religion What shall we thinke of so manye and so notable men in thys our comen wealth whiche willinglye toke theyr deathe for theyr countreyes sake Did they think you suppose that their memorye shoulde be extended no lenger then the terme of theyr lyfe Trulye no man at anye time was so madde as without hope of immortalitie to offer him selfe to deathe for his countrey For otherwise it had bene lawefull for Themistocles to haue lyued in ease it had bene lawefull for Epaminundas It had bene also that we enquire no farder of old and forren matters lawfull for me But I knowe not howe there sticketh in mens mindes a certayne gesse of life to come yea and that doth most commōly happen in the most stoute and harty courages and in them appeares most lightlye Whiche hope taken away who is there so mad that would continually liue in laboure and daunger and hitherto we haue spokē of princes But do we not se the like of Poetes will not they be remembred after theyr death Uppon what cause then was this writen Behold ye Citisens here the shape of Ennius image old Who hathe descriued youre fathers factes eke their gestes hath told Lo he requireth the report of fame and renowne at theyr handes whose forefathers he had caused by his writynge to be famous And the same Ennius wryteth in another place thus Let no man me bemoane nor wayle me when I dye For whye aliue my good reporte in mouthes of men shal flye But what doubte we of Poetes yea suche as liue by handcraftes desyre after death to be remembred For what other cause dydde Phydias graue hys shape in the tergat of Minerua where it was not lawefull for him to wryte What the Philosophers thēselues do they not in those bookes whych they write of the despising of glory imprint their owne names Certes if the consent of all men be the voice of nature al men in al places do agree that there is some thing that doth pertaine to thē which are departed out of this life we also must nedes thīke y e same And since we know y e they whose mind passeth either in wit or vertue because their wit is best do se most clearely the power of nature It is most likely forasmuch as euery good man taketh care for his posterity that he supposeth that there is some thing the sense and feeling of the which he shal haue after death But as we knowe by nature that there be gods But what they be we gather by wyt and reason so we thinke because of the consent and agrement of all nations that our soules do remayne after death But in what place they be or what maner thinges they are we must gather by reason The ignoraūce of the whiche hath fayned and inuented hell and such terroures as you seemed somewhat afore not without iuste cause to despyse For our bodyes being layd in the grounde and couered wyth earth whereof also suche as are buryed are sayd to be earthed they thought the reste of our life should be led vnder the ground Which opinion hath bene the cause of great errours Whyche haue bene augmented and encreased by Poetes For the thicke companye of the Theater in the which there are many women and children is muche moued hearing so terrible a verse as this I here am come from hell by wayes full hye and steepe By dennes ybuylte with stoanes by caues ful darke and deepe Where lothly darknes dwels where cralling furies creepe Yea and that errour was of such force which nowe I truste is nye extinguished that whereas they sawe mennes bodyes burne afore yet neuerthelesse they would fayne them doing such thinges in hell as withoute bodyes coulde neyther be done in deede neyther yet ymagined For they could not wel conceyue howe the soule might liue withoute the bodye and for that cause they ymagined that they liued vnder some certayne shape and figure Uppon this occasion Homere wrote his booke whiche he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hereof spronge that Necromancie whiche my friende Appius was wont to use For this cause also was the lake that standeth not farre from mi house called the lake of hell Whence soules are stireed vp in darke and grisely shapes Whyche when hell gates are opened once out at the doores escapes Yet neuerthelesse these shapes and shadowes they fayne to speake Whyche can not be wythout the tounge iawes sydes and lyghtes For they conceyued very litle in theyr mindes but referred all to theyr bodelye eyes But it is a great point of wyt for a man to reuoke his minde from the iudgement of his outward senses and to withdrawe the consent of his thoughtes from thinges that haue bene alowed by custome And I beleue trulye that there haue bene manye other whiche in all ages haue reasoned of the immortalitye of the soules But of those whyche haue left any writinges behinde them Pherecides a Sirian taught firste that the soules of men were euerlasting A man surely of great antiquitye For he liued in the time of my kinsman Tullus Hostilius This opinion his scoler Pythagoras did chiefely confyrme who when he came into Italye in the raygne of Tarquinius the proude amased all great Greece with his estimation learning and authoritye Yea and manye yeares after the name of the Pythagoreans was so highely esteemed that in comparyson of them no other Philosophers seemed to be learned But let vs retourne to those aunciente Philosophers Commenly they would geue no reason of anye thinge that they spake vnlesse it were same such thing as they should declare by numbers or descriptions It is sayde that Plato to thintent that he myghte knowe the Pythagoreans came into Italye and there was acquaynted both with manye other but chyefelye wyth Archytas and Timeus of whome he learned all the opinion of Pithagoras and that at the fyrst he not onelye thought as Pythagoras did as concerninge the eternitye of the soule but also confyrmed the same wyth reason Whych vnlesse you be otherwyse minded let vs ouerpasse and leaue of all this reasonynge of the immortalytye of the soules He. What wil you now leaue me wh◠you haue broughte me into so great expectacion I had rather to erre wyth Plato whom I knowe howe much you esteeme and I wonder at the more because of your prayse then to thinke wel wyth other Mar. Worthelye spoken For I my selfe assuredly would not be aggrieued to erre with him And is there anye doubte but that as he hathe handled al other thinges very learnedlie and profoundly so he hath done this also although this hathe leaste nede of cunning handeling For the Mathematicians do well proue it sayeng that the earthe whiche is placed in the middest of the world in comparison of the whole heauen hath but the proportion of a small poynt whych they call a centre And such is the nature of those four bodyes of the whyche all thinges take theyr beginning that they haue
¶ Those fyue QVESTIONS which Marke Tullye Cicero disputed in his Manor of Tusculanum Written afterwardes by him in as manye bookes to his frende and familiar Brutus in the Latine tounge And nowe oute of the same translated englished by Iohn Dolman Studente and felowe of the Inner Temple 1561. ¶ Imprinted at Londō in Fletestrete nere to S. Dunstons church by Thomas Marshe ⧠TO THE RYGHTE reuerende father in God Iohn Bishoppe of Sarum Iohn Dolman his dayly oratour wysheth continuaunce of health with encrease of honour RIght honourable when as partly by the counsel of them that might commaund me and partlye by mine owne consent I left the vniuersity and began to apply my selfe to the studye of the common lawes of this realme I felt my selfe chiefelye hindred therein with the entermedlīg of those studies the which not without great delight I had afore time vsed The whych because I was lothe to continue to the defrauding of the expectation of those with whom to trifle it had bene impietie I minded to take my farewell of some such part of philosophye as both might be most profitable to the quiete leading of my life to whatsoeuer trade I should giue my selfe and also should be so pleasaunt that it might euen cloy me with delight Whiche my desyre to satisfye when I sought many bookes yet found I none more meete thē this Which whiles I redde I must needes confesse that I was neuer more delighted with any worke except it were the sacred volume of the holye Scriptures Wherfore when I had perused it ouer and founde suche profyte and pleasure therein as it were not possible to finde the like in anye Ethnike wryter I wyshed all men the lyke delyght as the reading of it brought vnto me And because I coulde not mysdoubt but the learned had already tried into thintente that the vnlearned also might haue some fruicion therof and that our coūtrey might at length flowe with the workes of philosophye I endeuoured my selfe althoughe not eloquentlye yet playnely to translate the same into our englishe tounge And considering that there was none more meete to haue the protection of so graue and learned a worke thē your honour remembring also that the first attempte of the same parte of philosophye translated by maister Grimoald passed forth vnder the protectiō of one of that honourable vocation to the whiche also it hath pleased god after sondry troubles to call you I thought it my dutye in respecte of manye benefites by your lordship on me bestowed to dedicate vnto you this my simple trauayle Thinking y t nothinge coulde be vnwelcome to your honour that sauoured Tullie Whom I am not ignoraunt howe much you were wonte to esteeme Wherfore I hope that lykeas your lordshippe was wont to be delyghted with the Romane Tullye euē so this englishe Tullie although not adourned with like eloquence by the translator yet varieng nothing in sēse you wil not disdayne Knowynge that this simple scolers gyfte contayneth the signifyeng of as hearty good will towardes your honoure as those greater presentes to whyche craue requyting Thus lothe to trouble your lordshippe any longer wyth a vayne number of wordes because manye wordes ofte cause many trippes I commende vnto your lordeshippe the fauourable iudgemente of this my simple trauayle to be perused at such time as it shall seeme best both for your leasure and pleasure Written frō the inner temple the .xiiii. of Iuly The preface to the Reader IF thankefulnes for so simple desert may cause the to requite him wyth any part of the like gentlenes who toke vpon him this trauayle suche as it is onely for thy commoditie gentle reader then staye a while from the reading of Tullie and hearken fauourablie to this litle cōmunication that I craue at thy handes I minde onely to excuse my selfe briefeli vnto the and so to dismisse the. The matters which I thinke colourablie may and will be obiected vnto me are these Firste the lacke of yeares and eloquence to attempt the translation of so weyghtye a booke as the very sages of the vniuersitie haue let lye still euen from the time that it was first writtē vnto this daye Then the prophaning of the secretes of Philosophy whiche are esteemed onelye of the learned and neglected of the multitude And therfore vnmeete to be made commen for euerye man First as for mine owne vnablenes for yeares I aunswere by Plato and this mine authour that I knowe nothinge but that whiche my soule nowe setled in my body recounteth as thinges learned before And the soule shal neuer haue the body more apte to whatsoeuer thinge it listeth to dispose him then in his youthe whyche is in maner the greenenesse of the same Since therfore the bodye whych hath no knoweledge but by reason of the soule is in youth most apte and able to execute the inuentions of the same what cause is there whye the wit beinge one of the principall partes of the soule should not chiefelye in this nimblenes of the bodye vtter her force and vertue Then as for lacke of eloquēce First this I thinke they wil al graūt That it is not possible for any man to expresse the writinges of Tullie in Englishe so eloquently as he hath vttered the same in latine Then for mine owne translation forasmuche as it must of necessity be either more simple then the stile of Tullie or els more foolishe and ful of croked termes for Tullies meane none can attaine I had rather to be partener of the fauour due to simplicity and plainenes then with foolyshe and farre fet wordes to make my translatiō seeme more darke to the vnlearned more foolishe to the wise By which my playnenes withoute counterfaite eloquence if I haue gotten no other commoditye yet thus muche I am sure of that I haue thereby escaped the iust reproofe that they deserue whiche thinke to cloke their ignoraunce wyth inkehorne termes For vnlesse it were in such thinges as the Lodgicians terme names of arte for the whych we haue no proper Englyshe words I haue vsed none but the playne and accustomed termes Now as touching the second obiection which containeth the vnprofitable disclosing of the miseries of lady Philosophye as mayster Grymoalde termeth her I thynke that suffycientlye satysfyed yf they consyder that besydes the raskall multitude and the learned sages there is a meane sort of men which although they be not learned yet by the quicknes of their wits can conceiue al such poyntes of arte as nature coulde giue To those I saye there is nothing in this book to darke Especially inasmuche as the reading of one booke will open an other And thus in my opinion I am discharged of vnprofitable reuealinge of the secretes of philosophye Inasmuche as both I hope it shall do muche good to this sort of men afore mencioned and also I am sure it can be nothing hurtful to the learned But shal much more enflame all liberall wittes wyth the
I woulde to god I myghte haue puâ— in execution For there is nothynge that I dyd desyre more For I wanted nothyng I had plenty of worship so that euer after I did looke for warre and battaile wyth fortune Wherfore if reason will not moue vs to despyse death yet let our lyfe forepassed do it when we thinke we haue deserued sufficient prayse and glory For although oure sense be paste when we are once deade yet neuerthelesse we do not waÌ„t the due reward of glorye and fame for those thinges whych we haue done in oure lyues For although glorye of it selfe hath no cause why it should be desyred yet neuerthelesse it alwayes foloweth vertue as the shade of the same But as for the wronge iudgemente of the commen people as I count it a coÌ„meÌ„dable thing to haue theyr good wil so I thinke no man can be the happyer for attayninge the same Yet can I not thinke that Licurgus or Solon shall at any time want the gloryous report that they deserued for makyng ciâ—ile lawes or that the memorye of the warlike prowes of Themistocles and Epaminundas shal at any time be forgotten For the sea shal soner ouerwhelme y â— Ile it selfe of Salamine theÌ„ it shall drenche the remembraunce of the Salamine triumphe And y e towne of Leuctra in Boeotia shal soner be rased then the remembrauÌ„ce of the fielde there foughte forgotten So neyther time can duske the prayse of Curius Fabritius Calatinus the two Scipions the two Affricanes Maximus Marcellus Paulus Cato Lelius and diuerse other whose due prayse who so euer measureth not by y â— vaine iudgement of the commen sorte but by the sure meaterodde of wysedome he vndoubtedlye would if necessity so dryue him with a stoute stomake go vnto the death in the whiche there is eyther the chiefest ioye that may be or at the least wyse no euell Yea and such a man wil gladly dye in his chiefe prosperity For vnto a wyse maÌ„ a huge heape of goods can not be so pleasaunte as the departure from the same shalbe ioyfull To this entent may we apply the sayenge of a certayne wyse man of Lacedemon who when one Diagoras a noble man of the citye of Rhodes had bothe bene him selfe conquerour at the game pus and also the selfe same daye hadde seene both his sonnes conquerours at the same came to the old man sayde Dye nowe O Diagoras for thou shalt not be taken vp quycke into heauen It was counted a great thyng in those dayes among the Grecians to see thre men of one house winne the games in the mount Olimpus for y t cause he willed him hauing gotteÌ„ such prosperity to abide no loÌ„ger in his life subiect to y e casualtie of fortune But now I thinke I haue sufficieÌ„tly aunswered you with these fewe wordes since y â— it is playne y â— suche as are dead are in no miserye But I haue taried somewhat the more in talkinge of it because that that is one of the greatest coÌ„fortes in al our lameÌ„tacioÌ„s mourninges For we oughte not to muche to require other mens sorow as concerning our selues least we may seme to fauour our selues more then it becometh vs. And y t suspicion vexeth vs most when we thinke y â— our frendes whoÌ„ we haue loste are in such misery as the coÌ„mon people think that not without payne This folishe opinion I minde vtterly to roote out therfore perhaps was somewhat longer theÌ„ otherwise I wold Hea. what do you coÌ„playne of being to long I assure you it semed not so to me For the first part of your talke made me not vn willinge to die But the last made me eueÌ„ to câ—â—et death So y â— by al your reasoning I am fully perswaded to count death no euel Mar. Do you theÌ„ loke for a conclusion after the maner of y e RhetoriciaÌ„s or els shal we here breake of Hea. No not so For I long to hear you in y â— art which you alwayes set forth or rather if we will say y â— truth it sets forth you And therfore I praye you let vs heare y e conclusioÌ„ Mar. Diuers men are wont to alledge in the scooles the iudgementes of the gods theÌ„ selues as coÌ„cerning death And those not of their owne heades but coÌ„firmed w t the aucthority of Herodotus and other more First they tell of Cleobs Biton the sonnes of Argia the prieste The historie is coÌ„men wheÌ„ she should haue bene caried in a wagon to a certaine soleÌ„pne sacrifice a good space from the towne the horses were tired the .ii. yong meÌ„â—hich I named euen nowe putting of theyr garmentes annoynted theyr bodies with oyle came to the waggoÌ„ and drewe it The pryest when by this sort she beinge drawen of her sonnes was come to the place of sacrafyce prayed the goddesse that in reward of theyr godly reuerence she would gyue to her two sonnes the greatest reward y â— god myght gyue to man Her prayer beinge finished the yonge men after they had dined laye downe to sleepe and in the morninge were found dead The lyke is reported of Trophonius and Agamedes Who after they had buylte to Apollo a temple at Delphos desyred of him as great a rewarde as any man might haue To whoÌ„ Apollo answered y â— they should haue theyr request thre dayes thence nowe as soone as the thyrd daye came they saye that they were both found deade So they say that god yea and that god to whoÌ„ all the rest of the gods yelde in prophecye shewed hereby that death was the best thing that any man might wyshe There is also an historye of Silenus who beinge taken prisoner of kynge Midas payed this rauÌ„some He taught the kynge that the best thing y â— myght chauÌ„ce to a maÌ„ was neuer to be borne the nexte to dye as soone as might be The which sentence Euripides hathe eâ—pressed in verses in his tragedye entituled Cresphon It wel behoues vs to lameÌ„t the birth of euery man Yf we the daungers of this life and present perilles skanne But when triumphante death hath ryd him once from those Then ought his frendes no more to waile but mery to reioyce There is the like in the booke of consolation of Crantor For he saieth that one Psichomantius meting with one Elisius who much lameÌ„ted the death of his childe gaue him three such verses writen in a table O mortall men with ignoraunce howe much be you deceyued For this mans sonne reioyces nowe this mortall lyfe bereaued Thou eke were wel if so thy lyfe the fatall wightes had weaued With these and such like authorities they coÌ„firme this cause to be adiudged by the immortall gods Alcidamus an auncient oratour a man of great fame wrote in commendacion of death who lacked the weighty reasons of philosophie but had plenty of wordes inough But the notable deathes whiche men suffer for their countreye seeme to the rhetoricians not only glorious but also
