in his Ecclesiasticall Historie lib. 3. cap. 31. or any others mention they mention them as books written and composed by him but not as ever publikly extant which if they had Suidas or whosoever they be whom Suidas in his Dictionary in the word Marcus doth alleage would not have omitted them Thus much I thought good here briefly to acquaint the Reader with who if he please may receive further satisfaction by the ensuing Discourse A DISCOVRSE BY WAY OF PREFACE Concerning The Vse and Subject of this Booke The Author ANTONINUS And this Translation of it OF all the severall sects and professions of Philosophers that ever were knowne or heard of in the world there was not any that ever did hold maximes and opinions so contrary to flesh and blood never any that was judged even by the learned Heathens themselves witnesse learned Plutarch who hath written a whole Booke of this very subject so grossely and manifestly to oppose nature and to overthrow all grounds and principles of humane sense or reason as the Stoicks did And yet of all sects and professions never any that either with the best was of more credit or with the vulgar more plausible So plausible and popular that there have beene times Lucian in Hermotimo Is C. ad ista Pers Si Cynico barbā petulans c. pag 165. when the number of the Stoicks alone did exceed all the followers and professors of all other sects being put together A thing the more to be wondred at because that for that very reason Christianity though nothing so harsh in comparison hath ever by them of contrary professions beene much opposed and contradicted Of this a maine reason I conceive to have beene that the Stoicks though by their particular Tenets and opinions they might seeme of all others most to oppose nature yet that which they proposed unto themselves as the end of their lives and the ground of all their Philosophie that which they did ever sound in the eares of men and presse them with was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live according to nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B. V. N. IX Remember that philosophie requireth no more at thy hands then what thine owne nature doth require and leads thee unto saith Antoninus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 B. VI. N. XXV What acruell and unnaturall thing would it bee to restraine men from the pursuite of those things which they conceive to themselves and their owne nature See Ant. B. V. Numb I. most proper and convenient So they all speake and that which they all generally did most beate upon was this Now whether the particular meanes which they did cōmend propose unto that end were indeed proper and naturall unto that end unto which they did propose them I will not here dispute For the end whether true or pretended is that which men usually take most notice of As for the meanes how direct or indirect to that end is not so easilie discerned Their end therefore being of it selfe so plausible and acceptable I conceive it to have beene the thing especially which made their doctrin and philosophie so too And I am as verily perswaded that a conceit and opinion many Christians have that most of those things which are reproved in them as sinnes and vices agree best with their natures and many if not most of those duties that are required of thē as Christians are against not depraved and corrupted only which is not properly nature but absolutely against the nature of man and in generall that divine law and humane sense and reason are things contrary and opposite is that as much as any thing that doth discourage them from the intent practice and study of those things which they by their profession cannot but acknowledge themselves bound unto For it is not more naturall to a man to love his owne flesh which the Apostle witnesseth no man ever hated then to love nature and what he conceives to bee according to nature Though it bee not so yet if hee conceive it so he affects it naturally and in time it becomes naturall unto him indeed Now concerning Christianity I know it is the opinion of many that matters of Faith and the Sacraments only excepted there is nothing in the whole Gospell which is not juris naturalis and most agreeable to humane reason For my part as I would not take upon mee See Hugo Grot. de jure Belliac P. lib. 1. cap. 2. § 6. to maintaine their opinion precisely true in all points and circumstances so I must needs say if wee esteeme that naturall which naturall men of best account by the meere strength of humane reason have taught and taken upon them to maintaine as just and reasonable I know not any Euangelicall precept or duty belonging to a Christians practice even the harshest and those that seeme to ordinary men most contrary to flesh and blood not excepted but upon due search and examination will prove of that nature I say upon due search and examination Many have touched upon this point rather to shew the way unto others then by way of undertaking themselves among others of late the best able that I know now living to performe this or any thing else that belongs to a generall and compleate Scholler Mr. Hugo Grotius in his collection and Translation of Greeke sentences There be too I know that have undertaken much in this kinde but of whom as many as I have seene I may boldly say and the more boldly because I name none that in many respects they have performed but little I wish it with all my heart that some able and judicious man would thinke it worth his labour and paines were it but to this end that the harshnesse which many Christians though Christians yet flesh and blood they will say doe conceive to be in many divine precepts might bee mollified and lessned when it shall appeare that the very same things did not seeme harsh to them that in comparison of them whom God hath called by more speciall and supernaturall illumination were nothing but flesh and blood That they who as men can so hardly prevaile upon themselves to strive against nature and to yeeld to those things which they conceive against all humane sense and reason might be of another minde when they shall see that mere naturall men who in humane sense and reason of all others most excelled have both esteemed themselves bound by nature and others most unnaturall that refused to follow or to forbeare those very things ut quivis arbitratur saith Minutius F. though upon another occasion aut nunc Christianos philosophos esse aut philosophos fuisse jam tunc Christianos But not to prosecute this generall any further at this present Of all Bookes in this kinde that ever have beene written by any Heathens I know not any which either in regard of it selfe for the bulke thereof or in regard of the Author deserves more
