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A67125
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A parallel betweene Robert late Earle of Essex, and George late Duke of Buckingham written by Sir Henry Wotton.
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Wotton, Henry, Sir, 1568-1639.
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1641
(1641)
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Wing W3647; ESTC R23450
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12,618
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16
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in the whole on theirs ready to receive us with two hundred horsâ— with neere two thousand foote and watching their best time of advantage none of their foote discovered by us before nor so much as suspected and only some of their Horse descried stragling but not in any bulke or body their Cavalry not a Troop of Biscoigners mounted in hast but the greater part Gentlemen of Family and of pickt Resolution and such as charged home both in Front and on both flankes into the very Sea about sixescore of their two hundred horse strewed upon the Sâ—nd and none of them but one killed with a great shot and after this their foot likewise comming on to charge till not liking the businesse they fell to flinging of stones and so walked away I say these things considered and laid together wee have great reason to repute it a great impression upon an unknown place and a noble argument that upon occasion we have not lost our Auncient vigor Only I could wish that the Duke who then in the animating of the souldiers shewed them very eminen â— assurance of his valour had afterwards remembred that rule of Apelles Manum de Tabula But he was greedy of honour and hot upon the publique ends and too coâ—fident in the prosperity of beginnings as somewhere Polybius that great Critique of war observeth of young leaders whom fortune hath not before deceived In this their Military â—are dispensation of reward and punishment there was very few remarkable occasions under the Duke saving his continuall vigilancie and voluntary hazard of his person and kindnesses to the Souldiers both from his own table and purse for there could bâ— sew disorders within an Iland where the â—roops had no scope to disband and the Inferiour Commanders were still in the sight In the Earle wee have two examples of his severity the one in the Island voyage where hee threw a Souldier with his owne hands out of a Ship the other in Ireland where hee decimaâ—ed certaine troops that ran away renewing a peece of the Roman discipline On the other side wee have many of his Lâ—nitie and one of his facilitie when hee did Connive at the bolde Trespasse of Sir Walter Rawlâ—igh who before his owne arrivall at Fyâ—ll had banded there aginst his precise Commandement at which time hee let fall a Noble word being pressed by one whose name I need not remember that at the least he would put him upon a Martiall Court That I would doe sayd hee if he were not my friend And now I am drawing towards the last Act which was written in the book of necessity At the Earles end I was abroade but when I came home though little was left for writers to gleane after judges yet I spent some curiosity to search what it might bee that could precipitate him into such a prodigious Catastrophe and I must according to my professed freedome deliver a circumstance or two of some weight in the truth of that story which was neither discovered at his araignment nor after in any of his private Confessions There was amongst his nearest attendants one Henry Cuffe A man of secret ambitious ends of his owne and of proportionate Counsells smoothered under the habit of a Scholler and slubbered over with a certayne rude and Clownish fashion that had the semblance of integrity This person not above five or sixe weekes before my Lords fatall irruption into the City was by the Earles Speciall Commaund suddainely discharged from all further attendance or accesse unto him out of an inward displeasure then taken against his sharpe and importune infusions and out of a glimmering oversight that he would proove the very instrument of his Ruine I must adde hereeunto that about the same time my Lord had received from the Countesse of Warwicke a Lady powerfull in the Court and indeed a vertuous user of her power the best advise that I thinke was ever given from eyther Sex That when hee was free from restraint hee should 〈◊〉 take any out-lodging at Greenewich and sometimes when the Queen went abroad in a good humour whereof shee would give him notice he should come forth and humble himselfe before Her in the field This Counsell suâ—ke much into him and for some dayes hee resolved it but in the meane time through the intercession of the Earle of Southampton whom Cuffe had gained hee was restored to my Lords eare and so working advantage upon his disgraces and upon the vain foundation of vulgar breath which hurts many good men spun out the finall destruction of his Master and himselfe and almost of his restorer if his pardon had not been wonne by inches True it is that the Earle in Westminster-hall did in generall disclose the evill perswasions of this man but the particulars which I have related of his dismission and restitution hee buried in his owne breast for some reasons apparent enough Indeede as I conjecture not to exasperate the Case of my Lord of Southampton though hee might therewith a little peradventure have mollified his owne The whole and true Report I had by infallible meanes from the person himselfe that both brought the advise from the afore-sayd excellent Lady and carried the discharge to Cuffe who in a private Chamber was strucken therewith into a Sound almost dead to the Earth as if hee had fallen from some high steeple such Turrets of hope hee had built in his owne Fancy Touching the Dukes suddaine period how others have represented it unto their Fancies I cannot determine for my part I must confesse from my Soule that I never recall it to minde without a deepe and double astonishment of my discourse and reason First of the very horrour and attrocity of the Fact in a Christian Court under so moderate a Governement but much more at the impudency of the pretence whereby a desperate discontented Assassinate would after the perpetration have honested a meere private revenge as by precedent Circumstances is evident enough with I know not what publique respects and would faine have given it a parliamentary cover howsoever Thus these two great Peeres were dis-roabed of their Glory the one by judgement and the other by violence which was the finall distinction Now after this short contemplation of their diversities for much more might have beene spoken but that I was fitter for Rapsody then commentary I am lastly desirous to take a Summarie viewe of their Conformities which I verily beleeve will be fouâ—d as many though perchance heeded by few as are extent in any of the ancient Parallell They both slept long in the armes of Forâ—une They were both of ancient blood and of Forraigne extraction They were both of straight and goodly stature and of able and active bodies They were both industrious and assiduous and intentive to their ends They were both early Privy Councellors and imployed at home in the secretest and weightiest affaires in Court and State They were both likewise Commaunders abroad in Chiefe as well by Sea as by Land both Masters of the Horse at home both chosen Chancellours of the same Vniversity namely Cambridge They were indubitable strong and high minded men yet of sweet and accostable Nature almost equally delighting in the presse and affluence of Dependants and Suitors which are alwayes the Burres and sometimes the Briers of Favourits They were both married to very vertuous Ladies and sole Heires and left issue of eyther Sex and both their Wives converted to contrary Religions They were both in themselves â—â—re and excellent examples of Temperance and Sobriety but neyther of them of Continency Lastly after they had beene both Subject as all Greatnesse and splendor is to certayne obloquies of their Actions They both concluded their earthly felicity in unnaturall ends and with no great distance of time in the space eyther of Life or Favour And so having discharged this poore Exercise of my Pen according to my knowledge and Reality let us commit those two noble Peeres to their Eternall rest with their memorable abilities remayning in few and their compsssionate infirmities common to all FINIS