his face had reckened vp a great number of vices in the presence of some of the frendes of Socrates who knewe that he was not faulty in theym they laughed him to scorne But Socrates defended him Sayeng that those sygnes and coniectures were in him in deede But that he did ouercome them wyth reason Wherefore as men beinge in good health may seeme yet some more then other to be giuen to this or that disease so likewyse some mans mynde is more prone to vice then some others But their vices who are not of nature but onely be theyr owne fault vicious consiste of the false opinions of those thinges which they count eyther good or euell And a disease once rooted like as in the bodye so in the minde also is hardly holpen For easier it is to heale a sodayne swellinge of the eyes then a continuall blearynesse So the cause of al perturbations being once knowen whyche take theyr beginninge of the sundrye iudgementes of opinions we will here finishe this dayes disputation For the endes of good and euell beynge knowen as muche as a man may knowe them nothynge more profitable maye be wyshed or desyred of all Philosophye then those thynges which in these foure daies we haue discussed For to the despysynge of death and bearynge of all bodilye payne we ioyned the ease of sorowe Then the whiche there is nothinge more troublous to man For although euerye perturbation be greuous vnto vs and doth not muche differ frome madnes yet when men are in anye of the other perturbations as feare myrth or desyre we saye that they are but troubled or disquieted But those that are subiecte vnto sorowe we terme wretched afflycted and full of calamitye And for that cause it was not by chaunce but well and aduisedlyâ— appoynted by you that we made a seuerall discourse of sorowe from all the other perturbations For in it is the sprynge and fountayne of all miserye But there is one waye to helpe bothe it and also al the other diseases of the minde Namely by the shewynge that they are caused onelye by oure owne fond opinion and will because we thinke it ryght and dutye to take them on vs. This erroure as the roote of all euell philosophye promiseth to pull vppe euen by the rootes Let vs therefore yelde our selues to it and suffer it to heale vs. For as long as these â—uels are wythin vs we shall neyther be happye nor whole Eyther let vs therefore playnelye denye that reason can do any thing whereas in dede nothynge can well be done without it or els inasmuch as philosophie consisteth of the conference of reasons of her yf we wil be eyther good or blessed let vs learne the helpes to attayne to a happye and a blessed lyfe Finis THE FYFT AND LAST booke of M. Tullie Cicero contayning his reasoninge of the last and fifte question which he disputed in his manor of Tusculanum being this in effecte whether vertue onely be sufficient to make a man leade a happye lyfe THis fyfte daye fryende Brutus shal make an ende of our disputations holden in our manor or TusculanuÌ„ in the whiche we reasoned of that Question which you most of all others are wont to allowe For I perceiued both by y â— boke which you wrote vnto me also bi your talk at manye other times that you like this opinion very well Namelye that vertue is sufficiente of it selfe to the mayntayning of a happy and a blessed life Which although it be verye harde to proue because of so manye and sundrye strokes of fortune yet neuerthelesse suche it is that we oughte to trauayle and take paynes for the proofe thereof For there is nothing in al philosophye more grauely or more wisely spoken For inasmuch as it moued all those that first gaue them selues to the studye of philosophye despysynge all other thinges to setle theÌ„ selues wholye to the searchinge of the happyest state of lyfe trulye they tooke so great trauayle and paynes onely in hope to attayne a blessed life And truly if such men haue eyther found out or accomplyshed vertue and if they found sufficient ayde in onelye vertue for the attayninge of a blessed lyfe who woulde not iudge that well and worthelye both they did fyrst inuent and we also haue folowed the studie of philosophy But if vertue beinge subiecte to sundrye and vncertayne chaunces is the slaue of fortune and not of sufficiente ability to mayntayne her selfe I feare muche then least it be all one to truste to the ayde of vertue for the obtaining of a blessed life to sit still aâ—d wishe after the same In deede remembring manye times the chaunces wyth the whyche fortune hath galled me I beginne to mistruste this opinion and to feare the weakenes and frayletye of mankynde For I am wonte to feare least inasmuch as nature hath geuen vs weake bodyes to the whyche also she hath fastned sundrye sortes of incurable diseases intollerable grieues least she I say hath likewise geuen vs mindes agreable to the diseases greues of our body And also of theÌ„ selues wrapped in other seuerall cares troubles But in this poynct I correct my selfe For that I iudge of the strength of vertue according to the wantonnes and weakenes of other yea and perchaunce of my selfe and not by vertue it selfe For vertue trulye if there be anye such thing at all whyche doubt if there were any your fathers brother O Brutus hath already taken away hath vndoubtedly all chaunces whych may happen to man in subiection vnder it and despysyng theym contempneth all worldly casualtye and beyng it selfe voyde of all blame thinketh that nothing besides it it selfe is requisite vnto it But we encreasing all aduersitie while it is comminge wyth feare and wheÌ„ it comes wyth sorowe will condemne rather those thinges whyche naturalâ—ye are good then oure owne pernicious erroure But as well of this faulte as also of all the rest we must seeke the redresse in philosophye Into whose bosome beinge in the very beginninge of my age led by myne owne will and earneste desyre nowe after that I was tost wyth most troublesome stormes I haue euen fled to the same as to the hauen from the whych I once departed O philosophy the guyde of our lyfe the searcher of vertue the expeller of vice what were not we onely but generally all the life of man able to do wythout thee Thou foundedst cityes thou reclaymedst men whiles they were yet wylde and wanderers to a commen societye and feloweshippe of life thou bredst loue betwyxt theym fyrste by neyghbourhoode nexte by mariage and laste of all by communicatinge of talke and wrytinge Thou wast the inuenter of lawes the mistres of maners and of all good order To the we flye of the we aske succour To the euen as afore for some part so nowe I geue my selfe wholye to be ruled and gouerned For one daye wel spent accordinge to thy preceptes is to be preferred wel night
that whiche is honest is good it must needes folowe that happy life consysteth in onely vertue so if happy life do consist in vertue onely then it must nedes be that there is nothing good but onely vertue But youre fryende Brutus folowynge the aduise of Aristo Antiochus thinketh not so for he thinketh that there are other sortes of goodes besides vertue Mar. What thinke you that I will at this time reason against him Hea. Therein do as you shall thinke good For it is not my part to appoynt you Mar. Then to shewe howe these conclusions folow the one vpon the other we wil deferre it to some other time For herein wheÌ„ I was captiue being at Athenes I dissented both from Antiochus and Aristo For I thoughte that no man might be happye as long as he might be in any euell And truly a wyse maÌ„ may be combred with euels yf those which they cal the euels of the bodye and of fortune be anye euels at all Hereunto this was aunswered which also Antiochus hath wryten in many places Namely that vertue of it selfe may make a blessed life But not the most blessed that may be Also that many thinges take their name of the greater part although some parte dyd want or misse As we call men strong helthfull riche honourable glorious because they haue a great parte of such thinges in theim althoughe they haue not the thinges theÌ„ selues as perfecte as they might haue So likewise a blessed life they sayd although it halted in some part yet it toke his name of the greater part I nede not now curiously to pike out these thinges Howebeit they seeme to me to be spoken scarse coÌ„stantly For both I can not vnderstaÌ„d what he that is happye should lacke to make him selfe more happye for if he lacke any thing then is he not happye at al And also whereas they say that euerye thinge is named of the greater part that is true in some other thinges and not in this But whereas they say that there are thre sortes of euels shall we say I pray you that he that is burdened with the .ii. first sortes namely eyther with the aduersitye of fortune orels wyth diseases in his bodye doth therfore want any thinge of a happye life Or of the happyest of all This is it that Theophrastus woulde not say For when he had wryten that strypes tormentes punishementes the rasinge of our countrey exyle barennes such like were able to make our life miserable he was ashamed to speake stoutely inasmuche as he wrote so fayntly Although he doth not iustly complayne yet truly he is constante in his owne opinion And therfore I like not them who when they haue graunted the originall yet will denye or reproue that whyche necessarilye dependeth thereof For they reprehende this moste excellente and learned philosopher But slenderly for that he appointeth three sortes of goodes Yet they al reproue him in that booke whiche he wrote of the attayning of a happy lyfe For that he reasoneth muche that he which is in torment can not be blessed In that booke also they thinke he sayeth that to the whele which is a kinde of torment among the Grecians happie life cannot come trulye he saieth in no place so But he saies as much in effect And truly if I should graunt to anye man that the grieues of the bodye or the shipwrackes of fortune ought to be counted euels could I be iustlye angrye wyth the same if he should saye that then al good men are not blessed For as much as such euels might happen to the best meÌ„ that myght be The same Theophrastus is bayted at as wel in the bookes as in the scooles of all philosophers for that he commended this sayeng of Calisthenes Not wysedomes lore but fortunes force this world loe doth rule They say that no philosopher myght haue spoken any thing more fayntly And therein in deede they saye well But yet I can not see howe he myght speake more constantli folowing their opinioÌ„ For if there be so many goods in the bodye and so many wythout the body subiect to casualtye and fortune is it not probable that fortune whych is the ruler of all outward thinges pertayning to the body should beare more swaye in our life then prudence Or rather should we folowe Epicurus who oftentimes speaketh many thinges very wisely but litle cares how constant and agreable he be in his talke He coÌ„mendeth bare liuing And truly so it becomes a philosopher If Socrates or Antisthenes had said it not he who esteemeth pleasure to be the ende of all goodes He denies that any man may â—lue pleasauntly vnlesse he liue honestly wysely and iustly Truly nothynge could be more sagely spoken nor more worthye a philosopher Unlesse he dyd referre that same honestye wysedome and iustice to pleasure What can be better spoken then that a wise man oughte to be contented wyth a meane and bare life But doth he saye this Who inas much as he hath not onely sayde that gryefe is the chiefest euell but also that it onelye is euell maye euen then when he shal boast him selfe moste agaynste fortune be ouercome wyth a litle gryefe in his bodye the same also Metrodorus spake in stouter wordes Sayenge I haue nowe taken the captiue O fortune and stopped vp all thy holes so that thou mayst by no meanes come vnto me A notable sayenge if it had bene spoken eyther of Aristo Chius or Zeno the Stoyke Who would thinke nothing euell but that whych were dishonest But thou O Metrodorus which hast placed all good in dayntie dishes and delicate feedinge and haste defyned that to be the chiefest good that doth consiste in the good health of the bodye and the certayne hope that it shall so endure Hast thou I saye shut vp all the holes â—f fortune How I pray the. For that whiche thou thinkest to be so greate good thou mayst lyghtye lose But these are your baytes for suche as are vnlearned and such seÌ„tences haue caused so manye to be of that sect But it is the poynct of a wyse reasoner not to waye what euerye man doth saye but what they ought to saye As in thys selfe same position which is nowe proposed to dispute I saye that all good men are happye and blessed Whom I name good it is playne enough For such as are adourned with all kinde of vertues we terme both wyse and good men Nowe let vs see whom we call blessed Truly I thinke those whyche enioy such thinges as are good without the entermedling of any euell For truly when we call anye man blessed we vnderstand thereby no other thing theÌ„ the perfect conioyning of such thinges as are good seuered and disioyned from all those thinges that are euell It vertue can neuer attayne yf there be any thing good besides it For there wil alwaies be at hand a throng of euels if we maye well terme theym euels such as pouerty basenes
