the Iewes in euerie age haue beene called yet the nation hath remained in vnbeleefe still Perer. Quest. 6. What kind of booke Daniel here speaketh of 1. Theodoret taketh this booke for the knowledge of God but there is great difference betweene Gods prescience and the decree of predestination the one is an act of his all-seeing knowledge the other of his will as the Apostle saith Rom. 8. 29. those whom he knewe before he also predestinate to be made like the image of his sonne 2. Iunius seemeth to vnderstand it of Gods immutable decree concerning their preseruation from those troubles but this booke is else where called the booke of life that is of eternall life not in respect of any temporall deliuerance in this life 3. Osiander by this booke meaneth the preaching of the gospell so also Pappus of the booke of the Scriptures that euerie one which beleeueth them shal be saued and deliuered other secret booke of Gods decree Pappus acknowledgeth none non fingendi sunt aliqui occulti libri qui nomina saluandorum conteneant we must not imagine that there are any secret bookes which doe containe the names of such as should be saued But this is a verie corrupt opinion 1. though God neede not any materiall books yet that he hath set downe in his euerlasting decree the number of such as shall be saued and that whosoeuer is not so written in that booke that is appointed of God vnto saluation shall be damned it is euident out of Scripture as S. Paul speaketh of certaine his fellowe labourers Philip. 4. 3. whose names are in the booke of life and Apocal. 20. 15. Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life was cast into the lake of fire 2. And that this is in an other booke beside the booke of the Scriptures is also euident for neither in the Scriptures is any mans particular election set downe and the Scriptures are offred vnto all both the elect and not elect but in the booke of life onely are the elect written 4. Euthymius in Psal. 68. 138. saith that there is a threefold booke of the diuine knowledge vnus est vniuersalis c. one is a generall or vniuersall booke wherein all both righteous and sinners are witten which come into this world of which booke speaketh the Prophet Dauid Ps. 139. 16. in thy booke were all things written there is another booke magis privatus more private wherein the righteous onely are written whereof the Prophet Dauid speaketh 69. 28. Let them be put out of the booke of life neither let them be written with the righteous the third booke is that wherein the sinners onely are written as Dan. 7. 10. the iudgement was set and the bookes were opened This tripartite diuision may safely be receiued sauing that the sinners are not said to be written in any booke but not to be written as Apoc. 17. 8. Whose names are not written in the booke of life from the foundation of the world these bookes here opened are bookes of euery ones conscience wherein all mens workes both good and bad are written which bookes are diuers from the booke of life Apoc. 20. 15. See more hereof c. 7. qu. 36. 5. This booke then here mentioned is Gods immutable decree of predestination whereby they are ordained vnto euerlasting saluation whom the lord hath freely elected in Christ Lyranus saith well that this booke is conscriptio electorum in mente diuina the writing of the elect in the diuine minde or knowledge God needeth not any materiall booke but this is a figuratiue phrase taken from the custome of men who vse to write into a booke all that are made free of a citie or corporation as Augustine saith non liber iste Deum commemorat ne obliuione fallatur this booke serueth not to put God in minde least he should be deceiued through forgetfulnesse but this booke is ipsa Dei praescientia c. the prescience of God concerning the elect which cannot be deceiued lib. 20. de ciuitat Dei c. 15. So also Euthymius liber Dei est summa eius scientia scriptura perpetua memoria the booke of God is his high knowledge and the writing is his perpetuall memorie in Psal. 68. Sometime it is called the booke of God simply without any addition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because of the excellencie as in this place sometime the booke of life Philip. 4. 3. and the booke of the liuing Psal. 69. 29. the booke which god hath written Exod. 32. the booke of heauen as Luk. 10. 20. your names are written in heauen and in the Reuelation the lambes booke of life c. 21. 27. It is also called the writing or catalogue of the house of Israel Ezech. 13. 9. So three things are obserued out of these places concerning this booke 1. that God is the writer 2. that the faithfull onely are there written 3. that it is the Lambes booke all there written shall be brought by the Lambe vnto euerlasting life Quest. 7. Why this mysterie of the resurrection is here reuealed plainely to Daniel 1. True it is that the mysterie of the resurrection was shadowed forth and yet darkely in the lawe for the translation of Henoch was an euident proofe thereof and our blessed Sauiour inferreth as much because the Lord is said in the Lawe to be the God of Abraham Izaak and Iacob he is not the God of the dead but of the liuing by which necessarie collection Christ prooueth the resurrection of the dead against the Sadduces Matth. 22. The Apostle also Hebr. 12. 13. sheweth that these mysteries were knowne to the Fathers because they confessed themselues to be strangers and pilgrimes in the earth for they that say such things declare plainely that they seeke a countrey 2. But these deepe mysteries were but obscurely opened in former times to the Israelites the reasons whereof the Hebrewes yeeld to be these two specially 1. because in Moses time when the lawe was giuen there were many which did not beleeue that God created the world and gouerned the same by his prouidence and if Moses had spoken vnto them of the higher misteries they in their weakenesse not being able to receiue such mysticall doctrines would haue reiected them as fables 2. beside then the people were fedde and allured with temporall promises for as yet they had hope of such things to enioy great externall happinesse in the land of Canaan But now when all hope of temporall blessings is cut off and that euen in the land of Canaan such troublesome times are foreshewed to come vpon them now it was verie seasonable to comfort them with the hope of eternall life H. Br. in Daniel Quest. 8 Of the coherence of this comfortable mention made of the resurrection with the former prophesie 1. Porphyrius and Polychronius continuing their interpretation of this prophesie concerning Antiochus by those that sleepe in the dust vnderstand such as fledde into the rockes and caues in
the one nor the other shall be raised vp before the generall resurrection and sent into the world to preach 2. by the turning of waters into blood is vnderstood the threatening of Gods iudgements for the contempt of the ministerie of the word 3. A third vncertaintie there is concerning the time of the preaching of these two witnesses Theodoret thinketh that Elias shall preach 45. dayes after that Antichrist is slaine and therefore it is said v. 12. blessed is he that shall come to the 1335. daies which is 45. daies more then the former summe of 1290. daies But Hyppolitus thinketh that Antichrist shall put to death Henoch and Elias after they haue preached 3. yeares and an halfe and that after their death Antichrist shall raigne 3. yeares and an halfe more Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. Pont. thinketh that these two Prophets shall preach 3. yeares and an halfe that is 1260. daies a cap. 8. moneth before Antichrist is slaine who shall raigne a 1290. daies This vncertentie sheweth this to be but a Iewish fable and a meere imagination of the comming of Henoch and Elias in person in the ende of the world to preach 3. Controv. What manner of persecution shall be vnder Antichrist Pererius thus farre proceedeth well in describing the grieuous persecution which shall be vnder Antichrist that it shall not be onely corporall and externall in tormenting of the bodie but it shall be also spirituall in abolishing all exercise of religion he shall burne the bookes of the Scripture and burne the righteous together with those bookes he shall forbid the vse of the Sacraments and as Augustine saith there shall be great difficultie in baptizing of the infants of Christians lib. 20. de civitat Dei c. 8. the sacraments shall not publikely be administred but priuately All this is most true and euery one of these things hath thus come to passe vnder the tyrannie of Antichrist the true seruice of God was abolished and prayer in an vnknowne tongue brought into the Church they haue burned the Martyrs with bookes of Scripture and of godly prayers together as is set forth in the storie of the burning of Bucer and Fagius bones and one Hilliard at Cambridge the Christians children could be hardly baptized but after their superstitious manner as the historie of M. Haukes martyr sheweth But herein Pererius is deceiued he thinketh that Antichrist shall take away all images neither shall suffer any man to signe him with the signe of the crosse but shall abolish that signe out of euery place Contra. 1. It is certen that Antichrist rather shall set vp images and idols of siluer and gold as in the Revelation c. 9. 20. after the opening of the sixth and last trumpet saue one toward the ende of the world mention is made of those that worshipped idols of siluer and gold of brasse c. and had not repented now there are none knowne worshippers of such idols in these daies in these part of the world vnder the Romane Empire but the Papists 2. And Antichrist as he shall couer his hypocrisie with the name of Christ so he shall not abolish the signe of Christs crosse but still rather superstitiously abuse it robbing Christ indeede of his due honour and giuing him reuerence onely in outward shewes and signes as the Iewes clothed Christ in purple and did obeisance to him in mocking So that whether by the marke of the beast we vnderstand with Iunius the Popish chrysme which in confirmation is laid on with the signe of the crosse vpon forehead and hand or with Napier the crosses of all kinds superstitiously abused by the Romanists which are represented in the number of the beasts name expressed in these three Greeke letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as he pithily prooueth propos 31. or with D. Fulke S. Peters crosse-keyes which the Pope vseth as his ensigne to the which he forceth euery one to submit himselfe we shall finde that the Antichrist shall not abolish all such signes but abuse them rather to superstition and idolatrie 4. Controv. Of the certentie of election that none of the elect can finally fall away v. 1. In that the Angel here saith thy people shall be deliuered euery one that shall be found written in the booke it is euident that none there written shall perish and so consequently whosoeuer is not there written can not but perish the first our Sauiour affirmeth saying vnto his Apostles Luk. 10. 20. Reioyce for your names are written in heauen that is were so written as that they could neuer be blotted out in which sense the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 119. 89. O Lord thy word remaineth for euer in heauen the other also is euident Apoc 20. 15. Whosoeuer was not found written in the booke of life was cast into the lake of fire But against this position of the certentie of Predestination these places of Scripture are obiected Exod. 32. 32 33. Moses saith vnto God if not rase me out of the booke which thou hast written and the Lord answeareth him that sinneth will I blot out of my booke likewise Psal. 69. 29. Let him be put out of the booke of the liuing and let him not be written with the righteous Apoc. 3. 5. He that ouercommeth c. I will neuer blot his name out of the booke of life Apoc. 23. 19. If any shall diminish of the words of the prophecie of this booke God shall take his part out of the booke of life Ans. 1. We refuse here the opinion of Ambros. Catharinus lib. de praedest that maketh two orders of those which shall come to euerlasting life one of such as are predestinate beeing excellent and worthie men an other of such as are not elected that is by the grace of God ordained to saluation yet through Gods mercie shall be saued But this opinion is contrarie to the Scriptures which testifie that whosoeuer is not written in the booke of life shall be cast into the lake of fire Apoc. 20. 15. 2. Thomas Aquin. here hath this distinction that some are saide to be written in the booke of life simpliciter simply such as are in deede predestinate according to the good purpose of God and these can neuer be blotted out others are written secundum quid after a sort in respect of their present iustice these may be blotted out And as these in respect of their present state may be saide to be written in the booke so the elect indeede may in respect likewise of their present state while they remaine in sinne be saide to be blotted out And therefore some thinke that the booke which was shewed vnto Ezekiel was written within and without in the inside were written onely those who should be saued on the backside they which are written onely there for a time Contra. 1. This distinction may well be admitted if some be saide to be written in the booke in respect of their owne opinion and outward appearance but none can be
said to be there written by God for as the Preacher saith Eccles. 3. 14. I know that whatsoeuer God shall doe it shall be for euer his workes are perfect therefore he writeth not any there and blotteth them out againe 3. Wherefore the best solution is this that God is said to blot out not properly but by a certaine similitude as he is saide in Scripture to repent to be angrie they are blotted out that is the Lord declareth by the euent that they were neuer written there as Augustine well saith hoc dictum est secundum spem ipsorum this is saide in respect of their hope they tooke themselues to be written there and they are saide accordingly to be blotted out that is non ibi se scriptâ—s agnoscent they shall finde and acknowledge that they are not written there in deede August in Psal. 68. So the Scripture sometime speaketh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the opinion of men as Matth. 8. 12. the children of the kingdome shall be cast out into darknes and Matth. 9. 12. I come not to call the righteous but sinners to repentance here they are called the children of the kingdome and the righteous in respect of their own opinion and others not that they were so in deede And so some making a glorious shew for the time of righteousnes seeme to themselues and others to be written in Gods booke and yet are not Pellican But yet a further doubt is mooued concerning Moses words that wished to be rased out of Gods booke he was there written in deede and therefore this solution will not serue here of this now more in the next place 5. Contr. In what sense Moses wisheth to be rased out of Gods booke Exod. 32. 32. Though this question be sufficiently handled elsewhere yet it shall not be amisse to adde somewhat more concerning that matter and the rather because the other booke may be not so readie at euerie ones hand 1. Some thinke that Moses speaketh of the booke not of eternall but of this present life desiring in effect to giue his life and to shed his blood that the people might be saued in which sense also S. Paul wisheth to be anathema and accursed for Israels sake thus Origen in 9. ad Roman so also Hierome noluit deleri de libro vitae perpetuo sed in presentâ— he would not be blotted out of the booke for euer but for the present qu. 19. ad Algasiam to the same purpose Euthyâ—ius who maketh three books of Gods prescience as is shewed before quest 6. and here Moses speaketh de libro vitae corporis of the booke of the life of the bodie wherein all men both good and bad are written But Chrysoctome lib. de compunct cord and lib. 3. de prâ—â—ident by this argument confuteth this opinion Moses and Pauls desire were all one now Paul desireth to be separated from Christ for his brethrens sake Rom. 9. 3. but the death of the bodie doth not separate from Christ but rather more speedily bringeth the faithful to Christ as the Apostle â—aith I desire to be dissolued to be with Christ Ph. 1. 23. 2. Basil thinketh that Moses and Paul in thus desiring were not ignorant that they could not be separated from God in thus praying it proceeding from so great charitie but they rather hoped to receiue so much the more at Gods hand for it in libr. regular But if they had thus praied onely of this minde they had respected themselues more then the glorie of God 3. August queast 140. in Exod. thinketh that this wish of Moses proceeded ex ingenti quadam divinae familiaritatis securitate from a wonderfull securitie and familiar assurance that he had with God and he maketh this to be the effect of Moses speach either forgiue the people this sinne or blot me out but I am assured thou wilt not blot me out therefore forgiue them But the Lords answer I will blot out him whosoeuer sinneth sheweth that Moses wish was to be blotted out and he sheweth not his assurance in so wishing not to be blotted out 4. Bernard thinketh that this wish came à paterno affectu from a fatherly affection ne solus ipse excluso populo c. that he alone without the people would not attaine vnto euerlasting life serm 12. in Cant. But this had beene no orderly affection to wish to be damned with others the hope of the faithfull is such that they doubt not to be saued though all the world beside be damned 5. Rupert lib. 3. in Exod. giueth this sense either forgiue them or els it must needes follow that I also be blotted out of thy booke because I am likewise a sinner But this had shewed some diffidence and doubtfulnes in Moses of his owne saluation 6. Hugo in Psal. 138. maketh two bookes of life one of the present state of iustice out of the which Moses wisheth to be rased out the other the booke of predestination But this had beene to tempt God to wish to fall from the state of grace into sinne 7. Caietane thinketh the meaning to be but this that he desireth to be blotted de libro principatus out of the booke and decree of his principalitie and gouernment to loose that princely office ouer the Lords people which God had assigned him vnto 8. And R. Salamon Ioachi much to the same purpose vnderstandeth by the booke the Pentateuch out of the which Moses wisheth his name to be blotted that is no mention to be made of his name or of his acts therein But Gods answer taketh away both these interpretations him that sinneth wil I blot out of my book but in the Pentateuch the names of many sinners are written And Moses only had the principality appointed vnto him for his time there was none other written there but he but God speaketh of the blotting out of others 9. Lyranus thinketh that as Christ secundum voluntatem partis sensitivae in the will of his sensitiue part desired the cuppe to passe quem voluntas rationalis appetebat which the will of his reason desired so Moses here secundum desiderium partis inferioris in the desire of the inferiour part of his minde that is his will and affection wisheth to be blotted out though in his superiour part that is in his iudgement he would not haue it so But this comparison is not alike for the desire in Christ to escape death was naturall but this wish of Moses to perish not onely temporally but eternally was supernaturall and to wish one thing one way and not an other way includeth a contradiction 10. Alphons Abulens in Exod. thinketh it is an hyperbolical speech and not literally to be taken as was that of Rachel to Iaakob Giue me children or els I die not that shee preferred the hauing of children before her life but in so speaking shee sheweth her vehement desire But Gods answer to Moses in the same phrase sheweth that Moses so
tenebitur in manu accusatoris which shall be held in the accusers hand which is the deuill But 1. as Augustine saith non sic datur liber mortis c. there is not found to be a booke of death as there is of life onely they which are elected are said to be written and the reprobate not to be written in the booke of life 2. And whereas Pererius answereth that though there be no such booke of death with God yet the deuill may haue such a booke neither doth the deuill know who are saued who condemned and therefore he can haue no such booke neither is there any booke mentioned in Scripture but of the Lords writing as Moses saith Exod. 32. 32. Rase me out of the booke of life which thou hast written 3. Apoc. 20. 12. there are other bookes saide to be opened beside the booke of life then is not the booke of life here comprehended 2. Augustine by these bookes vnderstandeth the Saints which shall come with Christ to iudgement In whose godly life and conuersation the good will of God appeared and in them the wicked as in bookes may see what they should haue done But by the opening of these bookes not onely the wicked but the rightehus are iudged Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which are written in the bookes 3. Beda by these bookes which shall be opened in the day of the Lord vnderstandeth the sacred Scriptures according to the which mens doings shall be examined and sentence giuen according to the same But the Scriptures are called a booke Apoc. 10. 9. not bookes 4. Calvin by the opening of the bookes would haue signified the manifestation of the knowledge of God vnto the world at the comming of Christ which before lay hid But here bookes are not opened for instruction vnto saluation but for triall and examination vnto iudgement 5. Therefore these bookes are better interpreted to be euery ones conscience wherein all their doings good and bad are written whereof S. Paul speaketh Their conscience also bearing witnesse and their thoughts accusing one an other or excusing in the day when God shall iudge the secrets of men by Iesus Christ Rom. 2. 15. And thus are those bookes interpreted Apoc. 20. 12. The dead were iudged of those things which were written in the bookes according to their workes So Hierome conscientiae opera singulorum in vtraque parte bona vel mala revelabuntur the consciences and works of euery one shall be reuealed whether good or bad c. To the same purpose also Rupertus As here the acts and workes of this fourth beast are examined before sentence giuen 6. But as Chrysostome well noteth these bookes are not opened that God should receiue information thereby to whome all mens hearts are opened like as in earthly tribunalls bookes are brought forth non soâ—um vt princeps in instruatur sed vt iudicium iustum appareat not onely to informe the Prince but that the iudgement may appeare iust c. So God openeth euery mans conscience that they may themselues see and confesse that their iudgement is most iust whether to life or death Oecolampad 38. Quest. Of the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. v. 11. I beheld till the beast was slaine c. Hierome whome Lyranus followeth vnderstandeth this of the destruction of Antichrist in the ende of the world whome Christ shall destroy with the spirit of his mouth so also Vatablus Antichristus significatur eius membra Antichrist is signified and his members But in this sense this prophesie should not yet be fulfilled whereas it is euident that all this was fulfilled before the first comming of Christ. 2. Calvin applying this to the Romane Empire thinketh that the beast was destroyed when the Empire beganne to decay which was immediatly after Traiane the Emperours time for after that time well nigh these 15. hundred yeares nullus Romano potitus est Imperio none hath enioyed the Romane Empire But though the state of that Empire was somewhat empayred yet it was not then wholly destroied but continued in great power and glorie many hundred yeares after Traians time but here the beast is slaine and his body vtterly destroied 3. Bullinger expoundeth this of the ruine of the Papall kingdome 4. Osiander of the decay of the Turkish dominion togither with the Romane Empire so also Oecolampad expoundeth it of the destruction of the Pope and Turke togither by that prophesie Apoc. 19. 20. of the taking of the beast and the false prophet But these prophesies must be distinguished Daniels extendeth to the first comming of Christ Iohns Reuelation to the second 5. Iunius in his Commentarie applieth this prophesie vnto Antiochus Epiphanes his iudgement is set forth in three degrees 1. the beast is slaine the death of Epiphanes is foreshewed who hauing receiued euill tidings first at Persepolis then at Elymais fell into a grieuous and incurable disease as is set forth 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. 2. his bodie is destroyed his armies were ouerthrowne and all his posteritie rooted out for Antiochus Eupator his sonne raigned not aboue 3. yeares and in him the whole familie of Epiphanes was extinct and the kingdome returned to the right heires 3. his bodie is giuen to the burning fire whereby is signified the grieuous torments of his disease which he endured 2. Macch. 9. 6. But seeing Antiochus Epiphanes is the little horne of the fourth beast and this iudgement belongeth to the whole beast here rather is described the ruine and destruction of the whole kingdome of the Seleucians the meaning then is this rather 1. that the power of the Seleucians after Epiphanes began to abate and their kingdome to be much â—olested by enemies without the Parthians and Armenians and by commotions within and so the beast was slaine then the bodie of the beast was destroyed the kingdome beeing taken from the house of the Seleucians and giuen to Tygranes king of Armenia as Iustine writeth lib. 40. And this bodie was giuen to the fire when Tigranes beeing taken the kingdome was dissolued and made a Prouince by Pompey Polan 39. Quest. v. 12. When the other beasts had their dominion taken away and how their liues were prolonged 1. Some doe interpret these words by the time past that before the destruction of this last beast the other three had beene destroyed so Calvin Vatablus ante interitum quartae bestiae evanueraÌ„t they had vanished away before the ouerthrow of the fourth beast Osiand And though mention be made hereof after the destruction of the fourth beast yet the other beasts were before remooued and taken out of the way Calvin But to what ende is it said that after the dominion of the other three beasts was taken away their liues were prolonged if there had not beene some remainder of the other Monarchies the Chaldean Persian and Grecian after their dominion ceased 2. Some on the contrarie hee thinke that here is
them but betweene them and seeing here there is euident description of a place the words are to be taken literally not in allegoricall sense as Nahum 3. 9. art thou better then No full of people which lay vpon the waters whose ditch was the Sea c. 2. True it is that the Church of God is in diuerse prophesies resembled to a mountaine by allusion vnto the mountaine whereupon the Temple was built but to appropriate this to any particular place as namely to the citie of Trent in that sense is not safe for so the title of the true Church of Christ should be giuen to that Antichristian assemblie This may more fitly be applied vnto that Laterane Councel vnder Leo the 10. which was held at Rome which is situate indeede betweene two Seas Tyrrhenum and Adriaticum 3. If the Prophet had in direct tearmes expressed the Seas by their names it had beene an historie rather then a prophesie and it is euident that in Scripture that salt lake is called by the name of the Sea as Numb 34. v. 6. the Mediterranean is called the great Sea and the other the salt Sea v. 3. wherefore seeing we can find this prophesie to haue beene literally and historically fulfilled when Antiochus captaines pitched in Emâ—aus in the beginning of the mountaines as hath beene shewed at large cap. 11. quest 50. it is in vaine to runne to allegories Argum. 3. The words following also he shall come to his endâ— and none shall helpe him Graserus proceedeth to applie vnto the Romane Antichrist and sheweth the fatall end of his Antichristian kingdome to be at hand which 1. he doth gather by two arguments the great insolencie of the Papall Sea for pride goeth before a fall and the most desperate means which the Romanists vse to maintaine their kingdome their sophisticate doctrine and their perfidious and treacherous practises which beeing the chiefe meanes which are left vnto them it is euident that their disease is dangerous and deadly the meanes beeing so desperate pag. 462. 2. And further it is said none shall helpe him herein Antiochus in his miserable end was a type of the ruine of Antichrist who was striken with such a loathsome disease that his own friends did forsake him and could minister no helpe vnto him Such was the fal of Babylon as the Prophet describeth it Ierem. 51. 8. howle for Babel bring balme for her soreâ—f she may be healed So the sickenesse of Antichrist when God striketh him shall be incurable and remedilesse By two speciall meanes is Antichrists kingdome vpheld by the Iesuites corrupt seducing and by the seâ—ular arme afflicting the Church especially by the Spaniards But neither of these can restore vnto Antichrist the former glorie of his kingdome The first may be likened vnto the Assâ—ssines among the Turkes whose founder was one Alohadinus who inuented this deuise to encrease his sect he caused to be planted in a most fruitful valley pleasant orchards and gardens which all kind of carnall delight varietie of delicate ments with beautifull damsels to attend vpon them This beeing done this Alohadinus fained himselfe to be Mahomets companion and to haue receiued power of him to conferre Paradise vpon whom he would Hereupon he would make choice of the best witted and most goodly young men whom he with a certaine drinke would cause to be cast asleepe and then conuay them to that valley where awaking they should enioy al terrene pleasure then he would cast them into a sleepe againe and conuey them thence so they made report that they had beene in Paradise and by this deuise he drewe vnto him 60000. to be of his sect the like sleights doe the Iesuites vse to promise heauen and releasing out of purgatotie to those that will set afoote their wicked deuises But they notwithstanding labour in vaine So likewise the secular powers haue laboured to aduance the papall kingdome as Henrie the 3. in Fraunce the king of Spaine in the lowe countreys which warres the Prince of Parma confessed had cost the king of Spaine vnto the yeare 1585. sixe hundred tunne of gold The like attempt he made against England in the yeare 88. which he assaulted with that great nauie and armie the maintenance whereof stood him in 30000. ducates euerie day yet they â—aue missed of their purpose Thus Christ the king of his Church sheweth his power in abating the pride of Antichrist but he at once thinketh it not good to dissolue his kingdome to trie the fidelitie of his seruants and to take away securitie to this purpose Graserus p. 465. to p. 467. Answ. All this we willingly confesse may typically be applyed and that verie fiâ—ly to the Romane Antichrist so that the historicall ground be first layd in Antiochus which Graserus seemeth to acknowledge whose singular industry and iudicious application of this prophesie deserueth much commendation though he faile in the historicall sense And this shall suffice briefely to haue beene touched out of Graserus God be praised A Table of the questions THe prophesie of Daniel explaned Generall obseruations vpon the whole booke Of the diuers languages vsed in this booke and why Daniel writeth a great part therof in the Chalde tongue 1. qu. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel 2. qu. Of the signification of the name Daniel 3. qu. Of the kinred of Daniel 4. qu. Why Daniels kinred is not particularly expressed in the text 5. qu. When Daniel began to prophesie and at what age 6. qu. Of the time when Daniel had his seuerall visions 7. qu. Of the whole time of Daniels age and time of prophesying 8. qu. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie 9. qu. Of the times wherein Daniel liued compared with forren Chronicles and of the memorable things which happened therein 10. qu. Of the excellencie vse and vtilitie of this booke of Daniel 11. qu. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel 12. qu. Of the obscuritie of this prophesie Questions vpon the first Chapter of Daniel 1. qu. Of the third yeare of Iehoiakim which is called the fourth Ierem. 25. 1. how these places are reconciled 2. qu. How this third yeare of Iehoiakims raigne is to be counted 3. qu. Of Iehoiakim and Iehoachaz what difference betweene them 4. qu. Why the king of Babel had such an enuie against Iehoiakim 5. qu. Of Nabuchadnezzer the king of Babel and how many there were of that name 6. qu. Of the acts exploits of Nabuchadnezzer 7. qu. Of the time of Nabuchadnezzers raigne 8. qu. Of the citie of Babylon 9. qu. Of the citie Ierusalem 10. qu. v. 2. What this phrase meaneth to be giuen into ones hand 11. qu. How Iehoiakim was giuen into Nabuchadnezzers â—and whether he carried him to Babylon 12. qu. Whether Daniel at this time went into captiuitie with Iehoiakim 13. qu. Why it pleased God that Daniel and others that feared God should be taken captiues 14. qu.