respect then this of Marcus Antoninus sonne by name of Annius Verus a man of great qualitie in Rome and adopted sonne of Antoninus Pius a Romane Emperour whom also hee succeeded in the Empire about the yeare of our Lord 162 or 163. The chiefest subject of the Booke is the vanity of the world and all worldly things as wealth honour life c. and the end and scope of it to teach a man how to submit himselfe wholly to Gods providence and to live content and thankfull in what estate or calling soever But the Booke I doubt not will sufficiently commend it selfe to them who shall bee able to read it with any judgement and to compare it with all others of the same subject written either by Christians or Heathens so that it bee remembred that it was written by a Heathen that is one that had no other knowledge of any God then such as was grounded upon naturall reasons meerely no certaine assurance of the Immortality of the soule no other light whereby he might know what was good or bad right or wrong but the light of nature and humane reason Which though it were such as it was from God the Author of nature as what is not yet inregard it was not by any revelation or any other extraordinary meanes is therefore called humane and naturall As for the Booke it selfe then to let it speake for it selfe In the Author of it two maine things I conceive very considerable which because by the knowledge of them the use and benefit of the Booke may bee much the greater then otherwise it would bee I would not have any ignorant of The things are these first that he was a very great man one that had good experience of what he spake and secondly that he was a very good man one that lived as he did write and exactly as farre as was possible to a naturall man performed what hee exhorted others unto For the first I have alwayes thought that it was not without Gods especiall Providence that of all them that once were the peculiar people of God hee was chosen to write against the vaine pleasures and delights of this world who of all the rest had had most knowledge and experience of those things that hee did write against A poore man may from his heart perchance declaime against the vanity of wealth and pleasures and a private man against the vanity of honour and greatnesse it may be from their hearts but it is ever suspicious and therefore of lesse power and efficacie Suspicious I meane that they are angry with that they would faine and cannot get themselves yea and perchance inveigh of purpose that by inveighing an ordinary thing in the world they may get that which they inveigh against But at the best that they make a vertue of necessitie that they speake against they know not what and though they meane sincerely as now yet if they were in place themselves God knowes what minde they would be of And the event indeed doth justifiie these suspicions but too often But when a man shall heare such a one as Salomon was speaking in this manner I said in my heart Goe to now I will proove thee with mirth c. I made me great workes c. I made mee gardens and orchards c. I made me pooles of water c. I got mee servants and maidens c. I gathered mee silver and gold c. So I was great c. And whatsoever mine eyes desired I kept not from them I withheld not my heart from any joy c. Then I looked on all the workes that my hands had wrought and on the labour that I had laboured to doe and behold all was vanitie and vexation of spirit and there was no profit under the Sunne Is there any man so bewitched and besotted with worldly wealth and pleasure whom such a confession from such a one will not move for a while at the least And if this of Salomon who at first had received such measure of Grace and illumination from God that it may be more justly wondred that he ever did any thing contrary to this profession then that he should professe so much how much more should that confession of Antoninus move us dilated here by him and inlarged into XII bookes and briefly expressed and summed up in these words of his eight Booke B. VIII N. I. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thou hast already had sufficient experience that of all the things that hitherto thou hast wandred and erred about thou couldst not finde happinesse in any of them not in syllogismes and Logicall subtilties not in wealth not in honour and reputation not in pleasure in none of all these Of Antoninus I say a meere Heathen lead by humane reason only Antoninus a man for worldly wealth and greatnesse so farre greater then Salomon as Lord and Master I dare say of more great Kingdomes then Salomon was of great townes in all his Kingdome Antoninus a man for his goodnesse and wisedome by all men during his life had in that honour and reputation as never man either before him was or that wee know of ever after him But his goodnesse was the second consideration It hath ever beene the complaint of all ages There hath ever beene store enough of men that could speake well and give good instructions But great want of them that either could or so much as endeavoured to doe as they spake and taught others to doe And what is the good that such can doe The only good I can conceive is that they perswade men as much as in them lies and they goe very effectually about it that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That all this that we call vertue and godlinesse so much spoken of amongst men are but words and emptie sounds that there is no such thing really existent indeed as piety and justice but that it is a meere figment of some cunning juglers and impostors or at the best a pretty device of Law-makers and founders of common-wealths to keepe silly people in awe and feare Can any man thinke otherwise if otherwise he be not better grounded that shall heare them speake and then looke upon their actions Such therefore in my judgement might deserve farre more thankes if they did forbeare and would rather lose the commendations of either a smooth tongue or a ready pen then to incurre both the just suspicion of being Atheists themselves and the certaine guilt and crime of having made many others so Bee it therefore spoken to the immortall praise and commendation of this famous Antoninus that as 〈◊〉 did write so he did live Never did writers so conspire to give all possible testimonie of goodnesse uprightnesse innocency and whatsoever could among Heathens be most commendable as they have done to commend this One. They commend him not as the best Prince only but absolutely as the best man and best Philosopher that ever was And it is his proper
not for many yeares together in any Booke-sellers shop I was beholding to learned Mr. Holsworths well furnished library for the first sight and long use of the latter and better Edition as also for the use of many other Bookes and that the Latine Translation of Xylander hath beene commended and approved by the most learned doctissimus eruditissimus Interpres vir profundae eruditionis c. So they speake of him I doe thinke it very necessary both that I should give the Reader that satisfaction that I doe not actum agere and doe my selfe that right that whereas I take upon me to translate Marcus Antoninus Augustus I may not be suspected to have translated Guilielmus Xylander Augustanus Indeed what might bee expected from Xylanders Interpretation may be collected by his owne ingenuous intimation both in his Preface where he is faine to Apologize for it that he durst undertake it professing that in quibusdam hee was constrained to divinare audacter à codice Graeco aut usu communi recedere as also in his Notes where his words are Sunt autem passim permulta in quibus ariolo magis quam Interprete opus sit And that he doth so indeed it doth but too manifestly appeare by his Translation For I dare boldly say and doe him no wrong that sometimes in a whole page he hath not two lines of Antoninus his sense and meaning Besides the liberty that hee takes unto himselfe to supply of his owne head to leave out sometimes words sometimes lines to change and alter at his will without any reason given for it or so much as the Reader acquainted with it And whereas Xylander puts the fault of all this upon the corruption and imperfection of the copie I cannot any wayes approve it For first as I confesse the faults and corruptions of it if in the printed copies they have not beene made more then they were in the