profound knoweledge Greece passed vs. Howebe it trulye it was a light worke to excell vs in those thinges in the whyche we did not contend wyth them For where as the Greekes haue had amonges theÌ„ the most auncieÌ„t Poetes that euer were counted learned for Homer and Hesiodus lyued afore the buylding of Rome and Archilocus in the time of Romulus we knewe not Poetrye till of late yeares For foure hundred and ten yeares after the buyldinge of Rome Liuius set forth an enterlude Caius Claudius the sonne of Cecus and Marcus Tuditanus beynge Consuls the yeare nexte afore the byrthe of Ennius whyche was more aunciente then Plautus or Neuius Of late yeares therefore Poetes were of oure countreymen both knowen receyued Albeit we find in those histories which were written in the firste foundation of our city that at that time they were wont in bankets to singe certayne songes made of the noble prowes of valiaunt men But that such men were neuer in any estimation we may wel gather by the oration of Cato in the whiche he obiected it as a rebuke to Marcus Nobilior that he had taken wyth him Poetes into his prouince For he had led into Aetolia the poete Ennius as we al wel knowe The lesse therfore that poetes were estemed the lesse men coueted theyr knowledge and yet those fewe that gaue theÌ„ selues thereto were nothinge inferioure to the renowne of the Greekes Lykewyse if it had bene counted a quality prayseworthy in Fabius a mooâ—â— noble Prince to paynte should not we haue had in our citie as excellent in that science thinke you as euer was Policletus or Parrhasius Honour bredeth artes and all men are prouoked to studye by fame alwayes those thinges are neglected whiche no man sets by The Greekes thoughte there was great conninge and knoweledge in singinge as well to the instrumentes as alone for that cause Epaminundas in my iudgement the prince of Grece is reported to haue bene conning in singinge to the instrumentes and Themistocles a fewe yeres before for that in a certayne banket he refused the harpe was counted the worse learned Therfore in Greece MusiciaÌ„s flourished and euerye man learned theyr arte neyther could any be counted wel learned being ignoraunt of the same Geometrye was in greate estimacion emonges theym For the whiche cause there was nothing with them more famous then the Mathematicalles But we haue coÌ„prised the arte of Geometry in the knowledge of measures reasoÌ„s of the same But coÌ„trarywise a perfect orator we haue quickly poolished whoÌ„ at y e first we had not learned but onely meete to pleade but now neuerthelesse wel learned For we vnderstand y t Galba Africanus Lelius were profound men and he who farre passed theym in age namely Cato very studious after him Lepidus Carâ—o and bothe the Gracchi but afterward so many and so notable meÌ„ euen to this our time that herein eyther not much or els nothing at all we yelded to the Greekes Philosophy hath bene neglected vnto this our age and hath bene hitherto voyde of the light of the latine tounge which now must be opened and reuiued of vs to thintent that if in our businesse we haue somwhat profyted our countrey we maye also do the like by some meanes in this our time of leasure wherein also we ought to take the more paynes because there are certayne Latine bookes written nowe a dayes very vnaduisedlye sette forthe by men honest enough but not sufficiently learned Truly it maye well be that some man maye inuente well and neuerthelesse that which he hathe inuented can not prâ—nounce eloquentlye but that anye man should set abrode his owne inuentions which he can neither wel dispose neyther hansomly penne the readynge of the whyche should nothing at all delighte the hearer it is the poynt of such a one as abuseth both leasure and learninge Therfore theyr owne bookes they reade with such as they them selues are neyther doth anye man handle them except suche as would haue the selfe same libertye in writinge graunted them Wherfore if we broughte any helpe by our laboures to the praise of Oratours we will much more dylygently open the fountaynes of Philosophye out of the which neuerthelesse those oure workes of Rethorique dyd flowe But as Arystotle a man of wonderful witte and profound knowledge moued wyth the greate fame and reporte of Isocrates the Rhetorician began bothe to pleade and also to teache yong men and so to ioyne knoweledge with eloquence euen so it likes me neyther to lay apart mine old study of pleading and yet neuerthelesse to be occupied in this more noble plentifull art For I haue euer iudged that to be perfect Philosophy which could reason of weighty matters as well with great knowledge as also w t perfect eloquence In the which kind of exercise I haue so earnestly laboured my selfe that nowe I durst kepe scooles after the maner of the Greekes As of late after your departure in my manor of Tusculanum beinge accompanied with many of my familier freÌ„des I assayed what I could do in that maner of reasoninge For as afore I declamed causes so this is my declaming in mine old age I willed any man to propose whatsoeuer he listed to heare debated and thereof I disputed eyther sittinge or walkynge Therfore my disputacions in scooles holden fyue dayes together I haue endyted in as many bookes The order thereof was this That when he who woulde heare anye matter discussed had shewed his owne opinioÌ„ of the same then I should hold the contrarye For this is as you knowe ryght well the auncient waye fyrste vsed by Socrates to dispute agaynst all mens opinions For so he thoughte that whatsoeuer was moste true in anye matter might soonest be boulted out But to the intent you may more playnely perceyue our reasons I wyll wryte them as if the matter were doing not telling therefore nowe take you the beginning in this maner ¶ The hearer ¶ Death semeth to me to be a greate euell Marcus To theÌ„ do you meane whych are dead or els that must dye Hea. To them both Mar. It is miserable then if it be euell Hea. Yea truly Mar. Then all they whych are already deade and all such as must dye are miserable Hea. So I thinke Mar. There is no man then which is not miserable Hea. None truly Mar. And trulye if you wil in all poyntes firmely hold this opinion all men whiche are borne or shalbe borne are not onelye wretched but also for euer wretched For if you did onely call theÌ„ wretches which must dye then should you except none of theÌ„ whyche nowe liue for we must all dye but neuerthelesse the end of our misery should be in deathe but forasmuche as such as are dead also are wretched we are borne to continuall miserye For it must nedes be that they are wretched which an hundred yeares past are dead or rather all they whych at anye tyme heretofore were
put vs in good hope if that delight you that our soules may after this life passe into the heuens as a place appoynted for them Hea. Truly it delyghteth me greatlye And assuredly y ◠it so is I wil alwayes perswade my selfe Mar. What nede you in this case to requyre my labour am I able in eloquence to excell Plato reade diligently that booke whyche he wrote of the soule so shal you lacke nothinge concerninge the knoweledge of this questiō Hea. I haue done so truly yea and that very often But I knowe not how whiles I reade him I am fully perswaded But after I haue layd asyde the booke begin to thinke with my selfe of the immortality of our soules all my perswasion sodaynelye slips away Mar. Wel sir graunte you that the soules abyde after death or els saye you that they dye with the reste of the body Hea. I graunt that thei remaine Mar. What if they remayne Hea. I graunt they be blessed Mar. What if they dye Hea. Then they be not wretched because they be not For that being therunto costrayned by you I haue already graunted Mar. How then or for what cause do you saye that deathe is euell which eyther shal make vs happy our soules remayninge or els not wretched our sense beinge paste Hea. Shewe therfore fyrste vnlesse it be to paynefull for you that our soules remayne after this life But yf you can not proue that for it is very harde you shall shewe that there is no harme in death For I feare muche leaste it be a griefe I do not meane to lacke sense but that I must lacke sense Mar. To proue this matter which you desyre we may vse as good authoures as may be which in all causes both ought and also is wont to be of great importaunce and fyrst we may confyrme it by all antiquity which the nigher it was to the beginning of the worlde and progenye of the gods so much the better peraduenture did see those thinges whyche were true For emonges those auncyent fathers whō Ennius calleth Cascos this one thinge was comen that there is in death feling and that a man by departing of his life is not so vtterly extinguished that he should altogether peryshe And this may you gather both by many other thinges but chiefly by the lawe of the byshops and ceremonies of burials whiche they beynge most wittye men would neyther with so great care haue obserued neither yet being irreuerently or vnhonestly vsed would so sharpely haue punished except this had bene faste fixed in theyr mindes that death is no destruction vtterly marring and blemishing al thinges but onelye a certayne departure and chaunge of lyfe the whiche to worthye men women is wont to be a guyde into heauen and vicious and il disposed persons did cause to tary on the groūd and neuerthelesse to remayne stil. By this opinion also and by the iudgemēt of our countreymen Romulus in heauens with gods doth passe his time As Ennius the Poete agreeing to comen fame hath writen And frō thence flyeng to vs and so to the West Occeane Hercules is counted so great and so mightye a god For this cause Bacchus the sonne of Semele is so muche reported And in like maner famous were the .ii. sonnes of Tindareus who not onely in field were helpers of victory to the Romans but also messengers of the same Also Ino the doughter of Cadmus is she not of the Greekes by the name of Leucothea and of our countreymen by the name of Matuta worshipped What the whole heauen to thintent I make no longer discourse is it not replenished with mankinde for if I should assaye to searche auncyente monumentes and put in writing such thinges as be in olde Greeke bookes thē should you wel perceyue that such as we count to be the greatest goddes haue departed out of y e earth into those places of heauen But ignoraunt men that knewe not naturall philosophye whych of late came into vse perswaded them selues so much as they could gather by naturall reason The order and causes of thinges they knewe not They were oftē moued by visions and those chiefelye in the nighte to thinke that such as were dead did liue againe Wherfore like as we se it a very strōg argumēt to beleue that there are gods because there is no nation so cruel neyther yet anye man so beastlye in whose mind there is not fixed some opinion of God Many neuerthelesse haue conceaued diuers foolishe fancies of the gods but yet they graunte all that there is a diuine power and nature Neyther yet doth the communication or agreement of men cause this consent the opinion is cōfirmed by no decrees by no lawes but in euery thing the argement of all nations is taken for the law of nature So likewise in asmuch as all nations haue worshipped their benefactors as gods after theyr death although some more foolyshe then other it is euident that nature hath engraffed in the heartes of all men a natural opinion without perswasiō that our soules are immortall and remayne after this life But who is there that would not bewayle the death of his friend when he thinkes that he is depriued the commodities of this life Take away his fansye and you shall take awaye all mourning For no man mourneth but for his discommodity For we sorowe and are vexed and all our wofull lamentation and sad mourning ryseth hereof that him whom so entirelye we loued we suppose to lacke the commodities of this life and that to feele And these thinges we ymagine onely by the conducting of nature wythout eyther reason or learninge And hereof we wyll talke hereafter But the greatest argument by the whych we may gather that nature it selfe doth priuily thinke of the immortality of our soules is that moste wise men take greatest care for thinges to come after their death Some one sets trees whiche may profyte in an other age as Statius sayeth in his bookes entituled Synephebi to what other ende but for that he knewe that the time to come did also pertayne vnto him for the same cause diuers diligente husbandemen graffe trees whose encrease they shall neuer see And likewyse manye noble men make lawes orders and customes the obseruatiōs of the which they shall neuer beholde What the begettinge of children the spreading of fame the adoptions of children the diligent obseruinge of testamentes the very monumentes Epitaphes of graues what other thing do they signify then that we haue al a respect to y e time to come Besydes this There is no doubte but the tryall of nature oughte to be taken of the best nature But what mens nature is better thē theyrs which thinke theym selues borne to helpe saue and comfort men Hercules is departed frō hence to the gods To them he shoulde neuer haue gone vnlesse whiles he was emonges men he had prepared him selfe a way thither But these are old matters and nowe also sanctifyed by
laye theyr heades togither for so it semeth good vnto me to terme them whyche swarue from Plato and Socrates and from theyr sect they shal neither at any time expresse any thinge so eloquently neither yet be able to perceyue how suttelye this selfe same reason is concluded The soule therfore perceiueth that he him selfe doth moue wherewithall it feeles also that it is of his owne power and not of any forren force that it can by no meanes chauÌ„câ— that he should forsake him selfe Wher by it is concluded y e he is euerlastinge Nowe let me heare what you can saye against this Hea. I truly can not suffer my selfe so muche as to ymagine anye thyng contrarye vnto it I do so muche Rauour your opinion herein Mar. How thinke you theÌ„ of those thinges which are in the soule which if I could by ani meanes conceiue how thei might haue beginning I could wel ymagine howe they might peryshe also For bloude choler fleame bones sinowes vaynes al the frame of our body I could wel ymagine howe and wherof it is made The soule it selfe if it had no greater thing in it then that it is causer of our lyfe I could lightlye be perswaded y â— a man might as wel liue by the power of nature as a vine or any other tree Also if it had no straunger properties then to desire some thinges to abstaine froÌ„ other I could thinke y t that wer as wel coÌ„mon to beastes as to it But firste it hath an infinite remeÌ„braunce of a wonderfull nuÌ„ber of thinges emonges the which Plato reckeneth y e recordinge of our former life For in y t booke whych is entitled Memnon Socrates demauÌ„deth certaine questioÌ„s of a childe as coÌ„cerning the measures of a foure square to y e which he aunswereth as any child might but yet neuerthelesse the questions are so easy that he auÌ„swereth him so as if he had learned Geometrye Whereby Socrates concludeth that to learne is nothinge els then to remember This place also he handeleth more at large in that talke whiche he hadde that selfe same daye that he departed out of this life For he saieth that when a rude and ignoraunt man dothe aunswere wel to one that questioneth wiselye with him then he dothe playnelyâ— shewe that he doth not theÌ„ learne those thinges but remeÌ„breth theÌ„ as thinges which he had almost forgotten He sayeth also that we coulde by no meanes from oure childhoode haue the generall groundes of so many thinges placed in our mindes vnlesse oure soule afore it entred into our bodye had liued in the knoweledge of the same And whereas the body is nothing as Plato in all his workes doth reason for he takes that as nothing which hath had beginning and shall haue ending and that onelye to be which shall continue for euer the soule could not come to the knowledge of these thinges whiles he was enclosed in the bodye but brought them thyther wyth him Neyther yet dothe it clearelye perceyue the same at the first when it sodaynelye cometh into the bodye as into a troubled mansion but after that it hath reuoked and reposed it selfe it recounteth suche thinges as it knewe before So to learne is no other thing then to remeber But I do wonder at oure remembraunce after an other sorte For what is it whereby we do remember or from whence hath our nature that force or power I do not here aske how notable the memorye of Symonides was eyther of Theodectes or els of Cyneas the ambassadour whych came from Pyrrhus to the Senate or of Carneades or of Scepsius Metrodorus or els of our countreiman Hortensius I speake of the memoryes of the comen sorte of men And of those inespeciallye whiche spende the moste part of theyr lyfe in study whose memory how great it is it is hard to thynke They remember so many and sundrye thinges But to what ende belongeth this my talke To consider what thys power of remeÌ„braunce from whence it is It comes not surely froÌ„ the hart bloude or brayne neither yet from Democritus moaâ—es I knowe not whether the soule be fyer or aer neither am I ashamed to confesse that I am ignoraunt in that whiche I knowe not but this I may boldly affirme as wel as anye man maye in so darke a matter as this is that whether the soule be fyer or aer it is vndoubtedlye an heauenlye thing For is there any maÌ„ that would thinke that so wonderfull a power of memorye could be made eyther of the earth or els of this darke cloudy aer For although you do not see what our remeÌ„braunce is yet what maner thing it is you may wel perceyue Or if that you can not do yet you may wel vnderstand how great a thing it is Shall we then thinke that there is any capacity or voide place in the soule into y e which as into a vessel all those thinges which we do remember are powred That trulye were very foolyshe For what bottome mighte there be of such a vessell or what mighte be the shape of suche a soule or what so greate widenes mighte there be in the soule What should we thinke that our soule is imprinted as it were waxe and that our remembraunce is the ouersight of those thinges which sticke imprynted in our heartes But what pryntes may there be of wordes eyther what suffyciente marckes of thynges or what so huge a space maye there be in the soule in the which all those thynges whyche we remember myght be prynted Furthermore what thynke you of that parte of our mynde whyche syndeth oute suche thynges as were neuer knowen before and is therefore called inuention can that be made of this earthlye frayle and compounde nature thynke you What thinke you of him whyche fyrst of all gaue euerye thinge his propre name whyche Pythagoras counted a part of great wisedome or of him whiche fyrst gathered men together to one society felowship of life what thinke you of him also who firste coÌ„prised the tunes of our voice which somed to be in maner infinite in a fewe notes Or of him who first marked y e motions progressions stations of the .7 planets How iudge you also of them who fyrst founde oute corne cloathinge houses orders for mans life defence againste wilde beastes by whom after that we were tamed and broughte from wildenes besydes oure necessities we haue inuented thinges for pleasure For ther is inuented a temperate varietie of the diuers nature of sundrye tunes to delyght our eares and also our eyes toke great pleasure in markiÌ„g as wel those sterres whyche are fastned in certayne places of the fyrmament as also the other whiche are called althoughe they be not so in deede wanderers the conuersions and motions of the whyche whose soule did fyrste perceyue he dyd playnely teache that his soule was like to him which had fyrst made those thinges in heauen For when Archymedes made the motions of