HEXAPLA IN DANIELEM THAT IS A SIX-FOLD COMMENTARIE vpon the most diuine prophesie of DANIEL wherein according to the method propounded in HEXAPLA vpon Genesis and Exodus sixe things are obserued in euery Chapter 1. The Argument and Method 2. The diuers readings 3. The Questions discussed 4. Doctrines noted 5. Controversies handled 6. Morall observations applyed Wherein many obscure visions and diuine Prophesies are opened and difficult questions handled with great breuitie perspicuitie and varietie which are summed to the number of 536. beside the Controversies 134. in the Table in the end of the booke and the best Interpreters both old and new are therein abridged Diuided into two bookes the first containing the historicall part of this Prophesie in the 6. first Chapters the propheticall in the 6. last By ANDREVV WILLET Professour of Diuinitie THE FIRST BOOKE Ezek. 28. 3. Behold thou art wiser then Daniel there is no secret that they can hide from thee Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST CHRISTIAN RIGHT NOBLE MOST excellent and mightie Prince IAMES by the grace of God KING of great BRITTAIN France and Ireland Defender of the true Christian Faith c. THat which PLATO saw but in contemplation that Commonwealths should be then happie when either Philosophers gouerned them or the gouernours became Philosophers we see by Gods goodnes now brought into action your Christian Maiestie beeing not onely a princely Patron of humane learning and Philosophie but a peerelesse professor of Theologie King HENRIE the eight your Highnes noble predecessor in the royall Diademe of this Imperiall Kingdom for writing against Luther in defense of the Papal religion had giuen vnto him the Title of Defensor Fidei but that princely Epithete is more due vnto your Maiestie who both by your penne and sword doe vphold and maintaine the truth that the saying of Ambrose of the Emperour GRATIAN may be worthily spoken of your Maiestie You wrote not an whole Epistle onely as he saith but whole Bookes with your owne hand that the very letters doe proclaime your faith and pietie This your diuine fauour vnto Religion and princely exercise in writing hath emboldened me diuers times heretofore to present my Commentaries vpon certaine bookes of the Scripture vnto your sacred hands and your gracious acceptance of them hath emboldened me also to exhibite this Worke vnto your princely view Here in all humble dutie I doe offer a Treatise and explanation of the most difficult booke of the Old Testament the Prophesie of DANIEL what I haue performed therein and especially in the vnfolding of Daniels 70. weekes the Worke it selfe shall testifie I trust that by this my trauell that which seemed before obscure will appeare plaine and easie and the depth which would before haue taken vp an Elephant will affoard footing for a lamb Hierome saith A prophesie is obscure because it is said at one time and seene at an other But now we see that which the Prophet said and so that which was wrapped vp in obscuritie is now fulfilled in historie These my labours I most humbly submit to your princely iudgement and direction and your MAIESTIE with bended knees of my heart I commend vnto the diuine and highest protection Your Maiesties most humble Subiect ANDREVV WILLET THE PREFACE TO THE Christian Reader AVGVSTINE thus wrote to a friend of his excusing the prolixitie of his Preface Scio me non esse oneri tibi si prolixum aliquod mitto quia legendo diutiùs sis nobiscum I know I am not burthensome vnto you if I send you any prolix writing because you are so much the longer with me But I will forbeare by any long or tedious Preface to keepe the Reader in suspence though if I should I presume of his courtesie that he would vouchsafe it the reading The length of the Worke doth make me more short in the Preface a smal entrance in may serue to a large house and the greatest cities haue not the greatest gates I shall not neede in many words to shew the excellent vse of this prophecie of Daniel nor what I haue performed in it the generall Questions set before the Booke shall satisfie the Reader in the one and the worke it selfe shall speake for the other I haue gathered together the best things and most worthie of obseruation out of writers both old and new both Protestants and others that the Reader may in few houres finde that which I was many weekes in setting together for here I say and professe with Hierome Operis est studij mei multos legere vt ex plurimis diversos flores carperem non tam probaturus omnia quam bona electurus assumo multos in manus vt à multis multa cognoscam It is mine endeauour and studie to read many and out of sundrie to take diuerse floures not to that ende to approoue all but to sort out the best I take many into mine hands that from many I may know much and impart to others that which I know In the reading of this Booke let the Reader take these directions I haue followed the same course which I propounded vnto my selfe in other Commentaries as the title of the booke sheweth But I thought it best to set downe the whole text for more plainenesse and perspicuitie and not the diuers Readings onely wherein C. standeth for Chalde H. for the Hebrew L. for the Latine S. for the Septuagint P. for Pagnine A. for Arias Montanus V. for Vatablus B. for the great English Bible G. the Geneva translation I. for Iunius det is put for detract add for adding The Authors names which are cited in this Booke are summed in the Epistle set before the second part thereof If by these my trauels I may profit the Church of God I haue my desire it is mine onely terrene reward and encouragement if my poore labours may finde acceptance other rewards they sooner carie that labour not then they which labour as the Poet sometime complained that he made the verses and other had the honour As for my selfe I finde by experience that saying of Augustine most true In eo quod amatur aut non labor autur aut labor ipse amatur in that which one delighteth in either there is no labour at all or the labour it selfe is loued and it giueth me encouragement that I am not in the number of them of whome our blessed Sauiour saith Receperunt mercedem suam they haue receiued their reward God graunt vs all faithfully to labour in our vocations in this life that we may receiue our euerlasting reward in heauen with Christ our blessed Lord and onely Sauiour to whome be praise for euer THE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL EXPLANED Generall observations vpon the whole Booke 1. The summe argument parts and contents of the whole Prophesie IN this heauenly prophesie of Daniel is set forth in generall Gods fatherly
care and watchfull prouidence ouer his Church the vse whereof is extended generally to the Church of God in all ages but more specially it concerned the state and condition of the Iewes then beeing in captiuitie wherein to their comfort three things specially are declared and foretold 1. The diuerse changes and accidents calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God vnder the kingdomes of the Chaldeans Persians and Grecians First vnder Alexander the great then vnder his successors which diuided his Empire among them 2. The comming of the Messiah is pointed out the time when and ende wherefore he should come 3. with such innouations as should followe as the ceasing of the ceremonies and the abdication of the Iewes Iun. And all to this ende that the people of God might be prepared not to expect any terrene happinesse in this life but with patience to waite the time of the restoring of all things in the resurrection of the iust which is touched cap. 12. The parts of the booke are these It is partly historicall partly propheticall 1. The historicall part is either concerning certaine kings or Daniel and his godly companions and these things are handled ioyntly together The Kings whose historie is set downe were Nebuchadnezzar in the 4. first chap. Balthazar in the 5. Darius in the 6. The historie of Daniel is continued in all these chapters onely the third excepted and of his godly companions in the 1. and 3. Polan And in this first part 3. speciall vertues of Daniel are described 1. His sobrietie and abstinence cap. 1. 2. His wisedome and diuine vnderstanding in the opening and reuealing of dreames and hid mysteries c. 2. c. 4. c. 5. And 3. his pietie toward God c. 6. So he is commended propter sobrietatem sapientiam pietatem for his sobrietie prudencie pietie Hugo Car. in proleg in Daniel And by these diuine testimonies God gaue witnesse vnto Daniel that the mysticall prophesies following might be receiued with greater authoritie 2. In the second part the propheticall predictions either concerne the enemies of Gods Church as of the iudgements of God vpon Nebuchadnezzar c. 4. and Balthazar c. 5. or they belong vnto the Church either shewing their afflictions and calamities c. 10. 11. or their deliuerance begunne in this life by the redemption purchased by the Messiah c. 9. and perfected and consummate in the next in the resurrection c. 12. Polan Pereriâ—s another way deuideth this booke into three parts 1. It consisteth either of bare visions and prophesies as cap. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 2. Or of prophesies and visions mixed with histories as c. 2. 4. 5. 3. Or of histories alone as c. 3. and 6. 2. The diuers language and readings observed in this Booke The originall text in this booke is partly written in the Hebrewe language partly in the Chalde from the beginning of the 1. Chap. to the 4. ver of the second and the fiue last chapters are all written in the Hebrewe tongue And from the 4. v. of the second chap. to the ende of the 7. chap. the historie is penned in the Chalde dialect Polan The reasons whereof are yeelded to be these 1. For the credit of this historie the Lord bringeth forth forreine nations annalesque eorum testes and their Chronicles as witnesses least any should doubt of the truth thereof Iun. 2. An other reason is because God would haue some part of this historie come to the knoweledge of the heathen as it was requisite that the Chaldes should knowe the sinnes and impieties of that nation and the iudgements which should befall them ad testandam omnibus Dei veritatem c. to testifie vnto all the truth of God therefore in generall the alteration of the terrene states and kingdomes and the power of Christs kingdome are shadowed forth c. 1. and c. 7. and published in the Chalde language that the Gentiles might take knowledge thereof but the particular histories of the comming of the Messiah of his office kingdome and of the calamities and afflictions which should befall the people of God are set forth in the Hebrewe tongue in the fiue last chapters as most specially concerning them Iun. in cap. 7. 3. A third reason is that the historie of Daniels acts set forth in the 6. first chapters beeing expressed in the Chalde speach might giue testimonie vnto Daniel that the Iewes might receiue him for a Prophet of God qui erat admirabilis etiam profanis gentibus c. who was admired euen of the profane nations Caluin Proleg in Daniel 4. Vnto these may be added that for better credit of the historie it pleased God that the historie of such things as were said and done in Chaldes should be written in the same language wherein they were first spoken like as in Ezra the epistles and rescripts of the kings are deliuered in the Chalde speach as taken out of their publike acts and records Iun. in proleg Beside the originall text thus consisting partly of the Hebrewe partly of the Chalde tongue there was the translation of the Septuagint and three other Greeke translations beside of Aquila Symmachus Theodotion But Hierome sheweth that the translation of the Septuagint whatsoeuer was the cause thereof whether they did not expresse the Chalde phrase or some one ignorant of the Chalde tongue did set it forth vnder their name multum discordat à veritate doth dissent much from the truth recto iudicio repudiatus est c. and therefore was vpon a right iudgement reiected of the Church And therefore in the stead thereof the translation of Theodotion was receiued of the Church as the same Hierome sheweth which notwithstanding is in many places erroneous as shall appeare in the differences of the reading throughout The latine translation also faileth in many points as afterward shall be shewed though Pintus giue it this commendation that it is nitore veritatis grauitate authoritate omnibus alijs illustrior praestantior in the euidence of truth grauitie authoritie more famous and excellent then any other c. but the contrary shall afterwards be prooued in the generall controuersies following that the vulgar Latine is in many places corrupt and erroneus And herein they attribute more perfection to Hieromes translation then he himselfe would haue acknowledged thus modestly confessing qui mihi videbar sciolus inter Hebraeos caepi rursus discipulus esse Chaldaicus I that seemed to know somewhat among the Hebrewes began againe to be a scholler in the Chalde in proleg 3. The questions and doubts discussed Quest. 1. Of the author of this propheticall booke of Daniel 1. Wicked Porphirie in the 12. booke of those which he wrote against the Christians contendeth that this prophesie was not written by Daniel but by some that liued in the time of Antiochus Epiphanes or after when all these things here prophesied of were fulfilled but his cauillous obiections were long since refuted by Apollinaris
Methodius Eusebius and the falshood thereof is conuinced by this that the Septuagint who liued almost an 100. yeares before that Antiochus did translate this booke into Greeke and Iosephus in his 11. booke Antiquitat Iuda reporteth how Iaddus the high Priest shewed vnto Alexander the great this prophesie of Daniel which foretold of a king that should destroy the Persian Monarchie in confidence whereof Alexander proceeded to that battell and this was 60. yeares before Antiochus 2. The Hebrewes thinke with whom Isidore consenteth that this booke of Daniel of Ezekiel and of the 12. Prophets were written by the wise men of the great Synagogue who were in the time of Ezra 3. But that this booke was written by the Prophet Daniel who was so famous among the Kings of Chaldea and of Persia beside the title of the booke which is called in the Hebrewe sepher Daniel the booke of Daniel our blessed Sauiour doth witnesse the same in the Gospell When yee shall see the abhomination of desolation spoken of by Daniel the Prophet c. Matth. 24. 15. Perer. Osiand Quest. 2. Of the signification of the name Daniel 1. The name Daniel signifieth the iudgements of God or God is my iudge which name was giuen him by the singular prouidence of God for both per eum annntiata sunt iudicia Dei by him the iudgements of God were denounced and declared and God was present with him as his defender and iudge against his aduersaries Bullin 2. Lyranus then is deceiued who thinketh that in this name there is relation to that iudgement which Daniel awarded against the two adulterous Elders which wrongfully accused Susanna for that storie was not of Dauiels writing neither is found in the originall as afterward shall more fully be declared 3. There was another Daniel Dauids second sonne by Abigail who also is called Chileah but he was long before those times 2. Sam. 3. 3. 1. Chron. 3. 1. Quest. 3. Of the kindred of Daniel 1. Hierome in his preface to Daniel writeth that the Septuagint in the beginning of the historie of Susanna which they make the 14. chapter of this booke doe affirme that Daniel was of the tribe of Leui whereupon Bellarmine thinketh that there were two Daniels one of the tribe of Iudah who writ the prophesie the other of the tribe of Leui. But herein Perfrius of his owne sect and societie contradicteth him shewing that neither the Synagogue of the Iewes then nor the Church of Christ now euer acknowledged any more then one Daniel to be a writer of Scripture 2. Dionysius Carthusianus thus remooueth the doubt that Daniel was by his fathers side of Leui by his mothers of Iudah so also Isidore thinketh that Daniel was both of the kindred of the Priests and the kings because it was vsuall for those tribes to match together in Mariage Pererius also reiecteth this as an humane coniecture without any ground of the Scripture Praefat. in Daniel 3. His opinion then is that Daniel was of the kings stocke and that in him and the rest was fulfilled the prophesie of Isaiah to Hezekiah that his sonnes that is his posteritie should be carried captiue into Babylon Of the same opinion that he was ex genere regio of the kings stocke are Bullinger Osiander with others Iosephus also saith that he was of the kinsmen of Zedekiah king of Iudah But this is no necessarie argument for that prophesie might be accomplished in either of the kings stocke as well as in Daniel And Iosephus may be deceiued in this as in the like conceit that Daniel was a gelded man and made an Eunuch so thinketh also Origen their coniecture is because Asâ—penaez to whose care and charge Daniel was committed is said to be the chiefe Sarisim of the Eunuchs but this is no sure argument for Pharaoh Genes 37. is called by that name who had both wife and children Caluin 4. Wherefore concerning Daniels kindred somewhat is certaine that he was of the tribe of Iudah which is euidently expressed c. 1. v. 6. Polan some things are vncertaine as 1. Whether he were of the kings seede for they were of the kings seede and of the Princes v. 3. therefore not all of the kings seede Iun. 2. It is vncertaine likewise that Daniels fathers name should be Zabaa as Epiphanius 3. Or that Bethoron the vpper which first belonged to Ephraim and afterward to the Leuites was the countrie of Daniel as Dorotheus and Epiphanius Quest. 4. Why Daniels kindred is not particularly expressed in the text 1. Some thinke the reason is because this is an historicall rather then a Propheticall booke but this is no good answer for so the booke also of Nehemiah is historicall and yet his kindred is expressed the words of Nehemiah the sonne of Hachaliah 2. Some make this the cause Daniel his kindred was well knowne and therefore it needed not to be expressed So was Isaiahs and Ieremiahs and their kindred well knowne and yet it is set downe in the beginning of their prophesie 3. Neither was this the reason why Daniel inserteth not his name because among the Chaldes he was called by another name Belthazar for c. 10. 2. he saith I Daniel was in heauinesse 4. Pererius saith causam satis idoneam probabilem c. I can finde no meete or probable cause hereof why Daniels genealogie is not expressed 5. Vnlesse this reason may be yeelded that those Prophets haue their kindred expressed which were specially sent from the Lord vpon some message and embassage to his people as Isaiah Ieremiah with the rest not they which onely had visions without any such speciall commission which obseruation notwithstanding doth not alwaies hold for Salomon had no such propheticall commission and yet he is described by his parentage Prov. 1. 1. Salomon the sonne of Dauid Quest. 5. When Daniel beganne to prophesie and at what age 1. Pererius thinketh that Daniel was some 10. yeare old when he went into captiuitie in the third yeare of king Iehoiakim beeing borne as he supposeth about the 25. yeare of Iosias raigne but this cannot be so that Daniel was then so young for 5. yeares after this he expounded Nebuchadnezzars dreame which was the 2. yeare after they stood before the king c. 2. 1. their three yeeres of education beeing expired c. 1. 5. And vpon that occasion Daniel began to be famous for his wisedome celebrated by the Prophet Ezekiel c. 28. 3. thou art wiser then Daniel And before that the same Prophet maketh mention of Daniel for his pietie ioyning him with Noah and Iob of whom the Lord saith that they should onely saue their owne soules they shall neither deliuer sonne nor daughter c. 14. 20. it seemeth then that Daniel was of yeares to haue sonnes and daughters Daniel then within fiue yeares of his captiuitie growing into such fame for his wisedome could not be so very a child as Epiphanius maketh him and
yeare after this was Daniel cast into the Lyons denne as is declared c. 6. 10. The visions in the 11. chap. Daniel had in the first yeare of Darius the visions in the 10. chap. in the 3. yeare of Cyrus which Pappus reduceth to the yeare 3438. but it was the yeare 3427. Bullinger Quest. 7. Of the whole time of Daniels age and time of prophesying 1. Isidorus giueth vnto Daniel an 110. yeares and thinketh he liued vnto the raigne of Darius Hystaspes but this assertion ouerthroweth it selfe for from the third yeare of Iehoiakim when Daniel went into captiuitie vntill the raigne of Darius Hystaspes are counted an 128. yeares vnto the which the age of Daniel beeing added which Pererius holdeth to haue beene but tenne all his yeares will make an 138. Perer. praefat 2. Pappus counteth from Daniels first captiuitie ann 3354. vnto the 3. yeare of Cyrus which he maketh ann 1438. 92 yeares but he is much deceiued for they can come but to 82. yeares for the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim was 8. yeares before Iechonias captiuitie from the which the 70. yeares must be numbred which ended the first yeare of Cyrus then 2. yeare more of Cyrus raigne must be put too which in all make but 82. 3. Therefore Osianders reckoning hath the best ground who iudgeth that Daniel liued an 100. yeares he was 18. when he went into captiuitie in the third yeare of Iehoiakim from whence to the 3. yeare of Cyrus are yeares 82. which beeing added to the former number make iust an 100. yeares Quest. 8. Why Daniel is not mentioned to haue returned with the rest out of captiuitie Iosephus writeth lib. 10. Antiquit. that Daniel built at Ecbatane in media a goodly tower which remained vnto his time so fresh and beautifull as if it had been but lately builded which the Kings of Persia made such account of as that they made it the place of their sepulture and committed the keeping thereof to one of the Iewish Priests but Daniel himselfe was buried at Babylon whereupon this question is mooued seeing Daniel liued vnto the third yeare of Cyrus raigne after the Edict was sent forth for the restitution and returne of the Iewes why that he returned not with the rest To the which it may be answered 1. That Daniel beeing now striken in yeares an 100. yeare old was vnfit in respect of his great age to take so long a iourney 2. Or rather that he remained to be the protector or defender of the Iewes which were left behind in Babylon as many there staied still 3. But of all other it is most like that he was thought a necessarie man to be imployed about the king for the good of his Nation and to helpe forward their cause as Theodoret thinketh that Cyrus was taught of Daniel that prophesie of Isai c. 45. wherein Cyrus is brought in by name that he should procure the deliuerance of the Lords people Quest. 9. Of the times wherein Daniel liued compared with fâ—rrâ—n Curonicles and of the memorable things which happened therein 1. The third yeare of Iehoiakim where Daniel began his captiuitie Pererius thinketh to fall out iust in the 32. Olympiad and the 105. yeare from the building of Rome and the 3. yeare of Cyrus raigne vnto the which Daniel attained he maketh to concurre with the 3. yeare of the 55. Olympiad and from the building of Rome 200. Bullinger accounteth it otherwise the first time which was the 3. yeare of Iehoiakim he maketh answerable to the 3. yeare of the 38. Olympiad and the 125. yeare from the building of Rome the 3. of Cyrus he setteth against the 59. Olympiad and the 209. yeare from the founding of Rome therefore of these things there is no great certentie 2. The memorable things which happened in the time of Daniels captiuitie which Pererius maketh to containe 90. yeares but in iust account they make but 82. yeares as is before shewed were these for within this compasse of time happened three captiuities of the Iewes vnder Iehoiakim Iechonia and Zedekiah with their deliuerance and returne into their countrie three great Prophets were amongst the Iewes Ieremiah Ezekiel Daniel Among the Romanes were kings Ancus Martius Tarquinius Priscus Seruius Tullus among the Grecians flourished the 7. wise men At this time was Craesus king of Lydia among the Chaldeans Nebuchadnezzar of the Medes Cyaxares and Cyrus founded the Empire of the Persians the kingdomes of the Iewes Chaldeans Medes were dissipate and three famous cities Ierusalem Nineueh Babylon destroyed Perer. Quest. 10. Of the excellencie vse and vtilitie of this booke of Daniel 1. This booke is commended by the worthines of the author the Prophet Daniel a man beloued of God to whom he reuealed the mysteries and secrets of his will whom the Prophet for his pietie and vprightnesse ioyneth with Noah and Iob Ezech. 14. 14. and commendeth for his wisdome Ezech. 28. 3. 2. Beside the excellencie of the matter doth set forth the price of the worke 1. First concerning ciuill matters it treateth of the change and alteration of states and kingdomes 2. For Diuine it hath the most cleare prophesies in all the olde Testament of the time of the Messiahs comming 3. Therein are set forth examples of excellent vertues of abstinencie in Daniel of constancie in the three children which were put into the fierie ouen of pietie in Daniels thrice praying in a day vnto his God 4. Therein are contained the heauenly doctrines of the blessed Trinitie of the resurrection of the bodie c. 12. of redemption and remission of sinnes purchased by Christ death c. 9. 5. Many admirable and miraculous things are here set forth as the walking of the three children vntouched in the fierie ouen of Daniels beeing in the Lions denne of the transplantation of Nebuchadnezzer from beeing a king to liue amongst bruite beasts 6. yea therein are conteined all wayes of Prophesying which are either by dreame or vision sensible apparitions or illumination of the mind all which wayes and meanes the Lord vsed to reueale and declare his will to his seruant the Prophet Quest. 11. Of the authoritie of the prophesie of Daniel 1. The Iewes doe derogate much from the authoritie of this booke not counting it among the Propheticall writings of the which there are three opinions 1. Some thinke that the Iewes doe not reiect the prophesie of Daniel but onely count it among the bookes called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 holy writings for they diuide the olde Testament into the lawe contained in the fiue bookes of Moses and the Prophets which are eight Iosua the Iudges Samuel the Kings Isaiah Ieremie Ezekiel the twelue Prophets and into the holy writings as they call them whereof there are nine Iob Dauid the Prouerbs Ecclesiastes the Canticles the Chronicles Daniel Ezra Ester So Pererius praefat Likewise Hugo Cardinal who maketh two kind of Prophets some that had onely gratiam prophecialem the gift and grace of prophesie others which beside the
