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A01080 A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons & euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the ciuile lawes of the Empiere, as also all other lawes of the world, with a large discourse of the difference betwene the. ii. gouernements of kingdomes: whereof the one is onely regall, and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned. written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past, by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight ... And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster.; De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?; Mulcaster, Robert. 16th Century 1567 (1567) STC 11194; ESTC S102454 98,618 567

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predicti Regis Iherusalem dn̄io morabātur Princeps ille mox vt factus est adultus militari totum se contulit disciplinae et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis eos calcaribus ▪ vrgens quandoque lancea quandoque mucrone aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis sodales suos iuuenes sibi seruientes bellantiū more inuadere ferireque iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur Quod cernens miles quidam grandaeuus predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat Principē sic affatur ¶ First he moueth the Prince to the knowledge of the lawe Chap. 1 YOur singuler towardenes most gracious prīce maketh me right gladde when I beholde how ernestlye you dooe embrace martiall feates For it is conueniēt for youre grace to be thus delyted not onlye for that you are a souldyour but muche rather for that you shal be a kīg For yt is the offyce and duytie of a Kyng to fight the batailes of his people and also rightlye to iudge them as in the viii chapiter of the firste booke of Kinges you are plainelye taught Wherfore I would wish your grace to be w t as ernest zeal geuē to y e studie of y e lawz as you ar to y e knowledge of arms because that like as warres by force of chiualrye are ended euen so iudgementes by the lawes are determined which thing Iustinian the Emperour well and wisely and aduisedly pondering in the beginninge of the preface of his book saith thus It behoueth the emperiall maiesty not onli to be garded with armez but also to be armed with lawes to the end y t he mai be able rightly to execute y e gouernem̄t of bothe times aswell of warre as of peace Howbe it for youre more earnest endeuoir to the study of the law the exhortatiō of the chiefest lawmaker Moyses sometyme capytaine of the Synagoge ought to be of much more force with you then the woordes of Iustinian wheras in the xvii chapiter of the book of Deuteronomie hee doothe by the auctority of god straitlye charge the kinges of Israell to be readers of y e lawe al the daies of theire lyfe sayeng thus When the kyng shall sitte vppon the princelye seate of hys kingdome hee shall write him out thys lawe in a booke takynge the copye thereof of the priestes the Leuites and he shal haue it with him and hee shall read it al the dayes of hys life that he may learne to feare the lorde his god to keepe his commaundementes and ordinaunces written in this lawe And Helynandus expoūdyng the same saith thus A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of y e law neither is it tollerable y t hee vnder the pretence of warrefare shoulde be vnskilfull in the lawe And a littel after he is cōmaūded sayeth hee to receyue the coppye of the lawe of the priestes the Leuites that is to saye of catholik and learned men Thus muche he For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes wherwith the Kynges of Israell were bounde to rule and gouerne they re Subiectes Thys booke doth Moyses commaunde kinges too reade that they may learne to feare God and keepe his commaundementes which are writen in the lawe Beholde the effecte of the lawe is to feare God Whereunto man cannot attayne onelesse he firste knowe the will of God whiche is written in the lawe For the principall poynte of all seruyce is to knowe the wyll and pleasure of the lord or maister to whome seruyce ys due Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first ī this charge mencioneth the effecte of the lawe that is the feare of God and nexte he allureth vs to the keepinge of the cause thereof that is to saye of Goddes commaundementes For in the mynde and intent of the exhorter the effect goethe before the cause But what feare is thys whyche the lawes do propoū to y e obseruerz therof Surely it is not that fear wherof it is written that perfect charitie or loue expellethe feare Yet thys same feare thoughe it bee bond seruile oftentimes prouoketh kinges to the reading of the lawes but it procedeth not out of the law But that feare wherof Moyses here speaketh whiche also procedeth out of the lawes is the selfe same feare that the prophet speaketh of saynge The feare of the lorde is holy endureth for euer euer This is such a louīg feare as natural children beare to their deare parētz commenly termed the reuerence of y e child toward his parents Whereunto there is no punishement due as a thinge wrought by loue For this feare proceedeth out of the lawes which teach to do the wil of god so that it deserueth no punishement But the glorye of the Lorde is vppon them that feare hym and he doth glorify them Yea thys feare is eeuen that same feare whereof Iob after that he had dyuerslye searched for wisedome sayeth thus Beeholde the feare of the lord is perfecte wisedome and to forsake euill is vnderstandinge That the forsakinge of euill is the vnderstandinge of the feare of god this do the lawes teache whereby it foloweth that the same fear procedeth out of them Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actus conuenit nāque tibi taliter delectari nedum quia miles es sed amplius quia rex futurus es Regis nēpe officiū pugnare est bella populi sui et eos rectissime iudicare vt primo regum cap. viii clarissime tu doceris Quare vt armorum vtinam et legum studiis simili zelo te deditū cōtēplarer Cum vt armis bella ita legibus iudicia peragantur que Iustinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait Imperatoriā magestatem non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus oportet esse armatam vt vtrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari Tū vt ad legum studia seruide tu āheles Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim Synagoge dux multo forcius Cesare te īuitat dum regibus Israel diuina autoritate ipse precipiat eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue sic dicens Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine accipiens exēplar a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus habebit secū legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue vt discat timere dn̄m deū suū custodire verba ceremonias eius que in lege scripta sūt Deutero ca. xvij quod exponens Helynādus dicit Princeps ergo nō debet iuris ignarus esse nec pretextu militiae legē permittitur ignorare Et post pauca a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis id est a viris catholicis et litteratis Hec ille Liber quippe Deute est
liber legum quibus Reges Israell subditum sibi populum regere tenebantur Hunc librum legere iubet Moyses Reges vt discant timere deū custodire mandata eius quae in lege scripta sunt Ecce timere deū effectus est legis quem non consequi valet homo nisi prius sciat voluntatem dei quae in lege scripta est Nam principium omnis famulatus est scire voluntatem dn̄i cui seruitur Legis tn̄ lator Moyses primô in hoc edicto effectum legis videlicet timorem Dei cōmemorat Deinde ad custodiā causae eius videlicet mandatorum dei ipse inuitat Nā effectus prior est quā causa in animo exhortātis Sed quis est timor iste quem promittunt leges obseruatoribus suis vere non ē timor ille de quo scribitur Quod perfecta caritas foras mittit timorem Timor tamen ille licet seruilis sepe ad legendum leges reges concitat sed non est ipse proles legis Timor vero de quo hic loquitur Moises quem et pariunt leges est ille de quo dicit propheta Timor domini sanctus permanet in seculum seculi Hic filialis est et non nouit penam vt ille qui per charitatem expellitur Nam iste a legibus proficiscitur que docēt facere volūtatē dei quo ipse penā nō meretur Sed gloria dn̄i est super metuentes eū quos et ipse glorificat Timor autē iste timor ille est de quo Iob postquā multifarie sapiētiā inuestigat sic ait Ecce timor domini ipsa est sapientia recedere a malo intelligentia Iob ca. xxviij Recedere a malo quôd intelligētia timoris dei est leges docent quo timorē hunc ipse parturiunt ¶ The Princes replie to the Chauncellours motion Chap. 2. THe Prince hearynge this and stedfastly be holding y e old man spake thus to him I know good Chauncelloure that the booke of Deutronomie whereof you speake is a booke of holye scripture The lawes also and ordinances therein contained are holy of the lords makinge and published by Moyses Wherefore the readinge of them is a plesant act of holye contemplacion But that law to the knowledge whereof you counsell me is humayne made by menne and intreating of worldlye matters Wherefore though Moyses bynde the Kinges of Israell to the readynge of goddes law yet that thereby hee forcethe all other Kynges to do the like in their own lawes that standethe by no good reason seeynge that of both the readinges the cause is not like HEc vt audiuit prīceps erecto in senem vultu sic locutus est Scio Cancellarie quod liber Deut. quem tu commemoras sacrae scripturae volumē est leges quoque cerimoniae in eo cōscriptae etiam sacrae sūt a dn̄o editae per Moisen promulgatae quare eas legere sāctae cōtēplacionis dulcedo est Sed lex ad cuius scienciā me inuitas humana est ab hoībus aedita tractans terrena quo licet Moyses ad Deut. lecturam reges Israel astrinxerit eū per hoc reges alios ad cōssīl’er faciēdū in suis legibus cōcitasse ōnē effugit rationē cū vtriusque lectur ’ nō sit eadem causa ¶ Here the Chauncelour Fortifieth his assertion Cap. 3. I perceaue ꝙ the Chaūcellour by youre aunswere most worthy prince howe earnestly you haue considered weighed the qualitie of my exhortaciō So that heareby you doe much encourage me both more plainly more largely also more deepelye to discourse y e same Wherefore you shal vnderstande that not only gods lawes but also mans are holye forsomuche as the lawe is diffined by these woordes The lawe is a holy sanction or decree cōmaūding things that be honest and forbiddinge y e contraries Now y e thing must needs be holy which by diffiniciō is determined to be holye Right also by description is called the arte of y t whiche is good streight so y t in this cespect a man may wel cal vs Sacerdotes that is to saye geeuers or teachers of holy things for so by interpretacion doothe Sacerdos signifie Forsomuche then as the lawes are holye it foloweth that the ministers and setters furth of thē may right wel be called Sacerdotes that iz geuers teachers of holy things Further more all lawes published by men haue also theire auctoritie frome godde For as the Apostell sayethe Al power is from the lord god Wherefore the lawes that are made by mā which thereunto hath receaued power from the lorde are also ordeined of god as also appeareth by this saiyng of the auctour of al causes Whatsoeuer the seconde cause doth the sāe dothe y e first cause by a higher and more excellent meane Wherefore Iosaphat the king of Iuda saiethe to his iudges The iudgements whiche ye execute are the iudgements of god in y e ninetinth