not onlye Epycures whom neuerthelesse I do not despyse but I knowe not howe eche learned man sets at nought But also mine owne dearlig Dicearchus hath sharplye writen agaynst this immortality of our soules For he wrote three bookes which are called the bookes of Lesâ—os because the same disputacion was kept at Mitylena in the which he assayes to proue that our soules are mortall And the Stoâ—kes do but lende vs the vsing of the lyfe of our soules for a space to make vs as longe liued as dawes For they saye that our soules shall abyde a great space but not 〈◊〉 Wil you therfore heare me proue that if it be so yet death is not to be counted an euell Hea. That do as you thinke good but no man shall remoue me from my opinion as concerning the immortalitye of our soules Mar. I coÌ„mend you therfore howebeit I woulde not haue you to be to rashe in allowyng opinions For we are lightly moued with a wittie reason and stagger chaunge oure opinion yea thoughe the matters be somewhat playâ—e Yet neuertheles in these there is some darkenes But if any such thing should happen we ought to be armed with witty conclusyons Hea. Wel spoken but I doubt not but I wyll foresee that no such thing shall chaunce Mar. Is there any cause then why we should not ouerpasse our frendes the Stoikes them I meane which saie that oure soules abide for a while after that they are departed out of our bodyes but not euer Who inasmuch as they do graunt that whiche semeth to be hardest in all this matter namelye that the soule may abyde beyng froÌ„ the body â—â—â—ruayle muche that they will deny that which is not onely easy to be beliâ—ued but also that being â—rauÌ„ted which they do graâ—nt doâ—◠〈◊〉 in maner of necessity namely that wheÌ„ they haue abiden a great whyle they can not dye Heaâ— You reprehend them worthelye for it is euen so as you say Mar. Should we then beleue Panetius who in this poynte dysseuâ—eth from his mayster Plato For him whom in al other pointes he calleth diuine most wyse moste holye to conclude the Homere of all philosophers his this onlye opinion of the immortalitye of the soules he doth not allowe For he sayeth that which no man denyeth that whatsoeuer hath hadde beginning shall aâ—â—â— haue endynge And that our soules had beginninge which he declares by theyâ—â— that are daylye borne 〈◊〉 whom there doth appeare as well grenenes oâ—â—â—yt as of yeares He bryngeth also this other reason that whatsoeuer maye feele gryefe may be sicke and â—â—at soeuer may be sick shal dyâ—iour souâ—â—s quod â—e do feele griefe wherfore they shal also die These thinges may lightly be refuâ—ed For hereby it semeth that he was ignoraunt that when we talke of the eternitye of the soule we do therin compryse the minde whiche is alwayes voyde of anye troublous motion or affection and do not talke of those partes in the whych sorow anger and lustes are Which he against whom I nowe reason thinkes to be sundred and seuered froÌ„ the mind For the likelynes of nature doth more appeare in beastes which haue no reason but the outwarde gesse of the soule of man doth much consyst in the shape of his bodye For it is much materiall in what sortes of bodyes the soules be placed For there be manye thinges in the bodye that quycken the minde and manye thinges whiche dulle the same Aristotle sayes that all wittye men be of melancholie complexion by the whiche reason it greueth me not at al to acknoweledge my selfe to be blunt witted He reckens vp manie thinges to proue y e same as if it were certaine shewes the reason of it Then yf there be a great force of those thynges that are in the bodye as concerning the disposition of the mynde there is no necessitye why the workes of the soule should be alyke in euerye bodye But I let this passe I woulde to god Panetius might be here present He lyued in the time of Africanus I woulde fayne knowe of him to whome of his kinsemen Africanus brothers cosen was like who beinge fauoured muche like his father yet in his lyfe did so muche refemble euery vnthryfte that he was commonlye counted the worste that myghte be Also to whom was the nephewe of Publius Crasius a righte wyse and eloquente man like and so likewyse of dyuers other notable mens children and other theyr kynsefolkes whych I nede not here to remember But wherof do I nowe intreate haue I forgotten that this is my purpose after I had spoken sufficiently of the eternity of our soules to shew also that yf they did dye there could be no euel in death Hearer I remembred it well ynoughe but whyles you talked of the eternitye of the soule I suffered you wyth a good wyll to staye in the same Marcus I perceyue that your minde is on hygh thinges and that you wyll euen clyme into heauen Hear I hope so But admit as these men will haue it that oure soules remayne not after deathe then I perceyue that we haue loste the hope of immortall life in heauen Mar. What harme I praye you doth that opynion brynge admyt that our soule shall dye as our body is there then anye gryefe or anye sence at all in our bodye no man sayeth so albeit Epicurus layeth it to Democritus charge But his scolers denye it Then if there be no feelynge in the bodye after deathe neyther doth there remaine anye sense in the soule For it is in no place Where then is the euell But perchaunce they will saye that the departynge of the bodye from the soule is not wythoute griefe Admyt that there be some howe litle is it howebeit I thynke there is none at all For it happens commonlye wythoute anye sence yea and some times wyth pleasure yea and it is but lyghte what so euer it be For it is done in a mynute of tyme. But this it is that gryeueth vs or rather vexeth vs the departynge from all those thinges whyche we counte commodityes in oure lyfe But I feare me that they may be more trulye called euels What shoulde I here bewaile the lyfe of man although I well maye and that vppon iusts and good occasyon But what neede I inasmuche as I do intreate whether after deathe we shall be wretches to make our lyfe in bewaylynge to seeme more miserable we haue done that sufficientlye in that booke in the whiche as muche as we might we haue comforted oure selues Deathe therfore deliuereth vs from euels and not froÌ„ goodes if we speake the truthe And that truly is so largely reasoned of Egesyas the Cyreman that he was forbidden of the king Ptolomeus to teache the same in scooles for that many after his doctrine dydde wyllingly kyll theÌ„ selues There is an Epigramme of Callimachus vppon Cleombrotus the Ambrocian whome he sayes after that he had perused Platos booke of the immortalitye of the soules foorth
in the defence of Plato his secte called Academia we haue expressed in our .iiii. bookes entitled Academikes But yet neuertheles so much it lackes y â— I would be angry or displeased if any man should write against the same y â— I wishe it euen with all my hert For philosophy in Greece it selfe had neuer come to suche perfection vnlesse there had bene suche contention and diuersytye amonges the best learned men as concerninge the same Wherfore I desyre all suche as are able to do it that they woulde helpe to take this prayse also from Greece that is already faynted and bring it into this our citye as our auncesters haue already done by al the rest that were worth any payne or trauayle And truly the prayse of Oratoures encreased from a lowe to suche perfectioÌ„ that nowe as natures course doth worke in all thinges it beginneth to waxe aged and within this shorte space is lykely to come to nought Wherfore nowe let philosophy begin to be spred in the latine tongue and let vs helpe the encrease thereof althoâ—gh that for the same we be reproued and refuted Which trulye they can not abyde which bynde them selues to aâ—ye certayne opinion as men wholye gyuen to the same so that sumtimes they are constrayned to get theym opinion of constancie to maynteyne such thynges as otherwyse they woulde not allowe But I who in al thinges folowe probabilitie and can go no farther theÌ„ likelyhode am readye both to wryte agaynst others without any stubbernes and also to be writen agaynst without anye anger If so we maye brynge this kinde of exercise from the Grecians to our countreymen we shall not wante the helpe of the Greke libraries which are stuffed with an iufinite company of bookes wryten of the same matter For manye haue wrytten the same in effect that some others haue done afore them So that the noumber of bookes is infinite The which shal in likewise happen to vs when many geue theym selues to wrytynge But I will assaye chiefelye to prouoke theÌ„ to write who being wel learned and instructed with perfect eloquence can endyte philosophye with a good trade and order For there is a certayne sort of men whych wyll needes be counted philosophers that are reported to haue wryten manye latine bookes whiche surelye I do not despise because I neuer redde theÌ„ but inasmuche as the aucthours them selues do playnely confesse y â— they can wryte neyther distinctlye orderlye eloquently nor trimlye I assuredlye neglect the readyng of that which shoulde nothynge at all delyght me inasmuche as they care not what they wryte I knowe not why anye man shoulde be bounde to reade theÌ„ but suche as arâ— of the same opinion that they be For as all men reade Plato and the workes of other scolers of Socrates so likewyse of others that were taughte of them although they agree not in opinion wyth them or at the least wise do not greatly alowe them but Epicurus and Metrodorus none almost handles but suche as be of theyr owne secte so these late latine wryters they onelye reade which thinke the same to be wel and wysely wryten But me semeth that whatsoeuer any man would set abrode ought afore to be commended by the iudgement of suche as are learned And for that cause the auncieÌ„t custome peripatecian and academias to reason on eyther parte of euery question doth maruaylously well like me not onelye for that by no other meanes the truthâ— of euerye doubtefull question might be tryed but also because there is in it a greate exercyse and practyse of Rhetorique whych Aristotle chiefly vsed and all they that folowed him But in this our time Philâ— whom we haue herd appoynted one tyme to teache the preceptes of Rhetorique and an other to declare the rules of philosophy To the whyche order I beynge lykewyse moued of my familyar fryendes spente there in suche leasure as I had in my maner of Tusculanum Wherfore when I had spent the morninge in the studye of Rhetoryke after noone we came downe to our scoole in the which such reasoninge as we had I do nowe expresse not as if I tolde it but euen in maner wyth the selfe same wordes as it was done Therfore whyles we walked we fell into this talke Hea. I can not well expresse howe muche I was delyghted or rather strengthened with your yesterdayes reasonynge For although I am assured that I was at no time to muche desyrous of my lyfe yet neuerthelesse there woulde come come sometime both feare and gryefe to my heart when I thoughte that I should one day lose the fruition of this pleasaunt light and eke of all the commodities of this life Of this trouble assuredly I am nowe so eased that I care for nothinge lesse Mar. It is no maruayle truly For such is the effecte of philosophye it helpeth the minde it taketh a way all vayne care riddes the mind of desyre and driues away feare but this her power is not of like force wyth all men But then it worketh most when it chaunceth on a good nature For stoute men not onely fortune doth helpe as the olde prouerbe is but much more reason Whiche in maner wyth certayne preceptes confyrmeth the strengh of fortitude Nature fyrste made you hye minded and meete to despise all earthlye thinges and for that cause in your stoute stomake ' the perswasion of sufferynge death is lyghtly rooted But thinke you that these selfe same perswasions do so much preuaile wyth them except very fewe of whom they were first inuented reasoned and written No truly For howe manye philosophers shall you finde whose life and behauiâ—ur is such as reason requireth Or that doth vse theyr teachynge not as a brag and boastinge of knoweledge but as the law and order of good life Or howe manye of theym shall ye fynde that are ruled by theym selues or obeye theyr owne decrees you shall see some of such lyghtnes and arrogaÌ„cie that it had bene better for them neuer to haue learned Some other couetous men many verye desyrous of glorye and moste of them sâ—aues of pleasure So that theyr talke and their life seemes meruaylously to differ whiche assuredlye seemes to me a thyng worthye great reproche For like as if one that did professe graÌ„mer should speake false latine or one that would be counted a musician should sing out of tune his fault were so muche the worse because it is in that kynde of knowledge which he professeth so lykewyse a philosopher shewing yll example of liuing is so muche the more to be blamed as he offeÌ„deth in that thing of the which he professeth him selfe a teacher and professinge the arte of lyfe offendeth in his liuinge Hea. Is it not then to be feared least you commend philosophyâ— wythout a cause For what can be a greater proofe that it is not auaylable then that diuers notable philosophers do lyue abhominably Mar. Truly it is no proofe at all For as all fieldes that
it alwayes aunswereth to the sound of the same Which in asmuch as coÌ„monly it foloweth all good deedes is not to be refused nor despysed of suche as are good men But it which will needes be an imitatour of the same the commen brute of the people I meane is often time rashe vnaduised and most commonly a commender of vice and naughtines and vnder the shape of honestie stayneth the forme and beauty of vnfayned glorye Wyth the ignoraunce of the whyche mens mindes beynge blynded and coueting alwayes to do some fact wherby they myghte be renowmed knoweinge not neuerthelesse howe or whych waye they might perâ—ourme the same haue fallen into great inconuenience For some haue rased theyr owne cities and some haue slayne them selues And so they seekynge thynges that are of theÌ„ selues good are deceyued not so much of a set purpose as because of the ignoraunce of the waye by the whych they should come to the same Nowe those whiche haue theyr mindes vexed wyth the greedye desyre of money or with the filthy lust of pleasure or they whose mindes are so muche disquyeted wyth the same that they are not farre frome madnesse as foolishe men commonlye are Haue all these sortes of men no neede of helpe thinke you eyther because the disseases of the minde haue lesse neede of helpe then the sickenesses of the bodye or els for that there is an arte inuented to cure the bodye and none to heale the soule But trulie the diseases of the minde are both more deadlye and also more in number then those of the bodye For they be so much the more greuous as they pertayne to the mind and the vexing thereof whiche being sicke doth alwayes erre as Ennius sayeth and can for griefe neyther do neyther suffer any thing well And furthermore neuer ceasseth to be vexed with desyre then both the which maladies that is to wite griefe and desire what greater diseases maye there be And who can proue that the soule is not able to cure it selfe inasmuch as it firste inuented medicines for the bodye and also whereas the healinge of the bodyes doth muche consyste in the constitutioÌ„ and nature of the same and al meÌ„ which were conteÌ„ted to be cured haue not bene healed yet euery mans mind which was willing to be healed and was therein ruled bi the preceptes and counsels of wise men hathe bene alwayes vndoubtedlye cured The medecine of y â— minde is philosophy which helpeth vs not as the diseases of oure bodye are holpen by thinges withoute vs but we our selues must wyth al our power endeuour laboure to cure our selues But of philosophy vniuersally how much it should be eyther esteemed or vsed I haue sufficiently spoken as I thinke in my my booke entituled Hortensius And of other wayghtye questions I haue not bene slacke eyther to dispute or wryte But in these bookes I haue endited those questions whiche I reasoned with my familiar frendes in my manour of Tusculanum And in asmuch as in the twoo fyrste bookes you haue hearde oure disputacions of death and of the griefe of the bodye in this third booke you shall receyue oure reasoning kept the third day Therfore when I came downe to my scoole the middes of the day being past I requyred some of theÌ„ that were preseÌ„t to put foorth somewhat whereof we myghte reason Then the matter fell our thus Hea. I thinke y â— griefe of y e mind sometimes hapneth to a wyse man Mar. Thinke you so likewise of y e other perturbatioÌ„s of y e mind fear lust â–ª anger hath any disease vnder the name of diseases the philosophers comprise those troublesome motions of the minde as I sayde afore is no more hole then our bodyes in sickenes So it must needes be that wysedome is the healthe of the soule follye the syckenes of the same Which we may call eyther madnes or folyshenes The whych is better expressed in the latine wordes theÌ„ greke As it chaunceth in many other termes besydes But therof we shall treate an other time Nowe