gift were especially called and sent to that ende to prophesie and in this sense onely the Iewes hold neither Dauid nor Daniel to be Prophets 2. Theoderet doth simply reprehend the Iewes for denying Daniel to be a Prophet and this booke to be any of the propheticall writings so also Iunius affirmeth that the Iewes denie this booke to be counted among the Hagiographa or holy writings 3. But the truth is as Polanus setteth it downe that the Elder Iewes did acknowledge this booke to be authenticall and canonicall and equall in authoritie to the booke of the Psalmes the Prouerbs of Salomon the Lamentations of Ieremie and diuerse of them haue written commentaries vpon this booke as R. Salomon R. Leui Ben Gerson R. Abraham Aben Ezra R. Saadia with others but the later Rabbines doe denie the booke of Daniel to be authenticall and therefore seldome reade it as he speaketh of his owne experience how diuerse Rabbines in Moravia whose helpe he vsed did confesse that they seldome did reade the prophesie of Daniel the occasion whereof he thinketh to be this because Daniel doth so euidently point out the time of the Messiah his comming 4. But this errour of the Iewes in reiecting this prophesie of Daniel may thus further be refuted 1. The bookes which are called Hagiographa holy writings were of three sorts either they are taken for those bookes which were laid vp by the Arke and had the miraculous extraordinary approbation by the Vrim and Thummim other visible demonstrations or for such canonicall books which though they had not that allowance being written after the captiuitie when those visible monuments of the Arke the Vrim and Thummim ceased yet were written by the spirit of God and commended to his Church and thirdly those bookes were called holy writings which were not made of Canonicall authoritie but onely preferred before other humane writings and receiued of the Church into some higher order though not made equall to the the Scriptures Now though the prophesie of Daniel be not of the first sort yet that it is authenticall and canonicall of the second it thus may appeare The authoritie then of this booke is set forth by testimony both internall and externall the externall is either diuine or humane the diuine essentiall or accidentall the humane is either Ecclesiasticall and domesticall or forraine or prophane these further shall thus be declared in their order 1. The internall testimonie est spiritus testificatio the inward witnesse of the spirit which cleareth our vnderstanding that by the same spirit we acknowledge the Diuine prophesie of Daniel by the which he wrote it 2. The Diuine externall testimonie which is called essentiall is consensio cum diuino canone the agreement which this prophesie hath with the rest of the Scriptures and the warrant which Daniel hath from the testimonie of Christ Matth. 24. 15. 3. The Accidentall is à signis euentis from the signes which God ioyned with the prophesie as Daniels interpretation of dreames and his preseruation from the lyons c. 6. The euents were the true and sensible accomplishment of the predictions and prophesies conteined in this booke as all histories which doe write of these Kingdomes doe beare record and where these two doe concurre with the truth of doctrine namely the signes and euents they are diligently to be regarded Deut. 17. 4. The Ecclesiasticall testimonie is the consent of Gods Church and generall approbation of the seruants and worshippers of God which though it be not so forcible to perswade vs as the former yet it is a good motion and inducement ioyned with the rest hereunto may be added that testimonie of Iosephus that all the bookes which were written vnto the time of Artaxerxes were of diuine authoritie 5. The forraine testimonie is the authoritie and allowance which this booke found euen among the Heathen as is euident in that a great part of this prophesie is written in the Chalde tongue which sheweth that the truth thereof was euen euident to the Chaldeans Iunius And here may be remembred how laddus the high Priest shewed Daniels prophesie vnto Alexander the great and by name that vision c. 8. how the goate which signified the Grecians ouercame the ramme which betokened the Persian Monarchie as Iosephus reporteth whereupon this booke was had in great admiration of Alexander Quest. 12. Of the difficultie and obscuritie of this prophesie Pererius giueth these foure reasons and causes thereof 1. Because diuerse things are otherwise reported of forraine historiographers then they are remembred in this booke as in the 2. chap. Nebuchadonazer is made the mightiest King vpon the earth whereas Herodotus much more extolleth the power of Cyaxares who raigned about that time among the Medes c. 5. Balthazar is said to be depriued both of life and kingdom by Darius king of the Medes whereas other writers ascribe it to Cyrus c. 11. the Angel foretelleth but of three kings after Cyrus vnto Alexanders time whereas there were many more 2. The transposing of the storie which is often vsed in this booke is an other cause of the darkenesse and obscuritie as the prophesies conteined in the 7. and 8. chap. which were shewed vnto Daniel vnder the raigne of Balthazar in order should be set before the 6. c. Pererius addeth that the historie of Susanna which happened when Daniel was yet a child and the storie of Bell and the dragon which was done the Empire of the Chaldes yet standing should be placed tâ—e one before the second the other before the 5. chap. But concerning these two pretended histories there is no certaintie of the truth of them at the least when and at what time they were done and therefore this instance might be spared 3. The prophesies and visions themselues are darke and obscure as that c. 9. of the 70. weekes which terme when it should take beginning and how it proceeded and was continued is a matter of deepe vnderstanding 4. The varietie of histories which must be vsed as helpes for the vnderstanding of this prophesie and the change and alteration of so many states and kingdomes in this booke decyphered doe make this prophesie intricate specially because many of those historicall writers whose workes are necessarie for the opening and vnfolding of this mysticall prophesie are now lost and perished As Hierome sendeth vs to the histories of Sâ—etâ—nius Callinicus Possidonius Thean Andronicus Polybius Diodorus Titus Linius Trâ—gus Pompeius whose histories concerning these matters here prophesied of by Daniel are now either in part or in whole wanting 5. And thus much was signified by the Angel that this historie should seeme obsure vntill the things therein contained were accomplished as he saith to Daniel Goe thy way Daniel for the words are closed vp and sealed till the ende of the time vntill then they should be obscure to all but euen afterward also when the fulnesse of time is come none of the wicked shall haue vnderstanding and
least we should be discouraged altogether it is added but the wise shall vnderstand 4. Places of doctrine 1. The doctrine of Gods prouidence notably is set forth in this booke that he then most of all taketh care for his Church when he seemeth most to neglect it that nothing falleth out by chance but that the confusion and alteration of states and kingdomes are by the prouidence and disposing of God for a sparrow cannot fall vpon the ground without Gods will much more is the fall and ruine of kingdomes disposed of by the Lord Caluin 2. In this booke many profitable doctrines are laid forth as of the Trinitie c. 7. of the redemption and remission of sinnes by Christ c. 10. of the resurrection chap. 12. Pere 3. In this booke is set forth the continuance and perpetuitie of Christs kingdome when all terrene and earthly dominions shall cease regna mundi caduca esse ostendit he sheweth that the kingdomes of the world are vaine and the kingdome of Christ onely shall continue as the stone which was cutte without hands broke the image in pieces as the Prophet saith the increase of his kingdome c. shall haue no ende Bullinger 5. Places of controuersie 1. Controv. The vulgar Latine translation not the best 1. Pintus in his Prooeme vpon Daniel saith that the vulgar Latine translation is omnibus alijs illustrior prestantior is a more excellent and worthy translation then any other and so he preferreth it before the originall Hebrew and Chalde text therefore that the blind presumption and boldnesse of these Romanists may herein appeare it shall not be amisse to note some speciall places wherein the Latin translation hath greatly erred 1. c. 6. v. 15. The Latine translator readeth Viri intelligentes regem dixerunt c. the men vnderstanding the king said c. whereas in the originall the word is hargishu they came together A. I. 2. c. 7. v. 18. The Saints shall take the kingdome L. where it is truely translated thus they shall take the kingdome of the Saints A. P. I. 3. c. 8. 2. I was by the gate of Vlai L. but in the originall I was by the riuer Vlay A. P. I. V. the word is vbal a riuer 4. c. 8. v. 9. and against strength L. against or toward the pleasant or delectable land V. A. P. I. G. hatzebi beautie or delight it selfe 5. c. 8. v. 13. and he said to him L. he said to me A. P. V. I. c. the word is eelai to me 6. c. 11. 6. to make friendship L. to make an equall peace A. P. I. V. mesharim rectitudines equalitie rightnes 7. C. 11. v. 8. he shall carrie captiue their gods and their grauen images L. their gods and their Princes A. P. V. G. I. nesichehem their princes nesich a prince 8. C. 11. v. 22. the armes of the fighter shall be subdued L. the armes of the ouerflowing shall be ouerthrowne A. P. V. I. shataph to ouerflow 9. C. 11. 45. he shall plant the tabernacle of Apadno L. the tabernacle of his pallace A. P. V. I. G. 10. C. 12. 2. some to shame vt videant semper that they may alwaies see L. some to shame and perpetuall contempt A. P. V. G. I. the word is diron contempt By these few places giuen in instance a coniecture may be made of the rest of the translation that beeing so erroneous it can not be compared for grauitie or authoritie to the originall The other places of moment wherein this translation often slippeth shall be noted in the diuers readings vpon euery Chapter 2. Controv. The historie of Susanna the Song of the three children and of Bell and the Dragon are no parts of Daniel nor of the Canonicall Scripture The Romanists would thus perswade that these histories which are annexed to Daniel and make in the vulgar Latine translation the 13. and 14. chap. to be Canonicall 1. Because the Councell of Trent hath so defined them to be held for Canonicall Scripture 2. They are vsed and recited in the Romane leiturgie and Masse as Canonicall Scripture 3. They are cited and alleadged by diuers of the Fathers 4. Diuerse of the Fathers of the Greeke Church as Origen Athanasius Chrysostome Cyril doe hold these parcells to be Canonicall Thus Bellar. lib. 1. de verb. Dei c. 9. Pintus in prooem Perer. lib. 16. in Daniel in praefat Contra. 1. The Tridentine Councell or Chapter rather was no true generall Councell but a partiall conuenticle of the Romanists wherein there were not so many Bishops congregate or assembled together as haue beene in many prouinciall Synods 2. And though it had beene a lawfull Synod yet it had no lawfull authoritie to make the canon of the Scripture which belongeth onely vnto God the Church onely is to declare not to constitute the sacred Canon 3. Neither can they produce any generall Councell wherein the Pontificiall canon of Scripture hath beene confirmed 2. Pererius himselfe giueth instance of many things which are rehearsed in the Popish Masse which are not canonicall as the legend of S. Catharine how her bodie was placed by the Angels in mount Sinai the Masse of the immaculate conception of the virgin Marie and somewhat is taken out of the 4. booke of Esdras all these he himselfe confesseth not to be of Canonicall authoritie though publikely recited and sung in their Masse the argument therefore followeth not 3. Neither is all taken to be Canonicall which is cited by the Fathers for they many times doe alleadge the testimonies of Poets and heathen writers and the later writers doe produce the authorities of the Elder fathers Iustine Tertullian Ireneus Cyprian Origen are their works therefore to be held canonicall 4. Though some of the Greeke Fathers therein following the Greeke translation which was of great authoritie doe make these histories Canonicall yet their testimonie is not sufficient to make that part of Scripture which is not And against their iudgement we may oppose the sentence of other Fathers as of Hierome who doubteth not to call the historicall narrations of Bel and the Dragon fables likewise he alleadgeth how Eusebius and Apollinarius would not answer Porphirie his cauillous exceptions against these supposed parcels of Daniel because they were not found in the originall neither were held to be of diuine authoritie Pererius here answereth Nobis cuae non sit quid isti senserint quidve scriptis prodiderint mihi pluris est divus Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostomus c. We neede not care what these thought or what they set forth in writing I make more account of holy Ignatius Martyr Athanasius Chrysostome c. In which indifferent answer he teacheth vs what to say If he care not what Eusebius Apollinarius Hierome thinke or write on this matter why should it mooue vs what Ignatius Athanasius with the rest testifie in this cause neither doe I see why the one should be more accounted
of or held of greater authoritie then the other Our contrarie Arguments against the Canonicall authoritie of these additions are these which follow 1. They are not extant in the Hebrew and Chalde originall 2. They containe some things contradictorie to the Canonicall histories as the Apocryphal storie saith that Daniel was of the tribe of Levi whereas he is said in the true storie to be of the tribe of Iudah c. 1. v. 6. 3. Iosephus making mention of all the other histories recorded in this booke yet omitteth these two as Apocryphal relations 4. Hierome toucheth certaine obiections propounded by a Iew against these Apocryphall additions 1. That it is not like that the three children had so much leisure as to goe through all the elements and creatures in their hymne or song 2. It was no such miraculous thing but a naturall worke to kill the Dragon with gobbets and balls of pitch 3. And it is without example that any Prophet was so transported in bodie as Abacuk was taken vp by the haire of the head to goe and minister vnto Daniel Answ. Here the Romanists doe giue vs this slender satisfaction 1. That this booke might be translated by Theodotian out of the Hebrew or Chalde which is now extant or it might be written in the Greeke tongue originally by some stirred by the spirit of God as the author of Ecclesiasticus was Perer. 2. There might be two Daniels one of Iudah an other of Levi. Bellarm. 3. Iosephus omitteth many things in his historie of the Iewes antiquities Perer. 4. 1. So Ionas prayed in the Whales bellie beeing in great danger as the other were in the fire 2. Salomon though mooued by the spirit of God yet by humane wisdome decided the controuersie betweene the two harlots 3. Henoch and Helias were translated in their bodies Hug. Card. in proleg Hieron in Daniel Contra. 1. It is euident that this booke was not translated either out of Chalde or Hebrew by the Greeke allusion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if one should say alluding to a cutting or pricking tree he will cut thee and in the Greeke tongue originally were none of the Canonicall books of the old Testament written for vnto the Iewes were committed the oracles of God Rom. 3. 2. but the bookes set forth in the Greeke could not be committed to the Hebrewes 2. If there were two Daniels why are those additions annexed to the prophesie of Daniâ—l as parts thereof he beeing not the author 3. Iosephus omitteth many matters of circumstance but complete histories and the same memorable he seldome omitteth but this argument is vrged not as necessarie but onely probable 4. 1. It is one thing to pray in distresse as Ionas did an other to giue thanks at large vnto God before riddance from the daunger for that had beene in some sort to tempt God to stay longer in the daunger then there was cause 2. That experiment of Salomons wisdome is set forth as an act of a prudent and wise man directed by the spirit of God but the other is set downe as a propheticall act therefore the instance is not alike 3. Henoch and Helias were translated out of the world but not from place to place as this Abacuk is supposed to haue beene and it cannot be gathered that they reteined their bodies still when they were taken vp but rather that by the power of God they were dissolued which we are to thinke for the honour of Christ who was the first that in his whole humanitie entred the heauens 6. Morall observations 1. In that in this prophesie of Daniel there is a manifest prophesie pointing out the very time of the comming of Christ c. 9. quam clarum firmum est hoc testimonium c. what a cleare and sure testimonie is this which we may oppose against Sathan and all Atheists and other gainsayers that Christ is the true Redeemer that was to come into the world Calvin 2. In that the Lord did such wonderfull things for his people in captiuitie in so much that the glorie of God was propagated more disperso afflicto populo Dei quam regnante agentâ— in pace c. the people of God beeing dispersed and afflicted then while they raigned and liued in peace it sheweth the profit that commeth by the crosse Bulling both in generall to the whole Church and in particular to euery member thereof as the Prophet Dauid saith It is good for me that I haue beene afflicted Psal. 119. 71. 3. Further illustria gloriae divinae documenta sunt iudicia in reges the iudgement of God vpon Kings and vpon their kingdomes are notable demonstrations of Gods glorie Polan as the Prophet Isai saith Topheth is prepared of old it is prepared for the king Isa. 30. 33. 4. In that Daniel after the prophesie of the comming of Christ yet foretelleth many afflictions c. 10. 11 12. which should befall the Church of God in this world vntill the blessed day of the resurrection which is spoken of c. 12. when all teares shall be wiped from our eyes thereby is declared that the Church of God and the faithfull members thereof must looke for no firme and sure state in this world to continue but make account through many afflictions to enter into the kingdome of heauen sic Genev. in the argument of the booke for as the Apostle saith Here we looke for no continuing citie but seeke one that is to come Heb. 13. 14. But now by the grace of God I will proceede to the booke it selfe hauing staied long enough in these generall obseruations CHAP. I. 1. The Argument and method THis Chapter hath three parts 1. The first sheweth how that after the King of Babel had besieged and taken Ierusalem he caried diuers into captiuitie 1. c. 1 2. 2. In the next part the education of Daniel and of his other companions is described from v. 3. to v. 18. where these three things are contained 1. The Kings charge vnto the chiefe of the Eunuches for their education to v. 7. 2. Daniels abstinence and refusall to eate of the Kings meate whereunto was made a way by that fauour which God gaue vnto Daniel in the sight of the chiefe of the Eunuches to v. 14. 3. The successe thereof they were encreased with gifts both of minde and bodie v. 15 16 17. 3. Then the euent followeth their ministerie before the King and their aduancement especially of Daniel v. 18. to v. 21. 2. The diuers readings 1. v. In the third yeare in the yeares of three C. for so shalash signifieth three not the third but when it is ioyned with an other word of a cardinall number it becommeth an ordinal that is a number of order of the raigne of Iehoiakim not Ioachim L. for he was the sonne of Iehoiakim 2. King 24. 6. whom Matthew calleth Ieconias c. 1. and the one is written with kaph the other with caph Iehoiakim signifieth the