Manuscript which I doe not beleeve to be many so of those many I know none or very few that may be termed incurable And as for the Lacunae of it I hope that they neither in this Translation and what ancient booke is there almost but hath some will not bee found many As for any greater hiatus as perchance of many leafes together if any shall suspect the Copie to have beene defective in that kinde the method and composition of the booke being such that it doth for the most part consist of certaine Aphorismes and Canons they called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. without any certaine order or series either in regard of the whole but that they all tend to one purpose or in regard of the parts themselves as it is not possible by the matter it selfe for any man to determine how much more in this kinde may have beene written by Antoninus so if there were never so much extant yet how this that we have here could thereby be made more perfect then it is I doe not see Their conceit who by reason of this undependance of matters would have the whole booke to be but excerpts and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a greater and better compacted worke there being so many other bookes both sacred and prophane written in the same kinde and Epictetus the Patterne of all latter Stoicks his Enchiridion among the rest it can at the best passe but for a meere conceit and needs I hope no other refutation To tell you then what I have done and that you may be the better satisfied that I except not against Xylanders Interpretation without cause it remaines that for a Specimen I produce some few passages by which it will be easie for any to judge of the rest But first I must faithfully professe that my purpose in all this is not any wayes to detract either from Xylander himselfe or from the judgement of those learned men by whom he hath beene highly commended but rather to follow after my best abilitie Xylanders owne example whom for his great paines and labour in his life-time to further and promote learning I acknowledge to have deserved much honour respect from all that love learning I might adde that I shall deal with him more ingenuously too then some others have done who take upon them to correct some corrupt places of Antoninus which Xylander in his Translation whereof they take no notice had already plainly corrected But now to Antoninus Where Antoninus in his first Booke saith that hee learned by his Fathers example that it is not impossible for a man that lives at the Court B. I. N. XIV 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To live almost a private mans life for matter of worldly pompe and magnificence and all outward shew and appearance expressed by him before more at large and yet for all that not to be a whit the more base and pusillanimous or lesse stout or resolute in any publike affaires that shall require the power and authoritie of a Prince and Commander he translates it Bas Edit pag. 174. sed licere ei proximum privato homini habitum sumere imò verò eum splendorem eos qui principes rempublicam gerere velint demissiores segnioresque efficere Which neither of it selfe affords any tolerable sense and is as wide from Antoninus his meaning as any thing that could have beene conceived In the eight booke Antonius saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pas Edit 247. That the common Nature which was one of the many Synomina's by which the Stoicks did expresse God doth distribute all things in equalitie as matter forme duration and the like and then adds 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This equalitie thou shalt observe not if absolutely thou shalt goe to compare all the particulars of any one thing by themselves with the particulars of another by themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is printed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is B. VIII N. VI. but if thou consider all the particulars of any one thing together with all the particulars of another together likewise His meaning is that every naturall thing in his owne kinde that is after a Geometricall though not Arithmeticall equalitie is equally perfect an Ant as perfect in her quantitie as an Elephant and Whale so great and vast in theirs As strong for her little proportion of body and other circumstances of her nature and as long lived as any other creature and so of all other things if all things be well considered And this doth not only extend to things of severall kinds and natures but even to those that are of the same It is a very pleasant and usefull speculation as it may be prosecuted and applied and it is very fully expressed by Antoninus After this as his manner is abruptly passing to another matter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he to himselfe for so must the words be distinguished which in the Greeke are viciously joyned and confounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
therefore and death honour and dishonour These words I would have the Reader that is not otherwise much versed in the Stoicks to take especiall notice of as the true ground of all their strange and unnaturall Tenets and Paradoxes That all temporall worldly blessings are common both to good and bad they saw That this if there were no more in it then soe could not stand with Gods justice and goodnesse which to deny is to deny that there is a God they saw likewise Upon this ground a ground that he stands much upon and presseth as farr as ever any Christian did Plato's illation was That after this life there must needs bee a Judgement when both good and bad should according to their deeds be rewarded The Stoicks as fully perswaded as Plato was that a God there is and he a just and good God and yet concerning the future estate of the dead not so fully satisfied as he was to maintaine their beleefe against that common exception could finde no better way then to maintaine that all those things that men usually did either seeke after or fly from as either good or bad were in themselves and in very truth neither good nor bad but altogether indifferent So that whether a man was rich or poore in health or in paine long lived or soone cut off in honour or dishonour that all this was nothing at all to either his happinesse or unhappines no not whilest he lived and by consequent that it was no argument against the goodnesse and justice of God that these things were knowen and grunted to happen unto all promiscuously whether good or bad Antoninus doth elsewhere touch upon it againe as towards the end of the fourth and about the beginning of the ninth booke To him though I intend brevity yet for further illustration of a point of that weight and moment as hath been the occasion of so many large volumes I can doe no lesse then add Epictetus his words at the least out of his Enchirid chapter as I finde him by some divided 38. as by others 29. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Know that in this specially true piety towards the Gods doth consist that thou have right opinions concerning them as That they are that with justice and equity they governe the whole world That thou to this end wert appointed and ordained to obey them to submitt unto them and willingly to follow them in all things as proceeding all from Him and by Him brought to passe who is Reason and Vnderstanding it selfe in the highest degree of excellency So shalt thou never complaine of the Gods or accuse them as neglected and little cared for by them But this cannot possibly bee except thou first give over all pursuit after those things which are not in our owne power and that on them only which are in our power and wholy depend on our owne wills thou bee fully perswaded that all that is truly good or evill doth depend For as for any other things if thou shalt deeme any of them good or evill it must needs follow See Ant. B. VI. n. XV. B. IX n. I. that as thou dost either misse of those thou dost desire or fall into those thou wouldest not thou shalt not only complaine of them that are the cause but hate them also For this is naturall unto every creature as to shunn and abhorr all things hurtfull both the things themselves and their causes So those that are profitable both the things themselves their causes to prosecute and highly to respect c. 6. From whose bare conceits and voyces honour and credit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. quorum opiniones voces gloriam Quidnam est mors c. So Xylander translates it and markes it for an imperfect place That a verbe to make the sense full must bee supplyed I graunt but because without it the sense of the words may bee apparant inough it may very well bee that whatsoever it is that is to bee supplyed was by Antoninus himselfe omitted as not necessary Now for the sense I must appeale to other like places as lib. III. n. IV. towards the end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover that honour praise ought not generally c. and againe in the same booke n. X. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And the greatest fame that can remaine c. In the fourth booke n. III. towards the end 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the whole Earth is but as one point c. But I will not heape all the passages he hath against the vanity of praise applause This in the sixt n. XV. comes very neere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what is it then that should bee deare unto us c. See also the last words of the same booke 7. And how that part of man is affected when it is sayd to bee diffused 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xyland Praterea quomodo afficitur eo tactu pars illa I translate it as written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the 8. booke towards the end where hee treats concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the minde and understanding But it may bee it would fitt the place better if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whether Antoninus himselfe did soe by an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 further expound himselfe or whether it bee but a meere glossema proceeding from any other I leave to others to judge 8. To the tendance of that spirit which is within him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. I could not easily find a word either Latin or English whereby to expresse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here and elsewhere so often mentioned by Antoninus That by that word Antoninus doth intend a Deity he himselfe doth sufficiently cleare not only where hee calls it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but by other passages where hee plainely sayes of him that hee is a God But even for these passages sake besides other reasons could not I well translate it God for so must I have made him say not only that God was a divine effluence and a particle of God but also that God was God which would have been too grosse and manifest a tautologie The word Genius used by Xylander however it might fit in some respects and as it is used and interpreted by some ancients comes neerest of any Latin word to Antoninus his meaning yet certaine it is as out of Apuleius may appeare that it is against its proper signification that it is so used and in regard of its more popular and ordinary use there could not bee any other more improper and contrary For whereas there is nothing more ordinary among the Latins then these phrases Genio indulgere genium curare genium defraudare and the like in which manner of speeches the word Genius is used as the best and greatest motive to Epicuraean mirth and jovialtie Antoninus doth
et quà m sectarum ardua et occulta explanavisset Ita incerta belli in ejus salute doctrinae studijs metuebantur tantumque illo imperante floruere artes bonae ut illam gloriam etiam temporum putem Is C. Exercit. in Bar. pag. 85. MVlta in hanc sententiam scribit M. Antoninus Imperator in suis illis divinis libris c. Idem ad ista Iulij Capit ridens res humanas c. Non ridere sed ritè ac suo pretio aestimare res humanas solitus hic vir sapientissimus Hoc ille nos docet divinis illis suis libris velut cum ait in II. non enim tempero mihi quin mellitissimi doctoris verba adscribam c. Canterus Nou. Lect. lib. 7. cap. 1. MArcus Aurelius Antoninus imperator optimus atque idem philosophus tantus ut hoc meruerit proprium cognomen duodecim conscripsit de officio suo libros maximae pietatis humanitatis temperantiae eruditionis aliarum rerum praeclararum testes plenissimos et cum quibus multorum philosophorum operosa praecepta collata merito sordere possint Quocirca nemo spero male collocatum tempus putabit quod in ejus operis lectionem studiosè quondam impendimus cùm ex eâ praeter caetera fructum hunc retulerimus quod ex multis vitiosis locis duo saltem dextro si dicere licet Aesculapio sanavimus Ac primum sub finem primi lib. ait Lib. 1. num XIV 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 repetitur autem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ego 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legendum affirmare nō dubito Nam ideo mox subjungit haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod si inquit in poeticis et oratoriis studiis faeliciter progressus fuissem nemo me inde retrahere et ad maiora perducere facile potuisset Quocirca Diis gratias ago quod in studiis illis non nimis magnum feci profectum nec ea nimis adamare coepi Nec iniuria Imperator Nam ut in homine privato tolerari fortassis queat si natura iubente suppetente otio aspirante fortuna iucunda Musarum studia paulo diutius colat et amoenissimas sirenas quae tamen non dent sine mente sonum attentius ac pertinacius auscultet Ita non potest is quem ad res maximas gerendas ac totius Vniversi curam natura progenuit aliò cogitationes omnes suas quà m ad cum scopum dirigere et ut illum assequatur quà m citissime non omnem operam dare Sed iam ad alterum pergamus locum Lib. VI. num I. In fin lib. sexti hanc adfert similitudinem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quemadmodum inquit si nautae gubernatori aut aegroti medico maledicerent non facilè alium auscultarent nec vel ille vectorum salutem vel hic aegrotantium sanitatem procurare posset ita cum quis alius nunquam alteri bene et recte monenti parere consilium capit is non temere vel rectum vitae cursum tenere vel post errorē in viam possit redire Uerū quod pene oblitus eram pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 legendum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod cum non advertisset interpres A lanaer alioqui doctissimus quique paucos hac aetate pares habet alienum planè sensum commentus est Sed profecto homines omnes sumus et erramus facilime nec reperitur hoc saeculo quisquam qui securus possit medium Momo digitum ostendere ERRATA PREF pag. 4. lin 31. reade arbitretur p. 5. l. 8. r. by nature p. 21. l. 21. r. inpraecipuis ANTONIN p. 33. l. 15. as a man r. a man p. 37. l. 20. r. cheerfully p. 120. l. 19. Africanus r. Adrianus p. 121. l. 9. and that it des r. and desireth p. 137. l. 3. r. everflowing p. 159. l 17. r. thou art inclosed p. 162. l. 10. r. shall they that are of my K. p. 172. l. 20. r. of or for any th p. 179. l 26. r. soe then p. 182. l. 23. for shame r. for dance p. 183. l. 29. r. Io Cith p. 184. l. 25. r. of life p. 186. l. 3. r. common it is p. 196. l 4. r. after greene figges p 198. l. 11. r. nev beginne to live NOTES p. 40. l. 3. r. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p 43. l. 15.16 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be put out ibid. l. 25. r. Iam. p. 44. l. 28. r. and be TO THE READER THis Booke of what worth I say not but more men I feare will commend it then will know how to make use of it after it had for so many ages undeservedly beene buryed in darkenesse is now first if I may not say brought unto light yet at least made common and intelligible Twice it is true within these 80. yeares it hath already beene set out in its owne originall Greeke and set out both times with a Latin Translation much revised and corrected in the latter edition Yet such are those editions both of them so confused and so corrupt and such is the Translation in both the Editions so imperfect often and impertinent that I say not so absurd and erroneous as that it is not easie to determine whether it be harder to understand Antoninus his meaning by the Greeke that is printed or the Greeke that is printed by the Translatiō of it but that of both we may boldly and peremptorily conclude of the one that it cannot possibly bee understood as it is printed and of the other that it would be more for the credit of the Author a man otherwise acknowledged very learned if wee did take no notice of it at all I must adde besides that there hath beene many yeares agoe a certaine Booke first written in Spanish and since translated into Italian French English and how many tongues more I know not pretended by the Title to be a Translation of M. Aurel. Antoninus But that the Author of it a learned Spaniard was in good earnest I could never have beleeved and would have thought I had done him great wrong to say it had not I read his Prefaces where he so earnestly by reasons such as he could finde goes about to make his Title good and as earnestly expostulates with men for their incredulity who did not take his reasons for current and cleere ones I cannot but commend his intention which certainely was to doe good but his way I much abhorre and wonder as much at his judgement and discretion Sure I am that by his whole booke it doth not appeare that hee had ever so much as seene that himselfe which his Title doth promise unto others M. Aurel. Antoninus his booke which either must bee this here or none For besides this there is not any other that ever was extant For as for those other writings of his which either he himselfe in his second booke or Capitolinus in his life or Nicephorus
commendation that being so commended hee is commended without exception If any thing hath ever beene talked against him the Historians mention it but as a talke not credited by them nor by any that ever were of any credit Thus the Heathens of Him The Christians had but little reason to speake well of him as having suffered many cruell persecutions under him And in this case how free they have beene some of them even with all extremity to enveigh against other Emperors though much commended and magnified by the Heathens is not unknowne Yet I find not that ever they could fasten any thing upon our Antoninus whereby to staine his reputation that ever they did so much as object unto Him these many and grievous persecutiōs which they did suffer under him as his owne act or charge Him therefore of crueltie And though it be granted that Antoninus gave way to those persecutions which certainly he could not altogether be ignorant of yet to them that know the state of those dayes it can be no wonder that such a thing should happen in the dayes of such a Prince as Antoninus was When Christians besides the infamy of many horrible crimes as common incest homicide c. which such was the power of calumny lay upon them were generally accounted no better then meere Atheists and Epicures For indeed Atheists Christians and Epicures were commonly joyned together as names if not of the same signification yet of very great affinity and hardly distinguished by the vulgar but that of the three the Christian was thought the worst Let it be then Antoninus his commendation the greater and the more incredible in this age the more the age is full of dissimulation and hypocrisie that hee was not as now they rightly stile themselves whom the common received Names of Christians and Protestants will not content such is their Zeale and puritie they thinke a Professor as he spake and wrote so he did His meditations were his actions His deeds so still you remember Him a man and a Heathen did agree with his sentences 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And againe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. That hee did not only as he spake but what he did he did it out of meere love to vertue That it was a cleere case which no man doubted of that hee was in very deed a good man so incapable was he of any dissimulation So Dio of him and so others And now that I have spoken so much of Antoninus his life it will not bee amisse to say somewhat of that surname the Philosopher which by many hath beene given and appropriated to this Emperor In so much as Xylander though he found it not at all as hee confesseth in his MS. yet thought it fitting to adde it in the Title and Inscription of these bookes as his proper and usuall Cognomen But sure enough it is as hath beene observed by learned men that this Title of Philosopher was never taken by Antoninus himselfe nor given unto him by others as a proper surname as his father Antoninus was surnamed PIUS and others otherwise but only as a deserved Elogium and testimonie at the discretion of them that either did speake unto Him or wrote of Him And so indeed it was very commonly and even by those learned and Pious Christians that directed Apologies unto Him for the Christians adscribed unto him as an Elogium and Testimonie just indeed and deserved but arbitrary and not proper unto Him by way of a Cognomen or surname But an Elogium and testimony of what think you of his great learning as we take learning now and progresse in the Sciences Read him himselfe and judge how much he would have esteemed such a commendation A man would thinke if Heathens through their ignorance of the true God and of his truth had beene mistaken in the true application of words of praise or dispraise that wee by the helpe of a better light might have rectified them and not followed their examples But now it is fallen out quite contrary Who they be that the holy Scriptures usually call wise who they to whom they adscribe knowledge and understanding and who they are who by them are termed fooles blinde ignorant and the like is not unknowne unto any So spake the Ancient Heathens when they would speake properly He that was an honest upright vertuous man without dissimulation and hypocrisie though hee were such a one as had never beene brought up to learning yea such a one as could neither read nor write was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their good scholler their learned man their Philosopher His life and his actions were all that they stood upon though indeed they were of opinion that it was very difficult if not altogether impossible for a man to come to the knowledge of that which was right and wrong just or unjust and