let vs speake of that we haue in hand This therfore wherof we treate what it is the worde it selfe doth sufficiently declare For we must needes thinke theym to be hoale whose mind is troubled with no motioÌ„ in maner of disease and such as contraryewyse are vexed wyth the same to be diseased The latine worde of the which called Insania doth properlye signifye madnesse And therfore we vse to saye in the latine tongue that suche as are out of theyr wyttes as become fransye eyther with luste or anger Although anger it selfe is a parte of luste for thus it is defyned Anger is the lusting affter vengeance They therfore whyche are sayde to be out of theyr wyttes are so termed because they can not vse theyr wittes to the whyche nature hath graunted the rule of the mynde But whye the Grecians cal it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I do not wel know But we distinguishe the same better then they For this vnhealthfulnesse which being all one in effect with foolyshenesse extendeth very farre we separate from madnesse So the Greekes would But they haue no apte worde for it For that whyche we call madnesse they call Melancholian As though men were made frontike onelye wyth melancholye and not rather and more ofteÌ„ with great anger griefe or feare as we reade that Athamans Alcmeon Aiar and Orestes were And in suche case who so euer is hym the the lawe of the twelue Tables forbyddeth to haue the vsyng of his owne goodes And there it is wrytten yf a man be Insanus whyche sygnifieth vnhelthful but if he be Furiosuâ— whiche properly signifyeth madde and furious For by this worde â—nsania they did vnderstand the want of a good and perfecte disposicion Howe be it they thought that a man in such case might well accomplishe al duties pertayning to the commen and accustomed trade of lyfe But madnesse they thoughte was the blyndenesse of the minde towardes all thinges Whiche although it seeme to be a great deale worse then the vnhealthfulnesse of the minde yet trulye it is suche that it maye sooner chaunce to a wyse man then this lacke of healthe of the minde I meane folishenesse But that is an other question Let vs retourne to our purpose You sayde vnlesse I be deceyued that you thoughte that griefe of minde might chaunce to a wyse man Hea. I thinke so in deede Mar. You doe but like a man in that you thinke so For we are not made of flynte But there is naturallye in vs some tender and softe thinge which gryefe of mind shaketh as a storme Neyther was it euell sayde of Crantor who was a man of great reporte in oure vniuersitie I do not agree wyth them quod he who affirme so much insensibilitye of gryefe which no man eyther can or oughte to haue I would not gladly be sicke quod he but if I be let me feele it whether they cut away anye deade fleshe
vertues and wysedome they do no more then shewe the waye of those pleasures by me afore named Those wordes that folowe are to the same purpose And to conclude all his booke entituled of the chiefest good is stuffed with such wordes senteÌ„ces Wilt thou then to this life reuoke TelamoÌ„ to ease his griefe And if thou chaunce to see anye of thy frendes vexed wyth sorowe wylt thou gyue him rather a daynty dyshe of fishe then some comfortable booke of Socrates Wilte thou exhorte him to heare rather the counsell of dayntye courtyers then of Plato Thou wilt set afore him freshe syghtes to gase on burne sweete smelles at his nose and set garlandes and roses about his head Trulye I thinke yf thou adde anye thinge more thou must needes take awaye all his mourninge Eyther all these comfortes Epicurus must confesse or elles all those thynges whyche euen nowe I recited worde for worde must be blotted out of his booke or rather his whole booke must be called in For it is full of commendation of pleasures I aske of him therefore by what meanes we maye ease him of gryefe whych cryeth out in this sort Nowe riches truly more I want theÌ„ noble stocke or race For once a crowned kyng I was seâ— nowe from what hye place What stocke power fonde fortunâ— hath now brought me to this case What is it best to giue this maÌ„ some pleasaunte potion to make him ceasse his mourning Hercken another in the same poynct From great wealth fallen I Hector come thy ayde nowe to desyre ¶ It is a poynct of gentlenes to helpe him For he desyreth ayde Where may I aide or succour craue â–ª whose helpe should I trust to Who want both realme and royall place and know not where to go Whose aulters all for sacrifice are broken and cast downe Whose churches fyer hath consumed whose walles are ouerthrowne And diuers other such lyke exclamaâ—â—ons as folowe But thys inespecyallye O father frendes my countrey eke and Priams house farewell Farewell thou churche with walles yfenst till Priams palaice fell I haue the knoweÌ„ well ydect whiles that this kyngdome stoode With iuery sheene glistring gold with stoanes and pearles good O conning Poete He thinketh that al sodayne chaunces are more greeuous then others And therfore after he had reckned vp the treasure and power of the kynge whyche seemed to be suche that there was in maner no ende therof See what he then sayeth All these thinges loe I sawe when fyer did enflame WheÌ„ at the aulters Priamus with enmyes hand was slayne The gushing of whose giltles bloud Ioues aultare did distayne A goodly verse For it is both in deede worde and measure lamentable Let vs ease him of his gryefe Howe Let vs laye him on a softe featherbed brynge him a singinge woman let vs burne cedre at his nose and bring him some pleasaunt potion and therewithall prouide him of some good meat Be these the goodes that are able to slake the greatest sorowes For you euen nowe sayde you knewe none other goodes But I could well agre to Epicurus that a man in sorow ought to be called to the conteÌ„plation of good yf we could agree what that is whyche we terme good But some man perchaunce will saye What thinke you that Epicurus ment as you enterprete him And that his sentences are to be referred to bodilye pleasure No truly I thinke nothing lesse For I see many thinges grauelye and notablye spoken of him But as I haue often heretofore sayd the controuersy is of his wordes and not of his maners or lyfe Let him saye that he despyseth those pleasures whyche he did whylome commend yet I will well remember what felicityâ— he seemeth by his wordes to declare For he did not onelye name it by thys worde pleasure but also expounded his owne sayeng taste quod he the embrasyng of fayre and seemelye bodyes playes and songes and those shapes with the which the eyes are pleasauntlye delyghted Do I fayne Do I lye I desyre to be reproued For what els do I coueyte but that the trueth maye appeare in euerye question He sayeth also that the pleasure dothe not encrease the gryefe beyng gone and yet that it is the chiefest pleasure to feele no gryefe In a fewe wordes he hathe made three great faultes One in that he is contrarye to him selfe For euen nowe he said that he could not so much as thinke anye thynge to be good vnlesse the senses were tickled wyth the pleasures of the same And nowe he sayeth that to lacke gryefe is greatest pleasure that may be May any thinge be more contrarye An other faulte is that whereas there be naturally threâ— yoyntes the one to reioyce the other to sorowe the third neither to be glad nor sorye he thinketh the first and the last to be all one and dothe not separate pleasure from the wante of gryefe The thyrde faulte whyche is commen to some men is that whereas vertue is the thynge whyche we oughte moste of all other to desyre because that for the attaynynge of the same Phylosophye was chiefelye inuented yet he hathe separated felicitye frome vertue But some man will saye he doth often commend vertue And trulye Caius Gracchus when he gaue abroade the commen moneye and beggered the treasure yet neuerthelesse in his talke defended the same What shoulde I heare his wordes when as I see his deedes to the contrarye Piso the thryftye had alwayes wythstoode the lawe of dystrybutynge corne Yet neuerthelesse that lawe beinge establyshed he beynge once afore Consull came to take corne Whom when Gracchus espyed he asked him in the audience of all the people what he meant to come to demaunde corne by that lawe whyche he had alwayes disswaded Whereunto he aunswered I woulde not gladlye O Gracchus quod he that thou shouldest distribute and geue awaye my goodes But yf thou wylte needes do it I will take some parte my selfe Did not that graue and wyse counsayler sufficientlye in those wordes declare that by the lawe of Gracchus the commen treasure was scattered Reade the oracions of Gracchus you will saye that he is a defender of the treasure house So Epicurus denyeth that a man maye lyue pleasauntlye vnlesse he lyue also vertuouslye He denyeth also that fortune hath anye force on a wyse man He preferreth a bare liuinge before a sumptuous and costlye He sayeth that there is no tyme in the whych a wyse man is not happye All these thynges are worthye to be spoken of a philosopher neuerthelesse they are contrarye to pleasure But he meaneth not 〈◊〉 sorte of pleasure Let hym meanâ— what pleasure he will so he dothe not meane such a pleasure as hath in it not so much as one iote of vertue Well if we vnderstande not what pleasure he meaneth neyther do we knowe what gryefe he vnderstandeth But I do thinke that he whyche thinketh gryefe to be the chiefest euell ought not once to make mention of vertue
Truly the Epicureans complayne that I do of a set purpose inueyghe agaynste Epicurus As though we dyd stryue for some honour or worshippe I thinke that the chiefest good consysteth in the minde and he placeth the same in the bodye I thinke vertue to be it and he taketh pleasure for the same And hereaboute they contend and call for theyr neyghbours helpe with great outcryes But I am one whiche litle passe for suche contention For I do not nowe reason of the warre betwixt vs and the Carthaginenses wherein neuertheles wheÌ„ M. Cato and L. Lentulus were of seuerall opinions yet they did neuer stryue about it But these men are nowe to muche angry whereas otherwyse they do not stoutelye ynoughe defend theyr opinion for the whych they are afrayd either afore y â— Senate or at the barre afore the army or in preseÌ„ce of the Censors to pleade But wyth them I wil reason at other times and that truly not wyth the minde to contende but wholye glad to yelde to their reasons Onely thus muche I will admonishe theÌ„ that if it were true that a wyse man should referre all thinges to his body or to speake somewhat more honestlye that he should do nothinge but that were for his owne profyte or commoditye because these thinges deserue no commen prayse let theÌ„ laugh in theyr sleeues as they say and leaue of theyr open bragges Nowe there remaineth the opinioÌ„ of the Cyrenaikes whych thinke that gryefe is then onelye caused when any mischiefe comes vnloked for and trulye that is a great occasion of gryefe as I sayde before And also I knowe that Chrisippus thinketh that chaunces not foreseene happen most vehementlye But this is not all For we knowe that the sodayne commynge of our enemyes doth more trouble vs than when we looke for theym and also a tempeste in the sea risinge on a sodayne dothe more feare the saylers then that whyche they haue foreseene afore And so is it most commonlye in all other thinges But if you do diligentlye weyghe the nature of suche sodayne chaunces you shall perceyue that they seeme the greater chyefelye for two causes Fyrst because we haue not leasure to consyder howe great the thynges are whiche haue chaunced vnto vs. Secondarilye for that we thinke it might haue bene auoyded if it had bene foreseene and so thinkynge it to haue chaunced onelye through oure owne faulte it maketh oure gryefe the sharper Whyche to be true time it selfe declareth Whiche in space doth so asswage oure sorowe that the euels remaygninge all one yet oure gryefe is not onelye minyshed but also manye times vtterlye abolyshed Manye Carthaginenses lyued in bondage at Rome And lykewyse the Macedonians theyr kynge Perses beinge taken prysoner I sawe also in Peleponnesus whiles I was yong certain Corynthians whyche myghte hauâ— songe the songe of Andromacha before mentioned For their countenaÌ„ce talke and miserable behauioure was suche that a man mighte well haue sayde they were miserable Greekes Yet neuerthelesse the sodayne sight of the reced walles of theyr citye Corynthus moued me muche more then it did the Corynthians theym selues whose heartes the dayly sight thereof had euen hardened agaynste sorowe We reade the booke of Clitomachus whych he after the subduynge of Carthage sente to the citesens that were prisoners to comfort them Therein is wrytten a disputacion of Carneades whych Clitomachus sayeth y â— he there hath abridged In it when it was fyrst proposed y t it semeth that a wise man shoulde lamente the captiuitye of his countreye forthewith folowe the reasons of Carneades to the contrarye in the whyche truly the philosopher doth so much comfort theyr preseÌ„t calamity as in an old gryefe a man would scarse haue wyshed or desyred And trulye if that booke had bene sent a fewe yeares after to theym it would not so muche haue holpen theyr sores as their skarres For sorowe by litle and litle in processe of time dothe weare and consume not for that the thinges theym selues eyther are wonte or maye be chaunged but because at the last that whych reason ought to haue done experience dothe perswade vs namelye that those thinges are but smal which seemed to be so great Why then some wyll saye what neede haue we of reason Or of anye of those comfortes whyche men do vse when they would lyghten the sorowe of such as mourne As this and suche other that nothyng that is chaunced ought to seme straunge or vnlooked for Yes trulye he shall more tolerablye beare euerye discommoditie who knoweth that of necessitie suche thinges must chaunce to men For suche perswasions in deede do make the euell it selfe nothynge the lesse only hereof it putteth vs in mind that nothing is happened which was not to be looked for Neyther yet therefore are that sorte of perswasions nothynge auaylable to the curynge of gryete but they are rather of all other the best Wherefore these sodayne chaunces are not of suche force that they onelye should be the causers of all gryefe They smyte vs perhaps more sharpelye then the rest But they are not able to make those thinges which so chaunce greater then the rest They seeme greater because they are newe and freshe and not because they came sodaynely But there are .ii. wayes to fynde out the truthe not in those thinges onelye whych haue the apparance of euell but in those also whyth seeme to be good For eyther we question of the nature of the thing it selfe of what sort and howe great it is As of pouerty sometimes whose burden we make lyght wyth reason shewing how smal and howe fewe thinges nature dothe requyre or els from the suttle disputation of the nature of thinges we turne oure talke to examples And in this part we rehearse Socrates and Diogenes and also that sayenge of Cecilius In bare threades oft full pâ—re yâ—lad dame Sapience doth lye hyd ¶ And inasmuch as the force of pouertye is alyke wheresoeuer it lyghteth what myght be the cause that Caiâ—â— Fabritius coulde easelye beare it and other men not And to this last kinde that sorte of consolation like whyche sheweth that those thinges whych are chaunced are commonlye incidente tâ— the lyfe of all men For this perswasion is not onelye of this effect to put him in remembraunce that he is a man but also it sygnyfyeth that those thynges are tolerable whyche other haue both in times paste borne and also do dayly suffer As if our talke were of pouertye many pacyent poore men myghte be recyted Or if we shoulde speake of the contempt of honour manye men that haue despysed the same might be rehearsed trulye euen the happyer for so doyng for surelye theyr life is aboue al others namely coÌ„mended which haue preferred theyr priuate quyetnes before the styrre of publyke affayres Neyther is the saying of that myghty prince to be forgotten wherein he commendeth an olde man and accompteth him fortunate because wythoute glorye he shoulde in maner vnknowen come to his