language and therfore vsed of the learned Genevens Dan. 2. 6. But I rather thinke with Tremellius and Polanus that howsoeuer in times past there was small difference for that part of this booke which is written in the Chalde tongue from the 4. v. of the 2. chapter to the ende of the seauenth is called also the Aramites or Syrians language c. 2. 4. yet now they doe manifestly differ the ancient Chalde speach and the common Syrian language 7. Now the Chalde tongue is either that purer kind of speaking and writing which is vsed here in Daniel from 2. c. v. 4. to the ende of the seauenth and Ezra c. 4. vnto the seauenth which was then commonly vsed in Babylon or els it was more impure such as the three Targums are written in namely of Onkelus Ionathas and the Hierosolymitan as also the two Talmuds the one of Babylon the other of Ierusalem ex Polan Quest. 26. v. 4. Of the necessarie institution of schooles and the manner and order thereof v. 4. Teach the learning and language of the Chaldeans 1. Hence appeareth that the institution of schooles wherein youth should be brought vp in good letters was very auncient for here in Babylon such as were afterward to be employed in the state had their education in learning So among the Egyptians they had the like vse where Moses was taught the learning of the Egyptians Among the Israelites 48. cities were appointed for the Leuites which were as the common Schooles and Vniuersities for the whole kingdom Samuel and Elizeus had their Schooles and Colledges of Prophets Among the Grecians Athens was famous for the studie of Arts and in Egypt Alexandria yea the rude Indians had their Gymnosophistes and the Romans had their Colledges of Augures 2. Beside hence it is gathered that the chiefe care of the promoting of learning belongeth to the King as here Nebuchadnezer giueth it in charge 3. And because kings beeing occupied with other affaires cannot themselues attend that busines they are to set ouer such places good ouerseers as here the King committeth the care of this busines to Ashpenaz 4. And as here choice is made of the best wits and such as were not deformed to be brought vp in learning so such should now be preferred to places of learning as are like to profit well in that profession and not euery spittle and dulhead to be obtruded and thrust into such places by fauour to make a scholler of beeing fit for no other employment 5. These vpon whome this learned education is bestowed were the sonnes of Nobles whereas in many places noble men thinke it a disgrace to be learned whereas there cannot be a greater ornament vnto true nobilitie then learning 6. Here also it is shewed what they should learne to be instructed in the knowledge of the tongues whereby a way is made for other learning 7. And they must not be alwaies learning a time is prefixed here of three yeares to take triall how they profit they which are put to learning must not be non proficientes but after some time make some proofe how they profit 8. The king also prouideth suâ—ficient maintenance for them a competent diet not superfluous but in times past Abbeyes had too much and now Schooles of learning haue too little Bulling Quest. 27. Why other names were giuen them 1. Quia nomina Iudaea oderant fugerant because the Chaldeans did hate and shunne Hebrew and Iewish names Iun so also Hugo Card indigne ferebat quod vocarentur nominibus Iudaeae the king could not endure that they should be called with the names of Iudea to the same purpose Lyranus nomina Hebraica erant Babyloniis abominabilia the Hebrew names were abominable to the Babylonians 2. In changing of their names the conquerer shewed his power ouer them and that by this mutation of their names they might know themselues to be seruants for it is a signe of superioritie to impose names as Adam gaue names vnto the creatures he also gaue a name vnto his wife so conquerors vsed to giue names to them whome they subdued As Pharaoh king of Egypt would haue Eliakim king of Iudah called Iehoiakim and Nebuchadnezzar called Mattaniah the last king of the Iewes Zedekiah Polan Among the Romanes they which were adopted and receiued into the number of the citizens did change their names for a remembrance and memoriall of that benefit and seruants likewise when they were manumitted did take vnto them the names of noble and free men Alexander 3. But there was a further reason in it vt deleret rex memoriam propriae gentis that by this meanes the king might blotte out the memorie of their owne nation and kindred 4. And beside the names were abolished which had any mention of God as El. Iah as one of these was in all their names Daniel Hananiah Mishael Azariah and in the newe names giuen vnto them there were quasi trophaea deorum suorum as monuments of their gods So by this meanes they thought to extinguish all memorie of their religion Iun. Polan Quest. 28. Of the signification of their names both the newe and the olde 1. Daniel signifieth the iudgement of God or whom the Lord iudgeth Hananiah is named of grace and fauour Mishael some interpret asked of God Pap. Osiander but the better deriuation is which is of God Iun. Azariah helped of God 2. Their newe names are thus interpreted Belteshazar some would haue signifie scrutator the saurâ— a searcher of treasure Pintus some custos insignis thesauri a keeper of a notable treasure Bulling some take it to signifie diuine treasure Osiand or the keeper of Bel their idol Pap. But the true sense is one laying vp or keeping the treasurie of Bell for the word is compounded of Bel and teshah to lay vp and atzar treasure Iun. Polan this name was giuen by Ashpenaz to Daniel but at the kings appointment and therefore it is said that the king named him Belthazar cap. 5. 12. Shadrach some expound a legate or embassadour Osiand some delicate Bullin Pap. some a delicate field Pintus but the true notation is this 1. the inspiration of rach that is the sunne for shadah signifieth to inspire and rach a king which name they giue vnto the Sunne Meshach some interpret prolonging Pintus some industrious Pappus some pretious Bullinger Osiander But it is compounded of Meh which and shach the name of Venus their festiuall goddes Meshach that is who is of the goddes shacah the festiuall goddesse for the Babylonians vsed vpon the 16. day of the moneth Loy to celebrate the feast of their goddes shacha for 5. dayes together during which time one of the seruants was Lord and ruler of the familie apparelled in a princely robe called Segane the Hebrewes call it Saga Iun. ex Athenaeolib 14. dipnosophrast Abednego some interpret servus lucis seruant of the light Pap. some servus illustris a famous seruant Osiander some the seruant of
the food then is the more agreeable it is to nature Osiand 2. continuall vse and custome to keepe a slender diet doth make it familiar and most wholesome to the bodie 3. the strong constitution temperature and complexion of the bodie doth cause vnto some better nourishment and strength then a better diet doth vnto those that are of a bad constitution 4. the cheerefulnesse of the minde and inward contentednes helpeth much euen in a thinne diet to strengthen nature Pere As the wise man saith that a morsell of 〈◊〉 with peace is better then a house full of sacrifices with strife that is with disquietnesse of minde 2. But this great encrease of beautie and fauour in Daniel and his companions proceeded rather of the singular and extraordinarie blessing of God then of their thinne diet for they onely did not exceede those in the goodnes of their complexion which fedde of the kings meates but their countenance in themselues appeared faiter and better liking then at any time before Pere Quest. 37. ver 17. Of the knowledge and vnderstanding which God gaue vnto Daniel and the other three whether it were naturall or supernaturall 1. This knowledge which was giuen vnto them all was partly ordinarie in all humane learning which was common vnto them all the Vulgar latine interpreter readeth in omni libro in euery booke but the word sepher is as well taken for the literature the knowledge of artes and sciences as for a booke Polan partly this knowledge was extraordinarie in the vnderstanding of visions and dreames which was peculiarly aboue the rest giuen vnto Daniel Iun. 2. The knowledge of artes is obtained three waies either naturally as Aristotle and Plato attained vnto their learning or supernaturally as Adam and Salomon had their wisedome and knowledge infused of God or partly by naturall meanes partly by supernaturall as here Daniel and the other three vsed instructors and other helpes to come vnto their knowledge but yet it was specially the gift of God 3. For whereas they attained vnto a greater perfection then any other and that in so short a time in the space of 3. yeares it is euident that they had more by Gods speciall gift then by any humane industrie Pere Quest. 38. VVhether Daniel and the rest learned the curious arts of the Chaldeans 1. Pererius opinion is that whereas the Chaldeans had many vaine and curious artes as Magicke Coniecturing Inchanting Iudiciarie Astrologie and such like that they might learne and knowe these speculatiue by way of speculation to confute them and auoide them not to practise or exercise them as God himselfe and the Angels haue the knowledge of such things and the abuse in such knowledge is either in the too great desire and affection which they haue vnto them which learne them or in the euill ende which they propound seeking their owne gaine or others commoditie therein Contra. 1. But that the verie studie and knowledge of such damnable artes is vnlawfull by this it appeareth because they which were conuerted to the faith in Ephesus burned their bookes of such curious artes which they needed not to haue done if the hauing and reading of such bookes had beene lawfull Act. 29. 2. God knoweth all things and is perfectly good and cannot be tempted of euill but man is easily seduced and peruerted and Angels haue not their knowledge by labour and learning as man hath but by the light of their nature therefore those examples are not alike 3. euen profitable humane artes may be by these meanes abused but vnprofitable in their best vse are vnlawfull 2. Osiander thinketh that their Chaldean instructors would haue obtruded vpon them their superstitious precepts among other instruction but as they abstained from the kings meate not to be defiled thereby so it is like they did take heede of such corrupt and vnlawfull artes 3. But it is more like that as the kings meate was withdrawne from them so by Gods prouidence they were preserued from all contagion of their superstitious inuentions onely beeing trained vpâ—â— their commendable learning as Muses was in the Egyptian sciences Caluin Quest. 39. Whether it be lawfull to vse the artes and inuentions of the heathen 1. The profitable inuentions of the heathen Christians may safely and lawfully vse for like as in a tree there are leaues for ornament as well as fruite for necessarie vse so the soule must be adorned as with the sound precepts of Theologie in stead of fruite so it must be garnished with the knowledge of the artes as the ornaments and leaues But when any thing erroneous doth offer it selfe in their writings 〈◊〉 must either shunne it altogether or cautelously read it as we gather roses in a garden but take heed of the pricks and thorns Deut 21. when any of Israel tooke a maide in battell whom he liked he was first to paire her nailes and shaue her head before he married herâ—so we must cut away in humane secular learning such things as are noxious and superstuous and then captiue it to the vse of Christian religion Pintus 2. The bookes then and writing of the Heathen are fit and conuenient to be read first in regard of some truth which is set forth in them 1. for euerie one naturally desireth to vnderstand and apprehend the truth 2. yea and the spirit of God is the author of all truth so that the light which shined in the darkenesse and blindnesse of the Heathen proceeded from the spirit of God the true illuminator of the world 3. their writings containe many profitable inuentions and precepts for mans life as in the handling of morall vertues of politike precepts of mechanicall artes Secondly euen the knowledge of their errors is profitable 1. that we may know them to confute and abhorre them 2. that knowing their errours we may the better auoid them our selues and winne others from them 3. to shewe the excellencie of the Scriptures wherein is no error or impuritie before all other humane learning and writing for there are fiue things requisite and necessarie for euerie one to knowe 1. that the soule is immortall for he will neuer be perswaded to vertue that thinketh there is nothing to be feared or hoped for after this life 2. what is the chiefe ende and happinesse which euery man is to propound vnto himselfe 3. which is the way whereby that ende may be atchieued 4. whether God not onely in generall but in particular watch ouer vs by his prouidence 5. how this watchfull God and most vigilant heauenly father is to be serued and honoured All which things so necessarie to be knowne are either not at all handled by the Philosophers or verie absurdly deceitfully erroneously Perer. 3. But it will be thus obiected 1. seeing the Scriptures are alone sufficient to saluation what neede we forreine helpes 2. S. Paul Coloss. 28. seemeth to condemne Philosophie beware least any man spoile you through Philosophie 3. Iulian the Apostata thus obiected
do feede vpon other delicate meates and daintâ—e confections with drinking of wine which doe more pamper the flesh and enflame the lust 3. This example of Daniel doth nothing at all fit their turne 1. Daniel kept this abstinence 3. yeares together 2. he abstained as well from eating of fish as flesh 3. neither did he drinke any wine all this time of abstinence let them goe now and imitate Daniels fast themselues which they would take to be a verie hard penance Polan 4. Controv. vers 20. What the wisemen of the Chaldeans were and whether the wisemen which came to Christ were kings Pintus vpon this place giueth this note that the wise men among the Chaldeans and Persians were called Magi which is a Persian word and was the same with a Philosopher among the Grecians and a Gymnosophist among the Indians and because the kings of the East were philosophers they were called Magi wisemen and so the wise men which came to Christ Matth. 2. are held by an auncient tradition of the Church to haue beene kings as Tertullian Hierome and Augustine affirme with other Pintus p. 24. Contra. 1. Hierome writing vpon the 72. Psalme calleth them not reges but regum typos kings but types of the kings Augustine saith monente subdolo sermone regis alacres eunt beeing craftely warned by the king they goe cheerefully not as it is corruptly read reges alacres eunt the kings goe on cheerefully 2. Tertullian indeede saith nam Magos reges fere oriens habuit in the East they had for the most part the Magi or wisemen for their kings c. But this can hardly be prooued the wise men were of great authoritie with the Persian kings and did vsurpe the kingdome a while before Darius was chosen king but the Magi were not kings 3. And if this be such a firme tradition of the Church that these 3. wisemen were kings what tradition haue they for the rest that these three kings lie buried at Collen and that their names were Gaspar Melchior Balthasar which three names written in parchment and hung about the necke they say are auaileable to driue away any disease from the bodie 4. If they had beene kings Herod would haue beene afraide to haue entertained them beeing iealous of his kingdome neither is it like that the Euangelist would haue omitted it it beeing much for the honour of Christ that he was adored of kings in his infancie see Beza in his annotat Matth. 2. 1. 5. Controv. v. 20. Of the Magicians among the Chaldeans and how that such were alwaies opposite to the true Church of God as diuers of the Popes were such 1. The word chartummim is a strange and forren word and is taken properly as Aben Ezra for the Magician or Genethliake the caster of mens natiuities 2. In the beginning the tearme of Magicians was honourable among the Persians for they were such as professed the knowledge both of diuine and humane things and were assistant vnto Kings they were the same among the Persians with the Priests or Prophets in Egypt the Philosophers in Greece among the French the Druidae among the Indians the Gymnosophistes among the Bactrians the Samanaei 3. But afterward these Magi fell to practising of vnlawfull artes to inuocate spirits and to confederate themselues with deuills of whome they learned their enchantments and coniurations as Theodoret alleadgeth out of Porphirie 4. Such were the Magicians and Sorcerers in Egypt of whome Iannes and Iambres were the chiefe which resisted Moses Most of the Heretikes were Magicians as Simon Magus and Menander his successor and Marcion as Iustinus witnesseth Apolog. 2. pro Christian. and one Marcus who by his magicall impostures deceiued many as Ireneus Many of the Popes were professed Magicians and by such Diabolicall practises obtained the Popedome as Sylvester the 2. Sylvester the 3. Gregorie the 6. Benedict the 9. Iohn the 12. who in playing at dice was wont to call vpon the deuill as Luitprandus and to offer wine vnto him as Fasciculus temp Gregorie the 7. did vse to carrie about with him a booke of Necromancie and was condemned as a Magician and Sorcerer in the Synod at Brixia as Abb. Vrspergens and Benno Cardinal write Polan Thus in the aduersarie Church Magicians haue beene had in great reputation as here they were accounted of among the Chaldeans But as Daniel by his godly wisdome obscured them all so the light of Gods truth and Gospel hath preuailed agrinst all such abominations 6. Morall observations 1. Observ. v. 2. That victorie and conquest is to be vsed moderately V. 2. With part of the vessells of the house of God Although this was especially wrought by Gods prouidence that Nabuchadnezzar caried away onely part of the vessels of the Temple that some might still remaine for the seruice thereof yet in this victorious king is set forth an example of moderation who is contented to take part of these holy vessels and carieth away part of the chiefe men into captiuitie he maketh not hauocke and spoile of all which teacheth that Princes should not vse their victorie to make desolation and lay all wast but rather to helpe to bring things to better order Bulling 2. Observ. Princes can doe no more then God permitteth Herein also euidently appeareth Gods worke Nabuchadnezzer had no power to carie away more of the men or vessels then God gaue into his hand for the text saith God gaue Iehoiakim into his hand c. with part of the vessels of the house of God If God had giuen all into his hand he had taken all but now he is limited he taketh no more then God would he should take Papp So like as though the Sea rage and the waues thereof rise yet the Lord keepeth it within the bounds and bindeth as it were with swadling bands Iob. 38. 9. So the Lord staieth the rage and furie of the mightie men of the earth they haue no power to doe any thing but from God as Iesus said vnto Pilate Thou couldest haue no power at all against me except it were giuen thee from aboue Ioh. 19. 11. 3. Observ. The Lord punisheth by degrees At this time Nebuchadnezzer onely caried away part of the holy vessells and some few Daniel with other persons but afterward he tooke Iechonias the king himselfe and caried him into captiuitie and last of all he put out Zedekiahs eyes burnt the Temple and made hauocke of the citie and remooued the most of the inhabitants into captiuitie Thus the Lord proceedeth by degrees to see if he can draw the people by his smaller corrections to repentance till he powre out the whole viole of his wrath at once vpon them Osiand This manner of the Lords proceeding in his iudgements by degrees is well expressed Levit. 26. v. 18. 21. 24. how the Lord still punisheth his people seauen times more that is with more grieuous iudgements when they doe not profit by the former 4. Observ. God
all by his wisdome and they beeing auncient thought scorne that such a young man should be ioyned vnto them Perer. 3. The king also might spare Daniel as hauing yet had no great triall of his faithfulnes and therefore he would not at the first commit his secrets to a stranger Calvin 4. Peretius thinketh that Nebuchadnezzer might haue forgotten him in the space of 22. yeares for so long it was since Daniel first stood before the king But that cannot be for this yeare wherein Nebuchadnezzer dreamed was but the second yeare from the beginning of Daniels ministie and seruice in the Court as is before shewed Quest. 1. vpon this chapter 5. But herein chiefly we are to acknowledge Gods prouidence who so disposed that Daniel should not be admitted neither before nor together with the Chaldeans If he had beene called first the Magicians might haue saide that they could haue interpreted the dreame if they had beene called If he had come with them and expounded the dreame the Chaldeans would haue ascribed it to their owne skill and so the ignorance and follie of them should not haue so manifestly appeared Polan 6. And further God to this ende would not haue Daniel present with the rest to signifie that he would not haue the professors of the truth matched or mingled with the assemblies of lyers and hypocrites Polan 9. Quest. v. 4. Of the Aramites language whether it differ from the Hebrew and be all one with the Chalde v. 14. Then spake the Chaldeans to the King in the Aramites language 1. Hierome by this argument confuteth the opinion of Philo who taketh the Hebrew and Chalde language for all one because Daniel then needed not to haue learned the Chaldean tongue c. 1. 5. And further that they differed it is manifest by that speech of Eliakim to Rabshakeh Speake to thy sâ—ruants in the Aramites language for we vnderstand it and talke not with vs in the Iewes tongue So the Lord threatneth by his Prophet that he will bring a nation vpon them whose language they vnderstand not meaning the Chaldeans 2. Now although the ancient and pure Hebrew tongue differ much from the Chalde yet after the captiuitie the vsuall language of the Iewes did borrow much of the Chalde tongue by reason of their long captiuitie among them and was compounded partly of the Chalde partly of the Hebrew from their returne from Babylon vntill the daies of out blessed Sauiours beeing in the flesh Perer. 3. But concerning the Syrian tongue some take it and the Chalde for all one Osiand some thinke that they differed onely as the tongue of the learned and vnlearned Lyran. that the Syriake was held to be the more eloquent tongue Genevens some thinke the Chaldean and Babylonian tongue was when called the Syrian or Aramites language because Chaldea was counted part of Syria Iun. And it seemeth that in times past there was small difference betweene them though now the ancient Chalde tongue wherein part of Ezra and Daniel is written be farre diuers both in character and sound from the Syrian tongue wherein the learned Iewes write and speake at this day see more hereof Quest. 25. c. 1. 10. Quest. Why the Chaldeans speake in the Aramites language From the beginning of this booke vnto the 4. v. of this chapter all is written in the Hebrew words and characters from this place to the ende of the 7. chap. the Prophet vseth Chalde words but Hebrew charactrs and then the rest of the booke followeth in the Hebrew tongue and writing as before now the reasons why these Chaldeans vse the Aramites language were these 1. These wise men were of diuers countries and so of diuers languages therefore they spake in the Syrian or Chalde tongue which was knowne and vnderstood of all Perer. 2. Some thinke they vsed it as the more eloquent tongue Genevens 3. Or because it was the language which the king vsed Perer. 4. Or rather the Syrian was the Babylonian tongue which in that respect was fittest for them to vse 5. And the Lord hereby so disposed that the knowledge of these things should be manifest vnto the Chaldeans that euen they might be conuinced of the truth out of their owne acts and records which also was the cause for the more credit of this historie among the Chaldeans that Daniel setteth it downe in the very same language wherein it was acted Polan 11. Quest. v. 8. Why the King saith They would gaine or redeeme time 1. It is the third interrogation or question which the king propoundeth vnto them the first was cum simplici denuntiatione v. 3. withâ—â— simple prolation and propounding of his dreame the second v. 5. cum forti comminatione praemij promissione with a vehernent commination and threatning with promise also of reward the third v. 9. cum falsi suspicione with a suspition of falshood c. You haue prepared lying and corrupt words 2. By gaining or redeeming of time is vnderstood occasionem quaerere evadendi pericula to seeke occasion to escape the daunger as the Apostle saith Eph. 5. 16. Redeeming the time for the daies are euill as trauellers that fall into foule weather doe watch their times and opportunities how to escape it and so to goe on in their iourney Pintus some vnderstand by time spatium vita the tearme of their life which they desired to be prolonged Gloss. Lyran. but it is more fitly referred to the interpretation of the dreame which they would haue shifted off and so quarebant dilationem temporis they sought to prolong the time that some other thing falling betweene the king might forget to vrge that matter Osiand sic daretur effugiendi ecoasio and so they might haue occasion to escape and auoid the daunger 3. But the kings coniecture is not good that they which doe not presently make answer to the king doe it to gaine time and so to delude the king for there may be diuers and different causes of suspending ones answer as cuÌ„ officium piâ—tatis charitatis vetat when as the office of pietie or charitie enioyneth silence as the Martyrs which were vrged to bewray their fellowes would not make direct answer Iun. lection in Daniel 4. But the kings other argument is good which he vrgeth against these wisemen and Chaldeans v. 9. Tell me the dreame that I may know if you can declare me the interpretation thereof The argument is this framed They which can giue the interpretation of a dreame can finde out the dreame it selfe for the one is of a diuine instinct as well as the other And to God nothing is hid he can as well tell what the dreame was as open the meaning of it But ye cannot tell me my dreame therefore neither can you interpret it though you knew it you are then but impostors and deceiuers Polan But Osiander collecteth otherwise non reste argumentabatur rex c. the king reasoned not well as though it were