by consequent of true vertue without much studie and paines taking On the other side an unjust man a cunning an intemperate in generall a vicious man was their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their Illiterate their Ignorant their Idiot The most ordinary distinction was of an Idiot and a Philosopher Neither was this the proper language of the Stoicks which sect our Antoninus was much addicted unto but of the Platonicks likewise and of most others But the maine and principall property whereby they did distinguish a Philosopher from all other men was that he did all things 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with a relation unto God and his Providence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Epictetus in Arrianus speaketh This you shall finde that Antoninus doth much stand upon For indeed they did esteeme it the very character and essentiall note of a philosopher In so much as that if any man seemed never so just and upright in his actions yet if it were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they esteemed him little more then a meere Idiot Much more I had here to say concerning this matter both in defence of Plato whose name hath much suffered through some mens ignorance of the true sense of this word Philosophus and for the clearing of many obscure places of Antoninus which otherwise I thinke will hardly be understood But because I feare it would make the bodie of this Preface to swell too much beyond the proportion of the rest See Notes upon B. VIII N. I. and that in the Notes it will come in well enough I will reserve it unto that place Now for this my Translation of Antoninus which is the last thing wee are to speake of were it so that this Booke were as commonly knowne and as easie to be got as many others of lesse worth are I should bee well content to spare my labour and referre it wholly to the judgement of the Reader But for as much as by my owne experience I know the Booke though twice printed to be so rare that it is not to bee found in many private studies and sometimes
so much rely upon it but that he doth very piously commend prayers as very powerfull and effectuall unto vertue See lib. IX Num. XL. Now if Antoninus himselfe being a Romane for the propriety and facilitie of his expressions wherein the Latine tongue in matter of Philosophie comes as short of the Greeke as the English doth of the Latine did in the composing of these his Bookes preferre the Greeke tongue before his owne mother tongue no man I hope will expect that all things should in this Translation runne so smoothly as in another kinde of Translation happily they might But herein I must confesse my feare is for Antoninus more then for my selfe For first whereas he being I thinke as well acquainted with ancient writers and philosophers as ever any was doth every where very strictly and carefully observe their proper choise words and termes which both make the sense it selfe more current and pleasing and for a Scholler to know them and to be acquainted with them is in many respects very usefull This in the Translation must needs be lost and by consequent so much lost to Antoninus of his due praise and commendation And secondly whereas in all these his XII bookes there be not many lines if any which if well considered will not be found either to be taken out of some ancient Author or at least by way either of Exception Confirmation Illustration and the like to either passage or opinion of some ancient to have some relation as to Schollars I know whatsoever is in this kinde be it otherwise what it will cannot but bee acceptable and usefull so to others I feare many things for want of this use of it which they are not capable of will seeme but drie and impertinent In these two respects I cannot deny but I have done Antoninus some wrong to make him so vulgar as I have done and yet because I thought hee might in other respects doe good to any that should read him if before the credit of one I have preferred the good of many I have but done what Antoninus himselfe as by these his bookes may appeare would have me or any others doe in the like case And now in the last place if any shall by these my paines receive any content my desire is that they would thanke him by whose encouragement especially I did undertake this little worke my Reverend Kinde friend Dr. Lyndsell the right worthy Bishop of Peeâ—…er-borough a man for his singular worth and learâ—…ing in all kinde of literature not to be named by any â—hat know Him without expression of all due respect â—d admiration and one to whom my selfe and my â—dies of old have beene much beholding as I shall eâ—er most gladly acknowledge M. AVREL. ANTONINVS THE ROMANE EMPEROUR HIS FIRST BOOKE concerning HIMSELFE Wherein Antoninus recordeth What and of whom whether Parents Friends or Masters by their good examples or good advice and counsell he had learned Divided into Numbers or Sections ANtoninus Booke VI. Num. XLIII Whensoever thou wilt rejoyce thy selfe thinke and meditate upon those good parts and especiall gifts which thou hast observed in any of theÌ„ that live with thee as industrie in one in another modestie in another bountifulnesse in another some other thing For nothing can so much rejoyce thee as the resemblances and parallels of severall vertues eminent in the dispositions of them that live with thee especially when all at once as it were they represent themselves unto thee See therefore that thou have them alwayes in a readinesse Num. I. OF my Grandfather Verus I have learned to bee gentle and meeke and to refraine from all anger and passion From the fame and memory of him that begot mee I have learned both shamefastnesse and manlike behaviour Of my Mother I have learned to be religious and bountifull and to forbeare not only to doe but to intend any evill to content my selfe with a spare dyet and to fly all such excesse as is incidentall to great wealth Of my great Grandfather both to frequent publike schooles and Auditories and to get mee good and able Teachers at home and that I ought not to think much if upon such occasions I were at excessive charges II. Of him that brought mee up not to bee fondly addicted to either of the two great factions of the Coursers in the Circus called Prasini and Veneti nor in the Amphitheater partially to favour any of the Gladiators or fencers as either the Parmularij or the Secutoriani Moreover to endure labour not to need many things when I have any thing to doe to doe it my selfe rather then by others not to meddle with many businesses and not easily to admit of any slander III. Of Diognetus not to busie my selfe about vaine things and not easily to beleeve those things which are commonly spoken by such as take upon them to worke wonders and by Sorcerers or praestigiators and impostors concerning the power of charmes and their driving out of Daemons or evill spirits and the like Not to keep coturnices or quailes for the game nor to bee mad after such things Not to be offended with other mens liberty of speech and to apply my selfe unto Philosophy Him also I must thanke that ever I heard first Bacchius then Tandasis and Marcianus and that I did write Dialogues in my youth and that I tooke liking to the Philosophers little couch and skinnes and such other things which by the Graecian discipline are proper to those who professe philosophie IV. To Rusticus I am beholding that I first entred into the conceit that my life wanted some redresse and cure And then that I did not fall into the ambition of ordinary