chapter of the seconde booke of Chronicles Wherby you are taughte that to learne laws though they be mās lawes is toe learne holy lawes and the ordynāces of goode so that the studie of them is not with out a pleasant sweetenes of holy cōsolaciō And yet such sweete pleasure was not the cause as you suppose werefore Moyses cōmaunded the kings of Israel to reade the lawes of Deuteronomie For thys cause moueth not kynges no more to the reading of y e boke of Deuteronomie thenne of anye of the other bookes of Moyses in which aswel as ī y e booke of Deuteronomie is plentiful store of godly lessons holy instrucciōs Wherin to be deuoutly occupied is a holy thing Wherfore that there was non other cause of this commaundement thē for that y e lawes whereby the king of Israel is bound to rule his people are more precisely cōteined in y e booke of Deutronomie thē in y e other bokes of y e old testamēt y e circūstances of the same cōmaūdement do manifestly infourme vs. For whiche cause you ought moste worthy prince no lesse thē the kings of Israell to bee mooued and prouoked to be a diligent trauailer in the studie of those lawes wherebye hereafter yowe shal rule your people For that which was spoken to the kinge of Israell muste be vnderstande to be figuratiuely spoken to euerye kinge hauinge dominion ouer godly people And haue I not then wel and holsomelye propounded vnto you the commaundemēt geeuen to the kynges of Israell concernynge the learnynge of theire lawe Forasmuche as not onely his example but also hys like autoritie hath taught yowe and bounde you to the like dooinge in the lawes of the kyngedome whiche god willinge you shall inherit AT Cācellariꝰ Scio inquit ꝑ hec q̄ iā dicis princeps clarissim̄ quāta adūtētia exhortatiōis mee tu pōderas qualitat ’ quo me nō infime cōcītas suꝑ inceptis nedū clariꝰ sed et ꝓfūdiꝰ quodamodo tecūdisceptare
¶ A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the Ciuile lawes of the Empiere as also all other lawes of the world with a large discourse of the difference betwene the .ii. gouernements of kingdomes whereof the one is onely regall and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned Written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight lorde Chauncellour of Englād in y e time of Kinge Henrye the .vi. And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster Pio lectori IStius non minus pij quá eruditi opusculi exemplar nactus quū antiquitatem venerandam vna cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxcrim Non potui optime lector aut patrie tam ingratus aut antiquitatis tam in officiosus cultor esse vt te illius lectione diutius fraudarem Continet enim in se vt cetera taceam politicarum et ciuilium nostre Anglie legum quibus preclara et florentissima hec respublica sub illustrissimo et nūquam satis laudato principe nostro Rege Henrico octauo eiusque progenitoribus regibus Anglie hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta instituta gubernata doctissimum encomion Vnde easdem nostras leges non solum romanorum Cesarum sed et omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones multis parasangis prudentia iustitia equitate precellere facile prespici●s Eme ergo lege et fruere ac labores nostros boni consule Vale. To the right woorshipfull Ihon VValshe Esquier one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her highnes Court of Commen plees Robert Mulcaster wisheth long lyfe and health IT happened mee of late right woorshipfull syr to light vpon this little Treatise whiche I incontinent desired to renne ouer because yt semed to discourse vpon some poyntes of the lawes of our Countrye wherof I my selfe then was nowe am a Student When I had ouer ronne it my desire to read it became nothing counteruailable with the gladnes that I hadde reade it for my desire to reade it came vpon hope to fynd some profitable lessons for my study but my gladnes after reading sprang of y e excellency of thargumēt wheron I did not dreame neither to fynd so riche a Treasure in so simple an habite And because I wished all menne to haue parte of my delight me thought it good to translate it into Englishe forth of Lattine in whiche toung it was fyrste written The aucthour of the book was one maister Fortescue knight Seriaunt at the law and for his Skill and vertues preferred by kinge Henry the .vi. to be Chauncellour of this realme The entrie of the booke it selfe sheweth where and vppon what occasion it was written It was written in Berry in Fraunce where Prince Edwarde sonne to Henry the vi afterward slaine at Tewkesbury by Edward the .iiii. dyd then remayne with his mother Queene Margaret in the house of Renate her father duke of Angeow and king of Cicile during the tyme that Edward the fourth reigned in this Realme and Henry the .vi. was fledd into Scotland The occasyon was this The Chauncellour beīg fledde into Fraunce with the yong Prince perceiuing his delight to be all bent to Chyualrye as a thing of greatest neede consydering he ment by force the restituciō of his father and thereby his own to the kingdome of England tooke occasion for that his hope was to see the Prince reigne heare to moue him to a diuision of his affaires as he armed him selfe against y e enemy so to adourne him selfe againste his being kinge with skill of lawes whiche doe preserue eche state so in peace that it maye if neede be warre and so garde it in warre that it may haue peace in eie Th argument is this that the skill of the Countrie lawes is neadefull for the Prince althoughe not so deepe as the purposed professours yet so full as to their honour may ought to fall in Princes And for that the Prince should think y e thing to be a Princely knowledge he taketh occasiō by comparing the gouernement of this Realme w t others and the lawes of this lande with the Ciuill with whome it is of all men lightly compared and the betternesse of poyntes wherein they bothe trauayle and prouisions by the one wiselyer foreseene then by the other to proue the singularitie of this state whiche it behoued the Prince to learne seyng hee was lyke to succeade hys father and to vnderstād the lawes whiche maketh the state to bee so singuler The particularies I referre to the booke wherof thus much I doe and no lesse coulde well saye Why I dyd choose your woorship to be protectour of my laboures I shall not neede tedyously to touche it shal be suffycient to saye that in choise of manye I pycked you alone not doubting your lyking in allowynge seeing myne eleccion in dedycatynge and so commyttinge to thalmightye the good preseruacion of your worship I humblye take my leaue this xii of October Robert Mulcaster The introduction into the matter DVring y e cruell rage of y e late mortall warrez w tin the royalme of Englāde whē the most vertuous and godly king Henry the sixt w t Queene Margaret his wife y e kīgz daughter of Iherusalem and Scicile their onely sonne Edwarde prince of Wales were forced to fly the land the kīg himself afterward in the same ciuil tumult falling into the blody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiectz was of them cōmitted to prisō wher he a lōg tyme remained in straite captiuitie the queene y e prīce her sonne thus banished out of their countrey making their abode in y e duchy of Berry a dominion of y e foresaid kīg of Ierus The Prince shortlye after growing to mannes state applied him selfe wholy to the feates of armes muche delytinge to ryde vpon wilde and vnbroken horses not sparing w t spurres to break their fiercenes He practysed also sometymes w t the pyke sometimes w t y e sworde other warlyke weapons after the maner guyse of warriors accordinge to the vse of martial discipline to assaile strike his companiōs I mean y e yong mē y e attended vpō hys ꝑson Which thing whē a certein aūciēt knight being chaūcellour to y e forsaide kīg of Englād saw who also in y e miserable tyme did there remain in exile hee spake thus to y e prīce SEuiēte dudū in regno Anglie nephandissima rabie illa qua piissimus ibidem rex H. sextus cum Margareta Regina consorte sua filia regis Iherusalem et Scicilie ac eorum vnigenito Edwardo principe Wallie inde propulsi sūt sub qua et demum rex ipse H. a subditis suis deprehēsus carceris diutinū passus est horrorem dū regina ipsa cum sobole patria sic extorrens in ducatu Berren̄
Scire igitur te volo quod nō solū Deutro leges sed et ōnes leges humāe sacre sūt quô lex sub his verbis diffinitur Lex est sāctio sancta iubēs honesta et prohibēs contraria sanctum etenim esse oportet qd ’ esse sanctū diffinitum est Ius etiam discribi perhibetur quod illud est ars boni et equi cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellat Sacerd ’ enī quasi sacra dās vel sacra docēs per ethimologiā dicitur quia vt dicunt iura leges sacrae sūt quô eas ministrantes et docentes sacerdotes appellantur A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae quae ab homine ꝓmulgātur Nā cū dicat Apostolꝰ quod omnis potestas a domino deo est leges ab homine conditae qui ad hoc a domino recipit potestatem etiam a deo constituuntur dicente auctore causarū quic quid facit causa secunda facit et causa prima altiori et nobiliori modo Quare Iosaphat rex Iuda ait Iudicibus suis iudicia q̄ vos profertis iudicia dei sunt secundo Paralipo xix cap. Ex quibus erudiris quod leges licet humanas ad discere ē addiscere leges sacras et editiōes dei quo earū studiū nō vacat a dulcedine cōsolationis sc̄ae Nec tamē vt tu coniicis dulcedo hm̄odi causa fuit cur Moyses reges Israel Deutero legere p̄ceꝑat Nam causa hec nō plus reges quā plebeos ad eius lecturā ꝓuocat nec plꝰ Deuter. librū quā alios Pētateucō libros legere pulsat causa ista cū non minus libri illi quā Deutero sacris abūdent carismatibus in quibus meditari ꝑsanctū est quare nō aliā fuisse causā mādati huius quā quia ī Deutronom̄ plus quā ī aliis libris veteris testamēti legꝭ īseruntur quibus rex Israel ppl’m populum regere obnoxius est eiusdē mandati circūstantiae manifeste nos informant Quo et te prīceps eadē causa nō minus quā reges Israel exhortatur vt legum quibus populum in futurum reges tu sis solers indagator Nā quod Regi Israel dictū est omni Regi populi videntis deum ticipè dictum fuisse intelligendum est an tunc non conuenienter vtiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latū de eorū lege addiscenda Dum nedum eius exemplū sed et eius auctoritas figuralis te erudiuit et obligauit ad consimiliter faciendum de legibus regni quod annuēte domino hereditaturus es ¶ Here the Chauncelour proueth that a prince by the lawes may be made happy and blessed Cap. 4. NOt onely to the ītent you should feare god so beecome wise do y e lawes w t y e prophet call you saiyng Come childrē heare me I will teache you y e feare of the lorde but also that you may aspire vnto felicitie and blessednes as farre fourthe as in this life theye maye bee atteyned do the lawes wyll you moste gracious prince to bee studious of them For all the philosophers which haue so diuersly resoned of felicitie haue all agreed together in this ōe point that felicitie or blessednes is y e ende of al mās desire and therefore theye cal it chief goodnes Howbeit y e peripatetiks placed it in vertue the Stoikes ī honestie the Epicures in pleasure But seeing y e Stoikes defined honestie to be that whiche is wel laudably done withe vertue and the Epicures helde nothing to be pleasant witheoute vertue therefore all those sectes as saiethe Leonarde Arretine in his Introduction to morall Philosophie agreed in this that it is onely vertue that causethe