manner then the Lord hath prescribed in his word as Ieroboam brought in new rites and ceremonies and other Priests then were appointed by the law Bulling 4. The beginning and inuention of Idols was from the heathen as in the booke of wisdome it is said c. 14. 13. The vaine glorie of men brought them into the world so Gregorius the Bishop of Neocaesarea said Gentilit as inuentrix caput imaginum Gentilitie was the inuenter and head of images Eusebius speaking of the images of Christ of Peter and Paul saith hoc mihi videtur ex gentili consuetudine obseruatum this seemeth to me to be obserued according to the custome of the Gentiles for they vse to honour those whome they count worthie of honour So the Emperours Hâ—liogabalus Adrianus Alexander Severus vsed to set vp in their Chappels the images of Abraham Moses Christ. Likewise the Gnostike and Carpocratian heretiks did worship the pictures of Christ of Paul Pythagoras Homer as Iraen witnesseth l. 1. c. 24. Athanasius therefore well saith simulachrorum inuentio non à bono c. that the inuention of images came not of any good but euill as it is saide Wisd. 14. 11. The beginning of idols was the beginning of whoredome and the finding of them is the corruption of life Hereupon it is that the Iewes suffer no image painted or grauen in their Synagogues Dion l. 37. nay Origâ—n testifieth they would not suffer any caruer or painter to remaine in their countrâ—y lib. 4. cont Celsum See more of this Controv. Synops. Cent. 2. err 44. 3. Controv. Whether images in Churches may be tolerated though they be not adored 1. Pappus here maketh 3. kinde of Images some were set vp for idolatrie and these he would haue remooued there are two other kind some doe set forth the histories of the old and new Testament some are onely for ornament in Churches neither of these are prohibited as euidently appeareth by the building both of Moses Tabernacle and of Salomons Temple but here it is the part of the Minister to admonish the people to take heede of idolatrie so he concludeth that the vse of Images in it selfe is to be counted among indifferent things 2. 1. This distinction of images and pictures as some were set vp for superstition some are for historie some for ornament we greatly mislike not but if he graunt that all images set vp for idolatrie ought to be demolished then all such likewise which may be abused to idolatrie as all carued and grauen images are of that kind 2. Such kind of images which are carued and fashioned with proportion and not painted onely and pictured serue not at all for historie therefore by that pretext they cannot be excused 3. And though there may be an outward comelines to the eye in the gilding and garnishing of images yet such comelines must serue vnto edifying but if offence rather and occasion be feared thereby the inward comelines and decencie is more to be respected then the seemelines of the obiect to the eye 4. It is a more compendious way to remooue the stumbling blocke then to put it before the feete and then bid men to take heed of it so it were better to take away the very occasion of idolatrie then it remaining to warne the people to take heed 5. And the vse of images for religion is no indifferent thing as the very place doth show that images set vp in Churches haue a certaine religious respect 6. Lastly the Apostles saying Babes keepe your selues from idols 1. Ioh. 5. 21. doth not onely will them to take heed of idolatrie but euen to shunne the occasion and to remooue the stumbling blocke 4. Controv. Of the waies and meanes whereby idolatrie is promoted 1. As here this image is set vp by the authoritie of the king so the Romanists doe by the authoritie of Princes get the adoration of images commanded 2. He causeth it to be made of gold that it might allure them the more and so the Papists doe adorne their images and Temples with gold 3. The image is made of an huge bignes that it might be the more admired for the greatnes thereof so in the Popish Churches they haue their Crucifixes made of great proportion and other images as of S. Christopher that they might draw the eies of the people vnto theÌ„ 4. Nabuchadnezzer maketh choice also of a conuenient place in a great plaine and the Romanists thinke to grace their images by the place setting them vp in Churches and Churchyards in crosses and high waies 5. The king hath here the consent of all his nobles for the setting vp of this image so was it a decree among the Romanes that no god should be consecrated of the Emperour vnlesse the Senate approoued it and therefore when Tiberius mooued that Christ should be receiued into the number of the gods because the Senate would not consent it was not done hereupon Tertullian saith nisi homini Deus placuerit Deus non erit vnlesse God be pleasing vnto man he shall not be God After this manner the Papists doe vrge consent and agreement of all states among them of Princes Dukes Nobles Cardinals Bishops 6. Here was a bloodie decree made against those that would not worship this image they are threatned the fierie fornace So in the persecution vnder the Romane Emperours the Christians were put to vnspeakable torments as Tertullian describeth crucibus stipitibus imponitis Christianos c. you put Christians vpon crosses and stakes you teare scratch their sides with clawes and nayles c. we are cast vnto beasts burnt with fire c. Euen these also are the engines and instruments wherewith the Papists persecute the seruants of Christ the fire and sword 7. This idolatrous seruice of the Image is set forth with all kind of varietie of musicke to affect the minds of the simple and to stirre vp their superstitious affections So among the Romanists their seruice is attended vpon with instruments of musicke which make a dumb sound nothing beeing vnderstood that is sung or plaied 8. Thus by all these meanes superstition and idolatrie is countenanced by authoritie of Princes consent seueritie of decrees and such like and yet preuaileth not whereas the truth is naked hath neither consent nor authoritie on it side but all things against it yet it prospereth to make that saying good of the Apostle The foolishnes of God is wiser then men and the weakenes of God is stronger then men 1. Cor. 1. 25. 5. Controv. Of the vse of Church musicke and musicall instruments v. 7. As soone as the people heard the sound of the trumpet cornet c. Because Idolaters abuse musicall instruments to insinuate their superstition it followeth not that there can be no right vse of them in the Church of God 1. It is euident in the titles of diuers Psalmes of Dauid that they were sung and plaid vpon instruments which should not haue beene
They are signes because they are euident testimonies of Gods wisedome iustice power and wonders because they were things wonderfull and indeede to be wondered at Polan as that Nebuchadnezzar so mightie a king should be chased from among men and liue among bruite beasts seauen yeares depriued of humane vnderstanding and afterward be restored againe Lyranus saith they are called signes because they were done to bring men to repentance and wonders as exceeding humane capacitie Quest. 5. Whether Nebuchadnezzer were now at the last truely conuerted 1. Caluin is of opinion that for all this non exuerit suos errores Nebuchadnezzar left not his errors But howsoeuer twice before this he was onely astonished and mooued for the time afterward fell againe to his superstitions yet he was at the length truely humbled 2. I embrace therefore the contrarie opinion of Bullinger Ostander Oecolampadius which thinke that at this time he was truly conuerted vnto God Osiander saith he did declare veram humilitatem true humilitie which was an euident signe and effect of his conuersion Oecolampadius giueth these two reasons 1. beeing now called to the true knowledge of God Deicogniti mores imitatur he imitateth the properties of God which is to be gentle mercifull wishing peace vnto all 2. he exhorteth all men to the knowledge of the true God exemplum meum emendet omnes let all men learne to amend by mine example c. 6. Quest. Of the author of this Epistle 1. The author of the Scholasticall historie denieth that Daniel was the author of this Epistle but was written by Nebuchadnezzer for eternall memorie of this thing which hapned vnto him But how should the writing of a prophane king that was no Prophet come to be counted Canonicall Scripture if the Prophet had no hand in it 2. Neither yet doe I thinke with Calvin that Daniel hic loquitur sub regis persona that Daniel here speaketh onely in the person of the king for the very forme and style of the epistle Nebuchadnezzer king to all people c. peace be multiplied sheweth that these things were written by the king and rehearsed by Daniel 3. Therefore the truth is that Daniel taketh all this narration out of the acts and Chronicles of the Chaldees where this epistle was registred not for more breuitie sake as Osiander least he should be constrained to rehearse the same things often but rather that by the authoritie of the king the truth of this historie might be commended which would haue beene suspected if it had beene penned originally by a Iew Polan And yet though it were first written by a prophane man that was no Prophet yet it was approoued by Daniel the Lords Prophet Bulling as in the old Testament not onely those writings are receiued for Canonicall which were originally written by the Prophets but such also as beeing written by others were approoued by the Prophets as the epistles and decrees of the kings of Persia inserted into the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah 7. Quest. Whether this historie contained in this chapter of Nebuchadnezzers transmutation were so done in deede 1. Hierome here reporteth the opinion of some which were of the sect of the Origenists which thought that these things set downe of Nebuchadnezzer were not historically done but that vnder his fall is prefigured and shadowed forth the fall of Lucifer the deuill from heauen their reasons are these 1. In other places of Scripture as Isa. 14. vnder the fall of the king of Babylon is described the fall of Lucifer 2. Diuers things here repeated are impossible as that a man should be transformed into a beast that a king delicately brought vp should eate grasse like an oxe 3. And all this time of Nebuchadnezzers sauage life which was 7. yeares the kingdome of Babylon was not without a gouernour who it is most like would not haue giuen place againe to Nebuchadnezzer 4. If any such thing had beene historically done they which haue written diligently of the Chaldean affaires as Berosus Megasthenes Diocles Philostratus would haue made mention thereof Contra. 1. That prophecie of the ruine and fall of the king of Babylon is by some of the Fathers typically applied to the fall of Lucifer yet it was historically fulfilled in the king of Babylon But here they would so make this a type of the fall of the Deuill as that they take away the truth of the historie he reason then is not alike 2. It is no strange thing for men beside themselues depriued of vnderstanding to liue among beasts neither are the other things vnlikely or impossible as shall be seene in the seuerall handling of them 3. Neither was it an hard thing with God to cause the gouernment to returne vnto Nebuchadnezzer as he saith v. 33. that his counsellers and Princes sought vnto him It might be the kingdome was gouerned by his sonne or Daniel which did willingly giue place Lyr. 4. To the last argument it may be answered diuersly 1. that it is not necessarie that the sacred histories should haue the testimonie of forren writers for the standing still of the Sunne in Ioshuahs time and the going backe of the Sunne in Hezekiahs raigne the storie of Esther and many beside haue not the witnesse of prophane writers 2. the euidence of this historie was registred in the Chalde Chronicles which beeing perished the memorie of this fact among the Gentiles was extinguished also 3. And Gods prouidence is seene herein that the Gentiles should not put their vncleane fingers to the sacred histories which they did much abuse and corrupt as it shall suffice to giue inflance onely in Iustine who manifestly committeth these errours in historie 1. that the Iewes had their beginning from Damascus in Syria 2. that Damascus raigned in that citie first and Abraham next vnto him 3. Ioseph he maketh the youngest sonne of Israel and saith he learned art magicke in Egypt 4. Moses he maketh Iosephs sonne 5. the Israelites he saith were expelled Egypt because of the leprosie 6. Xerxes king of Persia he thinketh first to haue subdued the Iewes whereas an 150. yeares before his time Nebuchadnezzer conquered them 4. The Gentiles also might be afraid to meddle with the sacred stories of the Iewes as Demetrius Phaelereus answered Ptolome Philadelphus whome he had set ouer the great librarie of Alexandria beeing terrified by the examples of Theopompus and Theodectes who attempting to insert the Iewish histories into their writings the one was stricken with madnes the other with blindnes as Iosep. l. 11. antiq and Eus. l. 8. de praep Evang. doe testifie 5. Neither are the Gentile writers altogether silent in this matter for Alpheus an ancient Greeke writer as Eusebius writeth lib. 9. c. vlt. maketh mention how Nebuchadnezzer as it were rauished vpon a suddaine in his minde told the Chaldeans that there was a calamitie approaching which Bel their god could not preuent that Persa semiasinuâ— the Perâ—ian beeing halfe an asse meaning Cyrus who was
is thought to haue raigned but a short time after not aboue a yeare or two but Cyrus was neither so old held not then to be aboue 40. and he raigned diuers yeares after 3. And c. 6. 28. Darius and Cyrus are named as two diuers persons 5. It was the opinion of some as Hierome writeth vpon the 5. chap. of Daniel that this Darius was the same who in Herodotus is called Astyages of which opinion Eusebius seemeth to be who maketh Astyages the last king of the Medes And this seemeth to be fauoured by the Apocryphal storie of Susanna v. 65. that when Astyages was put or laid vnto his auncestors Cyrus of Persia tooke his kingdome But this opinion may thus be refelled 1. because none of the forren writers doe make any mention that Astyages had any warre with the Chaldeans or that he tooke Babylon 2. And this Apocryphal storie may be doubted of for according to Xenophon Cyaxares raigned after Astyages and as Herodotus writeth Cyrus expelled Astyages out of his kingdome and sent him to Carmania and so tooke vpon him the kingdome while he liued the storie of Susanna agreeth with neither of these reports 6. The most generall receiued opinion is that this Darius called Cyaxares was as Xenophon writeth the sonne of Astyages and vncle by the mothers side to Cyrus which Cyaxares was king of the Medes after Astyages this opinion followeth Iosephus Hierome Lyranus Pintus Oecolampad Osiander with others But this is obiected against this opinion that Astyages had no sonne but a daughter Mandane the mother of Cyrus whome Astyages commanded to be slaine because the Astrologers told him that he should haue dominion ouer all Asia And this is affirmed by diuers authors that Astyages had no sonne as Valerius Maxim lib. 1. cap. de somnijs Herodot lib. 1. Severus Sulpitius lib. 2. sacr histor And therefore Iunius vnderstandeth Xenophon to speake not of Astyages naturall but of his adopted sonne 7. Iosephus Scaliger in the 8. booke of that exquisite worke which he hath written de emendat tempor is of this opinion that be which is called Balthazar is the same who is named of other writers Labosardach the sonne of Niâ—octis Nabuchadnezzers daughter who was slaine by the Babylonians and then this Darius the Mede the same who is called Nabonidus was by a common consent chosen king in his place who when he had raigned 17. yeares in Babylon was ouercome by Cyrus and the citie taken Iunius also in his annotation vpon this verse saith that this Darius the Mede is the same who is called by the historians Labonidus or Labynitus Contra. 1. If Labosardach and Balthazar were the same beeing the sonne of Nabuchadnezzers daughter then was not the prophecie fulfilled that the kingdome should be giuen to Nabuchadnezzers sonne and his sonnes sonne for it was to his daughters sonne 2. when Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke the kingdom by force it is not like they would haue chosen him beeing a stranger vnto it 3. after Balthazar was slain the kingdom was deuided betweene the Medes and Persians it did not then quietly descend vnto the Medes 4. The Prophet Isai saith c. 13. 17. Behold I will stirre vp the Medes against thee the Medes then assaulted Babylon and tooke it by violence a Mede came not vnto it by election 5. This Darius was king of the Medes and Persians as it appeareth in the 6. chapter how could that be if he raigned in Babylon and was ouercome by the power of the Medes and Persians 6. Concerning Iunius opinion I preferre his iudgement in his commentarie vpon v. 11. 12. c. 5. that Balthazar is the same whome Herodotus called Labunitus or Nebonidus which signifieth a Prince expulsed because he with his father were both expelled by Niglazar Then Darius the Mede could not be that Nabonidus or Labynitus as he hath in his annotation 8. This then is the most probable opinion that this Darius called also Cyaxares was not the sonne but the brother of Astyages and great vncle to Cyrus the sonne of Cambyses and Mandane Astyages daughter this then was their genealogie Assuerus or Cyaxares the Elder had two sonnes Astyages and Cyaxares the younger the same is this Darius who is said to be sonne of Assuerus c. 9. 1. not of Astyages Xenophon calleth Cyaxares Astyages sonne because he adopted him to succeede in the kingdome to preuent Cyrus Iun. Polan The author of the scholasticall historie much disagreeth not who saith that Cyaxares was not the sonne but the kinsman of Astyages whome he adopted to be his heire This Darius was also father in law to Cyrus to whome together with his daughter he resigned the kingdome of Media Iun. 2. Quest. Of the diuers names which Darius had 1. Pererius obserueth that he was called by 4. names by Daniel he is named Darius by the Septuag as Hierome saith he was called Artaxerxes by Xenophon Cyaxares and in the storie of Susanna he is the same there called Astyages the three first names may be acknowledged to be giuen vnto him but Astyages he is not called either by Herodotus or Xenophon it is rather an error in that Apocryphal storie 2. The names Cyaxares and Assuerus are in effect all one for Chu in the Persian language signifieth a Prince and so doth achash whence is deriued the word achashverosh or Assuerus which the Greekes pronounce Axares or Oxuares Cyaxares then signifieth a prince of princes or a chiefe prince 3. He is called Darius the Mede by way of distinction from Darius the Persian Ezr. c. 4. 5. who was the third that raigned after Cyrus 3. Quest. How Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome of Babylon 1. Xenophon writeth that Darius was the chiefe author of the warre against Babylon and therein vsed the helpe of Cyrus who beeing sent with the greatest part of the armie to the siege Darius himselfe staied in Media to whome Cyrus came afterward when he had setled the Babylonian affaires to whome Darius offered the kingdome of Media together with his daughter and Cyrus againe gaue vnto Darius the gouernment of Babylon with the goodly palace and other edifices there this report followeth Iunius in his commentarie But it is not like that Darius was now absent seeing it is saide that immediately after Balthazar was slaine Darius tooke vpon him the kingdome 2. R. Levi thinketh that Darius was present and that he afterward continued in Babylon and raigned not a full yeare there and then Cyrus succeeded him 3. But Iosephus whose opinion is more probable thinketh that Darius certaine moneths after the taking of Babylon returned into Media and caried Daniel with him where in Eâ—batane Daniel builded a goodly tower for the sepulture of the kings which remained vnto Iosephus time and then seemed as if it had beene newly built And he left Cyrus behind him to set the Babylonian affaires in order this Bullinger thinketh more probable and Oecolampadius seemeth to encline to the same opinion
God and so it is said here that Daniel beleeued in his God inchoata obedientia our inchoate obedience which is accepted with God because we are iustified by faith our righteousnes whereby we are iust before men both these are also here expressed in Daniel my iustice was found out before God and vnto thee O king haue I done no hurt To conclude then this point a mans particular iustice innocencie is rather an antecedent of his deliuerance then a cause And in some sort it may be said to be a cause also yet not of it selfe but as it concurreth with faith for the which the Lord respecteth vs and our obedience though imperfect in Christ Iun. in comment 11. Controv. That a generall faith called fides implicita an implied faith is not sufficient v. 23. Because he beleeued in God not as the Latine hath he beleeued God for in the text there is the preposition beth And hereby is signified not a generall apprehension onely that God was true of his promises and that he was the onely true God creator of heauen and earth as the Romanists doe affirme faith to be nothing else but generally to beleeue what soeuer is contained in the word of God to be true Bellar. lib. 1. de iustifi c. 4. But Daniel here so beleeued in God that he committed himselfe with firme trust and assurance vnto him in eius gratiam recubuit he relyed wholly vpon his grace Calvin And so the Apostle describeth faith Heb. 11. 6. He that commeth vnto God must beleeue that God is and that he is a rewarder of them that seeke him this faith onely apprehendeth not God in generall that he is but is ioyned with a particular assurance that he will reward his faithfull seruants and bring them vnto life And so Pintus one of their owne writers very well resolueth vpon this place vt mea fert opinio credere hoc loco est actus fidei charitate formatae plenae fiducia in Deum as mine opinion is to beleeue in this place is an act of faith formed that is expressed by charitie full of trust and confidence in God 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observat. Of Gods prouidence that watcheth ouer his seruants Generally in this chapter in that God deliuered Daniel his faithfull seruant from the rage of the lyons we see how Gods fatherly care watcheth and awaketh towards his seruants so Noah was saued from the waters Lot from the flames of Sodome Ieremie in the destruction of Ierusalem We reade that when the citie of Syracusâ— was taken by M. Marcellus which 〈…〉 that great Mathematician had defended a good while by his art and skill of whom Marcellus gaue charge that he should be spared yet he was slaine by a souldier as he was drawing of his lines because he would not straitway followe him to their Generall saying he would dispatch that he had in hand first But God hath greater care of his and continually protecteth them Bulling 2. Observat. Of the monstrous sinne of enuie v. 4. They sought occasion against Daniel Enuious men are alwayes in excubijs they are set in their watch obseruing and marking other mens doings to see if they can finde any matter against them Polan 2. they are enuious at other mens vertue as here they cannot endure Daniels pietie and sinceritie like as the henne scraping in the dunghill contemneth a pearle and preferreth a barley curnell and as the Sunne beames are offensiue to those that are bleare eyed so is vertue a griefe to the enuious Pintus 3. The enuious person propriae vtilitati est addictus is addict to his owne profit neglecting the common good as here these men seeke to supplant Daniel who was so necessarie for the commonwealth 4. And beside enuie bringeth 〈◊〉 to 〈◊〉 most cruellâ— against Daniels life Calvin â— 5. The remedie against enuie is 〈…〉 our selues with innocenâ—ie and integritie as Daniel did that the 〈◊〉 find 〈…〉 S. Peter saith when they speake euill of vs as of euill doers they may be ashamed which blame our good conuersation in Christ 1. Pet. 3. 16. 3. Observ. We must not giue ouer our profession notwithstanding any danger obiected v. 10. Daniel though he knewe of this bloodie decree will not intermit calling vpon God so etiamsi centum mortes nobis occurrant though an hundred deaths be set before vs we should not fall away from the true worship of God Caluin as S. Pauls excellent resolution was Act. 2. 13. Iam readiâ— not onely to be bound but to die at Ierâ—salem for the name of the Lord Iesus 4. Observ. Of continuing in prayer v. 10. As Daniel prayed thrice a day so thereby we are taught to perseuere in prayer according to S. Pauls rule Rom. 12. 12. 1. Thess. 5. 17. for prayer is not auayleable vnlesse it be seruent Iam. 5. 16. and feruent it cannot be if we giue ouer and faint in our prayers and continue not 5. Observ. Of the terror of conscience v. 18. The king remained fasting The Kings conscience was perplexed for this iniustice shewed toward Daniel he careth neither for meate delight nor sleepe he had none in earth whom he needed to feare but his conscience accuseth him before the great Iudge that shall call euen kings to account As it is written of Theodoricus king of Italie after he had caused Bâ—etius and Symmachus to be vniustly beheaded how within a fewe dayes after a fishes head beeing brought before him he imagined he saw Symmachus head and thereupon was striken with horror of conscience and not long after died let vs then labour for a good conscience which is as a continuall feast And here shall be an ende of this first Booke which is as the first course and seruice in this feast Praised be God THE SECOND BOOKE OF THIS COMMENTARIE VPON THE DIVINE PROPHESIE OF DANIEL containing the second part thereof consisting of the Prophesies and visions set forth in the sixe last Chapters Wherein that mysticall and Propheticall vision of the seauentie weekes in the 9. Chapter is handled at large with the diuerse Expositions thereof and the approbation of the best Printed by CANTRELL LEGGE Printer to the Vniuersitie of Cambridge 1610 TO THE MOST EXCELLENT VERTVOVS AND Right noble Prince HENRIE by the grace of God Prince of Wales and heire apparant to the most famous Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland his gracious Lord. RIght Noble Prince it may seeme strange to some that I offer vnto your princely viewe in these your Highnesse young and flourishing yeares a Commentarie vpon the most difficult and obscure booke of the old Testament But I trust your Highnesse shall not thinke it vnseasonable to be acquainted with the mysteries of holy Scripture in this your princely youth As Iosias that godly king of Iudah at the sixteenth yeare of his age did set his heart to seeke the Lord and read vnto his people out of the booke of God So did Honorius