Sophists either to write tracts concerning the common Theorems or to exhort men unto vertue and the study of philosophie by publike orations as also that I never by way of ostentation did affect to shew my selfe an active able man for any kinde of bodily exercises And that I gave over the studie of Rhetorick and Poetry and of elegant neate language That I did not use to walke about the house in my long robe nor to doe any such things Moreover I learned of him to write letters without any affectation or curiosity such as that was which by him was written to my Mother from Sinoessa and to bee easie and ready to be reconciled and well pleased againe with them that had offended mee as soone as any of them would be content to seeke unto me againe To read with diligence not to rest satisfied with a light and superficiall knowledge nor quickly to assent to things commonly spoken of whom also I must thanke that ever I lighted upon Epictetus his Hypomnemata or morall commentaries and commonefactions which also hee gave me of his owne V. From Apollonius true liberty and unvariable stedfastnesse and not to regard any thing at all though never so little but right and reason and alwayes whether in the sharpest paines or after the
alwaies presse his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the best greatest motive and obligation to all manner of temperance sobriety chastiry modesty holinesse and the like Some will thinke perchance that I might haue reteined the word Daemō But seeing evē in Antoninus his time and before that word by meanes of the blessed Gospell of Christ was allready become so publikely odious to Latin eares that Apuleius himselfe an arrant Heathen being to write 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which was Plutarchs title though he maintained the thing that it was not a God but a direct Daemon of a nature far different and inferiour to the Gods yet avoided the word as odious and of purpose as is well and at large observed by S. Augustin De Civitate Dei lib. 8. cap. 14. intitled his booke not de Daemone but de Deo Socratis I should have done Antoninus great wrong if I could not have fitted his excellent matter and purpose with a more plausible word Now for the word Spirit which of all others I have made choise of some will thinke perchance that I have made too bold with it to put it so sacred a word in a Heathens mouth so often and to make it so common a word with him as it will bee found by my Translation Although I could give a more direct and generall answer both for Antoninus and my selfe if I would take occasion here to fall upon that subject yet for brevities sake I will content my selfe to require that of the Reader which I thinke no reasonable man can deny that to expresse an Heathens meaning I may bee allowed words that have been used by Heathens I thinke that of Seneca no mā makes any question notwithstanding that ancient report an dopinion of many concerning some Epistles that should passe betweene him and S. Paul which S. Hierome and others speake of but that he was a Heathen His words are these Epist 41. Propè est a te Deus tecum est intus est Ita dico Lucili Sacer intra nos Spiritus sedet malorum bonorumque nostrorum observator custos hic prout à nobis tractatus est it a nos ipse tractat Bonus vir sine Deo nemo est c. Thus much of the word Now concerning the thing it selfe how Antoninus came by this philosophy so much by him in these his bookes inculcated of this inward spirit and so to examine Plato's and other ancients opinion concerning the same or how neere either hee or any of them came to the truth and so to heape together many passages and to compare them with some like passages in the scripture is a thing which I my selfe have taken much pleasure in and some others would perchance but that would require far more scope then this place can afford mee and therefore I let it alone 9. With a kind of pitty and compassion also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Stoicks would not allow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or misericordia in a wise man For they maintained that such a one was in continuall joy Now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they defined to bee Aegritudinem animi ob alienarum miseriarum speciem or a greefe of the minde for other mens supposed miseries As therefore the word implyed greefe and sorrow they rejected it But as for the effects of it as clemency goodnes and whatsoever it is that true compassion in the highest degree for the releife and comfort of any distressed would prompt a man unto that they thought themselves bound unto as much as any and proposed it so they professed as the maine scope of their lives and actions Seneca is very large upon this subject The truth is they would not have men to bee men but meere Gods And whiles they thus went about to elevate this vertue the crowne of all vertues to a higher pitch of divine purity and simplicity then humane nature was capable of and to abstract from it as it were all that was humane and fleshly I feare they made many who were not so capable of their distinctions and subtilties such as you shall find in Seneca upon this subject the lesse to regard that which nature otherwise and to good purpose had made them more capable of Certaine it is and by them confessed that for this very thing they commonly and their profession had a very hard report This may bee the occasion that Antoninus takes occasion to mention so often and to commend 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which if it bee not the same yet comes next to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yet such respect did he beare unto the Stoicks that he would not wee see here use that word by them condemned without some qualification not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 barely but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 10. That man can part with noe life properly then that little 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Xyl. Tamen recordandum tibi est neminem aliam ab ea quam vivit vitam deponere neque aliam deponere quám eam quam vivit so shall you find it in both the Editions 11. For those things are plaine and apparant which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Spoken unto Monimus you must understand by way of Dialogue and philosophicall conference by persons introducted and made to speake by Monimus himselfe For that Monimus himselfe and no other must bee conceived to bee the Author of those writings both sweete and profitable upon which Antoninus doth here passe his judgement may bee gathered by what Laertius doth relate of him whose words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Hee became saith hee merveillous grave and serious as in matter of honour and credit altogether carelesse so after Trueth very hott and vehement He did write some merry Pleasant bookes mixed with hidden and profitable seriousnesse That therefore of Monimus his owne writings Antoninus is to be understood I think is apparant but because what was the forme of these writings whether they were Dialogues or otherwise is not certaine and that Laertius saith nothing of it I could bee well content that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were more generally translated those things that are spoken of in the writings of Monimus the Cynick if the Greec would allow it which I much doubt of though 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for apud I know is ordinary And thus have I now for reasons mentioned in the Preface gone over the two first books not omitting wittingly any place that required either light or cure And because I presume the Reader by this to be fully satisfied both concerning my course that I have held in the translating of this Book that it needed a new translation I will spare my selfe the labour to proceede further in the same kind some few places here and there which would by no meanes be omitted excepted And to this end I will take all that remaines together Cursorie Notes and Illustrations UPON The X. Bookes that remaine B. IV. n. XXXIX Helice Pompeii
