still kept in the Library at Lambeth H W † forsan 16. * Witnesses † l. and * Hence may be corrected a great mistake committed by Heylin in the Life of the Arch-Bishop p 450 The Relation also which followeth in Heylin 〈◊〉 p 451. concerning the Accident which happened that Night at Christ's-Church Canterbury is a 〈◊〉 less wide mistake being unadvisedly taken as well as the former from Prynne Breviat of the Arch-Bishop's Life p 34 35. who not 〈◊〉 took the latter from a lying Pamphlet Wrote and Published by that 〈◊〉 Villain Richard Culmer Entituled Cathedral News from Canterbury H * l. for professing I was Consecrated Bishop of Saint Davids November 18 1621. The defects of this place are supplied from the following History * l. 21. * l. 20. See Rushworth's Collections par 3. vol 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 123. Prynne's Compt. Hist p 19. c. * viz. should charge me See the Order of the Lords for his Commitment apud Prynne p. 22. Psal 93. 94. In vulgara Editione Ps. 92 93. See this Confirmed by the King 's own Testimony in his large Declaration p 420. W S A C † 〈◊〉 twenty four hours * al. shall * The Articles of Pacification were concluded 1639. 〈◊〉 17 Signed by the King June 18 * al. by the General Assembly and Our Commissioner for the time being Articulo 7 * lege Question was made * Quaere who were these Canonists and how had they Votes in Convocation Have we any such properly so called W S A C I suppose to be here meant some Civilians Graduates Legum five utriusque Juris viz of the Canon and Civil or Imperial Laws or others perhaps interessed in the Spiritual Courts being in Holy Orders and sitting in that Convocation either in their own Right as Deans or Arch-Deacons or by Delegation from the Clergy of some Diocess or perhaps Proxies for some absent Members of the Convxation H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 † Concil Ephes Par 1 2 * Concil Ephes Par 3 Concil Tol 4 cap 3 Bin To 2. par 2 p 346. Concilium quoque 〈◊〉 solvere audeat 〈◊〉 fuerint 〈◊〉 determinata 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deliberatione communi 〈◊〉 Episcoporum 〈◊〉 manibus 〈◊〉 * Concil Arelat 2 〈◊〉 9 Bin To 1 par 1 p 589. † Concil Aurelianense 5 〈◊〉 To 2 par 2 p 39. * Concil Hispalense Ibid p 295. * I have seen the Records of some Proceedings against this Bishop Cheyney from which it appears that he was suspected of being a secret Papist as was afterwards his Successor Bishop Goodman H 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Quatnordecim affirmâsse septem negâsse 〈◊〉 dubitâsse Acta Synod Lond A 1533. M S † Acta Synod Lond An 1532. M S † Aug. 17 † Nov. 11. Rushw. The 〈◊〉 Diary saith Nov 22. W 〈◊〉 A C. * The Bishops were before this inveighed against in several Speeches Nov. 7 9. 21. 25. c. Rushw. Vide Rushw. par 3. vol. 〈◊〉 pag. 99. 112. The Order for erecting this Committee may be found in 〈◊〉 Compl. Hist. p. 〈◊〉 See the Petition of the Londoners against the Bishops presented Dec. 11. 1640. apud Rushw. p. 93. Decemb. 16. 1640. They are Printed intire in Rushw. pag. 113. Pryn p. 31. c. Abbreviated in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 466. Published by the Scots themselves London 1641. 〈◊〉 and soon after by Pryn in his Antipathy of the English Prelacy par 1. p. 334. * Book Rushw. | Rushw. Pryn. † Which Rushw Pryn. * To be Rushw. a Process against the Ld. Balmerino A Copy whereof I had by me when I writ this W. C. See 〈◊〉 CH. large Declaration p. 13 c. * Changes Rushw. Pryn. † Rushw. Pryn. * Rushw. Pryn. * When St. Cyprian was brought to the place of his Execution exuit se lacernum birrum quem indutus erat c. dehinc tunicam tulit Diaconibus tradidit stans in 〈◊〉 expectabat Spiculatorem Now if you ask what that linea was sure it could not be his Shirt For that could not stand with his Episcopal Gravity nor was it necessary for him in regard of his kind of Death which was Beheading But Baronius tells us Annal. Eccles. An. 261. n. 40. that it was 〈◊〉 illud Vestimentum 〈◊〉 omnibus Commune Italicè Rocheto dicunt And by this passage concerning S. Cyprian it is evident that this Habit there mentioned was the usual and known Habit of a Bishop in those times † Mercy 〈◊〉 a Christus Crucisixus est propter 〈◊〉 humanum Just. Mart. Dial. cum Tryph. p. 246. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athan. de Incarn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb. 〈◊〉 Orbe universo Greg. Naz. Orat. 42. Aug. in Ps. 95. Pro Proditore 〈◊〉 S. Ambros. L. de Paradiso c. 8 Pro 〈◊〉 qui curari 〈◊〉 S. Amb. Lib. 2. de Cain Abel c. 3. Pro Gentibus sed 〈◊〉 non voluerunt S. Chrysost. Hom. 7. in 1 Tim. 2. Pro 〈◊〉 si omnes redimi vellent S. Hieron in 1 Tim. 2. 1. Primasius Ibid. 〈◊〉 ratio dubitandi est Prosper L. 2. de Vocat Gent. c. 16. Non pro sidelibus 〈◊〉 sed pro c. Theoph. in Heb. 11. 9. Oecumenius Ibid. b S. 〈◊〉 3. 17. 2 Cor. 5. 15. Heb. 2. 9. 〈◊〉 Tim. 2. 6. 1 Tim. 4. 10. 1 S. Jo. 2. 1 2. c Nemo mortalium est qui non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seriò per ministros Evangelij vocari ad 〈◊〉 remissionis Peccatorum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per mortem Christi Act. 13. 38. S. Jo. 3. 17 18. Evangelio autem nibil falsum aut simulatum subest sed quicquid in 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 effertur aut 〈◊〉 hominibus id 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ab Authore 〈◊〉 offertur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro omnibus mortuus est ut omnes singuli mediante 〈◊〉 possint virtute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hujus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vitam 〈◊〉 consequi c. Sententia Theologorum Magn. Britan. apud Acta Synod Dord Artic. 2. Thes. 3. * Dr. Lindsay Proceedings in the Assembly at Perth An. 1618. Par. 2. p. 26. See the Articles of Perth in Heylin's Life of Laud. p. 78. and in Spotswood's Hist. of the Church of Scotland p. 538. † Were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rushw. Pryn. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Can. Apost 65. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 St. Igna. Epist 8. c Die 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nefas esse ducimus Tert. de 〈◊〉 militis c. 3. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Si quis tanquam hoc 〈◊〉 convenire judicans Die Dominico Jejunaverit 〈◊〉 in ejusdem diei contemptum Anathema sit Con. Gangren Can. 18. e Constitutum est ne diebus deminicis jejunaretur S. Hil. 〈◊〉 in Psal. f Qui Die Dominico fludiose jejunat non credatur Catholicus Concil Carthag 4. Can. 64. Anno 398. g Quadragesima totis 〈◊〉 Sabbatum Dominicum Jejunatur diebus Ambros. de Elia Josu c. 10. h Hoc

Thursday Die 〈◊〉 I. II. III. IV. V. I suppose these Considerations are those Published in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 287. W. S. A. C. VI. 1 Sam. 8. 12. Perkins Opera fol. p. 34. VII VIII * p. 32. † p. 36. IX X. 1. 2. 3. 〈◊〉 27. 1644. Thursday I. Die Decimo-sexto II. III. * p. 47. Contr. Fisher. p. 292. Perkin's Opera in fol. p. 590. 1 Cor. 11. 92. Thorndike of Assemblies c. 8. p. 260. St. 〈◊〉 26. 〈◊〉 Idem est effectus Passionis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thorn p. 3. q. 79. A. 1. c. * p. 49. In bono opere 〈◊〉 acceptabili Fides Charitas 〈◊〉 non separantur Qui loquitur simul facit vocem verbum St. Aug. L. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. c. 15. IV. Julij 4. Julij 5. 1644. Friday I. Die Diceimoseptimo Sir Leolin Jenkins hath a Copy of it out of the Records of the Exchequer W. S. A. C. Julij 15. Junij 17.1644 Wednesday Die Decimooctavo I. Cont. Fisher. §. 