the young Emperor season his first yeares with true religion and pietie As Ambrose ioyneth them both together Honorius iam pulsat adolescentiae fores prouectior aetate quam Iosias Honorius now standeth at the next doore to be a young man somewhat elder then Iosias S. Luke wrote his Gospel to noble Theophilus which name is interpreted one that loueth God whereupon Ambrose thus noteth si Deum diligis ad te scriptum est and if thou loue God it is written to thee Touching the obscuritie of this booke it is such as that it is tempered as well with varietie of historie to delight as with profunditie of mysteries to exercise the Reader as Augustine well saith of the Scripture in generall si nusquam aperta esset non te pasceret si nusquam occulta non te exerceret if it were no where plaine and open it would not feede thee if no where obscure it would not exercise thee This part of the Treatise I haue presumed to offer to your Highnes as the former part I was bold to present to his Maiestie This prophecie treateth chiefly of the alteration and chaunge of States and Kingdomes of the honour and prosperitie of good Kings and of the ruine and bad successe of hard and cruell Potentates here we haue the most cleare prophecie in the Old Testament of the Messiah the Prince of Princes These are subiects fit for Princes meditations and matter meete for noble spirits to be occupied in I haue omitted no meanes to my power to helpe to furnish this matter I haue therein abridged the best Commentaries and Writers both old and new as they are set downe in the margen and some of them which were decennali cur a elaborati with tenne yeares trauell set forth as Pererius confesseth in his Epistle Dedicatorie This labour I haue vndertaken not so much to redeeme the time which otherwise might be mispent for as Seneca saith maxima pars vitae elabitur male agentibus magna nihil agentibus tota aliud agentibus the greatest part of a mans life passeth away in doing euill a great part in doing of nothing and almost the whole in doing other things then we should neither herein doe I expect any terrene reward or recompence The heathen Orator could say Nullam mercedem virtus quam hanc laudis gloriaeque desiderat vertue desireth no other reward then praise and glorie not that vaine praise of men in this life which they hunted for hauing no knowledge of God but the praise of God in the next world I chiefly then haue propounded to my selfe the profit of the Church of God for as euerie one that liueth in the commonwealth ought to seeke the good thereof so euery member of the Church should labour some way or other for the edifying of the whole If any mislike my diligence in writing as this age wanteth not carpers I much passe not for their vnfriendly censure so that I may doe good to others and here I may say againe with the Orator Malui multis post diebus sententiam meam laudari quam à multis hodie reprehendi I had rather that my endeauour many dayes hereafter should be commended then now of a fewe reprehended I haue heretofore exercised my penne in handling of controversies against the common aduersarie and as I was prouoked haue written also in mine owne defence both against forren enemies and some domesticall But now those occasions beeing if not altogether remooued yet somewhat intermitted I haue propounded vnto my selfe this course in the explaning of Scripture In which kind as heretofore I haue exhibited to your Highnesse a briefe and compendiarie Treatise vpon some part of Scripture so nowe I make amends with a larger Commentarie whereof your princely pietie vertue clemencie of the which of late I haue had particular experience doe promise and euen assure me of your gracious acceptance I then in signe of my dutie and thankfulnes together with these my labours do offer my selfe and my best seruice to your Highnesse whom I beseech God so to blesse and encrease with all spirituall and princely gifts that the age following may say of your Highnesse as Ambrose of Honorius after the decease of that good Emperor Theodosius Tantus Imperator recessit à nobis sed non totus excessit reliquit enim nobis liberos suos in quibus debemus eum agnoscere Your Highnes readie to be commanded in all dutie and seruice ANDREVV WILLET CHAP. VII 1. The Argument and Methode THis Chapter containeth 1. a vision of foure beasts rising out of the Sea 2. the interpretation thereof 1. In the vision 1. are set forth certaine circumstances of the time when the person to whome this vision was shewed and the manner how v. 1 2. 2. the matter of the vision which is 1. of the foure beasts of their flourishing and prosperous estate to v. 9. then of the iudgement of God against them v. 15. The beasts are described 1. in generall v. 3. by the efficient cause the winds blew by the number they are foure by the place they came out of the Sea by their qualitie they were one diuers from an other 2. In particular 1. the three beasts are briefly set forth v. 4 5 6. which are euery one expressed 1. by their similitude or resemblance by their parts and by their euents 2. the fourth beast is described in generall by the qualitie it was fearefull and strong the parts it had yron teeth and tenne hornes and by the effects it deuoured c. then the little horne is particularly set forth 1. by the qualitie of it and the place it was a little one and came vp among the other hornes 2. by the effects it pluckt away three other hornes 3. by the parts the eyes and mouth 2. The second part of the vision is of the iudgement 1. the manner and forme see the parts thereof quest 30. following 2. the effects which are two 1. in the destruction of the fourth beast v. 11. and of the other with it v. 12. 2. in setting vp the kingdome of Christ where 1. his person is described 1. by his name the Sonne of man 2. by the place in the cloudes 3. by his authoritie he approched to the Ancient of daies 2. his kingdome is described by the vniuersalitie of it all nations shall serue him and the eternitie it shall be for euer 2. The interpretation followeth 1. the manner first is shewed how he came by the interpretation of it v. 15 16. An Angel declared it 2. then the interpretation it selfe is set downe 1. of the beasts 2. of the iudgement The beasts are expounded in generall v. 17. then in particular the fourth beast where is first a repetition of the vision v. 19. to 23. then the declaration 1. of the fourth beast v. 23. 2. of the tenne hornes v. 24. 3. of the little home what it shall doe it shall
church should be alway discerned by this marke and note 2. for euen idolatrous kingdomes as that of the Assyrians which is held to haue continued aboue a thousand yeares for diuturnitie may compare with any visible Church 8. Controv. That the dominion of the Pope is temporall rather then spirituall Whereas the Hebrewes to prooue the Romane Empire which they imagine to be the fourth and the kingdome of Christ to concurre together to auoid that the fift kingdome should not be Christs which was to destroy the other foure doe giue instance of the Bishop of Rome who receiued his authoritie and preheminence from Constantine and other Christian Emperiours and doth now crowne and confirme the Emperour Burgensis and Pererius concurâ—ing with him doe answer to auoide this obiection that the Pope non tam corporaliter quam spiritualiter totâ— orbe regnet doth raigne rather spiritually then corporally throughout the whole world as appeareth in his power of binding and loosing Contr. This answer is insufficient and vntrue 1. for the Popes dominion medleth more with temporall then spirituall things as in making warre in taking vpon him to depose and set vp kings and to dispose of their kingdomes 2. and though he challenge to himselfe the chiefe stroke in the censures of the Church as in suspending excommunicating he vseth them onely for the augmentation of his temporall dominion he intendeth not thereby mens saluation 3. So in effect though vnder an other colour the Pope exerciseth the Imperiall authoritie as beeing risen vp out of the ruines of the old Empire as it is saide in the Reuelation c. 13. 12. he did all that the first beast could doe before him 9. Controv. That Antichrist is alreadie come Bellarmine to auoid this vseth diuers euasions 1. he saith that before Antichrist should come there should be ten kings which should diuide the Romane Empire among them Contr. This appeareth to be false out of the text 1. these ten kings must beare rule ouer the Saints before the comming of the Messiah and the erection of the fift kingdome v. 25. they shall consume the Saints 2. their kingdome must be destroied before Christ come v. 11. 3. after the destruction of them the kingdome of Christ must be set vp thorough the world which was by the preaching of the Gospel but this is done alreadie 2. He saith that the little horne is Antichrist which should come before the ende of the world Contr. This also is confuted by the same reasons 1. this horne is one of the ten kings which should beare rule ouer the Saints v. 25. which then were vnderstood to be the Iewes the people of God 2. this horne must be destroied before the kingdome of Christ be erected v. 11. 3. this horne was Antiochus Epiphanes as is before shewed who prefigured and shadowed forth Antichrist 3. He saith that this little horne shall arise from the nation of the Iewes Contr. It ariseth among the other hornes which were interpreted to be kings of the fourth beast and Monarchie therefore not from the Iewes 4. He addeth that by fraud and deceit he shall obtaine the kingdome of the Iewes Cont. But the text sheweth v. 21. that he shall make warre against the Saints he shall then ouercome them by force rather then fraud 5. Further he saith that this little horne which he taketh for Antichrist shall ouercome three kings of Lybia Egypt Aethiopia Contr. It is euident in the text v. 8. that the three kings which shall be subdued shall be out of one and the same kingdome v. 22. 24. the tenne hornes out of this kingdome are tenne kings 6. Likewise he saith that this horne shall subdue also the other seuen after it hath ouercome the three Contra. But no such thing is affirmed in the text 2. neither can it be so seeing these tenne kings are to succeede one an other the tenth and the last could not rise vp at the same time with the other tenne 7. An other of Bellarmines positions is that this Antichrist should raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe v. 25. Contra. 1. This was literally and historically fulfilled in Antiochus Epiphanes as is before shewed 2. Antichrist which was to come into the world must rise immediatly after the dissolution of the Romane Empire which onely letted while it stood the manifesting and appearing of Antichrist 2. Thess. 2. 4. Therefore the Romane Empire beeing now long since dissolued Antichrist hath bin a good while manifested in the world 6. Morall obseruations 1. Observat. The bed must be kept vndefiled v. 1. There were visions in his head vpon his bed God vsed to reueale himselfe vnto his seruants vpon their bed as beeing the fittest place for heauenly meditation when the soule was sequestred from all worldly affaires Therefore must we take heede that the bed be not defiled with any vncleane pollutions as are the beds of adulterous fornicators and wanton persons we should with Dauid water our couch with teares there meditate vpon God not make it a place of wantonnes and vncleannes 2. Observ. The conscience must be carefully kept and watched ouer v. 10. And the bookes were opened These are the bookes of euery mans conscience which are Gods faithfull witnesses and records in man as the wise man saith The light of the Lord is the spirit or breath of man and searcheth all the bowels Prov. 20. 27. that is mans conscience is as the Lords lanterne whereby he searcheth our secrets let vs therefore take heede what we write in these bookes of our conscience for whether it be good or euill there it will appeare either to accuse or excuse vs. 3. Observ. The word of God and the ministers thereof to be resorted vnto for our instruction v. 16. As Daniel to vnderstand this dreame went to one of the Angels which stood by so now because we haue no such accesse vnto Angels we must haue recourse to the ministers of Gods word which are said to be Angels of the Churches Apoc. 1. 2. 3. So Christ sent Paul to Ananias for further direction Act. 9. and the Angel sent Cornelius to Peter Act. 10. 4. Observ. Of the terror of the day of iudgement v. 15. I Daniel was troubled in my spirit c. If Daniel was so perplexed seeing the manner of Christs iudgement but in vision how much more terrible shall be the iudgement it selfe then all things which are now hid and secret shall be brought to light like as packes and fardels of wares are not opened till they come vnto the faire or market then the things hid before are openly shewed so all secrets shall be reuealed in that day the terror of that day should perswade men to take heede what wares they lay vp in their heart and conscience for then all shall be disclosed CHAP. VIII 1. The Argument and Methode IN this Chapter is set forth 1. a vision of the Persian and Grecian Monarchie to v. 15. 2. the interpretation thereof thence to
them Plin. lib. 6. c. 27. Quest. 8. Why Daniel nameth himselfâ— in the first person 1. It is the manner of the Prophets in their seuerall visions to expresse their names as Isay. 2. 1. and 6. 1. so also Ierem. c. 1. 1. c. 2. 1. and in diuerse other places as Daniel in this place saith a vision appeared vnto me euen vnto me Daniel and the reason is because the truth of such prophesies and visions dependeth vpon the credit of those Prophets to whome they were onely reuealed but it is otherwise in matters of historie where the author need not insert his owne name seeing the credit of histories relyeth not vpon the authoritie of the writer but vpon the euidence and truth of the things themselues 2. Therefore that is a weake exception which Dyonisius of Alexandria taketh to the booke of the Reuelation that it was not written by Iohn the Euangelist but by some other because the Euangelist verie sparingly nameth himselfe in the gospel and when he doth so he describeth himselfe in the third person the disciple whom Iesus loued for as is before shewed there is great difference betweene the writing of prophesies and histories the Reuelation beeing prophetical it was fit the Euangelist should expresse his name for the credit of those visions as the other Prophets vse to doe in their prophesies Quest. 9. Why the kings of Persia are compared to a ramme v. 3. There are three parts of this description 1. from the similitude or comparison they are likened to a ramme 2. by the parts the two hornes 3. by the effects their preuayling toward the West North and South Concerning the first there are diuerse opinions why the Persian Monarchie should be resembled to a ramme 1. Theodoret alleadgeth this reason sicut aries sua lana grauatur as a ramme is loaded with his fleece and at the length is killed for his flesh and fleice so the Persian Monarchie abounding in wealth at length became a prey But the Persians are likened to a ramme in their flourishing and prosperous state when as yet they rather preyed vpon then were a prey vnto any 2. Lyranus from the Hebrewes thinketh the kingdome of the Medes to be expressed by a ramme a gentle beast quia non multum erat infestum Iudaeis because it was not much troublesome to the Iewes But hereby the kingdome not of the Medes onely but of the Persians is signified who were grieuous to the people of God 3. Rupertus to the same purpose saith the kings of Persia were as rammes quia lanis suis id est opibus eundem populum fouit c because with their riches as with wool they cherished the same people of the Iewes But the most of the Persian kings though some were more equall did suffer the Iewes to be pilled and polled 4. Calvin yeeldeth this reason we knowe quam ignobile fuerit Persarum exordium how base and meane the beginning of the Persians was 5. But that other reason of Calvin better satisfieth that here the kingdome of Persia is set forth comparatiuely as hauing relation to the kingdome of Grecia likened to a goate quia multo fuit agilior origo obscurior because his agilitie was greater and his beginning more obscure Calvin And the ramme bringeth a great companie with him but of sheepe such were the multitude of the Persians as sheepe before Alexander Osiand Quest. 10. Who are signified by the two hornes whereof one was higher then the other 1. Some here doe vnderstand certaine particular persons as Melancthon interpreteth Cyrus to be this ramme hauing both Medes and Persians in his armie as the two hornes thereof Some vnderstand this ramme to be Darius gloss interlinear Hierome whom Lyran Hugo Calvin Genevens follow maketh Darius king of the Medes and Cyrus king of Persia these two hornes whereof the latter was the greater for Cyrus grewe to be greater then Darius 2. Theodoret expoundeth these two hornes to be two families of the Persian kings the one of Cyrus which was extinguished in Cambyses his sonne the other of Darius Hystaspis But neither of these opinions can stand for the goat fighting with this ram brake his two hornes Alexander ouercame Darius long after the time of the first Darius and Cyrus these then could not be the two hornes neither was this last Darius of either of those kindreds but was elected to the kingdome for his valour as writeth Iustinus lib. 10. though Diodorus lib. 17. make him the sonne of Darius Arsanes who succeeded Ochus his brother 3. Wherefore by these two hornes are better vnderstood the two kingdomes of the Medes and Persians this grewe to be the greater in power though the other were the more auncient thus the Angel expoundeth afterward v. 20. these two hornes are the kings of the Medes and Persians Thus interpret Oecolampadius Pellican Osiand Iun. Polan Quest. 11. Of the greatnesse and prosperous successe of this ramme v. 4. I sawe the ramme pushing against the West and against the North c. 1. The kingdome of Persia beeing in the East did extend it selfe vnto the other three parts of the world toward the West as Babylon Cappadocia Asia minor Grecia toward the North as Lydia Armenia Albania and other Northerne countreys toward the South as Arabia Aethiopia and this answereth to the former vision c. 7. 5. where the beare which signifieth the Persian Monarchie had three ribbes or morsells in the mouth 2. no beasts were able to withstand them for though the Babylonians had combined themselues with the Egyptians Thracians Grecians and other nations and were in league with Craesus king of Lydia as Herodotus testifieth lib. 1. yet all would not helpe as the Prophet Ieremie saith the strong men of Babel ceased to fight they became as women Ierem. 51. 30. 3. whereas it is said he did what he listed this must be vnderstood of the Persian Monarchie in generall for some of their kings in the end had but hard successe as Cyrus with his armie was slaine by Queene Tomyris and Xerxes was foyled of the Grecians and constrayned with shame to flee away yet notwithstanding these particular losses the Monarchie continued still and increased in power Calvin Oecolamp Quest. 12. Of the meaning of these words as I considered v. 5. The Latine translation reading I vnderstood giueth occasion here of question how Daniel is said to vnderstand this whereas afterward v. 16. the Angel Gabriel maketh him vnderstand it 1. Hierome thus interpreteth that he had a generall vnderstanding he was instructed by the former vision hereby to vnderstand the change and commutation of kingdomes so also Lyran. gloss ordinar Theodoret expoundeth it of Daniels desire to vnderstand 2. But all this question and doubt is remooued by the right translating of the words I considered or marked the word is mabin eram perpendens as I weighed and considered Montan. Quest. 13. Why the kingdome of the Grecians is resembled to a goat 1. Pererius thinketh the Grecians
time 3. Nehemiah maketh mention c. 13. 28. of one of the sonnes of Ioiada the high Priest who was the sonne in law of Samballat the Horonite whome Nehemiah chased away this as Iosephus sheweth lib. 11. was Manasses the brother of Iaddua the high Priest who married Nicaso the daughter of Samballat 4. Nehemiah also maketh mention of the last Darius called Codomannus Nehem. 12. Now that Nehemiah also saw the beginning is euident Ezr. 2. 2. where Nehemiah is named among those which returned out of captiuitie according to the edict of Cyrus Two answers are here made 1. that it might be an other Nehemiah beside him who was sent to repaire Ierusalem in the 20. yeare of king Artaxerxes 2. the historie may be transposed for Nehemiah went not vp then but 64. yeares after Genevens annotat Ezra 2. 2. 3. And it is further answered that the Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah c. 12. might be an other of that name or Iosephus might mistake the time wherein Samballat liued and whereas Nehemiah speaketh of Iaddua he onely sheweth that at that time when he writ that booke Iaddua was borne heire to the Priesthood to this purpose M. Lydyat in his booke de emendat tempor ann 3485. set forth this yeare 609. Contra. 1. To imagine two Nehemiahs as they likewise say that Mordecai there named was an other beside Mordecai in the dayes of Esther vnlesse some Scripture might be shewed for it is all one as if they should make two of Moses Dauids Salomons or Zorobabels name 2. whereas the words stand thus these are they c. which came with Zerubbabel Ieshuaeh Nehemiah Ezr. 2. 2. what a disorder were this in the storie these beeing named together to put off Nehemiahs comming so many yeares after And beside this doubt is remooued Nehem. 7. 5. where Nehemiah saith I found a booke of the genealogie of them which came vp at the first and found it written there c. they which came vp with Zerubbabel Ieshuah Nehemiah all these were captaines and chiefe men with whome the people returned at the first Nehemiah then was one of the captaines that went vp first out of the captiuitie 3. To the other answers it may be also thus replied that Samballat mentioned by Nehemiah is the same that assisted Alexander for he is said to haue had one of Ioiada his sonnes which was Manasses the brother of Iaddua to his sonne in law Nehem. 13. 28. And Iosephus is not deceiued in casting Samballat into this time for Nehemiah doth the same neither was Iaddua at this time onely borne for he is counted among the high Priests and if Manasses his younger brother at this time were married then Iaddua could not be so young as onely to be then borne Thus then Nehemiah beeing found to haue liued from the beginning of the Persian Monarchie to the ende may be supposed to haue beene about an 150. yeares of age or somewhat more he may be thought to haue beene 20. or 25. at the returne out of captiuitie and liued after an 130. the whole time of the Persian Monarchie which Nehemiahs age will not suffer to be extended much further And it neede not seeme straunge that Nehemiah might be an 150. yeare old for many yeares after this in the time of Claudius Cesar one T. Fullonius of Bononia was found to be an 150. yeare old and many other are recorded by Plinie in his 7. booke c. 48 49 50. which in diuers countries liued betweene an 100. and 150. yeares 5. This also is an other manifest proofe that the Persian Monarchie could not exceede much an 130. yeares because in the 6. yeare of Darius when the house of God was finished there were some then aliue which had seene the former house as the Prophet Hagge saith Who is he among you that saw this house in her first glorie and how doe you see it now is it not in your eyes in comparison of it as nothing If now there were an 106. yeares runne since Cyrus first as Iunius in his annotations vpon that place in the last edition obserueth they must haue beene aboue an 180. yeares old which then liuing had seene the first Temple Iosephus Scalliger taketh these words spoken by way of wishing in this sense O that any were aliue which had seene the former Temple he would take this as nothing to that But the Prophet speaketh vnto them in the second person is it not in your eyes that is yours which did know the other Temple and so Lyranus well expoundeth Therefore from Cyrus vnto this second of Darius might be some 40. yeares and odde and so some at the age of an 130. or thereabout might haue knowne the first Temple standing and after this there might remaine some 80. yeares of the Persian Monarchie 6. And this further may be an other euident argument that the Persian Monarchie continued not aboue an 130. yeares or thereabout because Nehem. 12. 26. there are nine seuerall men expressed by name which liued in the daies of Ioiakim sonne of Ieshuah who was high Priest in theâ— returne from Babylon and continued vnto the end of Nehemiah now Ioiakim succeeded his father Ieshuah in the Priesthood in the 45. yeare after their returne as Bullinger noteth in his tables 2. tabul 2. These were the chiefe of the Leuites all this while they could not be vnder 25. yeares olde in Ioiakims time for before the Leuites ministred not now if the Persian Monarchie continued 200. yeares or aboue they must be supposed to be very neare 200. yeares old Thus it hath beene sufficiently prooued I trust that it is most agreeable to Scripture to begin Daniel 〈…〉 from the edict of Cyrus wherein we haue the consent of Tertullian Origen Clem. Alexand. among the auncient writers and of Melancth Calv. Beroald Pint. H. Tâ—â— of the new â—â—the difference onely betweene them is in that some begin from Darius some from Cyrus Piâ—â—us from the time of the reuealing of this vision which he vnderstandeth to be the going forth of the word But the oddes is not great onely in a yeare or two in the most in their opinion which make the raigne of Darius the Mede and Cyrus diuers But if it 〈…〉 that they raigned ioyntly together as is prooued before 2. qu. vpon this chapter 〈◊〉 there is no 〈◊〉 But against this computation of the 70. weekes from the first of Cyrus it will be obiected thus 1. that edict because it was void and tooke no place for the worke was hindred all the daies of Cyrus Ezr 4. 3. notwithstanding his former edict is not to be accounted for the beginning of these weekes 2. Cyrus edict was onely to build the Lord an house Ezr. 1. 2. but this word the going out whereof the Angel speaketh of was to build Ierusalem thus obiecteth Pererius against the opinion of Clemens Alexandr so also M. Lydyat reasoneth in ann 3553. 3. Lyranus alleadgeth this reason against it out of Africanus