felicitie Wherefore Aristotle also in y e seuēth booke of his politiques defining felicitie saieth that it is the perfect vse of vertues Thꝰ much being now presupposed I wold haue you to cōsider these things also y e folow Mās lawes are nothing els but certein rules whereby Iustice is perfectlye taught But that Iustyce which the lawes do shew is not the same that is called Commutatiue or Distributiue or any other particular vertue but it is a perfecte vertue expressed by the name of Iustice legall Whyche the foresaid Leonerd dothe therefore affyrme to bee perfecte beecause it excludeth all vice and teachethe all vertue For whiche cause also it is woorthelye called by the name of al vertue Whereof Homere saiethe and likewise Aristotle in the fifthe booke of Morall philosophie that it is y e chiefest of al vertues and that neither Lucyfer nor Hesperꝰ are so bright beaming as it is Moreouer this Iustice is y e thīg whereuppon al princelye care depēdeth and resteth witheoute the whiche the kinge can neither rightly iudge nor yet duely fight But thys beeing once obteyned and perfectly kept then all the hole deuty required in a kyng is iustly perfourmed Nowe then seeynge that the perfecte vse of vertues is felicytie and that Iustice vsed amongest menne whyche can not bee obteyned vnto nor learned but by the lawe is not onelye the effecte of vertues but is all vertue it selfe hereof it folowethe that the practiser of Iustice is by the lawe happie and so thereby hee is made blessed forsomuche as blessednes or happynes and felicitie are bothe one in this short and transitorie lyfe of the whiche lyfe throughe Iustice hee enioyeth the chiefe principall goodnes And yet the lawe is not hable to perfourme these thinges withoute the assistence of grace witheoute the whiche also you can not learn nor couet eyther lawe or vertue For as saieth Pariss in his booke intituled Cur deus homo the inward vertue of man wherin his desieringe is placed is so throughe originall sinne defaced and corrupte that it esteemeth vicious workes for pleasaunt vertuous woorkes for vnpleasaunt Wherefore in that some men applye and endeuour themselues to the loue and folowing of vertues it proceedethe of the bountiful goodnes of god and not of the power of man Is ther not then special cause why the lawes whiche beinge preuented and accompanied wythe grace do performe all the premisses should with all diligent trauaile be learned Seinge that whoso hathe perfectlye atteyned thereunto the same shall enioye felicitie the ende performāce as y e Philosophers say of mās desire by meās wherof hee shall in this life be blessed in y e he nowe possesseth y e chief goodnes therof Doubtles if these thinges moue you not whiche shal haue the rule and gouernement of a kingdom yet the woordes of the prophet shal moue you yea force you to the studie of the law whiche words be these Be ye learned you y t are iudges of the earth Here y e ꝓphet exhorteth not to y e learnīg of a base arte or a handy-craft for he saieth not Be ye learned you y t are the īhabiters of the earth neyther doth he counsel to the learninge of
knoweledge speculatiue thoughe it bee not vnnecessarie for the inhabiters vpon the earthe For he sayethe not generally Bee ye learned you that dwell vppon the earthe but by these wordes doth the prophet call kinges onely to the learninge of the law wherby iudgements are executed forsomuch as he specially saith Bee ye learned you y t are iudges of y e earthe And it folowethe least the lord waxe angrye and so you perishe from the waye of righteousenes Neyther doth holy scripture o kinges sonne commaūd you onelye to be skilfullye instruct in the lawes wherby you shal purchase and obtein y e possessiō of iustice but also ī an other place it biddeth you vnfainedly to loue Iustice wher it sayethe O set your loue affection vppon Iustice you that are iudges of the earthe in the firste chapter of the booke of wysedome NOn solū vt de ū timeas quo et sapiēs eris princeps colendissime vocāt te leges cū ꝓpheta dicēte Venite filii audite me timorē dn̄idocebo vos Sed etiā vt felicitatē beatitudinēque ꝓ vt in hac vita nācisci poter ’ adipiscaris ipsae leges ad earum disciplinatū te inuitāt Philosophi nāque ōnes qui de felicita te tā variè disputabāt in hoc vno cōuenerūt vz qd felicitas siue beatitudo finis ē ōnis hūmani appetitꝰ quare et ip̄ā sūmū bon̄ appellāt Peripatetici tn̄ cōstituebāt eā in virtute Stoici in honesto Et Epicurei in voluptate Sed quia Stoici honestū diffiniebant esse qd ’ bene sit et laudabiliter ex virtute et Epicur ’ asserebāt nihil esse voluptuosū sine virtut ’ Omnes sectae illae vt dicit Leonardꝰ Arretinꝰ Ysagogico moralis disciplinae in hoc concordarunt qd ’ sola virtus est que felicitatē operatur Quo et Philosophꝰ in vii polit ’ felicitatē difiniēs dicit quod ipsa est ꝑfectꝰ vsꝰ virtutū His iā p̄suppositis cōsiderare te volo etiā ea q̄ sequētur Leges humāe nō aliud sūt quā regul ’ quibꝰ ꝑfectè iustic̄ edocetur Iusticia vero quā leges reuelāt nō est illa q̄ cōmutatiua vel distributatiua vocat feu alia q̄uis ꝑticularis virtus sed est virtꝰ ꝑfecta q̄ iustic̄ legal ’ nōine de signatur Quā Leonardꝰ p̄dc̄ꝰ ideo dicit esse ꝑfectā q̄aōne viciū ipsa eliminat et oēm virtutē p̄a docet quo et oīs virtꝰ ip̄a merito nuncupatur De qua Homerus dicit sīl’er similiter et Philosophꝰ v. ethicorū Quod ipsa est pre clarissima virtutū et nec Lucifer nec Hesperꝰ vt illa est admirabilis Iusticia vero hec subiectū est omnis regalis curae quô sine illa Rex iuste non iudicat nec recte pugnare potest Illa vero adepta ꝑfectêque seruata equissime peragitur ōne officium Regis Vnde cum ꝑfectus vsus virtutum sit felicitas et Iusticia humana que non nisi per legē ꝑfecte nāciscitur aut docetur nedum sit virtutum effectꝰ sed et omnis virtus Sequitur quod iustitia fruens felix per legem est quó et per eam ip̄e fit beatus cum idem sit beatitudo felicitas in hac fugaci vita cuius et ꝑ iusticiam ipse summum habet bonū tamen nō nisi per gratiā lex poterit ista operari neque legem aut virtutem sine gratia tu addiscere poteris vel appetere Cum vt dicit Parisi in libro suo de Cur deus hōo virtus homin̄ appetitiua īterior per peccatum originale ita viciata ē vt sibi viciorū sua uia et virtutū aspera opera sapiant Quare qd ’ aliqui ad amorem sectacionemque virtut ’ se conferunt diuinī bonitatis benefici um est et nō humanae virtutis Num tunc leges q̄ p̄ueniente comitante gratia omnia p̄ missa operātur toto conamine addiscendae sunt dum felicitatem quae secundum Philosophos est hic finis et complementum humani desiderij earum apprehensor obtinebit quó et beatus ille erit in hac vita eius possidēs summum bonum Vere etsi non hec te moueant qui regnum recturus es mouebūt te etarctabunt ad disciplinatum legis prophetaeverba dicētꝭ Erudimini qui iudicatis terram nō enim ad eruditionem artis factiuae aut mechanicae hic mouet propheta Cum non dicat Erudimini qui colitis terram nec ad eruditionem scientiae tantū theoricae quamuis oportuna fuerit incolis terrae quia generaliter non dicit erudimini qui inhabitatis terram sed solum ad disciplinam legis qua Iudicia redduntur reges inuitat propheta in his verbis Cum specialiter ipse dicat Erudimini qui iudicatis terram Et sequitur Ne quando irascatur dominus pereatis de via iusta Nec solum legibus quibus iustitiam consequeris fili regis imbui te iubet sacra scriptura sed et ipsam iusticiam diligere tibi alibi precipit cum dicat Diligite iusticiam qui iudicatis terram Sapien̄ Capitulo primo ¶ Ignorance of the lawe causith the contempt there of Cap. 5. But howe can you loue Iustice onles you first haue a sufficient knoweledge in the lawes whereby the knoweledge of it is wonne and had For the Philosopher saiethe that nothinge can bee loued except it bee knowen And therefore Quintiliane the Oratoure sayethe that happie shoulde artes bee if artificers onelye weare iudges of them As for that whiche is vnknowen it is wonte not onely not to be loued but also to bee despised And therefore a certaine poet thus saieth The plowmā doth desspise and skof the thing he is not skilfull of And this is the saiynge not of plowemen alone but allso of learned and right skilfull men For yf vnto a naturall Philosopher y t neuer studied y e mathematicall sciences a supernaturall Philosopher shoulde saye that thys science considerethe thynges seuered from all mater and mouinge accordynge to theire substantiall beeynge and reason or the Mathematical man shoulde say that this scyence considerethe thinges ioyned to mater and mouing after theire substāce but seuered accordynge to reason both these though Philosophers wil y e natural philosopher which neuer vnderstood thīgs seuered frō mat̄ motiō either in beinge or in reason vtterlye despise and they re sciences thoughe in deede more excelent thenne his wil hee laughe to scorne moued so to do by none other cause but that hee is altogether ignoraunte in theire sciences Lykewyse you most worthye prynce would wonder at one skilfull in the lawes of Englande if he should say that the brother shal not succede his half brother in their fathers inheritaunce but rather his enheritaunce shall descende to the sister of the whole bloude or elz it shal bee intituled to the chiefe lord of the fee as his escheat Herat
make earneste intercession for it and also y t you beecome a studious sercher of goddes lawe of the holye scripture For scripture saieth that all men are vaine in whō is not y e knowlege of god in the xiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome Wherefore moste noble prince while you are yet yong while your soule is as it were a smoothe blanke table write in it these thinges lest heereafter you happen to take pleasure in writīg lessōs of lesse profit therin For as a certeine wyse man sayeth Whereof the vessel newe did first receue the taste Therein when it is olde the sent will euer last What handycrastes mā dothe so negligentlye regard y e profite of his child whōe while hee is yong he wil not see brought vp in such an occupacion as thereby hee maye afterwarde obtaine to leade a mery life So the carpenter teacheth his sonne to cutt with an axe y e smyth his to stryke w t an hammer and whome he entendethe to make a spirituall minister him he procureth to be trained vp in learning So likewise is it conuenient y t a kinges sonne which shal gouern the people after his father bee in his youthe instructed in the lawes Whiche order if the ruelers of the worlde would obserue then the worlde should be gouerned with muche more Iustice then now it is Vnto whom if you wyll followe myne exhortacion you shall minister no smale example NOnne tunc Princeps se renissime hec te satis concitant ad legis rudimenta cū per ea iustitiā induere valeas quo et appellaberis iustus ignorantiae quoque legis euitare poteris ignominiam ac per legem felicitate fruens beatus esse poteris in hac vita et demum filiali timore indutus qui dei sapientia est charitatem quae amor in deū est imperturbatus consequeris qua deo adherens per Apostoli sententiam fies vnus spiritus cum eo Sed quia ista sine gratia lex operari nequit tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est legis quoque diuinae et sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam Cum dicat scriptura sacra quod vani sunt omnes in quibus non subest scientia dei Sapienciae cap. xiij His igitur princeps dum adolescens es et anima tua velut tabula rasa depinge eam ne in futurum ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur Quia etiam vt sapiens quidam ait quod noua testa capit inueterata