to theym selues For they commend theim whiche dye wyllinglye And yet they disprayse those that beare not heauilye the departure of theyr frendes As thoughâ— it might be by anye meanes that anye man shoulde loue another better than him selfe That is a notable sayenge and if you marke it well ryghte and true that such as ought of all other to be dearest vnto vs we loue as our selues But that we shoulde loue theym more then our selues I thinke that is trulye impossible Neyther trulye is it to be desyred in frendeshippe that my frende should loue me more then hym selfe or I hym more then my selfe For thereof woulde ensue a confusion of the whole trade of oure lyfe and of all sortes of dutyes But hereof we will reason in other places Nowe this shalbe sufficiente to admonyshe that to the losse of frendes we doe not adioyne our miserye and that we loue them not more then they them selues would or at the leaste wyse more then our selues For whereas some saye that suche kinde of comfortes do helpe manye men nothynge at all and adde thereunto that suche as comforte others when fortune tourneth her face to theym are not able to cloke theyr owne miserye the aunsweryng of both is easye ynoughe For these are the faultes not of nature but of follye But to inueyghe agaynste such follye although I might at this present very largelye yet I wyll not For both they whych do not suffer theym selues to be holpen do thereby prouoke others to miserye also they y â— take theyr owne chaunce more greuouslye then afore they counsayled others are not more to be blamed then the commen sorte whyche beynge nygardes yet reproue coueytous parsons and beynge ambitious theym selues reprehendâ—â—aÌ„ yneglâ—ryous fooles For it is a commen practise of fooles to espye other mens faultes and ouerpasse theyr owne But this is a great proofe that whereas it is certayne that time taketh aways sorow yet that helpe doth not consyste in time it selfe but in long musing and ponderynge of the mischaunce For if both the chauÌ„ce and also the man him selfe are alwayes one howe maye the sorowe be any part swaged yf neyther the thing whiche caused it neyther yet the man whych soroweth are chaunged wherfore this continual opinion that there is no euell in the thinge that is chaunced doth helpe the sorowe and not the length of time Here some men bryng in the moderation of all perturbations whych if it be naturallye in man then wyll nature it selfe appoynt a measure of sorow But they consist onely in the opinion Let that opinion be wholye rooted out therefore Nowe I thinke we haâ—â— sufficientlye proued that sorowe procedeth of the opinion of some present euel to the which opinion also this is adioyned that we oughte of ryght to lament and be sorye To this definition Zeno hath well added that that opinion of some presente euell ought to be fresh By the which terme he doth vnderstand not onelye that to be freshe whyche hapned but late but also as longe as in that whyche we tooke to be euell there is anye force or countenaunce whyche troubleth vs. As Arthemisia the wyfe of Mausolus kinge of Carya whyche made that famous tombe at Halycarnassus she I saye all her life time lyued in sorowe and therewyth also at lengthe consumed To her this opinion whiche we nowe talke of was continually freshe He therefore that wil assaye to comfort any man in his sorowe oughte eyther vtterlye to roote oute his gryefe or to appease it or els to mitigate it as much as maye be or els to suppresse it not suffering it to spreade any further or els to tourne his minde frome one gryefe to another There be some who thinke that this onelye is the dutye of him that would assay to comforte anye man to proue that it is no euell at all Of the whyche opinion Cleantes is There are other some whyche would huae him shewe that the euell is not so great as he taketh it And of this minde are the Peripatetikes and other there be whyche thynke it sufficiente to shewe that it is no straunge chaunce whyche is happened Chrysippus thinketh that it is one of the chyefest poynctes of comforte to take awaye from him that is in heauinesse this opinion that he ought of dutye to lament and be sorye There be some also that put al these thinges togyther for dyuers men are dyuerselye moued I haue put theym all in my booke whyche I wrote of consolation For at that present my mynde was greatlye vexed and I assayed all meanes to helpe my selfe But we must take our tyme as well in the diseases of the minde as of the bodye As Prometheus in Aeschilus To whom when one sayde But this Prometheus I do thinke you knowe assuredlye That reason force full lightly may fond anger remedye He aunswereth in this wyse I thinke so eke if to the same a man laye salue in time And do not to a festred sore applye his medecine The fyrst precept therefore in consolation is to shewe that that whyche is chaunced is eyther no euell or els verye small The nexte is to shewe the commen estate and miserye of mankynde The thyrde that it is meere follye in vaine to waste him selfe wyth sorowe especiallye in asmuche as he perceyued that he is nothinge holpen thereby For Cleantes comfort serues but for a wyse man who nedes no comforte at all For yf you perswade a sorowefull minde that nothing is euell but that whiche is dishonest you shall not by that meanes take awaye his sorowe but his follye But trulye both the time is yll tâ— teache and also it seemeth that Cleantes sawe not that gryefe of mynde myght be styrred sometimes vppon suche occasion as I am sure he hym selfe wyll confesse not to be greatly euell For what wyll he say hereunto when Socrates perswaded Alcibiades that there was no poynct of manhode in him and that he was no better theÌ„ the vilest slaue that went on the grounde When Alcibiades did for thys cause afflicte him and humbly weeping requested Socrates to enstructe him in vertue y â— he mighte flye vyce what wil you say Cleantes that the cause of Alcibiades griefe was no euell at all because it was not the greatest euell that might be Lycon mindinge to make men esteeme griefe of minde as a light matter sayes that it is stirred vppon small occasions as wyth the mischaunces of fortune and bodilye hurt wythout anye euels pertaynyng to the minde But dyd not the griefe of Alcibiades ryse chiefelye for the vyces whiche he felte in his owne minde Nowe of the consolation of Epicurus we haue spoken sufficientlye heretofore Neyther truly is that kinde of comforte verye stronge although it both is much vsed and also manye tymes taketh effecte I meane to shewe that suche chaunces come not to hym onely It helpeth in deede as I haue sayde but neyther at all times neither yet all men For there
are some that despyse it But it is a great matter bowe we beare it For we oughte not to tell what mischaunce euery priuate man hathe suffered but howe wyselye wyse men haue borne it The consolation of Chrisippus is the strongest for the truth of the sayenge but hardest to perswade in time of sorowe For it is a hard worke to proue to one that mourneth that he dothe it of his owne free will and for that he thinketh he ought so to do Wherefore as in pleadyng of causes we do not alwayes vse one kynde of state for so we terme the sundrye sortes of controuersyes but therein confyrme oure selues to the tyme the nature of the question and the person of y e hearer so must we do in the asswaging of griefe For we must marke what kynde of cure eche man is apt to take But I knowe not howe I haue made a longe digression from our purpose For you moued your question of a wyse man to whom eyther nothynge maye seeme euell that wanteth dishonestye or els if any euell chaunce vnto him it is lightly ouercome wyth wisedome so that it is scarce sene Because he fosters no fonde opinion to the encrease of his gryefe Neyther thynketh it wysedome to vexe and waste hym selfe wyth mournynge Then the whych there can be nothinge worse Yet neuerthelesse reason hath taught vs as I thynke albeit it was not oure appoynted question at this presente tyme that nothynge is euell but that whyche is dishoneste Or at the leaâ—â— wyse if there be anye euell in gryefe that it is not naturall but proceedeth of our owne voluntarye will and erronious opinion Thus we haue treated of the nature of sorowe whyche is the greatest of all gryefes For it beinge taken awaye the remedyes of the reste neede not greatlye to be soughte Yet neuerthelesse there are especyall â—â—mfortes agaynste pouertye and a base and lowe lyfe And there are pryâ—ate scooles appoynted to reason of banyshemente the ruyne of our countrey bondage weakenes blyndenes and of euerye chaunce that maye haue the name of calamitye For these thinges the Greekes deuyde into seuerall scooles For althoughe they are matters worthye the reasonynge yet they â—ouâ—yte in handlyng of them onelye to delyght the hearer But as Phisicians in curynge the whole bodye helpe also euery least parte that had anye gryefe in it So lykewyse Phylosophye after it hathe taken awaye thys vnyuersall sorowe ryddeth also all the reste that vse to trouble vs as pinchyng pouerty infamous shame hatefull exyle or anye of those gryeues whyche I hauâ— alreadye treated of Yet there are seuerall sortes of remedyes for euerye one of these But we muste alwayes come to thyâ— foundation that all griefe of minde ought to be farre from a wyse man Because it is vayne and to no purpose Because it is not naturall but proceedeth of a fond opinion and iudgement alluryng vs to sorowe when we haue once determined that we oughte so to do This beinge taken awaye whyche wholy consisteth in our owne wyll all sorowefull mourne shall be vtterlye quenched Perchaunce certayne priuy prickes may remayne whych let them count naturall so that the heauye terrible and deadlye name of sorowe be gone Which may by no meanes dwel wyth wysedome But there are many bytter braunches of sorowe which the stocke beinge once rooted oute muste needes wither and peryshe Howe be it we had nede of seuerall reasoninges against them wherein we wyl bestowe some time of leasure But there is one nature of all the gryeues of the mynde albeit there are seuerall names For both to enuye is a poyncte of gryefe of the minde and also to backe bite anye man to be pitifull to be vexed to hâ— waile to mourne to lameÌ„t to sorowe to be careful to be afflicted and to despayre all these the Stoykes do seueralâ—ye define And these wordes which I haue rehearced are the names of seuerall thinges and not as they seeme to be manye wordes signyfyenge one thing but differ somewhat As we wil in some other place perhaps entreate more at large These are the shootes of the stocke whyche we spake of euen nowe whyche we ought so to roote out that they might neuer ryse agayne A great worke and a harde as no man denyeth But what notable thynge is there which is not hard Yet neuerthelesse philosophy wyll bryng it to passe Let vs onely suffer our selues to be â—ured of her And thus we will finishe this Question And of the rest at some other time in this selfe same place I will be readye to reason Finis The fourth dayes reasoning of the fourth Question disputed by Marke Tullye Cicerâ— in his manour of Tusculanum as well contayning in it the description and deuysion of all those perturbations whych commonly disquiete the minde as also prouinge that none suche may or ought to be in a wyse man BOth in many other thinges I am wont to wonder at the witte and trauayle of oure countreymen deare frâ—Ì„d Brutus but chiefelye as ofte as I referre my minde to those studyes which beinge crepte but verye late into some estimation wyth vs and therefore scarcely missed or desyred vntil these later dayes they haue nowe deriued our of Greece into this our city For wheras euen froÌ„ the very beginning of y â— citie Partlye by orders appoynted by the kynges whych then reygned partly by written lawes diuination by byrdes ceremonies elections of officers appealementes a parliament of lordes a muster of horsemeÌ„ and footemeÌ„ were ordayned yet much more afterwardes the commen welth being once eased of the yoke of the kingdome there was made a wonderfull forwardnes and a spedye course to all kynde of excellency But this place serueth not to talke of the customes and ordinaunces of our forefathers or of the orders and gouernaunce of the cytye Thereof we haue spoken sufficientlye in other places But chiefely in those .vi. bookes which we haue written of a commen wealth But in this place whiles I consider wyth my selfe the studyes of all sortes of artes and learninge I haue manye occasions to thinke that as they haue ben borowed â—nd broughte from the Greekes so of vs they haue not onelye bene desired but also preserued and honoured For there was well nye in the syght of our forefathers Pythagoras a man of wonderfull wisedome and great fame â—or learning who liâ—ed in Italy about the same time that Lucius Brutus the noble auncestoure of your house deliuered his countreye from the bondage of the kinges Pithagoras learning spreadinge farre abrode came at the last also into this our city the which we may gather both by manye probable coniectures also by euidente reasons whiche in maner of steppes shall shewe vs the truthe For who woulde thinke that whereas the countrey called great greece wel stored with mighty cities â–ª was famous throughoute all Italye in it firste Pythagoras hym selfe and afterwardes his scolâ—rs folowers began to haue a great râ—porâ—â— name
who could thinâ—e I say that the eares of our countreymen were stopped or closed against theyr learned doctrine I do rather iudge that because of the great estimation y â— the Pithagoreans were in such as lâ—ued after Numa notwithstandinge y â— Pithagoraâ— liued not in his time estâ—emed him to be a scolâ—r folower of Pithagoras For they knowing his orders rules and hearing of their forefathers the iuâ—â—ice wisedome of king Numa being ignoraunt of the ages times because it did farre passe the memorye of them that then liued be leued that he who farre passed all the men of his time in wisedome learning was vndoubtedly the scoler and â—earer of Pithagoras And thus farre we haue reasoned by coniecture But nowe as concerninge proofes â–ª to shewe y â— our countreymen knewe the PithagoreaÌ„s I could bring manye But I will vse 〈…〉 â—â—we because â–ª it is not our purposâ— at this present time For like as it is reported of thâ—â— that they were wont to giue darke preceptes in verses also to withdraw their mindes from weighâ—y â–ª meditations w t song instrumentes so Cato a man of great grauitye and authoritie wrote in his bâ—â—ke whyche he made of the beginninges of this our citye that it was a custome vsed among our forefathers in al bankets y â— such as sate at the table should sing to y â— tune of an instrument y â— prayse prowes of worthy men wherby it is euideÌ„t y â— songes euen it y â— time were pricked by note Also y â— law of the .xii. tables doth declare that verses were wonte to be made at that present in that they commaunde that no man should make anye ditye to the hurte of another Neyther maye thys seeme a lyghte proofe of the learninge whyche they vsed in those times that afore the pillowes of the gods and at the feastes of the magistrates musicians did playe whyche was a thynge chyefely vsed of that secte of whyche I nowe speake Furthermore the verse of Appius the blynde which Panetiâ—â— coÌ„mendeth hyghly in an epistle which he wrote to Q. Tubero seemeth is sauour Pithagoras doctrine There be many of our orders also which we had from them which I do here ouerpasse leaste we maye seeme to haue learned those thinges otherwhere whyche we are thoughte to haue inuented our selues But to brynge backe my talke to my fyrst purpose in howe shorte tyme howe many and howe notable poetes but chiefely what excellent oratoures haue there bene amonge vs So that it may well appeare that oure countreymen could attayne al thinges as soone as they gaue theyr mindes vnto them And of other studyes we bothe will speake in other places if neede shal requyre and also haue already spoken very ofte But the studye of wysedome is rooted truly among vs howebeit afore the time of Lelius and Scipio I scarse fynde any whom I might well name wyse In whose youth I vnderstande that Diogenes the Stoike and Carneades the Academike were sent embaâ—â—adours from the people of Athenes so oure Senate who hauinge neuer borne any office in the commen welth being borne the one at Cyrene the other at Babilon trulye as I thinke they had neuer bene appoynted to that office vnlesse in theym as in certayne principall men all studyes of learnyng at that time had chiefelye flouryshed Such men when they employed theyr wyttes to writinge some penned the ciuile lawe some their owne orations some the monumentes of theyr forefathers But this moste ample and necessarye arte of all the rest I meane the rule of good lyfe they taughte more wyth theyr sincere cunning then with anye monumentes of learninge And therfore of that true and excellent philosophye which inuented of Socrates hath hitherto remayned amonges the Peripatetikes there be almost eyther none or els very fewe Latine workes either because of the greatnes hardnes of the thinges theÌ„ selues or els because they thought that their trauayle therein should be nothinge acceptable to such as were rude and ignoraunt But while those worthy sages whisted kept sileÌ„ce there rose one Caius Amasanius w t whose bookes the people being perswaded gaue them selues to his doctrine whether it were for that it was very easy to learne either because they were allured thereunto with the flattering baites of pleasure or els because there was no other philosophye wryten y â— which they heard they folowed But after Amasianus manye folowers of his doctrine writing manye bookes spred the same throughout all Italye And y â— whiche is a great proofe that there is no wittye inuention in theyr reasons I meane because they be both lightli perceiued also allowed of y â— vnlearned y t thei thinke to be a great strengthening to al their doctrine but let euery maÌ„ defend what he likes best For eche mans iudgement ought to be free I wil kepe mine old wonte binding my selfe to no one sect to y â— whych I ought of necessitie to be subiect will alway seke out what in all thinges is most likelye to be true Whiche I haue done both in manye other places heretofore But chiefelye of late in my manour of TusculanuÌ„ with earneste paynes Wherfore since I haue alreadye tolde you our .iii. dayes reasoninges it resteth that in this booke you heare the fourth dayes disputacion likewyse Therfore when we came downe into our shaded walke as we did all the rest of the dayes y â— matter fell out thus Let some man say whereof he wil dispute Hea. I thinke that a wise man caÌ„not want al perturbations of y â— minde Mar. Yesterday you thoughte that he might want sorowe vnlesse perchauÌ„ce you agreed onely because of the shortenes of the time Hea. Not so for your talke did meruaylously well please me Mar. Thinke you then that sorowe can not happeÌ„ to a wise man Hea. Yea truly I thinke it can not Mar. But if it can not trouble the minde of a wyse man then truly can none at all For what should do it might feare disquiet it But feare prâ—ceedeth but of the absence of those thinges whose presence causeth gryefe and sorowe Takynge away sorowe therefore feare is gone Then there remayne two perturbations light gladnes and desyre Which if they can not chaunce to a wyse man then shal his minde be alwaies quiete Hea. So in deede I thynke Mar. Whether wyl you then that we forthwyth hoyse vp all oure sayles or els as shipmen are wonte to do when they come forth of a hauen to rowe a while wyth ores Hea. What meane you by that for I do not well vnderstande you Mar. Because Chrisippus and the Stoykes when they reason of the perturbations of the mind do bestowe a great parte of the time in deuidynge and defininge Which talke of theyrs assuredlye is of litle purpose to ease a troubled minde But the Peripatetikes bryng manye reasons to the comfortyng of our mindes and ouerpasse these crabbed partitions and definitions