among the Romanes but here the Angel directly speaketh of a king and the inuading of the citie by Pompey was an 100. yeare and more after this which distance of time the continuance and coherence of this storie will not admit 4. Lyranius with other writers of that side Pererius with the rest and before him Hugo Card. doe vnderstand this prophesie directly of that Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world and raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe and so Hugo a little before expounded that little helpe of Henoch and Elias which shall stand vp against Antichrist And to this purpose Pererius alleadgeth out of Hyppolitus how Antichrist shall send his mandates through the world to call together people and nations to come to worshippe him who shall cause to be proclaimed in their hearing quis Deus magnus praeter me quis potentiae meae resistet who iâ— so great a God as I who is able to resist my power c. But that this deuise of some singular man which shall stand vp in the ende of the world to be Antichrist is but a meere fiction is afterward more at large declared among the controuersies handled out of this chapter And beside it is not like that the Angel would ioyne together two stories so farre asunder 5. Some other writers doe so vnderstand this of the verie Antichrist the Pope as that they apply it not to Antiochus at all but thinke that Antichrist is properly described from hence to the ende of the prophesie of Daniel Osiander Pappus But it is one thing historically to interpret a prophesie an other typically to apply it 6. Now then that all these things were historically performed by Antiochus and are in the intendement of the prophesie specially meant of him thus it may be shewed 1. The time when all these things should be fulfilled is expressed c. 12. 11. the dayes are summed to a 1290. dayes that is 3. yeares 7. moneths and about 13. dayes therefore this prophesie could not be put off so long 2. The word hamelech this king hath reference to the former historie and the article ha is a note of demonstration pointing out the king before spoken of 3. All the other expositions bring vs to a time farre distant and remoote from the former historie of Antiochus but these things here described followe as the next in the consequent of time 4. Beside the Angel in this propheticall narration satisfieth Daniels desire which was to knowe what should befall his people but these things as the other expound them do nothing concerne the Iewes neither came they so much as into Daniels thought to enquire 5. The sequele of the storie answeareth to the prophesie for Antiochus did all this he aduanced himselfe aboue God and spake blasphemous things against him in defiling his Temple abrogating the sacrifices burning the bookes of the lawe he wrote also his letters that they should forbid the offrings and sacrifices and defile the Sabbaths and feasts and pollute the Sanctuarie and the holy men and to set vp altars and groues and chappels of idols and to offer vp swines flesh and strange beasts 1. Mac. 1. v. 47. to 51. and v. 57. 58. Thus ti is euident that Antiochus magnified himselfe against God see further Appendix following exercis 2. argum 3. Quest. 44. Antiochus impietie and inhumanitie further described out of the 37. v. Some take not this to be vnderstood at all of Antiochus but doe otherwise apply it the Hebrewes of Constantine and of some other Emperours Calvin of the politike state of the Romanes before the comming of Christ Melancthon Oecolampad of the Turke and the Pope some of the Pope onely Bulling Osiand some of Antiochus onely Porphyrius Pellican whose opinions are discussed in the former question But most of these will not haue Antiochus here vnderstood 1. because we doe not finde that Antiochus neglected the worship of all gods especially the god of his fathers Calvin for he set vp the idols of the Gentiles Lyran. 2. and whereas it is said he shall not regard the desires of women it is euident that Antiochus was giuen ouer vnto all carnall lust and licentious life thus obiecteth Pererius that these things can not quadrare in Antiochuâ— agree vnto Antiochus who was famous for his beastly and filthie lust and he set vp temples to Iuppiter Olympius and Iuppiter Hospitalis which were his fathers the Grecians gods to these obiections answer shall be made afterward now we will examine the seueral opinions 1. Ab. Ezra thinketh this prophesie to haue bin fulfilled in Constantine the great wheâ— he embraced the Christian faith and abrogated Gentilisme and Pagan idolatrie But Danieâ— saith not he shall abrogate or denie the gods of his fathers but he shall not regard them 2. Some applie this vnto the Turke who honoureth Mahomet before Christ the auncient God of Christians and preferreth Mahomets lawes before Christs Melancth Oecolamp But as Calvin well noteth voluit Deus sustinere animos suorum vsque ad Christi exhibitionem God in this prophesie doth intend onely the releefe and comfort of his till Christ should be exhibited 3. The same reason may serue against their opinion which thinke the Atheisme irreligion and new worship brought in by the Popes to be here described as Illyricus lib. advers primat Pap. Osiander Bulling Graser exercit 3. p. 185. all these shew how the Pope hath left the auncient faith and true worship of Iesus in setting vp other Mediatours and bringing in traditions making them equall if not superiour to the lawes of Iesus Christ so that in effect he worshippeth Christ but in name and shew onely All this may fitly be applied vnder the type of Antiochus to the Romane Antichrist but there is difference betweene the historicall and typicall sense 4. The Romanists as Pererius Vatablus doe here dreame of their imagined Antichrist that shall come before the ende of the world and grow into such pride that he shall cause himselfe onely to be worshipped as God But this their fantasticall conceit is reiected before qu. 43. 4. and shall be at large confuted among the controversies 5. Calvin vnderstandeth the Romane state who daily inuented new gods but in effect cared for none but at this time there was no king or Emperour of the Romanes as the Angel here speaketh directly of a king hamelech the article set before the word sheweth that one particular king is meant 6. Wherefore this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus 1. not in that he profaned the Temple and the God of the Iewes whome Antiochus the great his father honoured and gaue vnto the Temple great immunities Ioseph lib. 12. c. 3. for the God of the Iewes was not the God of his fathers that were idolaters 2. nor in compelling the Iewes not to set by the honour of their fathers 2. Maâ—chab 4. 15. for this must be his owne act 3. nor in setting vp the gods of the Grecians as
Dan. c. 1. c. 3. yet there was neuer an vniuersall persecution before for religion among the Iewes H. Br. in Daniel But Lyranus obiecteth so also Pererius and Pintus that there were greater persecutions before then this vnder Antiochus both intensive extensive in the intending and extending thereof in the greatnes and in the continuance the persecution by Nebuchadnezzer was both greater for the citie and Temple was destroied and many carried away captiue and many slaine it was also longer for it continued full 70. yeares Contra. It is true that the captiuitie of Babylon continued longer then this persecution but it was not greater for beside that all these outward calamities of the sword captiuitie spoiling of citie and Temple here concurred they were generally persecuted for their conscience and religion which triall they were neuer put vnto before so that in this respect these may be said to be the greatest troubles which euer that nation had 4. Quest. What deliuerance the Angel speaketh of and of whome v. 1. At that time shall thy people be deliuered euery one that shall be written in that booke c. 1. Bullinger vnderstandeth this deliuerance not in this life but at the comming of Christ which time is called the day of refreshing But then this clause should be confounded with the next v. 2. where he speaketh of those that shall rise and awake out of the dust vnto eternall life he therefore speaketh of an other deliuerance here 2. Some referre it to the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from the persecution of Antichrist in the end of the world isti vere salvabuntur de tribulationibus Antichristi these shall truly be deliuered from the tribulation of Antichrist Lyran. so Calvine vnderstandeth it of the spirituall victorie and conquest whereby the faithfull are conquerors euen in the middes of death Osiander of the spirituall deliuerance of the faithfull from Antichrists superstitions by the preaching of the Gospel But Daniel doubted not but that all the elect should be spiritually deliuered therefore some other deliuerance is spoken of from those externall troubles 3. Iunius in his commentarie applieth it to the vocation of the faithfull by Christ that although many should be called in common to the knowledge of Christ at his comming yet the Elect onely should be effectually called vnto life eternall But some externall deliuerance is here signified as the Angel spake before of an outward troublesome time 4. Iunius in his annotations followeth an other sense that euery one should be temporally deliuered from those troubles euen euery one whome it seemed good vnto God in his immutable decree to preserue but by the booke here is vnderstood the booke of life wherein they were written which were ordained to euerlasting life not any such knowledge or decree of God for a particular deliuerance 5. Some giue this sense that all the Elect of the Iewes should by these afflictions be brought vnto life eternall God would sanctifie their afflictions vnto them that thereby they should be consecrate vnto God and so obtaine euerlasting life according ro their election M. H. Br. But in this sense is excluded the temporall deliuerance which is promised for the comfort of the people 6. Pellican doth expound it altogether of their temporall deliuerance that they which then stood for the law obtinuerunt claram Deo auxiliante victoriam obtained a most glorious victorie by the helpe of God But euery one of the Elect in that time of persecution were not deliuered and all that temporally escaped it is hard to say whether they were all elected 7. Wherefore both these the spirituall and temporall deliuerance must be ioyned together that euery one of Gods elect should be deliuered some both in bodie and soule if any of the elect were slaine and put to death in that persecution though their bodie suffered yet their soule should be deliuered and afterward in the resurrection both soule and bodie should be saued as it followeth v. 2. 5. Quest. Whether all the Iewes shall be called before the comming of Christ. Because some vnderstand this deliuerance of the people of the Iewes of their last conuersion and calling in the ende of the world as Lyran. Perer. it shall not be amisse by the way to touch somewhat of that matter 1. Theodoret vpon this place and Gregor hom 12. in Ezech. doe deliuer their opinion that not all the nation of the Iewes but onely so many as shall by the preaching of Henoch and Elias be conuerted to the knowledge of Christ shall be saued the rest which shall cleaue vnto Antichrist who shall most of all deceiue the Iewes they shall be damned as it is said Apoc. 14. 9. If any man worship the beast and his image c. he shall drinke of the wine of the wrath of God But 1. if none els of the Iewes shall be called saue such as shall be conuerted by the preaching of Henoch and Elias none are like to be called at all for that is a meere fable of the returne of Henoch and Elias in their owne persons to preach vnto the world as is afterward shewed Controv. 2. 2. this opinion includeth a contradiction for if at the comming of Antichrist whome the Iewes suppose to be their Messiah he shall most of all seduce them then is it like that very few of the Iewes shall be conuerted but rather more hardened their hoped for Messiah as they thinke beeing come 2. An other opinion is that vniuersally all the Iewes shall be called as Chrysostome inferreth vpon those words Rom. 11. 13. if the diminishing of them be the riches of the Gentiles how much more shall their abundance or fulnesse be which fulnesse Chrysostome thus expoundeth quando vniuersi ad fidem accessuri sunt when all of them shall come vnto the faith hom 19. in epist. ad Romanos 3. But the safer opinion is betweene both these that neither vniuersally the whole nation is like to be called for in their best times when as the worship of God most flourished among them there were many carnall men and vngodly persons among them neither yet shall so fewe of them be conuerted because of the generalitie of the Apostles words v. 26. and so all Israel shall be saued as here in these troublesome times euerie one of the elect was preserued But it is euident by S. Pauls prophesie of the calling of the whole nation that the greater part shall be conuerted and beleeue so that the other part of those which shall remaine in their blindnesse and hardnesse of heart still shall be but small in respect of the other And thus the Scripture vseth to take all for the most and greatest part Now that there shall be before the comming of Christ such a generall calling of the Iewes the Apostle prooueth out of Isay 59. 20. the deliuerer shall come out of Zion and shall turne vngodlinesse from Iakob this prophesie is not yet fulfilled for though some of
seasons which the father hath kept in his owne power Perer. and so he saith in effect Goe thy way nihil amplius dicturus sum I will say no more at this time vnto thee Vatab. Pintus But it appeareth by the explanation which followeth that Daniel was not altogether repelled 2. Wherefore in part Daniel hath his request pleniorem explicationem Christus exhibuit Christ doth more fully explane the former prophecie of the time of the persecution M. Br. partly he faileth in his desire for he obtaineth not singularem minutam istarum rerum cognitionem a particular and seuerall knowledge of these things which are sealed vp vntill the time come when they should be fulfilled Iun. in commentar for if all these things had beene particularly expounded aforehand the faith and patience of Gods seruants had not beene so fully tried if euery thing had beene manifest as in their sight before for as the Apostle saith 2. Cor. 5. 7. We walke by faith and not by sight 23. Quest. Of those words v. 10. The wicked shall doe wickedly and none shall haue vnderstanding what wicked he speaketh of 1. Some expound this place by that place 2. Pet. 3. 3. that in the last daies there shall be mockers which shall say Where is the promise of his comming that although some shall profit by the Lords chastisments and thereby be purged and made white yet others shall be secure passing their time in pleasure and carnall delight Oecolampad euen as it was in the daies of Noe and Lot Bulling But the vnderstanding or not vnderstanding here spoken of is concerning the prophesie of this booke as Lyranus obserueth which concerneth not the afflictions of the last times otherwiâ—e then by way of analogie 2. Pererius and Pintus thinke that the wicked may attaine vnto some knowledge but it shall be infructuosa cognitio an vnfruitfull and vnprofitable knowledge But this rather is giuen as a reason why they shall doe wickedly because nihil intelligent quia excaecati sunt they shall vnderstand nothing because they are blinded Calv. the knowledge of these secrets and mysteries shall be kept from their eyes 3. Here then is speciall relation had vnto the false brethren that should be in those daies of persecution which â—hould giue way vnto Antiochus wicked proceedings and labour to seduce and betray their brethren Iun. annot which should not haue any care to obserue the accomplishment of this prophesie nor compare the euent therewith of these the Angel foretold before c. 11. 34. Many shall cleaue vnto them fainedly And as it was in those daies of persecution so should it be afterward as S. Paul saith 2. Tim. 3. 12. All that will liue godly in Christ Iesus shall suffer persecution but the euill men and deceiuers shall waxe worse deceiuing and beeing deceiued of such also speaketh S. Iohn Apoc. 22. 11. He that is vniust let him be vniust still he that is filthie let him be filthie still c. 24. Quest. What the abomination of desolation is mentioned v. 11. 1. Hierome and Theodoret vnderstand hereby the discontinuing of the true seruice of God by Antichrist at his comming he shall bring in an horrible desolation and abolish the true seruice of God he shall Dei cultum interdicere forbid the seruice and worship of God But neither doth this prophecie concerne the ende of the world nor yet shall there be any such singular Antichrist 2. Pererius and Pintus with other Romanists vnderstand this of the abrogating of the sacrifice of the Masse and in stead thereof Antichrist shall command himselfe to be worshipped so also Hug. Card. Antichristus se exhibebit ad adorandum Antichrist shall cause himselfe to be worshipped But 1. that idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse is rather the abomination of desolation it selfe whereby the true seruice of Christ and the right vse of the Eucharist according to Christs institution is abolished 2. neither shall this abomination be Antichrist himselfe but he shall set vp this abomination as it is saide before c. 11. 31. They shall set vp the abomination c. that is wicked Antiochus with his captaines he that setteth vp and that which is set vp is not the same 3. Bullinger thinketh it is abominanda gentis vrbis vastatio the abominable laying wast of the nation and citie of the Iewes at the destruction of Ierusalem by the Romans but this prophesie was rather fulfilled in Antiochus time as afterward shall be shewed 4. M. Calvin vnderstandeth the sacrifices of the Iewes which were abominable after the sacrifice of Christs death performed vpon the crosse so also Pëllic but the daily sacrifice of the Temple was not taken away presently after Christs death 5. Osiander thinketh this abominable desolation to be the idolatrous seruice brought into the Church by the Romane Antichrist but then can not the time here described by daies agree for more then so many daies or moneths hath the true seruice of God beene corrupted by them and so many yeares as here are named daies God forbid that Antichrists corrupt religion should continue 6. Wherefore this abomination which shall be set vp was no other but the profanation of the Temple by Antiochus when he caused that abominable idol of Iuppiter Olympius to be brought into the Temple and the daily sacrifice to cease 1. Macchab. 1. 57. 2. Macchab. 6. 2. And hereof mention is made before c. 8. 13. and 11. 31. likewise c. 9. 27. but there the abomination of desolation is spoken of which should be set vp in the finall destruction of the citie and Temple by the Romanes as is shewed c. 9. quest 88. Quest. 25. The 1290. dayes mentioned v. 11. how to be taken 1. Lyranus taketh this to be the tearme of Antichrists tyrannicall raigne in the ende of the world euen 3. yeares 6. moneths and 12. dayes so also Pererius but he counteth onely 10. odde dayes so also Pintus with other Romanists thinke that Antichrist shall raigne 3. yeares and an halfe but as Bullinger saith it is not like that Antichrists kingdome should continue ad tempus vsque adeo breue for so verie a short time 2. Bullinger sheweth how the Iewes warre before the finall destruction of the citie begunne by Vespasian in the 14. yeare of Nero his raigne and ending the second yeare of Vespasian continued about a 1290. dayes that is 3. yeare and an halfe but the text is that these dayes must beginne from the time of that abhominable desolation and continue onely during that time but after these warres which held 3. yeares and an halfe that desolation of the citie and Temple beganne which then ended not but continueth vnto this day 3. Some by so many dayes vnderstand so many yeares a 1290. yeares so long Osiander thinketh that the profanation of religion should continue vnder the Romane Antichrist from the first beginning thereof vnto the vtter ruine of Antichrist But we trust that God will not suffer that man of