25. p. 176. Mounta Origi Eccles. p. 464. II. Tam certo scio Papam esse magnum illum Antichristum quam Deum ipsum esse in 〈◊〉 Creatorem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verum Messiam Gab. Pow. de Antichristo E. pist ad Lectorem Dr. Featly's Sermon p. 808. * p. 810. III. Bishop Bilson's Perpetual Government Book of Ordination Preface 8 Eliz. c. 1. S. John 20. 21. Calvin Ibid. Ephes. 4. 11. IV. V. See the Letter above in the Answer to the Scotch Articles I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 1. L. 8. c. 27. * 〈◊〉 King Montague Neale II. III. IV. V. VI. VII VIII IX X. S. Aug. Epist. 167. This Book was Published by Pryn in the Year 1643. in 5. Sheets in Quarto A Copy whereof being by his Endeavours conveyed to the Arch-Bishop then a Prisoner in the Tower the Arch-Bishop wrote Notes in the Margin of it so far and so much as to vindicate himself from the Aspersions laid upon him therein This Copy with the said Notes is now in the Hands of that knowing and learned Antiquary Mr. Anthony Wood which having been by him Communicated to me I have with his Leave Transcribed the Arch-Bishops Notes and caused them to be adjoined to these Papers concerning the Plot discovered by Andrew ab Habernfeld reprinted in the following Collection H XI 1. 〈◊〉 7th Additional The Archbishop related this Case more at large and therewith defended himself in a written Paper which being seized by Pryn in the Tower was now produced and read before the Lords It may be found in Pryn's Compl. Hist. p. 428. H. W. * Confer at Hamp Court p. 51. 27 Eliz. c. 2. §. 3. Art 7. Addit L. 3. 〈◊〉 c. 37. After all Pryn would insinuate that 〈◊〉 Giles 〈◊〉 the same Man with Sancta Clara and wrote the Book Entituled Deus Naturs Gratia 〈◊〉 be fully knew the contrary Compl Hist p 427. 429. Nay he 〈◊〉 the Considence at last p 430. to add that it is most apparent H. XII * Sir Ed. Coke 〈◊〉 3. Instit. c. 3. 〈◊〉 24. 1644. Munday I. Die Decimonono II. Heylin 〈◊〉 Burton p. 229. Art 35. Eccl. Ang. * Cap. 11. 7. ‖ Annot. in Apoc 17. 8. 2 Thess. 2. III. My Book cont Fisher p. 376. * Pag. 36. IV. * Quemadmodum sape 〈◊〉 aedificia ut fundamenta ruinae maneant ita non passus est Ecclesiam suam ab Antichristo vel à fundamento subverti vel solo aequari c. sed 〈◊〉 quaque vastatione semirutum adificium superesse voluit Cal. L. 4. Inst. c. 2. § 11. * Cont. Fisher § 3. p. 11. † Cont. Fisher p. 377. ‖ Cont. Fisher § 37. 〈◊〉 6. p. 320. 1 S. Joh. 4. 3. 2 Tim. 2. 18. Aliqua Circumstantia dat speciem Actui morali Tho. 1. secundae q. 73. A. 7. ad primum 〈◊〉 20. p. 128. 〈◊〉 Par. 2. p. 213. V. * Petro successit Linus Lino 〈◊〉 c. Et sic usque ad Anastasium qui 〈◊〉 sedet Et in hoc ordine successionis 〈◊〉 Donatista Episcopus invenitur S. Aug. Epist. 165. VI. VII Qui se 〈◊〉 cum 〈◊〉 VIII The Pop. Roy. Favourit p. 31. * assured Frigidc dictum W. S. A. C. 1 Tim. 5 19 IX X. XI a Non 〈◊〉 docemus nec Adversarios 〈◊〉 incessimus 〈◊〉 plerique faciunt c. Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. b Abstineamus nos à conviciis ne tempus 〈◊〉 impendamus c. Aug. Epist. 177. * In the Antiquaeries to Mr. Pryn. p. 12. † Sid. Simpson's Anatomist p. 2. 6. XII Julii 29. 1644. Munday Die Vicesimo I. See Heylin's Life of Arch-Bishop Laud p. 152. * 1 Eliz. c. 1 Id possumus quod Jure possumus * By the Advice of her Honourable Council Prefat to the Injunctions * Discourse Sect. 1. c 9. p. 51. † Religionis Judices Pontifices sunt Legis Senatut Cic. L. 4. Epist. ad Att. Ep. 2. II. See the Diary at March 26 29. May 11. Anno 1626. H. W. III. Artic. 1. Additional 1 Maria c 1. § 3. IV. V. VI. VII VIII IX X. 1 2. 3. 4 1. 2. 3. XI XII XIII * It was viewed * Potentia sequi debet Justitiam non praeire Aug. L. 13. de Trin c. 13. XIV Here is a void space left in the Margin with design I suppose to insert therein some Passages out of Law-Books concerning the obscure Birth of Margna Charta Which space was not filled up H XV. Num. 11. St. John 16.33 St. Luke 23. 34. 1 Cor. 4. 3. Aug. 23.1644 Aug. 24. September 2. 