sprynge oute of the rootes of erroure whych oughte wholye to be pulled vp and not to be pared or cut away But because I thinke you do not put youre question of a wyse man but of youre selfe or of some other commen person for him perchaunce you thinke to be voyde of all perturbations let vs see what store of remedyes philosophye hath deuysed to helpe the diseases of the mind For assuredly there is some medecine For nature was not so cruelly bent agaynst mankind that wheras she hath inuented so manye remedyes for the bodye she woulde deuyse none for the minde Of which also she hath better deserued For that whereas the medecines of the body are made of thinges without the same the helth and helpes of the minde are closed within it selfe But looke howe much more noble and heauenly theyr nature is so muche the more diligence they neede to be cured Reason therfore being in good plite sees what is beste to doe But being neclected or impure it is wrapped in many errours To you therfore now I must turne al my talke For you fayne that you put your question of a wyse man But perhaps you meane it by youre selfe Of those perturbations therfore whych I haue rehearsed there are diuers and sundrye remedyes For all sorowe is not swaged after one sorte For there is one waye to helpe him that mourneth an other to helpe him that pityeth and an other to helpe him that enuieth Also there is this doubte in all the fower perturbations whether we oughte in consolatioÌ„s to applie our talke against all perturbations generallye whyche are the despisinge of reason or els a vehement appetite or els frame our persuasion agaynst euery singuler perturbation As agaynste feare desyre or anye of all the reste And whether we ought is reason whether this pryuate chaunce for the whyche he is so vexed ought patientlye to be borne or els to shewe that we must not be sorye for anye chaunce As if a man were pricked with pouertye whether woulde you proue vnto him that pouertye is no euell at all or els that a man oughte to take no mischaunce heauily This last truly were the better least if you shuld not perswade him that pouertye is no euel you must nedes geue him leaue to sorowe But if you take awaye all maner of gryefe wyth suche reasons as I yesterday vsed you shal in maner take awaye all the euell of pouertye But let euery such perturbation be finished with the quietnes of the minde whych comes when you proue that it is no good that we so desyre or that causeth vs to reioyce and that it is no euell whereof oure feare or gryefe doth proceede And this is a sure and approued remedye to shewe that the perturbations them selues are vicious And that they are not in vs of nature neyther are caused by necessitye As we see that commenlye men swage their sorowe when we cast in theyr teeth the weakenes of theyr effeminate minde when we commend vnto theym theyr grauitie and stedfastnes whych wythout anye trouble do beare the like Whyche trulye is wonte sometimes to chaunce to them whyche thynke them to be eâ—elles in deede and yet neuerthelesse that they are to be taken in good part As perchauÌ„ce some man thinkes pleasure to be a good thing and some other hath the same opinion of moneye yet neuerthelesse both the one maye well be stayed from ryot and also the other from coueteyse But the other maner of perswasion whych doth assaye both to take away theyr fonde opinion and also to ridde theyr sorowe is in deede more profitable But it takes effecte but feeld And also it is not to be ministred to the commen people Also there are some sortes of sorowes which that medecine can not helpe As if any man be aggryeued for the lacke that he feeleth in him selfe of vertue courage good behauiour or honestye he trulye were gryeued for a thynge that is in deede euell But there muste be some other salue ministred to him And that is such trulye as maye well ynoughe be a helpe of all the rest For this euery man ought to confesse that although those thinges whych stirre vs to feare or sorowe be euell yea or no or those thinges whych cause vs to desyre and reioyce be good yea or no yet assuredly that motion or stirring of the minde is euell For we will that he whome we terme a stout hearted and valaiunt man should be constant quiete graâ—e and such a one as should treade vnder his feete all chaunces that might happen to man But such a one can not be a sorowefull fearefull desyrous or a fond ioyous person For those thinges are in such as suffer chaunces to beare dominion ouer them Wherfore thys is one precepte commen amonges all philosophers that we speake not of that whyche troubleth the minde but onelye of the perturbation it selfe And therfore fyrste as concerninge desyre when we minde to take away that perturbation we must not alwayes reason whether that be good or no which moued vs to desyre but the desyre it selfe must be taken awaye So that whether honestye be the chiefest good and therfore chiefely to be desyred or if pleasure be it or els both of theym ioyned togyther or all those three sortes of goodes namely of the minde bodye and fortune yet neuerthelesse if we vnto much desyre euen vertue it selfe we must vse the like meanes to disswade men from that as we vse in al the rest Also the description of the nature of maÌ„ being set afore our eyes is a great meanes to quiete our minde Whych that they may more playnely beholde you muste describe in youre talke the commen state and miserye of mannes life And therfore it is reported that Socrates not without cause cut away these three fyrste verses of Euripides from that tragedie in the which he describeth the historye of Orestes The fearefulst chaunce that eyther toung may tell or eare may heare That chauÌ„ce may bring or gods down flynge our troubled mindes to feare The nature yet and hearte of man with pacience wel may beare ¶ Also to perswade that it whiche is chaunced both may and also ought to be borne the rehersall of many whych haue suffered the same is very profitable Howebeit we haue shewed howe sorowe might be swaged both in oure yesterdayes talke and also in our boke of consolation whyche for I muste nedes coÌ„fesse that I am no wise man I wrote in the middes of all my gryefe and sorowe And whereas Chrisippus doth forbyd vs to minister oure medecines when our minde is freshe swollen wyth the wound yet I did it and ioyned thereunto the whole strengthe of my nature that the sharpnes of my sorowe myghte yelde to the strength of the medecine But next to sorowe of the which we haue sufficiently spoken comes feare Of the whych also somewhat must be sayde For as sorowe proceedeth alwayes of some presente griefe
whole companye of vertues when it cometh to tormentes placeth images and shades afore our cies with great maiesty so that it would seeme that blessed life would euen strayghte wayes come to them and not suffer them to thynke that she would forsake them But wheÌ„ you haue once turned youre minde from these pictures and shades to the thinge and truth it selfe then there is this onely left bare whether any man may be happy as longe as he is in torment Wherefore hereof let vs reason But you nede not to feare least the vertues should complayne that they are forsaken betrayed and left of a happy lyfe For if there can be no vertue wythoute prudence prudence it selfe must nedes foresee that all good men can not be happye She remembreth many historyes of Marcus Attilius Quintus Cepio and Marcus Aquilius and such others And if you thinke good rather to vse the allusion of the images then the thinges them selues euen stayes her when she would come to the racke or to any other place of torment Sayeng that she hath nothyng to do wyth gryefe and torment Mar. I am well contented to reason euen after your appoyntment Howebe it you do me wrong in prescribyng me an order howe you will haue me reason But fyrst I aske this whether we haue concluded any thing al the other dayes Hea. Yea and that verye much Mar. If it be so then is this question almost fullye aunswered Hea. Howe so Mar. Because all troublesome mocions sodayne and vnaduysed tossinges of the minde despysynge all â—eason leaue vs no parte of a blessed lyfe For who is there that feareth eyther death or gryefe of the whiche the one chaunceth verye often and the other dothe alwayes hange ouer oure heades that is not wretched Also if any man as the moste parte do dothe feare pouertie shame or infamy yf any dread weakenes blyndnes or that which hath hapned not onelye to pryuate men but euen to whole nations bondage May any man that feareth these thinges be happy Also he whiche doth not onely feare suche thinges when they are coming but also can not beare nor suffer them when they are present as banishement mournynge barennes he I saye who beinge ouercome with these and suche like dothe yelde to sorowe must he not nedes be wretthed Furthermore he that is enflamed and euen rageth wyth desyre rashely desiringe all thinges wyth an vnsatiable gredines and howe muche the more plenty he hath of pleasure so much the more thirsting and desiring the same him I saye myghte you not wel thinke to be of all others most miserable Also he that is euen puffed vp with lyghtnes and fondlye reioyceth in his vayne mirth is he not so muche more miserable as he seemeth to hym selfe to be happyer Wherfore as all those whom we haue rehearsed are wretched so they contraryewyse are blessed whome no feares affraye no gryeues consume no lust enâ—lames no vayne ioye or effeminate pleasures do puffe vp And like as the sea is then thoughte to be calme when no little puffe doth rayse anye waues at all so that is thoughte to be the quiete and peasible state of the minde when as it is voyde of all perturbations that may eyther moue or styrre it Whiche if it be so then he that counteth the strokes of fortune and all chaunces that may happen to man tollerable so that for theym neyther feare can vexe him neyther sorowe torment him He so if he be neyther troubled with desire neyther haue his minde puffed vppe wyth any vayne pleasure what cause is there why he should not be happye And if all these thinges are broughte to passe by vertue what cause is there why vertue of it selfe can not make vs happye Hea. Trulye this can not be denyed but that those whych are troubled neyther with feare sorowe desire nor mirth must nedes be happy Therfore that I grauÌ„t you Mar. And truly thother is not vnproued For we shewed in oure former disputations that a wyse man wanted all perturbations of the minde So this question semeth to be fullye aunswered Hea. Almost in deede Mar. But this is the maner of the Mathematicians and not of philosophers For the Geometricians when they will proue any thynge if it pertayne to any of those thinges which they haue afore proued they take all those thinges afore proued as thinges that ought to be graunted and are vndoubted And onely expreâ—se those thinges wherof they wrote nothing afore Philosophers what so euer thing they haue in hand to proue bringe in forthwith all thinges that are appliable to the proofe of the same Althoughe they haue wrytten theÌ„ in some other place afore For otherwyse what needed the Stoykes in prouinge that vertue is sufficient to make a blessed lyfe to vse so manye wordes whereas it were enough for theym to aunswere that they had shewed afore that nothing is good but that which is honest Which being graunted it must nedes folowe that a blessed lyfe may be attayned by vertue onely And like as this doth folowe vpon that so lykewyse by the other this is concluded That if vertue onely will brynge vs to a happye lyfe then no other thinge can be good but that which is honest Yet neuerthelesse they do not so For both of honestye and also of the chiefest good and felicitie they haue wryten seueral bookes And although it be hereof sufficiently proued that vertue is able enoughe of it selfe to bringe vs to a blessed lyfe yet neuerthelesse they make a seueral discourse more at large of the same For euery question must be handeled with his owne propre reasons proofes and admonitions especially being so notable and so large as this is For I would not haue you thinke that there is any thinge more cleare in all philosophye or that there is any promisse of the same more plentifull then this is For marke wel what it doth professe Namely to bryng to passe that who so euer doth obeye the lawes of vertue should be alwayes armed agaynst fortune and shoulde haue in him all the aydes of a blessed and happy lyfe And to conclude that he should be alwayes happye But we wil talke in other places of the effectes of philosophy In the meane time I esteme that greatly whyche she promyseth For Xerxes being glutted wyth all the rewardes and gyftes that fortune myght gyue not contented wyth an infinite companye of horsemen and footemen with a wonderful sayle of ships nor yet with innumerable store of golde proposed a rewarde for him that could deuise any straunge pleasure For filthy lust hath no end nor measure I would we could get one who for hope of reward would make vs beleiue this more stedfastlye Hea. I would wyshe so lykewyse But I haue one thing to saye vnto you For I do well agree that of those thinges whyche you euen nowe rehearsed the one doth well folowe vpon the graunt of the other Namely that lyke as if it be graunted that onely
of birth solitarines the losse of fryendes greuous infyrmities of the bodye the losse of health weakenes blyndnes the captiuitie of our countrey banishemente and bondage In these and such lyke a man may be good and wyse For these thinges casualtie and chaunce bryng vpon vs whych may happen euen to a wyse man But if these thynges be euel who caÌ„ iustly affirme that a wise man is alwayes happye since euen in all these he may be at one instant Wherfore I wyll not gladly graunt neyther to bothe our maysters nor yet to those auncient philosophers Aristotle Speusippus Xenocrates and Polemon that inasmuch as they count al those thinges which I haue afore rehersed to be euel thei may wel affirme that a wyse man shoulde be alwayes blessed But if this fayre and glorious sayeng doth delyght theÌ„ being in deede most worthy of Pithagoras Socrates and Plato then let them finde in their heartes to despyse those thinges with the whych they are nowe so muche delighted namely strength health beautye ryches honour and substaunce And to set at noughte those thinges whych are contrary to that which they â—ayne they do desyre Then maye they playnly professe that they are nothing moued neyther wyth the force of fortune neyther with the opinion of the people neyther with gryefe nor pouertye But that all theyr ayde consisteth in theym selues and that there is nothing wythout theyr power that they esteeme to be good For it can not be by any meanes that any should speake these wordes whych belong to a stout and hie minded man and yet shoulde think those thinges to be good or euel which the common people so counteth With the whych glory Epicurus beinge moued firste rose vp who if god will thinkes that a wyse man may be alwayes blessed He is delyghted with the worthines of this sayeng But trulie he woulde neuer saye it if he did agree to his owne wordes For what is there lesse agreable then that he whych thinketh griefe to be the greatest euell or els that it onelye is euell that he I saye shoulde thinke that a wyse man euen in his tormeÌ„tes should saye O howe pleasaunte is this We must not therfore iudge philosophers by euery perticuler saieng but by their continuall and constant asseueration in all their assertions Hea. You moue me somewhat to agree vnto you But beware lest you also may seme to lacke a poynt of constancie Mar. Why so Hea. Because I did of late read youre booke of the endes of good and euell In the whyche me thoughte that reasoninge agaynste Cato you assayed to proue this which liked me very well I meane that betwyxte Zeno and the Peripatetikes there is no more difference theÌ„ the straungenes of certaine termes Whiche if it be true what cause is there whye yf Zeno thinke that vertue is of it selfe sufficiente to leade an honest life the Peripatetikes also do not thinke the same For I thinke we oughte to haue regarde to theyr meaninge and not to theyr wordes Mar. You trulye worke strayghtly wtth me For you reporte whatsoeuer I haue sayd or wrytten But I reason wyth other men which wel nie of necessity maintaine the opinioÌ„ of any one sect after