Church as is there prooued by these 3. aguments out of this place 1. by the name Michael 2. by the title here giuen vnto Christ called the great Prince 3. by his office he standeth for the people of God Herein then appeareth the horrible blasphemie of Seruetus who as M. Calvin reporteth his words was not afraid to say se esse illum Michaelem Ecclesiae custodem that he was that Michael the protector and keeper of the Church c. What presumption is this for a mortall man to arrogate vnto himselfe that name and title which is too great to be giuen vnto the Angels 2. Controv. Whether Henoch and Elias shall stand vp with Michael in the last times Pererius concurring with other Romanists saith that beside Michael who shall be the inuisible protector of the Church shall stand vp two faithfull witnesses Henoch and Elias who shall oppose themselues against Antichrist and they shall preach repentance vnto the world a 1260. dayes that is 3. yeares and an halfe Apocal. 11. 3. And that Elias should come in person beside the receiued opinion of the fathers as of Theodoret in this place August lib. 20. de ciuitat Dei c. 29. he alleadgeth these Scriptures for it Malach. 3. 4. 5. I will send Elias the Prophet before the comming of the great and fearefull day of the Lord which must be vnderstood of the second comming of Christ which shall be fearefull and terrible Againe Apocal. 11. 6. it is said of these two faithfull witnesses these haue power to shut heauen that it raine not in the dayes of their prophesying wherein there is an allusion vnto Elias at whose word the raine was staied three yeares and sixe moneths so Pererius vpon this place First these places giue no warrant for this opinion 1. the two witnesses are the ministers and preachers of Gods truth who are said to be two because their number shall not be great and yet they shall be so many as one shall giue witnesse to an other neither Henoch nor Elias are here named for these 1260. dayes beeing taken prophetically for so many yeares two Prophets could not continue preaching so long 2. that place in Malachie our Blessed Sauiour expoundeth of Iohn Baptist Matth. 11. who should come in the spirit of Elias to turne the hearts of the fathers to the children as the Angel saith Luk. 1. 17. And the first comming of Christ is there vnderstood to be that fearefull day for in the same place the Prophet saith v. 2. vnto you that feare my name shall the Sunne of righteousnesse arise which Zacharie applyeth to the first comming of Christ Luk. 1. 78. whereby the day spring from an high hath visited vs It shall be a day of health and saluation vnto the faithfull but a day of terror to the wicked and vnbeleeuers as Iohn Baptist saith Mat. 3. 12. which hath his fanne in his hand and will make cleane his floore and gather his wheate into his garner but will burne vp the chaffe with vnquencheable sire 3. And by the shutting of heauen is by an allegorie signified the efficacie of the preaching of the Gospel in opening the heauens to the faithfull and shutting vp the same to all vnbeleeuers as our Sauiour faith to Peter Matth. 16. 19. whatsoeuer thou shalt bind in earth shall be bound in heauen and whatsoeuer thou shalt loose in earth shall be loosed in heauen Secondly concerning these witnesses there is great difference and varietie of opinion 1. both for the number of them 2. and who they shall be 3. and when they shall preach for the first the common opinion is that they shall be but two yet Lactantius affirmeth that there shall be onely one Prophet lib. 7. c. 17. Some thinke there shall be three Henoch Elias and Iohn the Euangelist and this is one of their reasons because as in the world there haue beene 3. lawes in force the lawe of nature the lawe of Moses the lawe of grace so it is requisite there should be 3. witnesses that liued vnder these three lawes Henoch Elias and Iohn Hyppolit oration de consum secul Aâ—br Catharin in Genes 2. As great diuersitie there is of opinion who these witnesses should be Elias is agreed vpon by the most to be one but it is doubted who should be the other Victorinus in Apocal. 11. thinketh that Ieremie the Prophet shall be the other witnesse because the Lord saith Ierem 1. 5. I haue ordained thee a Prophet vnto the nations but then Ieremias onely prophesied to the Hebrewes to fulfill therefore that saying he shall come in the ende of the world to prophesie vnto the nations But Pererius well answeareth vnto this reason that Ieremie is said to prophesie vnto the nations because he fortelleth the destruction in his prophesie of diuerse nations the Aegyptians Moabites Ammonites Philistims with others Areta vpon the Apocalypse thinketh that Iohn the euangelist shall be one of the witnesses whom they suppose yet to be kept aliue in Paradise with Henoch and Elias because it is said Apocal. 10. 11. thou must prophesie againe among the people and nations and tongues and to many Kings which was not done in Iohns life time and therefore he thinketh he shall come in the ende of the world to prophesie vnto nations But the meaning of this place is that Iohn should prophesie vnto nations in the rest of the visions of this booke and nowe though Iohn be dead his Reuelation prophesieth still Pererius also vnderstandeth it of the Gospel which Iohn did write after his returne from the Isle Pathmos whereby he prophesieth vnto nations But it is certaine that Iohn is not yet aliue in the flesh as Eusebius prooueth by the testimonie of Polycrates who was the Apostles disciple lib. 3. Ecclesi histor c. 25. Lyranus thinketh that the two witnesses spoken of Apocal. 11. were Sylverius the Pope and Menna that resisted the Eutychiane heresie Ioachimus Abbas and Gagnaeus vpon the Apocalypse c. 11. doe thinke that Moses shall be one of these witnesses that like as he was raised to life to be a witnesse of Christs first comming when he was transfigured in the mount so he shall be raised to be a witnesse of his second comming And this is brought as a probabilitie thereof because these witnesses are said to haue power ouer waters to turne them into blood Apocal. 11. 6. which thing Moses had done before But 1. it followeth not because Moses was seene in the mount talking with Christ that therefore he shall come againe before his second comming for by the same reason it may be inferred that his three disciples also which went vp to the mount and sawe him transfigured should also be witnesses of his second comming be sent againe into the world to preach Sure it is that both the Prophets and Apostles shall accompanie Christ in his second comming and by the doctrine which they preached iudge and condemne the world Matth. 19. 28. But neither
be heresies that they which are approoued may be knowne 2. as the cloath by often washing is whited so by affliction men are purified from their corruptions as the Prophet Dauid saith Psal. 119. 67. before I was afflicted I went astray 3. as the gold and siluer is tried in the fire so the Lord taketh triall of the faith and patience of his seruants by affliction as S. Peter saith 1. epist. 4. 12. Dearely beloued thinke it not strange concerning the sierie triall which is among you to prooue you c. 7. Observ. Of the fruitfull meditation of death v. 13. Goe thy way for thou shalt rest and stand vp in thy lot After that the Lord had reuealed to Daniel by his Angel the comming of the Messiah that should finish sinne and reconcile sinners c. 9. 24. and beside he had heard what should be the ende of the iust they should awake vnto euerlasting life now he is called to prepare himselfe to his ende so after we haue attained to the knowledge of Christ we should desire nothing more then with S. Paul to be dissolued and to be with Christ and to sing with old Simeon Lord now lettest thou thy seruant depart in peace according to thy word for mine eyes haue seene thy saluation And now blessed be the Lord who hath suffered me to liue with Simeon to see this great mysterie of saluation reuealed in this booke who I trust will yet strengthen me in other bookes and parts of holy Scripture to embrace Christ as it were in mine armes and to shew him vnto others that when the course of my poore ministrie is fulfilled I may sing nunc dimittis with Simeon and so we the seruants of Iesus Christ may comfort our selues with this gracious promise made to Daniel to rest in peace and stand vp in our lottes in the day of the Lord to whom be praise for euer FINIS ⧠AN APPENDIX vnto this Commentarie wherein are examined the reasons and Arguments vrged by GRASERVS against IVNIVS exposition of the Image which Nabuchadnezzer saw in a dreame c. 2. and of the visions set forth c. 7. c. 8. and of the 11. chap. from v. 36. to the ende AFter I had by the Lords gratious assistance finished this Commentarie there came vnto mine hand a â—reatise set forth this last yeare 1608. by Graserus intituled historia Antichristi illius magni the historie of that great Antichrist wherein he taketh vpon him to infringe and impugne the interpretation of Iunius throughout this booke This his Censure and animadversion he diuideth into tenne exercises as he calleth them I thinke it not amisse speedily to runne through all of them and to weigh his principall reasons and obiections wherein he seemeth to be so confident whose learned trauaile in this argument in applying Daniels propheticall visions against Antichrist as it deserueth commendation so yet some of his reasons are not so pithily set downe but that they may be revewed and examined The first exercise perused and examined In this first part of his treatise Graserus taketh vpon him to prooue that the legges of the image c. 2. and the fourth beast described c. 7. cannot signifie the kingdome of the Grecians which succeeded Alexander as of the Seleucians in the North and of the Ptolomes and Lagidae in the South as Iunius doth well interpret but that by the fourth Monarchie of the Romanes is signified which to this day continueth diuided into two parts as the two legs thereof the kingdome of the Pope in the West and of the Turke in the East and that not the Monarchie onely of Alexander but of him and his successors ioyntly is described by the bellie and sides of the image c. 2. and by the third beast c. 7. His arguments are these Argum. 1. The third beast called the leopard is vnlike vnto the other two before it the lion which signifieth the Chaldean Monarchie and the beare taken for the Persian state But if Alexander in his owne person were this Leopard he should not be vnlike the first for he was an absolute Monarch as the Chaldean kings were whereas the Persian state was not entire but consisted partly of the power of the Persians partly of the Medes like to the Polonian state which standeth in the ioynt authoritie of the Polonians and Lithuanians And beside not the persons of the kings but the kingdomes themselues are here compared together P. 37. Answ. 1. The dissimilitude of these beasts consisteth not in the vnlike forme of gouernement for the state of the Persian kings was as absolutely Monarchicall as was the Empire of the Chaldeans though their kingdome consisted of diuerse vnited parts yet that letteth not the kingly power to be absolutely Monarchicall but the difference between these kingdomes was in other qualities as the one exceeded the other in strength or in more hard and cruell gouernement as is shewed before in the 17. and 18. questions vpon the 7. chapter 2. not the kingdomes onely but the kings together with their kingdomes are compared together as c. 2. 38. Daniel saith to Nebuchadnezzar thou art this kingdom of gold as his Monarchie was as gold in respect of them which succeeded so he was as gold beeing compared also to his successors So Alexanders person together with his kingdome was this third beast as the little horne cap. 7. ver 8. signifieth Antiochus person with his kingdome Argum. 2. The liues of these beastes were prolonged for a certaine time and period c. 7. 12. But Alexanders kingdome ouer the Macedonians continued but 12. yeares from his fathers death his Monarchie but halfe so long after he had ouercome the power of Persia in so short a time what periods and conuersion of times could be obserued p. 38. Answ. That place is not vnderstood of the continuance or periods of those kingdomes and yet this supposall of the fatall periods of kingdomes is found by experience to be but a speculatiue imagination for the text saith the dominion of the beasts they had taken away before the meaning is that their liues that is some remainder and reliques of those beasts should continue after their dominion and kingdome was ended and determined and so there remained some portion of the Macedonian kingdome euen after Alexander and of other the former Monarchies as is further shewed c. 7. quest 39. Argum. 3. The third beast had 4. heads which are taken by Iunius for the fowre chiefe regiments which were vnder Alexander managed by his principall and chiefe captaines But those 4. captaines are signified by the fowre hornes which came not vp till the great horne which signifieth Alexander was broken for they came vp in stead of that great horne c. 8. 8. pag. 40. Answ. 1. Graserus here confoundeth the visions of the 7. and 8. chapter he maketh the Leopard c. 7. and the Goat c. 8. to signifie the same whereas the goat more generally comprehendeth the whole Grecian Monarchie both vnder Alexander and his
successors as appeareth by the little horne which in the vision of the 7. chapter commeth out of the fourth beast but in the 8. chapter both that great horne which was Alexander and the 4. hornes which came vp in the place thereof and the little horne which came forth out of one of the fowre hornes doe all arise out of one and the same beast namely the goat 2. these fowre principalities in the 7. chapter are 4. heads of that beast while they managed the affaires of the kingdome vnder Alexander and Arideus his brother But after they tooke vpon them to be kings they are said to be fowre hornes which did rise vp in the place of the great horne Argum. 4. In the 8. chapter the goat is interpreted to be the kingdome of Grecia and the great horne is the first king thereof namely Alexander he then maketh not that beast alone but the whole kingdome of Grecia is vnderstood whereof Alexander was but the first king Answ. It is granted that the goat in the 8. chapter signifieth the whole kingdome of Grecia both of Alexander and his successors but it followeth not that the third beast the Leopard in the 7. chapter should therefore comprehend likewise both the one and the other as is shewed in the answer to the former argument 2. in the 11. chapter v. 4. there is an euident distinction made betweene the kingdome of Alexander and of his successors for it is said his kingdome shall be broken and shall be diuided toward the fowre winds and not to his posteritie Graserus here answereth that the same kingdome remained still for that which is diuided is not destroyed or dissolued pag. 43. If this were a good answer the 4. Monarchies described by the image c. 2. should be all one for they made all but one generall bodie set forth by that image one succeeding another as the parts and members of the bodie doe one depend vpon another Argum. 5. The 4. beast was vnlike to all the rest it had yron teeth it was more fierce and terrible then the former but so was not the kingdom of the Seleucians more terrible to the world then the three former of the Chaldeans Persians Alexander it cannot therefore be taken for that kingdome p. 50. And whereas Iunius well obserueth that these beasts are described respectiuely as they were toward the people of God vnto whom the Seleucians were more cruell then any of the other Monarchies Graserus would thus remooue this answer 1. The beasts c. 7. are not more strictly to be taken then the parts of the image cap. 2. but there they are described generally by the defferent qualities of gold siluer brasse yron one beeing thus compared to an other 2. Daniel in particular sheweth in the description of the little horne wherein this beast should be more terrible to the people of God then the other so that in so generall a description it had beene superfluous to insinuate the same 3. If these visions had specially concerned the people of God the Prophet would haue penned his prophesie in the Hebrewe not in the Chalde tongue Graser p. 52. 53. Answ. 1. In the vision of the image the fowre Monarchies are compared together by those different qualities of the fowre mettals yet with relation vnto the people of God toward whom the first Monarchie in generall was as gold the second as siluer to the rest see quest 45. c. 2. 2. though in particular that little horne were more cruell to the people of God then the other hornes yet generally also the fourth beast was more sauage vnto Gods people then the precedent Monarchies therefore in this description there is no superfluous iteration and yet it is not denied but that typically this fourth beast may shadowe forth the Monarchie of the Romanes because c. 7. 23. it is said to deuoure the whole earth and the Euangelist S. Iohn Apocal. 13. in the description of the Romane Empire which is likened to a beast with 7. heads and ten hornes hath reference to this vision 3. This booke is written in Chalde because when Daniel wrote he was in Chalde where these things were shewed and done and therefore for the more credit of the storie it is written in the Chalde And beside it was requisite that the Chaldeans should vnderstand what was to befall them in time to come how their Monarchie should be subuerted for their pride and oppression that hereby they might be admonished to be more equall toward the people of God see more hereof in the generall obseruations premised concerning the diuerse readings vsed in this booke Argum. 6. This fourth beast is set forth to haue yron teeth it deuoured and brake in peices and stamped the rest vnder the feete this description agreeth not vnto the kingdome of the Seleucians or Antiochians 1. for they did not not stampe the rest vnder their feete they were rather stamped vpon and troden vnder feete by the Romanes who triumphed ouer Antiochus the great who farre exceeded in power his sonne Antiochus Epiphanes p. 58. 2. and if this be referred to the violence offred to religion for the which Antiochus did grieuously torment diuerse others did the like before as Nebuchadnezzar by setting vp a golden image would haue drawne them from their religion p. 56. 3. neither did Antiochus so preuaile against the Iewes for in the end they resisted him and restored religion and setled the state of the commonwealth p. 62. Answ. 1. This their stamping and treading vnder feete is especially meant of the oppression of the people of God although Antiochus also did more hurt and damage vnto Egypt then any of his fathers before him c. 11. v. 24. 2. though Nebuchadnezzar commaunded his golden image to be worshipped yet that was but one speciall act in a particular place he did not cause a generall reuolting from religion not yet prophaned and polluted the Sanctuarie which things Antiochus did 3. In the end Antiochus tyrannie was stayed by the valiant resistance of the Macchabees as there is no tyrannicall gouernement perpetuall but yet while he had his time he did much mischiefe and tyrannized more cruelly then euer any had done before Argum. 7. Iunius interpreteth the 10. hornes of the fourth beast c. 7. to be the tenne kings of Syria among whom two kings of Egypt must be counted Ptolome Euergetes and Ptolome Philopator who subdued Syria and so Antiochus Epiphanes was the 10. from Seleucus Nicanor Against this interpretation Graserus thus obiecteth 1. that if these tenne hornes were tenne kings whose particular historie is described c. 11. why should there be more then 10. kings there spoken of there are 14. kings of the North and South at the least there pointed at 2. there is no reason if any of the Egyptian kings shoud be numbred among the Seleucians that the first Ptolome the sonne of Lagus should be omitted that twice subdued Syria p. 66. 3. Iunius himselfe excludeth Seleucus Nicanor in that
mandates I will obserue with all my power and procure to be obserued of others they which are rebells as all schismatikes and heretikes vnto our Lord or his said successors I will to my power persecute and impugne Beeing called to a synode vnlesse I be hindered by some cononicall let I will be present the Apostles threshhold that is palace or Church the Court beeing at Rome if I be on this side the mountaines once euery yeare if beyond euerie third yeare will I visit by my selfe or my messenger vnlesse I be freed by the Apostolike licence the possessions belonging to my table I will not giue nor lay to pawne nor let out to fee farme though it be with the consent of the Chapter of my Church without the priuitie of the Bishop of Rome As God shall helpe me and his holy Gospels c. In which oath this is worthie to be obserued that the Popes Bishops are not bound by any promise or otherwise to preach the Gospell of Christ to feede his flocke to reade and studie the Scriptures but onely to be true vnto the Pope and to maintaine the rights and priuiledges of that Sea And thus it is euident how the Pope of Rome doth distribute the honours of the earth vnto his flatterers by a certaine compact and couenant Graserus p. 293. 294. Answ. 1. All this we graunt to be most true that is here alleadged and more too that the Pope doth not onely exact an oath of obedience of his Prelates but he doth euen sell them their prelacies Cardinalships Bishoprickes Abbacies and other preferments for momoney as is at large shewed c. 11. contr 26. 2. Yet notwithstanding this was historically performed by Antiochus who expelled the auncient inhabitants of Iudea and Ierusalem out of their possessions and parted their lands among strangers 1. Macchab. 3. 36. the Priesthood also was sold to Iason first and then to Menelaus for money 2. Macchab. 4. see c. 11. quest 47. in the ende The sixt Exercise Wherein is expounded the 40. vers which Graserus also contendeth to be vnderstood of the Romane Antichrist and not at all of Antiochus by these reasons Argum. 1. At the ende of the time shall the king of the South push at him c. Whereas Iunius vnderstandeth this literally of the king of Egypt Philometor who withstood Antiochus by force comming to aide his brother Physcon against him Graserus thus obiecteth 1. If Daniel here had meant by the kings of the North and South the kings of Syria and Egypt he would haue so expressed them by those names as the other Prophets doe and not by so generall tearmes p. 304. 2. This Iunius supposeth to haue beene done in the last yeare but one of Antiochus raigne but then he wanting money tooke his iourney into Persia there to gather tribute 1. Macchab. 3. 39. how then was he able to furnish himselfe with such great power to goe against Egypt 3. And seeing he had beene discharged out of Egypt before by the Romanes Popilius beeing sent vnto him it is not like that he durst attempt and aduenture to goe into Egypt againe 4. If Antiochus had lately made such a conquest in Egypt it is not like when newes was brought him in Persia how the Iewes had preuailed against his captaines that he would haue taken it so to the heart he might easily haue recouered that losse p. 307. 5. In the last yeare but one of his raigne Antiochus went into Persia which is quite opposite to Egypt neither did he send his captaines thither for he left Lysias with halfe of his armie to inuade Iudea neither did he giue him charge concerning Egypt p. 308. 6. And the king of the North here doth not offer battell to the king of the South but onely defendeth himselfe 7. Iustinus lib. 34. saith that after Antiochus was discharged out of Egypt by the Romanes reuersum in regnum ibi decessisse relicto filio impubere he returned into his kingdome and there died leauing his young sonne behind him after that discharge then he returned not into Egypt p. 309. 8. We reade but of two expeditions of Antiochus into Egypt in the second whereof he was sent out of Egypt by Popilius in the Romanes name he made not a third expedition pag. 303. Answ. 1. As though throughout this 11. chapter the kings of Syria and Egypt are not continually expressed by the names of the king of the North and the king of the South 2. The iourney which Antiochus tooke into Persia was after his returne out of Egypt from the which though he brought great riches and spoiles yet his treasure was wasted by his exceeding liberalitie toward his souldiers which farre passed other kings that had beene before him for he gaue vnto his souldiers a yeares pay aforehand 1. Macchab. 4. 28. 30. 3. It is not like he would after that discharge by the Romanes inuade Egypt by way of hostilitie and conquest yet as a friend to one of the brethren to aid him against the wrongs of his brother he might although he were discharged enter into Egypt or he might notwithstanding this discharge yet after practise againe against Egypt 4. It was so much the more grieuous to Antiochus to be foyled of the Iewes hauing ouercome the power of Egypt And Gods hand beeing then vpon Antiochus he was striken with such a feare that he knewe not how to bestirre himselfe but partly of greife of minde and partly tormented by the stroke of Gods hand he vpon that occasion ended his dayes 5. Neither doe we say that Antiochus made this conquest of Egypt at that time when he went into Persia but he had spoiled Egypt before and therefore he needed not giue any charge to his captaines concerning Egypt but onely concerning the Iewes 6. While Antiochus was preparing to come and helpe Physcon against Philometor then Philometor hearing thereof did also prouide to resist him which here is called pushing at him and then Antiochus came vpon him like a whirlewind so both may be true that first Antiochus made his preparation but before he gaue the onset the king of the South first prouoked him to battell 7. Iustins report is in some things imperfect that Antiochus died presently after he was charged by the Romanes to depart out of Egypt for after that he went into Persia 1. Macchab. 3. 31. Iustinus as well may faile also in the rest that Antiochus returned no more into Egypt after this discharge by the Romanes for Florus in his epitome of Liuies historie lib. 46. after that Antiochus had beene thus discharged by Popilius out of Egypt whereof he maketh mention in his 45. booke writeth that the embassadors of the king of Bythinia called Prusias complained of king Eumenes eum conspirasse cum Anitocho contra populum Romanum that he had conspired with Antiochus against the people of Rome it seemeth then that after this discharge Antiochus practised secretly against the Romanes 8. Antiochus made