sapit Quis artifex tam negligēs profectus suae prolis est vt nō eā dum pubescit artibus instruat quibus postea vitae solatia nanciscatur Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro ferrarius ferire malleo filiū instruit et quē in spiritualibus ministrar ’ cupit literis imbui facit Sic et principi filium suum qui post eum populū regulabit legibus instrui dū minor est conuenit qualiter si fecerīt rectores orbis mundus iste ampliori quam iam est iustitia regeretur quibus si tu vt iam hortor facias exemplum non minimum ministrabis ¶ Now the Prince yeldeth himselfe to the studye of the lawes though he be yet disquieted with certeine doubtes Ca. 7. THus when the Chaūcellour had sayde hee helde hys peace to whom the Prince beganne on this wise to speake You haue ouercome me welbe loued Chauncellour w t your moste plesant talke wherw t you haue īflamed my mynde with a feruēt desire towarde the knowledge of the lawe Howbee it ii thynges there bee that doe tosse my mynde to and fro and so disquiet it that lyke a shyppe in the raging waues it knoweth not whiche waye to inclyne for ease The one is while it consydereth howe manye yeares the studentes of the lawez bestowe therein before they canne attain to sufficient knowledge of the same Whiche causeth my mynde also to dreade leaste that I shoulde likewyse spende the yeares of my youthe The other is whether I shall applye my selfe to the studye of the lawes of England or of the Ciuile laws which through out the whole worlde are chieflye esteemed For people maye not be gouerned but by righte good lawes and as the Philosophier saithe nature coueteth that which is best Wherfore I would gladlye heare your councell in this behalfe To whome the Chauncellour made thys aunswere These matters O Kynges sonne are not hydde vnder so deepe and darke misteries that they require any greate delyberacyon or aduysement And therefore what I thinke best hearein I wil not hyde SIlente extunc Cancellario Princeps ipse sic exorsus est Vicisti me vir egregie suauissima oratione tua qua et animum meum ardore non minimo legis fecisti sitire documenta Sed tamē duobus me huc illucque agitantibus animus ipse affligitur vt tanquam in turbido mari cimba nesciat quorsum dirigere proras Vnū est dum recolit quot annorū curriculis leges ad discentes earum studio se conferunt antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscātur quô timet animus ipse ne consimiliter ego preteream animos iuuentutis meae Alterum est an Angliae Legum vel Ciuilium quae per orbem percelebres sunt studio operam dabo Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet etiam vt dicit Philosophus natura deprecatur optima quare libenter super his quid tu consulis ascultaremus Cui Cancellarius Non sunt hec fili Regis tantis celata misteriis vt deliberatione ege ant ingenti quare quid in his mihi visum est prodere non differemus ¶ So muche knowledge of the lawe as is necessary for a Prince is soone had Cha. 8. ARistotle in the firste booke of his naturall Philosophy saith y e then we suppose our selues to haue the knowlege of euerye thinge when wee know the causes and beginninges therof euen to the principles vppon the which text the comentatour saieth that the philosopher by beginninges or principles did vnderstāde the causes efficient by y e terme Causes he vnderstoode causes finall by Elementes matter and fourme But in the lawe there are no matter and fourme as in thinges natural and compounde How beit ther be in them certeine Elementes out of the which they procede as out of mater fourm These are custōs statuts the lawe of nature of y e which all the ●awes of the roialme haue their beginning euen as all natural thinges haue of matter fourme and as all things that are written and read do cōsist of letters which also are called elementes But Principles or beeginninges whiche are as the commentarye saieth causes efficient they are certein vniuersal propositions which they that bee learned in the lawes of England and likewyse y e Mathematicals do terme Maximes the Rethoricians do call the same Paradoxes and the Ciuiliās terme thē rueles of the law These in dede cānot
non specie tenus induisti et tamen gramatica sufficienter eruditus es ita vt merito gramaticus denominoris Consimiliter quoque denomīari legista mereberis si legum prīcipia et causas vsq̄ ad ●limenta discipuli more indagaueris Nō enī expediet tibi ꝓpria sensus indagine legis sacramenta rimar● sed relinquātur illa iudicibus tuis et aduocatis qui in regno Angliae seruientes ad legem appellātur similiter et aliis iuris ꝑitis quos apprentīcios vulgus denominat Melius enī per alios quā per te ipsum iuditia reddes quó proprio ore nullus regum Angliae iudicium proferre visus ē et tamē sua sunt ōnia iudicia regni licet per alios ipsa reddātur sicut et Iudicum oīm sententias Iosaphat asseruit esse iuditia dei Quare tu prīceps serenissime paruo tempore parua industria sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus dummodo ad eius apprehentionem tu conferas animum tuū Dicit namque Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum Nil est quod pertinax opera et diligens cura non expugnat Nosco namque ingenii tui ꝑspicacitatē quo audact ’ ꝓnuncio qd in legibus illis licet earū peritia qualis iudicibus necessaria est vix viginti annorum lugubris adquiratur tu doctrinam principi congruā in anno vno sufficienter nancisceris nec īterim militarem disciplinā ad quam tam ardēt ’ anhelas negliges sed ea recreationis loco etiam anno illo tu ad libitum perfrueris A Kynge whose gouernement is politique eā not chaunge the lawes of hís royalme THe secōd poynte most worthy prīce whereof you stāde in feare shall ī lyke maner and as easeli as the other be confuted For you stande in doubt whether it be bett̄ for you to geue your mynde to y e studie of the lawes of Englande or of the Ciuile lawes because they throughe out y e whole worlde are auāced in glorie and renowne aboue all other mās lawes Let not this scruple of mynde trouble you O most noble prīce For y e kynge of Englāde can not alter nor change the lawes of his royalme at his pleasure For why he gouerneth his people by power not onely roial but also politique Yf his power ouer thē were royall onely then he myght chāge y e lawes of his royalme charg his subiectz w t tallag other burdenz without their cōsēt And suche is the dominiō that the ciuile lawes purport when they saye The prīceis pleasure hath y e force of a lawe But from this muche differeth y e power of a kynge whose gouernment ouer his people is politique For he can neither chaūge lawes with out the consent of his subiectz nor yett charge thē with straunge imposicions agaynst their wylles Wherefore his people do frankely freely enioye and occupye their owne goodz beynge rueled by such lawes as y ey thē selfz desyer Neither are they pylled either of y eir owne kynge or of any other Lyk pleasur also fredō haue y e subiectes of a Kīg rulīg ōely by power roial so longe as he falleth not in to tyrannie Of such a kynge speaketh Aristotle in the thirde booke of his Ciuile philosophie saieynge that it is better for a Citie to be gouerned by a good kynge then by a good lawe But forsomuche as a kīge is not euer suche a mā therefor Saīt Thomas ī y e booke whiche he wrote to y e kīg of Cyprus of the gouernaunce of princeis wisheth y e state of a roialme to be such y t it may not be in the kyngs power too oppresse his people w t tyrannye Whiche thynge is ꝑfourmed onely whyle the power royall is restrayned by power politique Reioyce therefore O souereigne prince and be gladde that the lawe of your royalme whereī you sha●l succede is suche For it shall exhibite and minister to you and your people no small securitie and comforte with suche lawes as saieth the same Saint Thomas should all mankynde haue bene gouerned if in paradise they had not transgressed gods cōmaūdemēt with such lawes also was the Synnagoge rueled whil it serued vnder god onely as kīge who adopted the sāe to him for a peculiar kyngdōe But at the last whē at their request they had a mā kynge sett ouer them they were then vnder royall lawes onely brought verie lowe And yett vnder the sāe lawes while good kyngs were y eir rulers they liued welthely whē wilfull and tyranoꝰ kynges had the gouernemēt of them thē they cōtinued in great discomfort and miserie as the booke of kynges doth more playnely declare But forsomuch as I suppose I haue sufficiently debated this mater in my worke whiche at your request I cōpiled of y e natur̄ of y e law of Natur̄ therfor at this tīe I surceasse to speake therof any more SEcundum vero Prīceps qd ▪ tu formidas conconsimili nec maiori opera elidetur Dubitas nēpe an Anglorum legum vel ciuilium studio te conferas dū Ciuiles supra humāas cūctas leges alias fāa per orbē extollat gloriosa Non te cōturbet fili regis hec mentis euagatio Nam non potest rex Angliae ad libitū suum leges mutare regni sui Principatu nā que nedum regali sed et politico ipse suo populo dominatur Si regali tantū ipse p̄esset eis Leges regni sui mutar ’ ille posset tallagia quoque et cetera onera eis imponere ipsis incōsultis quale dominiū denotāt leges ciuiles cū dicant quod principi placuit legis habet vigorē Sed lōge aliter potest rex politicè imperans gèti suae quia nec leges ipse sine subditorū assēsu mutare poterit nec subiectum populū renitētē onerare impositionibus peregrinis quare populun eius liberê fruitur bonꝭ suis legibus quas cupit regulatus nec per regem suum aut quemuis aliū depilatur cōsimiliter tamen plaudit populus sub rege regaliter tantū principāte dūmodo ipse in tyrannidem nō labatur de quali rege dicit philosophus iii politicorū qd melius ē Ciuitatē regi viro optimo quā lege optima Sed quia nō sēper cōtīgit p̄sidētē populo huiusmodi esse virum sctūs Thomas in libro qeum Regi Cipri scripsit de regimine prīcipū optar ’ cēsetur regnū sic īstitui vt rex non libere valeat populū tirānide gubernare qd solū fit dū potest ’ Regia lege politica cohibetur Gaude igitur prīceps optime talē esse legē regni in quē●u successurus es quia et tibi et populo ipsa securitatem prestabit nō minimam et solamen Tali lege vt dicit idem sāctus regulatum fuisset totū genus humanum si in paradiso dei mandatum non preterisset tali etiam lege rege bat