this sort We liue but a shorte time whatsoeuer seemeth probable vnto vs that we do affirme Wherfore we onely of al other are free But forasmuche as I spake somewhat afore of constanry and stedfastenes I minde not in this place to dispute whether it were true that Zeno liked best and his folower Aristo I meane that that onely is good whych is honeste but that if it be so then he should place blessed and happy lyfe in onely vertue wherfore let vs graunte to my frend Brutus that according to his opinion a wise man shoulde be alwayes happye For who is more worthy to haue the glorye of that sayenge then he But yet howe well it doth agree wyth his owne opinion let hym selfe consider But let vs holde that a wise man is alwayes most happye And although Zeno a straunger born in Citium a towne of Cypres an obscure caruer of wordes woulde gladly creepe into the name of an aunciente philosopher Yet the grauitie of this opinion ought fyrst to be deriued from the authority of Plato In whom this is verye often repeated that nothynge ought to be called good but onely vertue As in his booke which he entituled Gorgias when one demaunded of Socrates whether he did not thinke that Archelaus who theÌ„ was counted most fortunate of all other was happy blessed He answered y â— he knew not For he neuer talked with him in all his life What sayest thou so canst thou not knowe it otherwise No trulye Doest thou doubte then whether the myghtye kynge of the Persians be happye yea or no Whye should I not since I knowe not howe learned he is or whether he be a good man or no Whye thynkest thou that happy lyfe consysteth therein I truly thinke that all good men are happye and that all noughty men are wretched Is Archelaus then a wretche Yea trulye if he be a vicious lyuer Doth not this man thinke you place happy lyfe in vertue onely He also in his booke whiche is entituled Epitaphium hath these wordes For that man quod he who wythin him selfe hath all thinges necessarye for a happy life and wauereth not depending vpon the good or euel chaunce of anye other thinge he hath euen gotten the trade of a perfect life He is a modest stoute and a wyse man He although all other forrayne commodities eyther ryse or fall will alwayes obey the olde precept neyther reioyce neyther sorowe ouer much because all his hope is fixed onely in him selfe Out of this holy and sacred sprynge of Plato shall flowe all our talke that foloweth From whence therefore maye we better take our beginninge then from nature the common parent and authour of all thinges Who what so euer she made not onelye beinge a liuing creature but also either any such thing as springeth out of the ground made it euerye thinge perfecte in his owne kynde And for that cause both trees vines also the lowe floures whiche can not springe hie from the ground some of theÌ„ are alwaies grene And some of them being made bare in the winter yet reuiuing in the spring beginne to bud out agayne For there is none of theym that is not so nouryshed eyther wyth some inwarde motion or els some power enclosed in it that it dothe not at certayne times of the yeare yelde eyther floures fruites or beries And all thinges as much as partayneth to theyr nature are perfect wythin them selues vnlesse they be hurt by the iniury of some forrayne force But we may much more plainelye perceyue this power of nature in beastes Because there are by nature senses geuen to theym For some beastes nature would to be swimmynge and abiding in the waters whiche are called fishes To other some she gaue the open
in complayning his blyndenes But Homere fayniÌ„g Poliphemus to haue bene a rude and a huge gyant maketh him talking wyth a ramme commending his good chauÌ„ce for that he could see to go where he woulde and touche what he listed And trulye that talke was well applyed to such a person For he was no wiser then the ramme wyth whom he talked But in deafenes what euell is there Marcus Crassus was somewhat deafe But there was one thing worse than that belonging to him Namelye that he had an euell reporte Although that trulye in my opinion was wythout cause Our Epicures can not vnderstande nor speake Greeke Neyther the Greeke Epicures latine They therefore were deafe in these mens language And likewise these men in theyrs And all men in those languages whiche they vnderstand not are no better thaÌ„ deafe But some man will say They can not heare the sweete noyse of any instrument No more can they the gratinge or iarring of a sawe when he is wheâ—ted neyther the squeakynge of a pigge when he is sticked neyther when they are disposed to take theyr rest the roaringe of the mayne sea And if they 〈◊〉 so greatly delyghted wyth songes and instrumentes they oughte to consider that afore anye suche thinges were inuented there were manye wyse men that ledde a happye lyfe And also that there may be farre greater pleasure taken in readinge then hearings suche toyes Furthermore as we did afore commende vnto blynde men the pleasures of the eares so we maye vnto deafe men commende the pleasures of the eyes And furthermore who soeuer can commen secretelye with his owne conscience he shall not neede the talke of another Nowe let all these miseries be put together So that some maÌ„ lacke both his syght and hearinge and furthermore be payned wyth extreame gryefe in his body whych both of themselues are able at the first to kil a man or els if they tary any thinge longe do pricke a man more vehementlye then that he should haue occasion to abide theÌ„ yet what neede we to trouble oure selues Inasmuch as there is alwayes a hauen baye readye for vs. Death I meane the euerlastinge home of oure body when it is once past sence Theodorus wheÌ„ Lisimacus threatned him that he would put him to death sayde Surely youre power is great if you be able to do asmuche as a Cantarides Paulus wheÌ„ Perses desired him that he might not be led in his triumph answered That is in your choyce Of death we spake much the first day wheÌ„ we disputed purposely of it sumwhat also the next day wheÌ„ we entreated of gryefe we sayd thereof which who soeuer doth remember there is no doubt but he wil either wishe for death or at the least wise not feare it I thinke that herein we ought to kepe that custome which the Grecians vse in their feastes for they haue such a terme Eyther let him drink or els depart And but right For eyther let him wyth other kepe feloweship in drinkinge or els least he being sober should be in the companye of dronkardes he must departe before So likewise the iniuries of fortune which we caÌ„ not abide we ought to auoyde by flight The same that Epicurus sayeth Hieronimus also affirmeth almost with the selfe same wordes Therfore if these philosophers which think vertue of it selfe to be of no force that al that which we cal honest and laudable is but a vaine thing only coloured with a fayre name if these men neuerthelesse thinke that a wyse man is alwayes happy what theÌ„ should we looke for of Socrates Plato other more excelleÌ„t philosophers Of y t whiche some saye that the goodes of the minde are of such excellencie that they blemishe all the goodes of the bodye of fortune And some other count these to be no goods at al but place al things in y â— minde only Whose controuersie Carneades was wonte to finishe like an honourable iudge For he said that there was no cause of controuersie betwixt theÌ„ although those things which the peripatetikeâ— did cal goods y t Stoikes did count but coÌ„modities so y â— the Peripatetikes did attribute no more to ryches good health and other suche like then the Stoikes when it comes to the pdndering of the thinge it selfe and not of the word And as for the philosophers of other sectes howe they can haue any place in this opinion let them selues see Yet I am glad that they professe some thinge worthye the name of philosophers of the ablenes of a wise man to liue well But inasmuch as in the morninge we must go from heÌ„ce let vs nowe penne out these our fyue dayes disputations I trust that I shall at the laste haue some leasure to set theym abrode For wherein may I better employe this litle leasure that I haue And to my frende Brutus we will sende these fiue bookes by whom I was not onely moued but also prouoked to wryte of philosophy Wherein howe much we shal profyte other men I can not well say But for mine owne sharpest sorowes and sondry troubles that on all sides compassed me I could finde no better remedye FINIS ¶ Faultes escaped in printing In the fyrst booke fol.  page line 3 2 7 for vnto read till 8 2 2 for Hea. reade Mar. 9 1 8 for also reade aske 10 1 23 for members read numbers 12 2 20 for maye read any 13 2 8 for where read are 14 2 4 for his read this 14 1 23 for foolishe read foolishely 15 2 16 for hearty read hauty 18 2 1 for which read when 20 2 8 for exhaltacions read exhaâ—â— 21 1 1 for as read and lations 22 2 8 for bound reade boared 24 2 9 for selfe reade soule 29 2 12 for Nectari read Nectar 31 2 17 for nowe read newe 32 2 17 for motion read mixtion â—6 2 8 for Aecus read Aeacus In the second booke fol.  pa. li. 2 2 12 for wits read which â— 2 16 for which reade wittes  2 22 for Peripatician and Academians read Peripateâ—â—kes and academikes In the third booke fol. pa. li.  5 2 22 for as read are 8 12 9 for excutue read execute 11 1 7 for we reade no 12 1 11 for bed read beard 20 2 14 for goodnes read goodes 34 2 1 for delayed read deluded 37 1 9 for countenaunce read continuaunce 39 1 6 for beare read minister 39 1 20 for confirme read conforme 40 2 11 for mourne read mourning In the fourth booke fol. pa. li.  2 2 1 for lined read lyued 4 2 1 for cunning read liuing 10 1 10 for feare read ioye 10 1 23 for sonoe read soone 17 1 21 for for read or 28 2 19 for valiunt read valiaunt ⧠In the fift booke fol. pa. li.  8 2 16 for so read also 12 2 7 for line read liâ—e 27 2 3 for thitherto read hitherto Wordes left out ⧠In the first booke 16. leafe first page 11. line betwixt for and what bring in for 19. fol. 2. pa. 13. li. betwixt but and he bring in he thought 23. foli 1. pa. 4. line betwixte feare and for bring in What terroure I pray you or what feare 43. fol. 1. pa. 19. line betwixt such and as bringe in that In the second booke 4. fol. 2. pa. 2. li. betwixt me and inasmuch bring in for 4. fol. 2. pa. 22. li. betwixt custome and Peripatetikes bring in of the In the third booke 6. fol. 1. pa. 26. li. betwixt is and written bring in not .16 fol. 2. pa. 24. line betwixt in and thinkinge bringe in two poyntes the one in withdrawyng our minde from the. 27. fol. 2. pa. 12. li. betwixt kinde that bringe in is 35. fol. 1. pa. 16. lin betwixt that is bryng in it In the fourth booke 11. fol. 2. page .17 li betwixt minde to bring in they defyne 13. fol. 2. page 22. line betwixt comparison maye bring in of diseases of the body 34. fo 1. pa. 1. line betwixt that therabout bringe in there is anye loue of whoredome And. In the fyft booke 18. fol. 2 page 6. line betwixte voyde and feare bryng in of ¶ Imprinted at LondoÌ„ in Fletestrete nere to S. Dunstons church by Thomas Marshe
blessed They rehearse Erictheus whose doughters suffered voluntarye death to saue the life of theyr citesins And Codrus who willingly entred in the mids of his ennemies in the armor of a commen souldiour to thinteÌ„t that he mighte not be knowen to be kynge Because there was an oracle geuen that if the king were flayne theÌ„ should the Athenienses haue the victory Neither do thei ouerpasse Menecheus who hauing the like oracle giuen bestowed his bloud for his countrey Iphigenia also was willinge to be slayne at Aulide that by her bloud her countreymeÌ„ might more easely sheade the the bloud of theyr ennemies Then they come nigher They remember Harmodius and Aristogiton Leonidas also the Lacedemonian EpaminuÌ„das the Theban They knowe not our countreymen whom it would aske great tyme to recken there be so manye to whom we knowe that glorious death was alwaye welcome Which inasmuche as it is so I must nedes wishe that either men would hereafter desyre deathe or at the least wise ceasse to feare it For if at the last daye of our lyfe our soules dye not but onely chaunge their place what ought we more to wyshe But if death do vtterlye destroye vs what can be better then in the rage of great stormes swetely to slumber and after that a man hath nodded oute of this lyfe to sleepe euerlastingly Which if it be so then oughte we rather to allowe the wordes of Ennius theÌ„ Solan for Ennius sayde Let no man me bemoane ne moystâ— my graue with teares But the other Let not my death want teares al ye my frendes do wepe And ye that erst aliue me loued with teares my funeral kepe But we if so be it happen that by the commaundemente of god we must depart out of this life let vs do it merely thanking him for it And let vs thinke that thereby we are loosed from prison and eased of the irons with the whych we were clogged either to depart into perpetuall mansion house appoynted for vs or els to be voyde of the sense of all griefe And afore such time that we shall be called of god let vs thinke that day which is so terrible to other to be a blessed and a happye daye to vs. Because it is appointed either of the gods immortall or els of nature the firste framer and maker of all thynges For we were not firste made by happe or chaunce but by a certayne heauenlye power whych will prouide for vs and not create anye of vs to the ende that when we had passed the miserye of this lyfe we should fall into the euerlasting darkenes of death But let vs rather thinke that deathe is a safe hauen and baye for vs to the whyche I praye god we maye come wyth spedye wynde and sayâ—e But althoughe for a while we may be kept of by a contrary tempeste yet neuerthelesse we must needes come to it at length And can that whyche must needes come to all men be misery to any one Thus you haue nowe my conclusion so that you can not iustly complayne of any thing Hea. You say well and truly this conclusion hath strengthned me more theÌ„ I was before Mar. I am glad of it But nowe let vs see somewhat to our owne ease And this nexte daye and so long as we shall abide in thys my manor we will talke of those thinges chiefely whiche pertayne to the ease of griefe of the minde feare and desire which is the most profite of al philosophy ☞ Thus endeth the firste booke THE SECOND BOOKE treating of the second question whyche Marke Tullye Cicero disputed in his manor of Tusculanum concerninge payne and forment howe farre it is the dutye of a wyse man to suffer the same NEoptolemus in Ennius sayeth y â— he must of necessitye practise philosophy But yet neuerthelesse but in fewe thinges for vniuersally it likes him not And I truly O Brutus must nedes vse philosophy for wherein may I better employe my time of leasure But I can not limite it to a fewe thinges onlye as he doth For it is very harde that a man should be any thing skilfull in philosophy wythout the knoweledge of moste thinges or all For a man caÌ„ not chose a fewe thinges but out of a great nuÌ„ber and it is not possible that he which hath gotten a litle knoweledge should not with earnest desire study to knowe the rest But neuerthelesse in a busye lyfe and as Neoptolemus then was much troubled with warre both a litle is profitable and turnes to muche vse But yet not suche as may be gathered of all Philosophye and yet suche neuerthelesse as we maye thereby be eased of desire care and feare As bi that disputacion which we kept last in oure manor of Tusculanum we seeme to haue wrought a great despyte of death whiche is of no litle force to ease oure mind of feare For who soeuer feareth that whyche by no meanes maye be auoyded he surely can not by any possibilitye enioye the fruyctes of a quyete life But who soeuer not onely because he must needes dye but also because there is nothing in death to be feared doth not passe on death he assuredlye hath gotten him selfe a strong staye for a quyet lyfe Although I am not ignoraunt that many will speake agaynste it whose vayne reproche I could by no meanes anoyde vnlesse I should write nothing at al. For if in myne oracions in the whiche I somewhat esteeme the fauour of the people for that rethoryke is an arte appliable to the coÌ„men voyce of the people the verye ende and perfection of eloquence is the prayse and commendacion of the hearers If then I saye there were some whiche would like nothinge in my oracions in the wittes they them selues were not likely to passet and would extend their commendacion in other mens workes no further then they thought their owne whyche mighte well attayne the same and for that cause when any other maÌ„ passed them in weyght of sentence and eloquence of wordes woulde saye that they lyked rather a thinne and base then so plentifull a stile of the whyche sorte also they were that were called Attici who boasted the profession of that whyche no man els knewe who nowe are almost laughed out of al courtes If then in the allowynge of mine orations the people were of seuerall mindes what maner of hearer thinke you shall I in this grauer matter haue of the same For philosophy sekes not the iudgement or prayse of manye but of purpose flyes the preace of the commeÌ„ people of whom it is alwayes eyther feared or hated So that if eyther any man lyst to disprayse it wholye he may do it wyth the good will of the people or els if he will chiefely dyscommend that whych we nowe treate of he maye haue sufficiente ayde out of the bookes of other philosophers But we haue aunswered all the foes of philosophye in oure booke entituled Hortensius and whatsoeuer was to be spoken