1644. * 1 Pars Pat. de An 45. Ed. 3. m. 34. † Cod. L. 1. Tit. 5. L. 12 21. Conser at Hamp Court p. 26. * Judices 〈◊〉 c. ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad vexandos Homires superflua multitudo 〈◊〉 protrabatur H. L. 21. Tit. 5. Adde 〈◊〉 rationem quod qui praedicta licentia abutuntur veniunt in suspitionem quod non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gloss. Ibid. * Pryn in his Independency Examined p 4. † 1 Chron. 13. 4 5 Acts. 15. 22. Sir Wal. Rawley Hist. of the World L 2 c 5 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Numb 3 4. * Quid Molesliae Tristitiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Fratribus temerarii Assertores 〈◊〉 dici non potest Aug. 1. de Gen. ad Lit. C. 19. Cont. Fish p. 376. * Non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 doctrine 〈◊〉 Greg. Naz. Orat. 32. Mr. Pryn's Rome's Master-piece * 〈◊〉 1. 2 〈◊〉 q. 50. A. 5. * S. Aug. l. 1. Cont. Academ c. 1. S. Mat. 10 29. Rom. 8. 28. Septemb 3. 1644. Septemb. 4. Septemb. 6. Septemb. 11. Septemb. 〈◊〉 I. II. Septemb. 27. Octob. 4. Octob. 11. The Lord Chancellor Finch told me that this Argument was not Mr. Herns though he pronounced it for he could not Argue but it was Mr. Hales afterward Lord Chief Justice And he said farther that being then a Young Lawyer he stood behind Mr. Hern when he spoke at the Bar of the Lords House and took Notes of it and that it will be 〈◊〉 among

Contemporaries of the Apostles that there were then set Forms of Prayer to which all the People said Amen And if Dionysius were not the Author yet the Work is exceeding Ancient And so some set Forms continued till after St. Augustin's Time as appears by Justin Martyr Apol. 2. p. 97. Edit Gr. Lat. An. Christi 150. By Tertull. Apologet. c. 39. An. Christi 200. By St. Cyprian de Orat. Domin By Origen Hom. 5. in Num. An. Christi 230. By the Council of Laodicea Can. 18. 19. An Christi 316. By St. Basil Epist. ad Clericos Naeocaesariensis Ecclesiae By St. Chrysostom ..... both about the same Year As also by St. Cyril of Jerusalem ..... By the third Council of Carthage can 23. An. Christi 397. By St. Aug. Ep. 59. 156. de bono 〈◊〉 c. 13. An. Christi 400. By the second Melevitan Council can 12. And by Prosper Aquitan L. q. de Vocat Gent. c. 4. since which time no question can be made but the Publick Prayers were always in a known and set Form And that it was Vniversal for place appears by the concurrent Testimonies of the Fathers before recited and the Councils and the Practice both of the Asian African and European Churches As Justin Martyr Basil and Chrysostom for the Greek and Tertullian Cyprian St. Augustin and Prosper testifie for the West Insomuch that St. 〈◊〉 says expressly in that place that for the Order of Singing the Psalms in their Publick Service it was agreeable ..... to all the Churches of God Which place is also cited by Whitaker ad Ration 6. Campiani And divers Particulars in their set Form of Prayer remain to this day in the Liturgy of the Church of England As that there should be recited a General Confession of the Faith 〈◊〉 Areopag de Ecclesia Hierar p. 88. Edit Gr. Lat. That Prayers were made for Emperours and Men in Authority and for the Peace and Quiet of the World So Tertullian That the Presbyter should 〈◊〉 them to lift up their Hearts and the People Answer we lift them up unto the Lord. So St. Cyprian and St. Augustin The Interrogations and Answers in 〈◊〉 So Origen That Prayers should be made not only for the Faithful but for Insidels and Enemies to the Cross of Christ. So Prosper And 't is preserved in our Collect for Good Friday And the Peoples Praying with and Answering the Pastor saying Lord have Mercy upon us with Christ have Mercy upon us was before St. Gregory's time and continued down to ours yet with difference from the mass-Mass-Book too As Dr. Rainolds proves Conf. with Hart. c. D. Divi. 4. p. 511. But howsoever set Forms they were and such as in some Particulars ferè omnis Ecclesia Dominica almost all the Church of Christ used So St. Augustin And there is nulla pars Mundi scarce any part of the World in which there is not a Concordant an Agreement in these Prayers So Prosper Which is 〈◊〉 to be but by a set Form And so the Magdeburgians conclude upon due Examination Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuerunt Out of all doubt the Ancients had set Forms of Prayer Cent. 3. c. 6. 