n. 1. Contrary to that perfection of life 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith Epictetus in Arrianus lib. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The profession of a Philosopher is not to sinne and in the same chapter shall you finde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exploded as implying a flat contradiction And now here will I performe P. 13. what in my Praeface I did promise for the more full and perfect explication of this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the immortality of the soule and the reward of the good and bad after this life was never more stoutly maintained by any of all the Heathens then by Plato is full well knowne and acknowledged by all But it is objected that this sound and true Tenet he by many odd fictions of his owne and ridiculous descriptions of the torments of the wicked after this life hath much corrupted adulterated One thing especially though by more objected against him Ihcodor yet by one Greec Father specially is much exaggerated that in a place where hee treatch of the reward of the just and unjust after this life he should there propose unto his Philosophers as their best reward for their justice and piety the metompsycosis and transmutation of their soules into bees and ants and such like a thing so straunge and ridiculous even to conceive that I cannot but wonder how they that could beleeve any such thing of Plato could in other places find in their hearts so highly to extoll and so absolutely to prefer him before all other Philosophers that ever were But as for his many relations and strange descriptions both of the manner and place of torments after this life I will not take upon mee to excuse him Only this I will say that he professing in so many places that what hee related in this kinde he neither beleeved himselfe nor required of any that they should beleeve and that he was well content that such and such relations as these should goe for old womens tales for that in very deed they were no better and that all that hee stood upon was That men might certainly bee perswaded that the soule was immortall and that there was a reward for the just after this life but as for the rest whether these very things or somewhat ęquivalent were beleeved untill they had more certaine information was to him indifferent I doe not see what could well bee expected more from an Heathen And hee that shall compare those many descriptions of Hell and Purgatorie which are to bee found in bookes written many hundred yeares agoe with his will cerrainly judge that either Plato was not much amisse or that many Christians have deserved farr more blame then hee And I further thinke that Plato might in this case with as much reason to maintaine among the vulgar an opinion of the immortality of the soule and of a judgement after this life make use of old womens tales as the Angelicall Doctor against some Fathers who affirme the contrary doth take upon him to maintaine that ignis inferni ejusdem est speciei cum igne nostro Supplem 3. part q. 97. Art 6. because Aristotle hath written that omnis aqua omni aquae est idem specie And as for that which Plato writes concerning the transformation of worldly carnall mens soules according to Pythagoras doctrine it is true that Pythagoras and his opinions being in great esteeme among the people Plato not knowing himselfe what certainly to affirme of the manner of their punishment after their death was very indifferent whether this or that were beleeved so somewhat were beleeved and therefore proposes sometimes one opinion some times another But as for the reward of the just and godly it is an intolerable mistake For in that very place which is alleadged he plainely saies that the true Philosophers after their death 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are received into the communion and society of the Gods and are transformed into their very natures And though it cannot bee doubted who they are that Plato calls Philosophers they being so often and so amply described by Him yet to make the case clearer I will produce his description of them in that very place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. All true Philosophers abstaine from all carnall lusts and concupiscences c. They feare not the ruine of their goods and howses nor poverty as other ordinary men and such as are addicted to wealth and riches They feare not the reproach and dishonour of a private idle life as they that hunt after honour and glory for they purposely avoide all such things c. The ground and yet no ground at all had he beene but looked upon of the mistake as appeares by them who have objected this unto him is that Plato setting downe the severall transformations of worldly men according to their severall dispositions and employments during their life saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. by which words of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. he was mistaken as though he had meant them whom he usually calls Philosophers which in many respects was a very grosse mistake For first as was said in the Praeface it was not the love or exercise of vertue alone that made a Philosopher as they meant it but the love of a vertue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so distinguished them from politick worldly men who not to speake of the vaine glorious often exercise justice many other vertues not out of any love to them but because as the times are it may bee most advantageous for them to shew themselves in their actions just and righteous And from the Epicuraeans who though they acknowledged not divine providence nor immortality of the soule and proposed vnto themselves pleasure as the only end of their lives yet maintained most of them that they that were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lovers of pleasure must of necessity bee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or lovers of justice and that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or without vertue it was not possible for a man to live in true pleasure And certaine it is that the Epicureans have written as many excellent bookes to exhort men to vertue for the most part in the sight of the world lived as well as any of any other sect so that as it was said of the Stoicks for they were most of them notable hypocrites that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Epicuraeans it was sayd that they did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then it was further to bee observed that Plato doth not say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 absolutely but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which words hee cannot be understood to meane others then those whom in other places he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 men that interessed themselves in publike affaires and in the government of the commonwealth of which kinde of men hee in many places as