’ sinagoga dū sub solo deo rege qui eam in regnū peculiare adoptabat illa militabat sed demum eius petitione Rege homine sibi cōstituto sub lege tātum regali ipsa de inceps humiliata est Sub qua tamen dum optimi reges sibi prefuerunt ipsa plausit et cum discoli ei preessebant ipsa ī consolabiliter lugebat vt regū liber hec destinctiꝰ manifestauit Tamē q̄a de materia ista in opusculo qd tui contemplacione de natura legis naturae exaraui sufficienter puto me diceptasse plꝰ inde loqui iam de sisto Here the prince demaūdeth a question Cap. 10. Immediatly the prīce thꝰ said Howe cōmeth this to passe good Chauncellour that ōe kynge maye gouerne his people by power royal onely and y e an other kynge cā haue no such power seīg bothe this kynges are ī dignitie equall I cannot chose but muche muse and marueil why ī power they should thus differ TVnc princeps illico sic ait Vnde hoc cācellarie qd Rex vnus plebem suā regaliter tātū regere valeat et regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur equalis fastigii cū sint reges ambo Cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo nō admirari The aunswere to this question is here omitted for that in another worke it is handeled at large Cap. 11. I haue sufficiētly qd the chaūcellour declared in my foresaid worke y t the Kynge whose gouernemēt is politique is of no lesse power then he that royally ruelethe his people after his owne pleasure howbeit they differ ī autoritie ouer their subiets as in the sāe worke I haue shewed saye I styll Of whiche differēce I wyll opē vnto you the cause as I can CAncellarius Non minoris esse potestatis regem politicê imperātem quā qui vt vult regaliter regit populum suum in supradicto opusculo sufficiēter est ostensum Diuersae tamē autoritatis eos ī subditos suos ibidem vt iam nulla tenꝰ denegaui cuius diūsitatis causā vt potero tibi pādā Howe Kingedomes rueled by royall gouernement onely first beganne Cap. 12. Men ī tymes passed excellynge in power gredie of dignitie glorie did many tymes by plaīe force subdue vnto them their neighbours the nations adioynyng and cōpelled them to do thē seruice and to obeye their cōmaundements which cōmaundemētz afterward they decreed too be vnto those people verie lawes And by longe sufferaūce of the sāe y e people so subdued beyng by their subduers defended from the iniuries of other agreed consented to lyue vnder the dominion of the same their subduers thīkīge it better for thē to be vnder y e ēpiere of ōe mā whiche might be hable to defēde thē agaīst other thē to be ī daūger to be opp̄ssed of all such as would violētli offer them any wronge And thus certein kingedōes were begonne And those subduers thꝰ rulīg y e people vnto thē subdued tooke vpō thē of ruelīge to be called Rulers which our language termethe kynges And their ruele or dominiō was named onely royall or kingly So Nemroth was the first y t gott vnto hīself a kingedōe And yett ī the holie scripturs he is not called a kīge but a stout or mightie hūter before y e lorde For lyke as a hūter subdueth wyld beasts lyuīge at their libertie so did he brīge mē vnder his obediēt So did Belꝰ subdue y e Assyrians Ninꝰ the most ꝑte of Asia So also did the Romaines vsurpe the empier of the whole worlde And thus almost were the kīgdōes of all nations begonne Wherefore the lorde beinge displeased withe the children of Israell requierīge to haue a Kynge as then all other natiōs had commaūded the lawe regall to be declared vnto thē by y e prophett Which lawe regal was no other thinge but the pleasure of the kynge their gouernour as in the first book of the kynges more fully it is cōteyned Nowe you vnderstande as I suppose most noble prīce the fourme and fassion of the begynnyng of those Kyngedomes that be regally possessed and rueled Wherefore nowe I wyll assaye to make plaīe vnto you how by what meāes y e gouernemēt of the Kyngdō politique toke his first entraunce begynynge to the ende and intent y e when you knowe the begynnynges of them both it may be right easye for you thereby too discerne the cause of the diuersitie which in your questiō is conteyned HOmines quō dam potentia praepollētes auidi dignitatis et gloriae vicinas sepe gentes sibi viribꝰ subiugarūt ac ipsis seruire obtem perare quoque iussionibꝰ suis cōpulerunt quas iussiones extunc leges hominibus illis esse ipsi sanctierunt Quarū ꝑpetione diutina subiectus sic populꝰ dum ꝑ subitiētes a ceterorū iniuriis defēdebatur in subicientiū dominiū cōsentierūt Oportuniꝰ esse arbitrātes se vnius subdi Iꝑio quo erga alios defēder ’ quā ōniū eos īfestar ’ volētiū opp̄ssionibꝰ expōi Sicque regna quaedá inchoata sūt et subicientes illi dū subiectum populū sic rexerūt a regendo sibi nomē regis vsurpa rūt eorū quoque dominatꝰ tātū regalis dictꝰ est Sic Nēbrogh primus sibi regnū cōparauit tamē non rex ipse sed Robustꝰ venator corā domino sacris litteris appellatus est Quia vt venator feras libertat ’ fruētes ipse homines sibi cōpescuit obedire Sic Belus assirios et Ninus quā magnā Asiae ꝑtē ditioni suae subegerunt Sic et Rōani orbis iperiū vsurpar ’ qualit ’ ferè in omnibus gentibus regna īchoata sunt Quare dum filii Israel regem postu●abāt sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gētes dominus inde offensus legem regalem eis per prophetam explanari mandauit Quae nō aliud fuit quā placitum regis eis preessentis vt in primo Regum libro plenius edocetur Habes nunc ni fallor princeps clarissim̄ formam exordii regnorum regaliter possessorū Quare quomodo regnū politicè regulatū p̄mitꝰ erupit etiam iā propalare conabor vt cognitis amborum regnorum initiis causam diuersitatis quam tu queris inde elicer● tibi facillimum sit Howe Kyngedomes of politique gouernaūce were first begonne Cap. 13. SAint Austē ī y e xxiii chapter of his xix booke De ciuitate dei saith y e a People is a multitude of men associated by the consent of lawe and communion of wealthe And yett such a people beynge headless that is to saye without a heade is not worthye to be called a bodie For as in thynges naturall when the heade is cutt of the residue is not called a bodie but a truncheon so likewyse in thinges politique a cominalte w tout a head is in no wise corporate Wherefore Aristotle ī the first booke of his ciuile philosophie saieth y e whēsoeuer ōe is made of many
amonge y e sāe one shal be the rueler and the other shal be rueled wherfore a people that wyll rayse thēselfs into a kingdome or into any other bodie politique must euer appointe one to be chiefe rueler of the whole bodie which in kīgdōes is called a kīge After this kīde of order as out of the embryō rieseth a bodie natural ruled by ōe head euen so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedōe whiche is a bodie mistical goūned by ōe mā as by an head And like as in a natural body as saieth the Philosopher the hart is y e first y e liueth hauig w tin it bloud which it distributeth among all y e other members whereby they are quickened doe lyue sēblably in a bodye politik y e intēt of y e people is the first liuely thīg hauing w tin it bloud y t is to say politike prouision for the vtilitie welth of the same people which it dealeth furth imparteth aswel to the head as to al y e mēbers of the same body wherby y e body is nourished mainteined Furthermore the lawe vnder the which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the sēblance of synews ī y e body natural Because that lyke as by synewes the ioynyng of the bodie is made sounde so by the lawe which taketh the name a ligando y t is to witte of byndynge suche a misticall bodie is knytt and preserued together And the members bones of the same bodye whereby is represented y e soundenes of the wealth wherby that bodie is susteyned do by the lawes as the naturall bodie by synewes reteyne eueryone their proper fūctions And as the head of a bodi natural cā not chaūge his sinewes nor cā not denie or witholde from his inferiour mēbers their peculiar powers seueral nourishm̄tz of bloud no more cā a kīge which is y e head of a bodie politik chaūge the lawes of y e bodie nor withdrawe from the same people their proper substāce against their wills and consentes in that behalfe Nowe you vnderstande most noble prince the fourme of institucion of a kīgdome politique wherebye you maye measure the power whiche the king therof maye exercise ouer the lawe and subiectes of the same For such a kinge ys made and ordeyned for y e defence of the lawe of his subiectes and of theire bodies and goodes whereunto he receaueth power of his people so y t hee can not gouern his people by any other power Wherfore to satisfy your request in y t you desire to be certified how it cōmeth to pas that in y e powers of kings ther is so great diuersitie suerly in mine opinion the diuersitie of the institutiōz or first ordinances of those dignities whiche I haue nowe declared is the onelye cause of this foresayde difference as of the premisses by the discourse of reason you maye easelye gather For thus y e kingdome of Englande oute of Brutes retinue of the Troians whiche he brought out of the coastes of Italie and Greece firste grewe to a politique regall dominion Thus also Scotland which somtime was subiect to Englande as a Dukedome thereof was aduaūced to a politik and roiall kingdome Many other kīgdōs also had thus their first begīninge not onely of regal but also of politique gouernement Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his seconde boke of olde histories thus writeth of the Egiptiās The Egiptien kings liued first not after y e licentious maner of other rulers whose will pleasure is in steede of law but they kept thēselfes as priuate persones in subiection of the lawes And this did they willingly beeing perswaded that by obeyinge the laws thei should bee blessed For of suche rulers as folowed theire owne lusts they supposed many thinges to be done whereby they were brought in daunger of diuers harmes and perylles And in his fowerth boke thus he writethe The Ethiopian kinge as sone as hee is created he ordereth his life accordīg to y e laws and doth al things after y e maner and custom of hys countrey assigninge neyther rewarde nor punishment to anye man otherthen the law made by his predecessours appointethe He reportethe likewise of the kinge of Saba in Arabia the happie and of certein other kinges whiche in olde time honorablye reigned SAnctus Augustinꝰ in libro xix de ciuitate dei capitulo xxiii dicit Quod populus ēcetus hominū iuris consensu et vtilitatis cōmunione sociatus Nec tamē populus huiusmodi dum Acephelꝰ id est sine capite est corpus vocare meretur Quia vt in naturalibus capite detruncato residuū nō corpꝰ sed trūcū appellamꝰ sicet in politicis sine capite cōmunitas nullatenus corporatur Quo p̄mo politic̄ dicit philosophus quôd quādocūque ex pluribꝰ cōstituitur vnū inter illa vnū erit regēs et alia erūt recta Quare populū se in regnum aliudue corpꝰ politic̄ erigere volētē sēꝑ oport ’ vnū p̄ficere totius corporis illiꝰ regitiuū quē regē nōin̄ solit ’ ē Hoc ordin̄ sicut ex embrione corpꝰ surgit phisi cū vno capite regulatum sic ex populo erumpit regnum qd corpus extat misticū vno hoīe vt capite gubernatū Et sicut in naturali corꝑe vt dicit philosophus cor est primum viuēs habēs in se sāguinē quē emittit in oīa eius mēbra vnde illa vegetāt ’ et viuūt sic ī corꝑe politico intētio populi primū viuidū est habēs in se sanguinē vz ꝓuisionē politicā vtilit ’ populi illiꝰ quā in caput et in oīa mēbra eiusdē corꝑis ipsa trāsmittit quo corpus illud alitur vegetatur Lex vero sub qua cetꝰ hominū populus efficitur neruorū corporis phisici tenet ration̄ q̄a sicut ꝑ neruos cōpago corporis solidatur sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et seruatur in vnū et eius dem corporis mēbra ac ossa quae veritatis qua cōmunitas illa sustentatur soliditatē denotāt per legem vt corpus naturale per neruos propria retinent iura Et vt non potest caput corporis phisici neruos suos cōmutare neque mēbris suis ꝓp̄as vires et ꝓp̄a sāguinis alim̄ta denegare nec rex qui caput corpor ’ politici ē mutar ’ potest leges corpor ’ illiꝰ nec eiusdē populi substātias ꝓprias subtrahere reclamantibꝰ eis aut inuitis Hēs ex hoc iā prīceps institutiōis politici Regni formā ex qua metiri poteris potesta tē quā rex eiꝰ in leges ipsiꝰ aut subditos valeat exercer ’ Ad tutelā nāque legis subditorū ac eorū corpū et bonorū rex hm̄odi erectꝰ est et ad hāc potestatē a populo effluxā ipse hēt quô ei nō licet potestate alia suo populo dn̄ari Quare vt