1. 2. 1. 2. 3. Rom. 14. 4. * T. C. L. S. p. 59 60. apud 〈◊〉 L. 2. S. 1. p. 54. 1 Cor. 11. 34. * The Lord Brook Barrow's Reply to Gifford p. 255. p. 48. * The 50. 〈◊〉 taken from his own 〈◊〉 * proposit 19. Pryn in his perpetuity p. 432. † Ezech. 18. 26. Prov. 28. 13. S. Luc. 13. 3. S. Luc. 21. 24. Acts 3. 19. 2 Cor. 6. 9. Gal. 5. 10. and many other places ‖ Rog. in Symb. Art 7. Prop. 5. * Concil Const. 1. Hooker's Pref. to Eccl. pol. S. 3. Ephes. 5. 27. Jer. 2. 24. 1. 2. 3. 4. 5. a Athan. in Epist. ad solit 〈◊〉 agentes Edit Gr. Lat. p. 862. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epist. ad Solit. Vitam 〈◊〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 9. 27. Athanasin Epist. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vitam agentes Edit Gr. 〈◊〉 pag. 862. d In 〈◊〉 ad Constantium quae extat apud Athana Ibid. p. 829. e St. Hilary cont Constantium Edit 〈◊〉 p. 272. passim alibi f Quando audiisti 〈◊〉 Imperator in 〈◊〉 Fidei Laicos de 〈◊〉 judicasse quis est qui 〈◊〉 in causâ Fidei in causâ 〈◊〉 Fidei 〈◊〉 solere de Imperatortbus Christianis non Imperatores de Episcopis 〈◊〉 Pater tuus baptizatus in 〈◊〉 inhabilem se ponderi tanti putabat esse judicii c. St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. g Novum inauditum nefas esse dicens ut causam Ecclesiae Judex Saeculi judicaret Sulp. Sever. L. 2. Hist. 〈◊〉 h Pater tuus Deo favente vir maturioris 〈◊〉 dicebat non est meum Judicate inter Episcopos St. Amb. L. 5. Epist. 32. k Vt cum quaestionibus controversiis quae circa fidei dogmata incidunt nibil quicquam commune habeat Nefas est enim qui Sanctissimorum Episcoporum 〈◊〉 ascriptus non est illum Ecclesiasticis negotiis consultationibus sese immiscere Bin. Tom. 1. Conc. Par. 2. p. 166. Ed. Colon. * l. 869. l Quod 〈◊〉 modo iis liceat de Ecclesiasticis causis sermonem movere Hoc enim 〈◊〉 investigare Patriarcharum Pontificum Sacerdotum est qui regiminis officium 〈◊〉 sunt Nos 〈◊〉 oportet cum timore fide sincerâ 〈◊〉 adire c. Bin. Tom. 3. Concil Par. 2. 682. Hist. Trip. L 5. 35. in the case of Hereticks * hold any Instruct adLaud † our Id. ‖ strictly Id. * their Id. * February exemplar aliud Canterbury London Bath and Wells Rochester C R This must be remedied one way or other concerning which I expect a particular account of you Peterburgh Coventry and Lichfield C R If there be Dark Corners in this Dioces it were fitt a true Light should Illuminat it and not this that is falce and uncertaine St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff Lincoln C. R. Certainlie I cannot hould fitt that anie Lay-Person or Corporation whatsoever should have the Power thease Men would take to themselves For I will have no Preest have anie Necessitie of a Lay Dependancie Wherefore I command you to show me the way to overthrou this and to hinder the Performance in tyme to all suche Intentions Hereford and Bangor C. R. As soon as may bee get these Bishoppes Certificats Ely Januar. 2. 1634. Cant. C R Put mee in mynd of this at some convenient tyme when I am at Council and I shall redress it Rochester Sarum C. R. I doe and will express my Pleasure if need be what way you will Bristol Bath and Wells Exon. Lincoln C. R. The South-West Windis commonly the best therefore I will not hinder the blowing that way Winton London Norwich Ely St. Davids St. Asaph Landaff C. R. This is not much unlike that which was not longe since uttered elsewhere viz. That the Jewes Crucified Christ