facinus liberis gaudemus habenis Solum igitur mihi iam superest a te sciscitandum si lex Angliae ad cuius disciplinatum me prouocas bona et efficax est ad regimen regni illius vt lex ciuilis qua sacrum regulatur imperium sufficiens arbitrat ’ ad orbis regimē vniuersi Si me ī hoc demōstrationibus congruis indubiū reddideris ad studiū legis illius illico me conferam nec te postulationibus meis super his apliꝰ fatigabo ¶ That all lawes are the lawe of nature customes or statutes Cap. 15. THe Chauncelour aunswered saiyng You haue well committed to memorie most worthie prince al that I haue hitherto declared vnto you Wherfore you are well worthy to haue this doubt openyd wherupon now you haue mooued youre question You shal therfore vnderstād y t al humayne lawes are either the law of nature or customes or elles statuts which are also called cōstitutions But customes y e sentēces of the lawe of nature after that they were once put ī writing by y e sufficiēt autoritie of y e prince published and commaunded to be kept were chaūged īto y e nature of cōstitutions or statuts and did after that more penally then before binde the subiectes of the prince to the keepinge of thē by the seueritye of his commaundemēt Of this sorte are the most parte of the Ciuile lawes whiche of the Romain prīces are digested in great volumes by their auctoritie commaūded to bee obserued And not theye onelye are called by y e name of y e Ciuile law but also al the other statutes of ēperours Now then if that among these .iij. welsprings of all lawe I proue the preeminence of the lawe of England to excell aboue y e rest I shal therwith proue the same lawe to be good and effectuall for the gouernemēt of y e kingedome And further if I do shewe it to bee as commodious for the wealthe of that Royalme as the Ciuile lawes are for the wealthe of the empire then shall I make euident and plain not onely that this law is of much excellencye but allso that it is an electe and chosen lawe aswell as the Ciuile lawes are whyche is y e thinge y t you require Wherefore to the proofe and declaracion of these .ij. poīts thus I ꝓcede CAncellarius memoriae tuae princeps optime commendasti quae tibi hucusque suggessi quare et quae iam interrogas meritus es vt pādam Scire te igitur volo qd oīa iura humana aut sūt lex naturae cōsuetudin̄ vel statuta q̄ et cōstitutiōes appellātur Sed cōsuetudines et legis naturae sētētiae postquā in scripturā redactae et sufficiēti auctoritate prīcipis promulgatae fuerīt ac custodiri iubeātur in cōstitutionū siue statutorū naturā mutātur et deinde penalius quā ātea subditos prīcipis ad earū custodiā cōstrin gūt seueritate mādati illius qualis est legū ciuiliū pars nō modica q̄ a Romanorū prīcipibꝰ ī magnis voluminibꝰ redigitur et eor ’ auctoritate obseruari mādatur Vnde legis Ciuilis vt cetera Imperatorū statuta iā pars illa nomē sortita ē Si igitur in his tribus quasi ōnis iuris fontibus legis Angliae prestātiam probauerim prefulgere legem illam bonam esse et efficacē ad regni illius regimē etiam comꝓbaui Deinde si eam ad eiusdem regni vtilitatem vt leges ciuiles ad imperij bonum accomodam esse lucidè ostēderim nedū tūc legē illā prestantē sed et vt leges ciuiles electam vt tu optas etiā patefeci Igitur hec duo tibi ostendere satagens sic progredior ¶ The lawe of nature in all countreis is al one Cap. 16 The lawes of England in those thīgs whiche they by force of the law of natur̄ do ratify establish are neither better nor worse in their iudgements thē y e lawes of al other natiōs are in y e like cases For as Aristotle in y e fifth boke of his morall philosophie saieth The law of nature is y t which among al people hath like strēgth power Wherefore hereof to reason any lōger it shall not auayle But nowe hencefurth we wil searche oute what maner of custōes statutz these of Englād ar And firste the qualytie of those customes wee wyll consider LEges Angliae ī his q̄ ip̄ae sāctiūt legis naturae ratiōe non meliores peioresue sunt in iudiciis suis quā in cōsimilibꝰ sūt ōnes leges ceterarū nationū Quia vt dicit Phūs v. Ethicorū Iꝰ naturale est quod apud omnes homines eādē hēt potentiam quare de ea āplius disceptare nō expeditur Sed quales sūt Angliae cōsuetudines sl’er similiter et statuta est amodo ꝑscrutādū et primo cōsuetudinū illarū visitab●mꝰ qualitates ¶ The customes of Englande are of most auncient ātiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall nations from one to an other by succession Cap. 17 THe roialme of England was first inhabited of y e Britōs Next after thē y e Romains had y e rule of y e lande And thē again y e Britōs possessed it After whō the Saxons inuaded it who chaūging y e name therof did for Britain call it England After thē for a certain tyme the Danes had the dominiō of the Roialme thē Saxōs again But last of al the Normans subdued it whose discent continuethe in y e gouernmēt of y e kingdom at this present And in al y e times of these seueral nations of theire kinges this roialme was still ruled withe the selfe same customes that it is nowe gouerned witheall Whiche if theye had not beene right good some of those kynges moued eyther with Iustice or with reason or affection would haue chaūged them or els altogether abolished thē and specially the Romaīs who did iudge all the rest of the world by their own lawes Likewise woulde other of the foresaide kinges haue done whiche bye the sworde onelye possessing the royalme of Englande myghte by the lyke power and auctoritye haue extinguisshed the lawes thereof And touchynge the antyquitie of the same neither are the Romaine Ciuile lawes by so longe contynuaunce of aūcient times confirmed nor yet the lawes of the venetians whiche aboue al other are reported to be of most antiquity forsomuch as their Ilande in the beginninge of the Britones was not then inhabited as Roome then also vnbuilded neyther the lawes of any patnime nation of the world are of so olde and auncyent yeares Wherefore the contrarye is not to be sayde nor thoughte but that the Englyshe customes are verye good yea of all other the verye best REgnū Angliae primo per Britones īhabitatum est deinde per Romanos regulatum iterūque per Britones ac deīde ꝑ Saxones possessū qui nomen eius ex Britānia in Angliam mutauerūt ex
quam facit lex predicta ciuilis quae cito et quasi īultū luxuriae crimē remittit ¶ Speciall causes why base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimony ensuing Chap. 40. MOre ouer the Ciuile lawes say y t your natural or bastard sonne is y e sōne of y e people Wherof a certein metriciā writeth in this wise To whom the people father is to hī is father none all To whom the people father is wel fatherles we may him call And while suche a chylde had no father at y e tyme of his birthe surelye nature knoweth not howe he could afterward come by a father For if one woman shoulde beare two children of twoe fornicatours and the one of them shoulde afterward marrye her Whether of these twooe children shoulde by this marriage bee legittimat Oppiniō may somewhat ꝑswade but reason cannot fynde seeing the time was once when bothe those chyldren beeinge iudged the children of the people did not knowe theire fathers It were therefore vnreasonable that a child afterwarde borne in the same wedlocke whose generation cannot be vnknowē shoulde be disherited and that a childe whiche knoweth no father should be heire to the father mother of the other specially in y e roialme of England where the eldest sonne only enioieth the fathers inheritance And an indifferent iudge would think it no lesse vnreasonable that a base borne childe shoulde bee equally matched with a lawful begotten childe in y e inheritāce whiche by the Ciuile lawes can bee deuyded but onelye among male children For saint Augustine in the xvi booke de Ciuitate dei wrytethe thus Abraham gaue all his substance to his sonne Isaac and to the sonnes of his concubines he gaue gyftes Whereuppon semeth to bee ment that to bastarde children there is noe inheritaunce due but onelye a necessary lyuinge Thus saieth hee And vnder the name of a bastard child saint Austē vnderstādeth all vnlawful yssues so doth holye scripture also ī diuers places callinge none by the name of a bastard Lo Saint Austen thinkethe no small difference to be so thinketh Abrahā to betwene the succession of a bastarde and of a sonne lawfullye begotten Yea holye scripture reprehendeth all vnlawful childrē vnder this metaphore sayeng Bastarde slippes shall take no deepe roote nor lay any fast foundation in the iiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome The churche also reproueth the same in that it admitteth them not to holye orders And if it so bee that the churche doe dyspense withe suche a one yet it permitteth not him to haue anye dignitye or preeminence in y e church Wherefore it is conuenyent that mannes lawe in the benefite of successiō shoulde cutte thē shorte whome the Churche iudgeth vnworthy to bee receaued into holye orders and reiecteth from all prelacie yea whome holye scripture iudgeth as touchinge their birthe much inferiour to them that be lawfullye begotten We reade that Gedeon the puissaunt begate lxx sonnes in wedlocke and but one onelye out of wedlocke Yet thys misbegotten chylde wyckedlye slewe all those lawfullye beegotten children one onelye excepted Iudges .ix. Whereby it ys perceaued that there was more wyckednesse in one bastarde chylde then in .lxix. lawfull sonnes For it is a commen sayenge If a bastard bee good y t cōmeth to him by chaūce that is to wytte by speciall grace but if he be euil that commeth to him by nature For it is thought that the base child draweth a certeyn corruption and stayne from y e synne of his parentes without his owne fault as all we haue receaued of y e synne of oure first parēts much infection thoughe not somuche Howebeit the blemishe which bastardes by their generation do receaue muche differeth frō that werein lawfull children are borne For their conception is wrought by the mutuall synnefull lust of both parēts which in the laufull chast copulations of marryed couples taketh no place The synne of suche fornicatours is committed by y e mutuall consent of them bothe Wherefore it is likened to the first synne cleaueth more cruelly to the chylde then the synne of suche as do otherwise offende alone so that the chylde so begotten deserueth to be called the child of synne rather then the chylde of synners wherefore the boke of wysedō makynge a difference betweene these ii gen̄atiōs of y e laufull gen̄atiō it sayethe thus O howe faire is a chaste generaciō w t vertue The memoriall thereof is immortall for it is knowen with god with men But the other is not knowen with men so that the children there of borne are called y e children of the people Of whiche base generation the same booke thus speaketh All the chyldrē that are borne of wycked parētz are witnesses of wyckednes agaīst their parētz when they be asked For beīge demaūded of their parentz they open theyr synne euen as the wycked sonne of Noe vncouered his fathers priuities It is therefore beleued touchīge the blīde borne of whom the pharasiez in the ix chapter of Saint Iohns ghospell said Thou art altogether borne in sīne y t he was a bastarde who wholly is borne of synne And where it folowethe doest not thou teache vs. It seemeth that thereby maye be vnderstanded y t a bastard hathe no lyke naturall disposition to knowlege and learnyng as a lawfull chylde hath Wherefore that lawe maketh no good diuision whiche in the fathers inheritance makethe equal bastard children and laufull childrē whō y e church in gods inheritaunce maketh vnequall Betwene whom also scripture putteth a differēce in fourme aboue mentioned whō nature in her gyftes seuereth markynge the naturall or bastard chyldren as it were with a certein priue mark ī their soules Whether therefore of y e ii lawes Englishe or ciuile do you now imbrace most noble prince iudge to haue the preeminence in this case PReterea Leges ciuiles dicūt filium naturalē tuū esse filiū populi de quo metricus quidā sic ait Cui pater est populꝰ pater est sibi nullꝰ et oīs Cui pat ’ est populꝰ nō habet ipse patrē Et dū ꝓles talis patrē nō habuit tēꝑe natiuitat ’ suae quo modo ex post facto ipse patrē nancisci poterit natura nouit quo si ex fornicatoribꝰ duobus mulier vna filios peperit duos quā postea vnꝰ ex concubinariis illis ducat in vxorem quis ex filiis hiis duobus ꝑ matrimonium illud legittimatur oppinio suader ’ potest sed ratio reperire nequit dū ambo filij illi populi fetus iudicati semel parētes ignorabāt Incōsonū propterea videret ’ qd ’ in matrimonio illo extūc ab eadē muliere natus cuius generatio ignorari nō poterit exꝑs esset hereditatis et filius nescius genitoris sui succederet patri et matrī eius maxime īfra regnū Angliae vbi filiꝰ senior solꝰ succedit in hereditate paterna et non minus
the fathers condicion then to the mothers Seynge that Adam speakīge of marryed couples sayde ▪ They shal be ii in one fleshe which our lord expoundynge in the ghospell sayethe Nowe are they not ii but one fleshe And forsomuch as y e mal ’ as more worthi cōteineth the female then the whole flesh so vnited must haue relation to the male as to the worthyer wherefore the lorde called Adam Eue not by the name of Eue but because they were bothe one fleshe he called them bothe in the name of Adam the man as it apeareth in y e fifthe chapter of genesis The Ciuile lawes also holde that women do euer glister with the shyenynge beames of their husbāds Wherefore in the title begynnynge withe these wordes Qui se prosessione excusant in y e nynth boke L. fi the text sayeth thus we auaunce women w t the honoure of their husbandes and with the kīred of their husbādes we worshippe thē in y e court we decree matters to passe in the name of their husbandes into y e house and surname of their husbandes do we translate them But if afterward a woman marrye with a man of baser degree thē leseth she her former dignitie and foloweth the cōdiciō of her latter husbād And forsomuche as all children specially male children bear the fathers name not the mothers whereof then shoulde it cōe that y e sonne by reasō of the mother should lese the honour or chaunge the condiciō of the father whose nāe neuerthelesse he shall styll keepe Specially seeynge the mother herself receaueth of the same father honour worshippe dignitie which honour worshippe and dignitie of the husbande cā neuer be disteined or īpeached through y e fault of the wyfe Truely that lawe may well bee demed cruell which with out any cause cōmittethe to bondage the free mās sonne and which disheritinge the innocent sonne of the īnocent free father adiudgeth his lāde to an vnworthie straunger whiche also withe y e base state of bōdage in y e sōne defaceth the name of the free father Cruell also of necessite must that lawe be compted which augmenteth thraldom and diminisheth libertie or freedom For libertie is y e thinge that mās nature euer coueteth For by mā for synne did bondage first enter But freedome is graffed in mans nature of god whereof if men be depriued he is euer disierous to recouer y e same agayne lyke as all other thinges do that are spoiled of their naturall libertie wherefore wycked and cruell is he to be deemed that fauoureth not libertie which thīges the lawes of England duely consydering do in all respectes shew fauour to libertie And thoughe the same lawes iudge hī thrall whom a boundeman ī wedlock begetteth of a free womā yet here by cā not these lawes be reputed seuere and cruel For a woman which by mariage hath submitted herself to a boundeman is made one fleshe withe him wherefore as y e forsaid lawes determine she foloweth the state of his conditiō and of her owne free wyll hathe made her selfe a bonde womā not forced thereto by the law muche lyke to such as in kynges courtes become bondemen or sell thēselfs into bondage without any compulsiō at all And howe then can the lawe determine that childe to be free whom suche a mother hathe thus borne For the husband can neuer be in so much subiection to his wyfe thoughe she be a right greate ladye as this womā is subiect to the bondeman whom she hathe made her lorde insomuche as y e lorde sayeth to al wifes Thou shalt be vnder the power of thy husbonde he shall haue dominion ouer thee And what is it that these Ciuilians saye of the fruite of a good or euyll tree Is not euerye wyfe of a fre or thral condition accordynge to y ● state of her husbād And in whose ground hathe y t husbande planted while his wyfe is one fleshe w t him Not in his owne And what thē if he haue graffed a slyppe of a swete nature ī a stock of a sower tree So y t y e tre be his owne shall not the fruites thoughe they eū sauer of the stocke be his owne fruites So the childe which the wyfe bareth is the husbandes issue whether the wyfe be free or thrall Howbeit y e lawes of England decree that if a bonde woman without the cōsēt of her lorde bee maryed to a free man though they can not be deuorced beecause the ghospell saieth whom god hathe conioyned let not man seperate yet shal her lorde recouer agaynst the same free man all the dammages that hee hathe susteyned by reason of the losse of his vassall or bond woman This nowe as I suppose is the somme and fourm of the law of Englande in the case nowe declared What therefore is your opinion most excellēt prince in the same case And whether of these two lawes doe you esteeme to be of more worthinesse excellencye Leges ciuiles s̄actiūt qd ꝑtꝰ sēper sequitur vētrem vt si mulier seruilis cōdicionis nubat viro cōdicionis liberae Proles eorū seruꝰ erit et ecōūso seruꝰ maritatꝰ liberae nō nisi liberos gignit Sed lex Anglioe nunquā matris sed sēper patris condicionē imitari partū iudicat Vt ex libera etiā ex natiua non nisi liberū liber generet et non nisi seruū in matrimonio ꝓ creare potest seruꝰ Que putas legū harū melior ē in sētētiis suis crudelis ē lex q̄ liberi prolē sine culpa subdit seruituti Nec minꝰ crudelis cēsetur quae liberae sobolē sine merito redigit in seruitutē Legistae vero dīcūt leges Ciuiles p̄ualere in his iudiciis suis Nā dicūt qd non potest arbor malafructꝰ bonos facere Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere Ac ōni● legis sētētia est qd plātatio q̄libet cedit solo quo īseritur Certior quoque multo ē ꝑtꝰ q̄ eū fuderūt viscer ’ quam quis eum pater procreauit Ad hec legis Angliae cōsulti dicūt qd ꝑtꝰ ex legittimo thoro nō certiꝰ noscit matrem quā genitorē suū Nā am bae leges q̄ iam contendunt vniformiter dicūt qd ipse est pater quem nuptiae demōstrāt Nunquid tunc magis est cōueniens vt filii cōditio ad patris potiꝰ quā ad matris conditionem referatur cum de cōiugatis dixerat Adā erunt ipsi duo in carne vna qd dominꝰ exponēs in euangelio ait Iam non sūt duo sed vna caro et cum masculinum concipiat femininum ad masculinū qd dignius est referri debet tota caro sic facta vna Quare Adam et Euam vocauit dominus non Euā sed quia caro vna ipsi erant ambos eos vocauit ipse nomine viri vide licet Adam vt patet Genesis quinto capit ’ Ipsae quoque
discreete and determinate perfectnes deepe vnder stādinge of the same beeynge lefte to his iudges So also oughte all princes to bee wel seene in the holye scriptures of god as sayethe vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the morall institution of princes Forasmuche as the scripture aboue mentioned sayethe that vayne are all theye in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the prouerbes it is thus written Let prophecye or the woorde of god be in the lyppes of the kynge and then hys mouthe shall not go wrōge in iudgement And yet is not a kinge bounde to haue profounde knowledge and determinate vnderstāding in y e holy scriptures as it becommethe a professoure of dyuinitye For it shal be ynoughe for hī suꝑficially to tast y e sentēces therof as also of his lawes Thus did Charles the great Lewes his sonne and Robert sometime kinge of Fraunce whoe wrote thys sequence Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia and diuers other princes as the foresayde Vincēcius in the fiftenethe chapter of his booke aforesayd plainly shewethe Wherfore y e doctors of y e lawes do say y t an ēperour beareth al his lawes in y e box of his brest not for y t he knoweth all y e lawes reallye in deede but for that he vnderstandeth the principles of thē lykewise theire fourme theire nature in whiche respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all hys lawes Whiche also he maye alter chaunge and repeale So that in him are potentiallye all his lawes as Eue was in Adam before she was made Butte now good Chauncellour seeynge I perceaue mye selfe sufficientlye perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England whiche thing in y e beginninge of this worke you promised to perfourme I wil no lōger trouble you in this behalfe But thus I instātly desire you y t ye wil īstruct me in y e prīciples of y e law as you once began to doe And that you will teache me to knowe and vnderstande the fourm and nature thereof For thys lawe shall bee euermore peculiar to me amonge al other lawes of the worlde amonge the whiche I see it shiene as lucifer amōge the starrs And forsomuch as I doubt not but youre intent whereby you were moued to this conference is fully satisfiyd bothe tyme and reason requirethe that we make an ende of our talke yeeldynge therfore laudes and thankes to him whiche beganne furthered and hathe fynished the same Whom we call Alpha et O who also be praysed of euerye lyuinge creature Amen Finis PRīceps Leges illas nedū bonas sed et optimas esse cācellarie ex ꝓsecutiōe tua in hoc dialogo certissime dep̄hēdi Et si q̄ ex eis meliorari deposcant id citissime fieri posse parliamentorū ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt Quo realiter potētialiterue regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio dū nō dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti et militem ignauum reddit debilitas lāciae et mucronis Sed sicut ad pugnā animatur miles cū nedū sibi ꝓnasīt arma sed et magis cū in actibꝰ bellicis ip̄e sit exꝑtus dicente Vegetio de re militari qd ’ sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit Sic et rex omnis ad iustitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam quas tantum in vniuersali inclusiuè et incōfuso principi scire sufficiet remanen te suis iudicibus earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori Sic equidē et scripturarum diuinarū peritiam vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutiōe prīcipum Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata qd ’ vanae sunt oēs in quibus nō est scientia dei et ꝓuerbi .xvi. scribatur Diuinatio id est diuina sētentia vel sermo diuinus sit in labiis regis et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius Non tamen profundè determinatèue intelligere tenetur Prīceps scripturas sacras vt decet sacrae theologiae ꝓfessor sufficit nāque ei earū in cōfusô degusta re sententias qualiter et peritiā legis suae Sic et fece●ūt Carolus Mag●us Lodouicꝰ filius eiꝰ et Robertꝰ quōdā rex Frāciae qui hanc scripsit seq̄ntiā Sācti spiritꝰ ad sit nobis gratia et quā plures alij vt ī .xv. ca. lib. p̄dicti Vincentius p̄dictꝰ luculenter docet Vnde et doctores legū dicūt qd ’ imperator gerit oīa iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui nō q̄a ōīa iura ip̄e noscit realiter et in actu sed dū prīcipia eorū ip̄e ꝑcepit formā similiter et naturā oīa iura sua ipse ītelliger ’ cēsetur q̄ etiā trāsformare ille potest mutare et cassare quo ī eo potētialiter sūt ōnia iura sua vt in Adā erat Eua antequā plasmaretur Sed quia Cācellarie ad legū Angliae disciplinatū mihi iā conspicio suffici enter esse suasum quod et in huiꝰ operis exordio facere ꝓmisisti Nō te āplius huius p̄textu solicitare conabor sed obnixê de posco vt in legis huius principijs vt quōdam incepisti me erudias docēs quodamodo eius agnoscere formā et naturam quia lex ista mihi semꝑ peculiaris erit īter ceteras legꝭ orbis inter quas ipsā lucere cōspicio vt lucifer inter stellas Et dū intentioni tuae qua ad collationē hanc concitatus es iā satisfactū esse nō ābigo tempus postulat et ratio vt nostris colloquiis terminū cōferamus reddētes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit prosecutꝰ est et finiuit Alpha et O quē dicimꝰ quē et laudet ōnis spiritus Amen ¶ The table AN Introduction to the matter Fo. 3. The Chanceller moueth the Prince to the knowlege of the lawe Fo. 4. The Princes replie to y e motion 7 The Chaūcellour fortifieth his assertion 8 The Chauncellour proueth that a Prince by the lawe may bee made happye and blessed 10 Ignorance of the lawe causeth contempte therof 14 The Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of his perswasion 17 The Prince yeldoth hym self to the studye of the lawes though he bee yet disquieted w t certein doubtes 19 So muche knowledge as is necessarie for a prince is soone had 20 A kinge whose gouernement is politique cannot chaunge hys lawes 25 The Prince demaundeth a question 27 The aunswere is omitted for that in an other woorke it is handled at large 28 How kingdomes ruled by roya●●●ouernement onely first beganne 28 Howe kingedōes of politique gouernance were first begonne 30 The Prince compend●●●sly abridgeth all that the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large 33 All lawes are the lawe of Nature custōs or statutes 36 The lawe of Nature in all Countryes is one 37 The customes of Englande are of moste auncient antiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall Nations from one to another by successe 38 With what grauitie statutes are made in Englande 39 A meane to know the diuersitie betweene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of Englande 41 The first case wherein the Ciuile lawes the lawes of England differ 42 Inconueniēces that commeth of that law which no otherwise thē by witnesses admitteth trials 43 Of the crueltie of Rackinges 46 The Ciuile lawe ofte failethe in doinge of iustice 50 Howe counties are deuided and Sherifes chosen 51 How Iurers 〈…〉 chosen sworne 54 How Iurers 〈…〉 to be enformed by euydences and witnesses 57 Howe causes criminall are determined in England 61 The Prince granteth the lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects then y e Ciuile lawes in the case disputed 63 Why Inquestes are not made by Iuries of .xii. men in other realmes aswel as in Englande 65 The Prince cōmendeth the lawes of England of theire proceeding by Iuries 69 The Prince doubteth whether this proceding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods lawe or not 70 That the proceeding by a Iurie 〈◊〉 not repugnant to the law of God 72 Why certeine kinges of Englande haue had no delyghte in their own lawes 76 The Chaunceller openeth the cause which the Prince demaundeth 77 The commodities that proceede of y e ioynt gouernement politique regall in the realm of England 83 A comparison of y e worthines of both the regiments 86 The prince breaketh th●●●●uncellour of his tale 89 The second case wherein the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theirs iudgements 89 Speciall causes whye base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonye ensuynge 93 The prince alloweth the lawe whych doth not legittimate children borne before matrymonye 98 The thirde case wherein the lawes aforesayde disagree 98 The prince approuethe the lawe whereby y e issue foloweth the wombe 102 The fowerthe case wherein y e said lawes varye 104 The prince commendethe the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes 106 Other cases wherin the foresayde lawes differ 108 The prince regardethe not a case rehearsed 109 The Chaunceller sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities 110 The disposition 〈◊〉 general study of the lawes of Englande 〈◊〉 that the same in nūber passeth certein vniuersities 113 Of the state and degree of a serieāt at lawe and howe he is created 116 After what maner a Iustice is created and of his habite and conuersacion 121 The prince fyndethe faute wythe delayes that are made in the kyngs courte 125 That delaies whiche happen in the kyngs courts are necessarie and reasonable 126 That the lawes of Englande are ryghte good the knoweledge thereof expediente for kyngs and that it shal suffice them to haue but a superficial knowledge of the same 129 Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple Barre at the signe of the hand and starre by Rychard Tottill 1567.
bee proued by force of argumentes or by demōstracions logicall but as it is saide in the seconde booke of Posterior̄ they are knowen by induction by the waye of sense and memorye Wherefore in the firste booke of hys naturall Philosophye Aristotle sayth that principles are not made of others nor one of them of an other but all other bee made of them And accordinge thereunto in the firste booke of his Topikes hee writeth that euery principle is a sufficient proofe of it selfe And therefore the Philosopher saieth that suche as denye them ought not to bee disputed or reasoned withall because that as hee writeth in the sixthe booke of his morall Philosophie there is no reasō to be geuen for principlez Wherefore whosoeuer they be that couet to profite in y e knowlege of any faculties they must nedez first be furnished w t principles For by them are opened the causes finall vnto the which by the direction of reason through the knowledge of y e principles we doe attaine wherfore these iii. vz prīciples causes and elem̄tz beinge vnknowen the science whereof they are is altogether vnknowen And the same .iii. beeinge knowen the science also whereof they are is thought to be knowē not determinatly or p̄cisely but suꝑficially after a cōfuse vniuersall sorte Thus wee thinke our selues to haue the knowledge of godds lawes when wee vnderstande our selues to knowe faith charitie and hope and also the Sacramentes of the churche and the commaundementes of God leauynge to the prelates of the Churche the other misteries of theologye Wherefore the lord saith vntoo his disciples To you it is geeuen to know the misterie of the kyngdome of God but to other in Parables that seeynge they maye not see And the Apostle sayeth Not to bee wyser then it beehoueth And in another place Not beeinge highe in wisedome In like maner O moste worthy Prince it shall not bee needefull for you with longe study to searche out the secrete misteries of the lawe of Englande It shall suffice for you as you haue profited in grammer so also to profite in lawe Vntoo the perfection of grammer springinge out of Etimologie Orthographie Prosodie Construction as out of .iiii. fountaines you haue not exactlye attayned and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammer that you may well be called a Gramarrien Likewise shal you be wel worthy to be called a lawier if you serch out y e prīciplz causes of y e lawes euen to y e elementz after y e maner of a scholar or a learner For it shal not be needefull or expediēt for you by the trauel of your owne wytte to studie out the hydde mysteries of y e lawe But let y e geare be lefte to your iudges mē of lawe whiche in the royalme of Englande are called Seriauntz at lawe and to other professours of the lawe commēly called apprentices For you shall better execute iudgementes by other then by your self Neither hathe it bene seēe that any kynge of Englonde hathe pronounced iudgement with his owne mouthe And yet neuerthelesse all the iudgements of the royalme are his thoughe by other they be vttered and pronoūced Lyke as also kynge Iosaphat affirmed the sentences of all the iudges to bee the iudgemēts of god Wherfore most gracious prīce you shall in shorte tyme with little labour be sufficiently learned in the lawes of Englād so that you do applie your mynd to the obteynynge therof For Seneca in an epistle to Lucillus sayethe There is nothīge which earnest traueill and diligent care atchieueth not And so wel do I knowe the prompte towardnes of your nature y ● I dare be bolde to saye that in those lawes thoughe the exacte knowelege of thē suche as is required ī iudges can skante be gotten in the space of xx yeares you shall sufficiently in one yeare attayne to somuche vnderstandynge as is cōueniēt for a prīce Neither in the meāe time shall you neglect and omitt the studie of martiall discipline wherevnto you are so feruently geuen but durynge all the same yeare in steade of recreatiō you shall vse the practise thereof of at your pleasure Philosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit quod tunc vnumquodque scire arbitramur cum causas et principia eius cognoscamus vsque ad elementa Super quem textum cōmentator dicit qd ’ Aristotꝰ ꝑ principia intellexit causas efficientes ꝑ causas intellexit causas finales et per elemēta materiam et formam In legibus vero non sunt materia et forma vt in Phisicis et compositis Sed tamen sunt in eis elemēta quaedam vnde ipsae ꝓfluūt vt ex materia et forma quae sunt consuetudines statuta et ius naturae ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni vt ex materia et forma sunt quaeque naturalia et vt ex litteris quae etiam elementa appellantur sunt omnia quae leguntur Principia autem quae commentator dicit esse causas efficientes sūt quaedam vniuersalia quae in legibus Angliae docti similiter et Mathematici maximas vocant Rethorici paradoxas Ciuilistae regulas iuris denomināt ipsa reuera non argumētorum vi aut demonstrationibus logicis dinoscuntur Sed vt secundo posteriorum docetur inductione via sensus et memoriae adipiscuntur quare et primo phisicorum philosophus dicit qd ’ principia non fiunt ex aliis neque ex alterutris sed ex illis alia fiunt quô primo topicorum scribitur quod vnūquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides Vnde cum negantibus ea dicit philosophus non est disputandum quia vt scribitur vi Ethicorum ad Principia non est ratio Igitur principiis imbuendi sunt quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates Ex eis etenim reuelantur causae finales ad quas rationis ductu per principiorum agnitionem peruenitur vnde his tribus videlicet principijs causis et elementis ignoratis scientia de qua ipsa sunt penitus ignoratur Et his cognitis etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse non determinatè sed inconfusô et vniuersaliter arbītratur Sic Legem diuinam nos nosse in dicamus dum fidem charitatem et spem sacramēta quoque ecclesiae ac dei mandata nos intelligere sētiamus cetera theologiae misteria ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes Quare dominus discipulis suis ait Vobis datum est nosse misterium regni dei ceteris autem in parabolis vt videntes non videant c. Et Apostolus dixit non plus sapere quam oportet sapere alibi non alta sapiētes Sic et tibi prīceps necesse non erit 〈◊〉 misteria legis angliae longo disciplinatu rimare sufficiēt tibi vt ī gramatica tu profecisti etiā in legibus proficias Gramaticae vero perfectionem que ex Ethimologia Ortographia Prosodia et Syntaxi quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit