they endeavour to prove That the Church in such a condition may provide for it selfe That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe And that the State of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course which they endeavour to prove by reciting all their particular grievances and by answering all arguments of the contrary side for the Right of Princes howsoever affected to Religion as appeares at large in their Tractate concerning the necessity of Synods The Marquesse returned into Scotland before the appointed day and brought Articles from the King to which the Covenanters if they would have either Parliament or Synod were required to consent But they utterly rejected those Articles as too invalid for their purpose of setling things so that the Marquesse fearing least the Covenanters weary of delayes would call a Synod without staying the Kings consent earnestly perswaded them to forbeare it onely till his next returne from Court whither he would presently go to perswade the King Which request of his with much a do was granted by them and the day for his returne appointed the 22 of September by which time unlesse the Marquesse returned it was free for the Covenanters to provide for their owne affaires But the Marquesse with singular diligence prevented his day and published the Kings Proclamation of which the chiefe heads were First The King did abrogate all Decrees of Councell for the Booke of Canons and Common-Prayer and abrogate the High Commission Secondly That none should be pressed to the five Articles of Perth Thirdly That Bishops should be subject to the censure of a Synod Fourthly That no Oath should be given at Ordination of Pastors but by Law of Parliament Fifthly that the lesser Confession of 1580. should be subscribed to by all the Kingdome Sixtly That the King called a Nationall Synod to begin at Glasco the 21 of November 1638. and a Parliament at Edenburgh the 15. of May 1639. Lastly for peace sake he would forget all their offences past The Covenanters at the first hearing of this peacefull Message were much joyed but looking neerely into the words they found as they affirme That their precedent actions were tacitly condemned and the just freedome of a Nationall Synod taken away Therefore loath to be deceived they frame a Protestation not as they alledged mis-doubting the candor of the King but not trusting those in favour with him by whose destructive Councell they supposed it was that the King had not shewed this clemency at first The chiefe heads of their Protestation were these First after humble thanks to God and the King they conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their sores For His Majesty calls that a panick feare in them which was upon no imaginary but just grounds as a reall mutation both of Religion and Lawes by obtrusion of those Bookes directly popish Secondly whereas the King in his former Mandates so highly extolled those Bookes as most religious and fit for the Church they could not be satisfied with a bare remission of the exercise of them unlesse he would utterly abrogate and condemne them or else itching Innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new troubles to the Church about them Thirdly the just liberty of Nationall Synods is diminished and Episcopacy set up they being allowed as Bishops though not deputed by the Churches to give their voices in a Synod Fourthly the subscribing againe of that old Covenant could not be admitted for many reasons there at large expressed of which some are That it would frustrate their late Covenant and make it narrower then before and not able to suit to the redresse of present grievances and be a needlesse multiplying of Oathes and taking the Name of God in vaine with many other objections which cannot be fully here inserted That Covenant notwithstanding was solemnly taken at Edenburgh by the Marquesse of HAMILTON the Kings Commissioner and all the Privy Councell The Marquesse then gave Order for the Synod fearing least the Covenanters if he delayed to call it would do it themselves and on the 16. of November came to Glasco in great state Where after many meetings for preparation to the businesse on the 21 of the same Moneth according to the Kings Edict the Nationall Synod began But within seven daies that Synod was dissolved by the Marquesse HAMILTON in the Kings Name and they commanded to sit no more The Marquesse alleadging for reason of it that they had broken the Lawes of a free Synod in many proceedings not onely in those few daies of their sitting but before it began in their manner of Elections with other such like matters But they protested against that dissolution and continued the Synod when the Marquesse was gone What were the Acts of that Synod what proceedings it had and what impediments it met withall you may reade in two large descriptions the one published by the King the other by the Synod how the Bishops protested against the Synod how the Synod answered their Protestation how the Synod wrote to the King how they proceeded against the Bishops deposing them all from their Dignities how of all fourteene Bishops eight were excommunicated foure excluded from all Ministeriall Function and two onely allowed to oâ—â—icâ—ate as Pastours how the five Articles of Perth the Booke of Lyturgy the Booke of Canons and Ordination were all condemned the High Commission taken away and whatsoever else had crept into the Church since the yeare 1580. when that Nationall Covenant was first established The Scots Covenanters when themselves broke up the Synod wrote a Letter of thanks to the King and immediately after published a Declaration dated the fourth of February 1638. from Edenburgh and directed To all the sincere and good Christians in England to vindicate their actions and intentions from those aspersions which enemies might throw upon them That Declaration was welcome to the people of England in generall and especially to those who stood best affected to Religion and the Lawes and Liberties of their Country But by the Kings Authority it was suppressed as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots and a Proclamation soone after bearing date the 27. of February 1638. was published by the King and commanded to be read in all Churches of England the Title of it was A Proclamation and Declaration to informe our loving Subjects of England concerning the seditious Actions of some in Scotland who under false pretence of Religion endeavour the utter subversion of our Royall Authority The Declaration was â—illed with sharpe invectives and execrations against the Scottish Covenanters but the truth is it wrought little upon the hearts of the English People who conceived a good opinion of the Scots and were more confirmed in it because the King had carried the whole businesse so closely from the English Nation as not onely not
I Have read over the first part of this History contained in three Books an impartiall Truth and judge it fit for publike view by the printing JO. LANGLEY May 7. 1647. THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT Of England Which began November the third M.DC.XL With a short and necessary view of some precedent yeares Written by THOMAS MAY Esquire Secretary for the Parliament Published by Authority Tempora mutantur Mutantur Homines Veritas eadem manet Imprinted at London by Moses Bell for George Thomason at the Signe of the Rose and Crown in St. Pauls Church Yard M. DC.XL.VII The Preface THe use of History and the just Rules for composure of it have been so well and fully described heretofore by judicious Writers that it were lost labour and a needlesse extention of the present work to insist by way of Introduction upon either of them I could rather wish my abilities were such as that the Reader to whose judgement it is left might finde those Rules observed in the Narration it self then told him in the Preface by a vaine Anticipation I will only professe to follow that one Rule Truth to which all the rest like the rest of Morall Vertues to that of Justice may be reduced against which there are many waies besides plaine falshood whereby a Writer may offend Some Historians who seeme to abhorre direct falshood have notwithstanding dressed Truth in such improper Vestments as if they brought her forth to act the same part that falshood would and taught her by Rhetoricall disguises partiall concealements and invective expressions instead of informing to seduce a Reader and carry the judgement of Posterity after that Byas which themselves have made It was the opinion of a learned Bishop of England not long ago deceased that Cardinall Baronius his Annals did more wound the Protestant Cause then the Controversies of Bellarmine And it may well be true For against the unexpected stroke of partiall History the ward is not so ready as against that Polemike writing where Hostility is professed with open face This fault I have indeavoured to avoid But it is my misfortune to undertake such a subject in which to avoid partiality is not very easie But to escape the suspition or censure of it is almost impossible for the cleerest integrity that ever wrote Others I suppose will handle this Theame and because that none perchance may perfectly please I shall in the behalfe of all intreat a Reader that in his censure he would deale with the Writings of men as with mankinde it selfe to call that the best which is least bad The Subject of this work is a Civill War a War indeed as much more then Civill and as full of miracle both in the causes and effects of it as was ever observed in any Age a Warre as cruell as unnaturall that has produced as much rage of Swords as much bitternesse of Pens both publike and private as was ever knowne and divided the understandings of men as well as their affections in so high a degree that scarce could any vertue gaine due applause any reason give satisfaction or any Relation obtaine credit unlesse amongst men of the same side It were therefore a presumptuous madnesse to think that this poore and weake Discourse which can deserve no applause from either side should obtaine from both so much as pardon or that they should here meet in censure which in nothing else have concurred I cannot therefore be so stupid as not at all to be sensible of the taske imposed on me or the great envy which attends it which other men who have written Histories upon farre lesse occasion have discoursed of at large in their Prefaces And Tacitus himselfe complaining of those ill times which were the unhappy subject of his Annals though he wrote not in the time of the same Princes under whom those things were acted yet because the Families of many men who had then been ignominious were yet in being could not but discourse how much happier those Writers were who had taken more ancient and prosperous times for their Argument such as he there expresses in which the great and glorious actions of the old Romans their honourable Atchievements and exemplary Vertues are recorded And I could have wished more then my life being my self inconsiderable that for the Publike sake my Theame could rather have been the prosperity of these Nations the Honour and happinesse of this King and such a blessed Condition of both as might have reached all the ends for which Government was first ordained in the world Then the description of Shipwracks Ruines and Desolations Yet these things truly recorded and observed may be of good Use and benefit Posterity in divers kinds For though the present Actions or rather sufferings of these once happy Nations are of so high a marke and consideration as might perchance throw themselves into the knowledge of Posterity by Tradition and the weight of their owne Fame Yet it may much conduce to the benefit of that knowledge to have the true causes originall and growth of them represented by an honnest Pen. For the truth of this plaine and naked Discourse which is here presented to the publike view containing a briefe Narration of those Distractions which have fallen amongst us during the sitting of this present Parliament as also some Passages and visible Actions of the former Government whether probably conducing to these present calamities or not of which let the Reader judge I appeale only to the memory of any English man whose yeares have been enow to make him know the Actions that were done and whose conversation has been enough publike to let him heare the Common Voice and Discourses of People upon those Actions to his memory I say do I appeale whether such Actions were not done and such Judgements made upon them as are here related In which perchance some Readers may be put in minde of their owne thoughts heretofore which thoughts have since like Nebuchadnezzars dreame departed from them An English Gentleman who went to travell when this Parliament was called and returned when these differences were growne among us hearing what Discourses were daily made affirmed That the Parliament of England in his opinion was more mis-understood in England then at Rome And that there was greater need to remember our own Countrymen then to informe strangers of what was past So much said he have they seemed to forget the things themselves and their own Nations concerning them But where Warre continues people are inforced to make their residence in severall Quarters and therefore severall according to the places where they converse must their information be concerning the condition and state of things From whence arises not onely a variety but a great discrepancy for the most part in the Writings of those who record the passages of such times And therefore it has seldome happened but that in such times of calamity and Warre Historians have much dissented from each other
Franciscus Haraeus compiled Annals of the bloody and fierce Warres in the Netherlands when some of those Provinces fell from the obedience of Philip the second King of Spaine Which businesse he relates in such a way as must in probability lead a Reader to believe that the King and his Officers were altogether innocent and the people of those Countries the only causers of their own Calamity Meteranus wrote the History of those very times which who so reads must needs make a contrary censure concerning the occasion of that Warre The like discrepancy hath been found in Historians of all ages and Nations and therefore not to be much wondred at if it now happen But that which of all other is most likely to be differently related because informations will not agree in such a distance is concerning the actions of Warre and Souldiery and in the time of this Warre it is a thing of extreme difficulty I might say of impossibility for those of one Party to be truly informed of all the Councels or the very Performances and Actions of Commanders and Souldiers on the other side How much valour the English Nation on both sides have been guilty of in this unnaturall Warre the World must needs know in the generall fame But for particulars how much Worth Vertue and Courage some particular Lords Gentlemen and others have shewed unlesse both sides do write will never perfectly be known My residence hath bin during these Wars in the quarters and under the protection of the Parliament and whatsoever is briefly related of the Souldiery being toward the end of this Book is according to that light which I discerned there For whatsoever I have missed concerning the other Party I can make no other Apology then such as Meteranus whom I named before doth in the Preface to his History De Belguis tumultibus Whose words are thus Quòd plura de Reformatorum patriae defensorum quà m de Partis adversaere bus gestis exposuerìm mirum haudquaquam est quoniam plus Commercii familiaritatis mihi cum ipsis major indagandi opportunitas furt Si Pars adversaidem tali probitate praestiterit ediderit Posteritas gesta omnia legere liquido cognoscere magno cum fructu poterit In like manner may I averre that if in this discourse more particulars are set down concerning the actions of those men who defended the Parliament then of them that warred against it it was because my conversation gave me more light on that side to whom as I have indeavoured to give no more then what is due so I have cast no blemishes on the other nor bestowed any more characters then what the truth of Story must require If those that write on the other side will use the same candour there is no feare but that posterity may receive a full information concerning the unhappy distractions of these Kingdoms This I must adde that to inform the world of the right nature causes and growth of these Distractions it will require that the Discourse begin from precedent times which I shall indeavour to deduce down to the present with as much brevity as the necessity of unfolding truth can possibly admit Neither is it needful to begin the Story from times of any great distance or to mention the Government of our most ancient Princes but from that Prince fresh in the memory of some yet living who first established the Reformed Religion in this Kingdome and according to that 〈◊〉 a new interest in the State which was most behoofefull and requisite for her Successors to follow and much conducing besides the glory of Almighty God to their own Honour Power and Greatnesse THE CONTENTS BOOK I. CHAP. I. WHerein is a short mention of Queene Elizabeth King James and the beginning of King Charles his Reign His two first Parliaments Of the War with Spaine and France The death of the Duke of Buckingham And the third Parliament of King Charles 1 CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some observations of a stranger concerning the Religion of the English people 15 CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of Traquare against which the Lords make a Protestation 27 CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse Hamilton is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them 38 CHAP. V. The 〈◊〉 of the English People from this Warre with Scotland 〈◊〉 King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The prepaâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 the Scottish Covenanters A Pacification is made and 〈◊〉 Armies disbanded Another Preparation for Warre with â—â—â—â—land A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13 of 〈◊〉 The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of 〈◊〉 to the Earle of Traquare 46 CHAP. VI. The Parliament beginneth in England but is soone dissolved The Clergy continue their Convocation The Scots enter into England Some passages of the War A Parliament is called to begin on the third of November A Truce between the Armies for two Moneths 58 CHAP. VII The beginning of the English Parliament Grievances examined Sufferers relieved Delinquents questioned The Archbishop of Canterbury committed to the Tower The flight of Secretary WINDEBANKE and of the Lord Keeper FINCH 70 CHAP. VIII The Tryall and death of the Earle of Strafford Conspiracies detected during the agitation of it An Act for continuance of this present Parliament With a mention of that Grant of the Trienniall Parliament in February before 87 CHAP. IX Allowance of money from the English Parliament to the Scots The vast Charge of disbanding the two Armies The great Taxations for that purpose and the manner of Poll Money The people take a Protestation An Act for putting down the High Commission Court and Starre-Chamber with other occurrences of that time The Queene Mother departeth England The King goeth into Scotland 103 BOOK II. CHAP. I. A Standing Committee during the Recesse of both Houses of Parliament The Rebellion of the Irish and Massacre of the â—testants there Some indeavours of the English Parliament 〈◊〉 relief of that Kingdom 1 CHAP. II. The King returneth out of Scotland and is pompoushly entertained by the City of London The Remonstrance is published by the Parliament The King entreth into the House of Commons The 〈◊〉 of the 12. Bishops and how it was censured by the Lords and Commons Divers unhappy obstructions of the relief of Ireland 16 CHAP. III. The Queen passeth into Holland with her Daughter the Princesse Mary Difference between the King and Parliament concerning the Militia The
King goeth toward York and is followed with a Petition from the Lords and Commons to Theobalds and another Declaration to Newmarket The King is denyed entrance into Hull by Sir John Hotham 38 CHAP. IV. Many Members of both Houses leave the Parliament and repaire to the King Nine of the Lords who first went away are impeached by the Commons and censured by the Peers The Great Seal is carried away from London to York Some Votes of Parliament concerning the Kings Proceedings A Petition with nineteen Propositions sent from the Parliament to the King 58 CHAP. V. An Order for bringing in of Plate and Money into Guild-Hall The Kings Declaration to the Lords about him Their Profession and Protestation to him The King layeth Siege to Hull but raiseth it again The Earl of Warwick taketh possession of the Navy as Lord Admirall The Earl of Essex is voted in Parliament to be Lord Generall of all their Forces 83 CHAP. VI. A brief Relation of the condition of divers Counties in England when the Parliaments Ordinance for the Militia and the Kings Commission of Array were put in execution With a mention of some Lords and otherswho were actors on either side The Lord Mayor of London committed to the Tower and sentenced by the Parliament A mention of some Declarations Messages and Answers that passed between the King and the two Houses of Parliament 99 BOOK III. CHAP. I. PRince Rupert and Prince Maurice arrive in England The Earl of Essex taking leave of the Parliament goeth to his Command The King increaseth in strength at Shrewsbury A Skirmish at Worcester The great Battell of Keynton is fought 1 CHAP. II. The Parliament send to the King concerning an Accommodation A fight at Brainford Another Treaty with the King begun and broken of Reading besieged by the Lord Generall Essex and surrendred to him A Conspiracy to betray Bristoll A treacherous Plot against the Parliament and City of London discovered and prevented 29 CHAP. III. Matters of State trans-acted in Parliament touching the Assembly of Divines The making of a new Great Seale Impeaching the Queen of High Treason and other things The Lord Generall Essex after some Marches returneth to quarter his wasted and sick Army about Kingston The Kings Forces Masters of the West The Earl of Newcastle his greatnesse in the North. Some mention of the Earle of Cumberland and the Lord FAIRFAX 47 CHAP. IV. Some Actions of Sir Thomas Fairfax in the North. The Queen lands in England The revolt of Sir Hugh Cholmley and the two Hothams The state of this Warre in the Westerne parts The condition of the Associated Counties A short relation of Sir William Waller his Actions of Colonell Cromwell Sir William Brereton and Sir John Gell. 63 CHAP. V. The death of the Lord Brooke and of the Earle of Northampton A short mention of some Actions in divers Counties The low condition of the Parliament at that time The Siege of Gloucester 85 CHAP. VI. The Expedition of the Lord Generall Essex for reliefe of Gloucester The great Battell of Newbury described 101 THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF England CHAP. I. Wherein is a short mention of Queene ELIZABETH King JAMES and the beginning of King CHARLES his Reigne his two first Parliaments Of the Warre with Spaine and France The death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM And the third Parliament of King CHARLES QUeene ELIZABETH of glorious Memory together with that great Stock of Wealth and Honour which her prudent and just Government had brought to the English Nation had enriched them besides with a greater Treasure which we may justly account the cause of all the rest Religion reformed from Popish Superstition That Reformation engaged the Queene in a new Interest of State to side with the Protestants against those Potent Monarchs of the other Religion which seemed at the beginning as much danger and disadvantage to her as it proved in conclusion security and Honour so impossible it is for any disadvantage to prevaile over them that helpe the Lord against the Mighty That Storme from France which so much threatned the weake beginnings of her Reigne was suddenly blowne over by the death of HENRY the second and some few Moneths after of his Sonne FRANCIS who had married the Queene of Scotland the danger which remained greatest was from Spaine where PHILIP the second then reigned a Prince not greater in Dominion Treasure and Armies then deeply engaged against the Protestant Religion by the instigation and assistance of the Jesuites an Order which in the Age before had beene highly counrenanced by Pope PAUL the third in opposition to the Gospell-Doctrine that then began to spread apace in Germany and other parts The whole Order of Iesuites as endeavouring to set up one Temporall Kingdome of Christendome suitable to the Papall Hierarchy applyed their service altogether to the Monarchy of Spaine as being then far the greatest in Europe and fittest for their purpose by the late uniting of so many Kingdomes and Dutchies under the person of CHARLES the Emperour who by a fortunate birthright inherited together with Casule and Arragon and all the great Acquisitions of his Grandfather FERDINAND in Italy and the West Indies the rich and usefull patrimony of his Father PHILIP Burgundy and the Netherlands all these he had left intirely to his Sonne PHILIP who to so large a Territory had made that strong addition of the Kingdome of Portugall and might seeme an Enemy too mighty for England and all the Protestants of Europe to oppose But Queene ELIZABETH had woven the interest of her own State so inseparably into the cause of Religion it selfe that it was hard to overthrow one without the ruine of the other And God who had given her so much grace and courage as to rely wholly upon him did with that Almighty hand not onely hold her up from sinking but lift her above the heads of all her enemies By what degrees and means she atchieved the great Actions of her reigne and brought so much prosperity to her Nation it is not the scope of this discourse to relate at large for her History is not the worke in hand but only in briefe to declare that before her death she was the happy instrument of God to promote the Protestant Religion in all parts She curbed the Spanish greatnesse by supporting France from ruine to give some balance to the other as she preserved Scotland from being swallowed up by the French before She protected the Hollanders against him vanquished his Armies both by Land and Sea with many other such things as might seeme too much to be the atchievements of one Reigne And last of all she reduced Ireland wholly to obedience notwithstanding all the subtill machinations of Spain and open assistance given in Armes to her Irish Rebels All which she accomplished by the justice and prudence of her government by making the right use of her Subjects hearts hands and Purses in a Parliamentary way as also securing
Doctrine many faire approaches made towards Rome as he that pleaseth to search may finde in the Books of Bishop LAUD MOUNTAGUE HELYN POCKLINGTON and the rest or in briefe collected by a Scottish Minister Master BAILY And as their friendship to Rome encreased so did their scorne to the Reformed Churches beyond the Seas whom instead of lending that reliefe and succour to them which God had enabled this rich Island to do they failed in their greatest extremities and in stead of harbours became rocks to split them Archbishop LAUD who was now growne into great favour with the King made use of it especially to adâ—vnce the pompe and temporall honour of the Clergy procuring the Lord Treasurers place for Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London and indeavouring as the generall report went to fix the greatest temporall preferments upon others of that Coat insomuch as the people merrily when they saw that Treasurer with the other Bishops riding to Westminster called it the Church Triumphant Doctors and Parsons of Parishes were made every where Justices of Peace to the great grievance of the Country in civill affaires and depriving them of their spirituall edification The Archbishop by the same meanes which he used to preserve his Clergy from contempt exposed them to envy and as the wisest could then prophecy to a more then probability of losing all As we reade of some men who being fore-doomed by an Oracle to a bad fortune have runne into it by the same meanes they used to prevent it The like unhappy course did the Clergy then take to depresse Puritanisme which was to set up irreligion it selfe against it the worst weapon which they could have chosen to beat it downe which appeared especially in point of keeping the Lords day when not only books were written to shake the morality of it as that of Sunday no Sabbath but sports and pastims of jollity and lightnesse permitted to the Country people upon that day by publike Authority and the Warrant commanded to be read in Churches which in stead of producing the intended effect may credibly be thought to have been one motive to a stricter observance of that day in that part of the Kingdome which before had been well devoted And many men who had before been loose and carelesse began upon that occasion to enter into a more serious consideration of it and were ashamed to be invited by the authority of Church-men to that which themselves at the best could but have pardoned in themselves as a thing of infirmity The example of the Court where Playes were usually presented on Sundaies did not so much draw the Country to imitation as reflect with disadvantage upon the Court it selfe and sowre those other Court pastims and jollities which would have relished better without that in the eyes of all the people as things ever allowed to the delights of great Princes The countenancing of loosenesse and irreligion was no doubt a good preparative to the introducing of another Religion And the power of godlinesse being beaten downe Popery might more easily by degrees enter men quickly leave that of which they never took fast hold And though it were questionable whether the Bishops and great Clergy of England aimed at Popery it is too apparent such was the designe of Romish Agents and the English Clergy if they did not their owne worke did theirs A stranger of that Religion a Venetian Gentleman out of his owne observations in England will tell you how farre they were going in this kinde his words are THe Vniversities Bishops and Divines of England do daily imbrace Catholike opinions though they professe it not with open mouth for feare of the Puritans For example They hold that the Church of Rome is a true Church That the Pope is superiour to all Bishops That to him it appertaines to call generall Counsels That it is lawfull to pray for soules departed That Altars ought to be erected in summe they believe all that is taught by the Church but not by the Court of Rome The Archbishop of Canterbury was much against the Court of Rome though not against that Church in so high a kinde For the Doctrine of the Roman Church was no enemy to the pompe of Prelacy but the Doctrine of the Court of Rome would have swallowed up all under the Popes Supremacy and have made all greatnesse dependant upon him Which the Archbishop conceived would derogate too much from the King in Temporalls and therefore hardly to be accepted by the Court as it would from himselfe in Spiritualls and make his Metropoliticall power subordinate which he desired to hold absolute and independent within the Realme of England It is certaine that the Archbishop of Canterbury as an English Gentleman observes would often professe against those Tridentine Papists whom only he hated as Papists properly so called For at the Councell of Trent all matters concerning the Court of Rome which are of themselves but disputable were determined as points of faith to be believed upon paine of damnation But matters of faith indeed concerning the Church of Rome were left disputable and no Anathema annexed to them But that Venetian Gentleman whom before we cited declares in what state for matter of Religion England at that time stood and how divided namely into Papists Protestants and Puritans Papists are well knowne The Protestant party saith he consists of the King the Court Lords and Gentlemen with all that are raised by favour to any honour Besides almost all the Prelates and both the Vniversities What the Protestants are he farther declares viz. They hate Puritans more then they hate Papists That they easily combine with Papists to extirpate Puritans and are not so farre engaged to the Reformed Religion but that they can reduce themselves againe to the old practise of their fore-fathers That they are very opinionative in excluding the Popes Supremacy He speaks then concerning the Puritans and saies That they consist of some Bishops of almost all the Gentry and Communalty and therefore are far the most potent party And further declares what they are viz. They are such as received the Discipline of the French and Netherlanders and hold not the English Reformation to be so perfect as that which CALVIN instituted at Geneva That they hate Papists far more then they hate Protestants c. Thus farre of this strangers observation concerning England CHAP. III. The condition of the Scottish State and Clergy when the new Booke of Lyturgy was sent unto them how it was received with some effects which followed The Kings Proclamation sent by the Earle of TRAQUARE against which the Lords make a Protestation IN this condition stood the Kingdome of England about the yeare 1636. when the first coale was blowne which kindled since into so great a combustion as to deface and almost ruine three flourishing Kingdomes Neither was this coale blowne by the grieved party of England the Communalty and those religious men that prayed for Reformation but by
the other side who had oppressed them No commotion at all was raised from the oppressed party though it consisted of the body of the Nation and therefore strong enough to have vindicated themselves would they have risen in illegall tumults The Land was yet quiet and that storme which the people had feared before the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was not in so long a time fallen upon England although the causes in Government which made them feare it had continued at the height ever since They onely wished for a Parliament but durst not hope it unlesse some strange accident not yet discovered by them might necessitate such a cure The Commons therefore But in Scotland it was once quite ruined and by degrees built up againe not without many difficulties not without great reluctancy of the Peeres Gentry and most of the Ministers not without extraordinary interposition of Regall Authority and great art used by two Kings in managing the businesse and raising it to that height in which then it stood as you may reade at large in some late Writers of that Kingdome Neither were the Peeres and Gentry of that Kingdome so impatient of this new yoakeâ— onely out of zeale to preservation of Religion in purity though that no doubt were their greatest reason that Church having been ever much addicted to the Reformation of Geneva And those other Churches as it appeared by their great unwillingnesse to receive those few Ceremonies of the English Church at their Synod of Perth but as loath also to suffer any diminution of their Temporall Liberties which could not be avoided in admittance of Episcopall Jurisdiction and was manifested in that Kingdome by divers examples of rigorous proceedings which some Bishops used against Gentlemen of quality by way of Fines and Imprisonments and the like which particulars are too large to be here inserted in this Narration In the yeare 1637. a Booke of Lyturgy was composed and sent out of England which they complained of because it was not before allowed by their Church in a Nationall Synod as was fit for a businesse of so great import with an expresse command from the King that they should reverently receive it and publikely reade it in their Churches beginning on Easter day and so forward against which time the Privy Councell of Scotland had commanded that every Parish should buy two at the least of them That Service-Booke was the same with the Common-Prayer Booke of England excepting some few alterations of which some as they observed were alterations for the better but others for the worse For the better they esteemed that so many Chapters of the Apocrypha were not appointed to be read as in the English Prayer Booke and where the English retained the old vulgar Latine Translation especially in the Psalmes that Booke followed the last Translation commonly called that of King JAMES Those alterations for the worse were divers observed by the Scots especially in the Lords Supper of which some were these The expresse command for situation of the Altar so called to the Easterne Wall together with many postures of the Minister whilest he officiated expressed in their exceptions but especially this that in the consecrating prayer those words which in the English Common-Prayer Booke are directly against Transubstantiation were quite left out in that Booke and instead of them such other words as in plaine sense agreed with the Roman Masse Booke As for example Heare us O most mercifull Father and of thy Omnipotent goodnesse grant so to blesse and sanctifie by thy Word and Spirit these creatures of bread and wine that they may be to us the body and blood of thy beloved Sonne Many other alterations the Scots have observed and expressed in their writings and in one word affirmed that wheresoever that Booke varies from the English Lyturgy it approaches directly to the Roman Missall and offered to prove that all the materiall parts of the Masse Booke are seminally there It was thought by many that if the Booke without any alteration at all had been sent into Scotland though the Scots perhaps would not have received it they would not have taken it in so evill part And it might have been construed onely as a brotherly invitation to the same service which England used But what the reasons were of those alterations I finde no where expressed but onely where the King in his Declaration concerning that businesse is pleased to say thus WE supposing that they might have taken some offence if we should have tendred them the English Service-Booke totidem verbis and that some factious spirits would have endeavoured to have misconstrued it as a badge of dependance of that Church upon this of England which we had put upon them to the prejudice of their Lawes and Liberties We held it fitter that a new Booke should be composed by their owne Bishops in substance not differing from this of England that so the Roman Party might not upbraid us with any weighty or materiall differences in our Lyturgyes and yet in some few insensible alterations differing from it that it might truly and justly be reputed a Booke of that Churches owne composing and established by Our Royall Authority as King of SCOTLAND These were the Kings expressions which as it seemed were not satisfactory to the Scots in that point For they were as is before specified not well affected to their owne Bishops whose power and jurisdiction over them was rather enforced then consented to Neither did they suppose that a conformity in Church-Worship had it been such as their consciences could well have imbraced had beene any badge of their dependancy upon England as being a people not conquered but united in an equall freedome under the same King Besides they could not relish it well that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops who in many points of Ceremony and Worship which they accounted things tolerable did make as neere approaches to the Church of Rome as possibly they could for no other reason as they professe in their writings then that they laboured to bring union into the Christian Church if it were possible should now invite the Church of Scotland whom they accounted more puritanicall then themselves to union by a quite contrary way as in stead of framing their Service neerer to the Scottish profession and Discipline to urge them to a Lyturgy more popish then their owne So that it seemed for unity they were content to meet Rome rather then Scotland To returne to the Narration The Service-Booke according to the Kings command was offered to the Church of Scotland and the Councell there and published by Proclamation a day for the reading of it in all Churches appointed which was the Easter day following 1637. But then upon some considerations and further triall of mens minds as the King declares the first reading of it was put off untill the 23. of Iuly next ensuing to the end that the Lords of the Session
their Session being the same with the Terme in England and others who had any Law businesse might see the successe of it before the rising of the Session which alwaies endeth upon the first of August and that so upon their returne into their severall Countries they might report the receiving of this Booke at Edenburgh it being ordered That on that Sunday the Booke should be read only in the Church of Edenburgh and some other neere adjacent and warning was printed and published in those severall Pulpits the Sunday before that it was to be read On the 23. day of Iuly being Sunday the Booke was read in Saint Gyles Church commonly called the great Church at Edenburgh where were present many of the Privy Councell both Archbishops and divers other Bishops the Lords of the Session the Magistrates of Edenburgh and a great auditory of all sorts But the people especially the meanest vulgar for they first appeared against it and some women expressed so great a detestation of the Booke not onely in words and outcries but actions that the City Magistrates were troubled much to get the Service performed and the Bishop who read it comming out of the Church had probably beene slaine by the multitude if he had not been rescued by a Nobleman Betweene the two Sermons the Councell and Magistrates met about preventing future tumults but though the Booke were read more quietly in the afternoone yet the tumult was farre greater after evening Prayer from the people who had stayed in the streets and the Bishop in the Earle of ROXBOROUGH his Coach hardly escaped from being stoned to death The greatest men and Magistrates of Edenburgh to excuse themselves to the King some of them also writing to the Archbishop of Canterbury layed all the fault upon the Rabble for as yet none of quality had appeared insomuch as that the Privy Councell and Magistrates of Edenburgh the next morning held some consultation about finding out and punishing the ringleaders of that uproare But not long after upon the appearing of some others of higher ranke and Petitions from divers Ministers That the reading of that Booke might be a while tespited till his Majesty might be further petitioned and informed the Councell yeelded so far as that it should not be urged by the Bishops till his Majesties pleasure were further knowne Upon which many Gentlemen and Ministers who had resorted to Edenburgh with Petitions not long before returned in part satisfied to their owne habitations and at many places met together with fastings and Prayer That God would be pleased to direct the Kings heart in that way which they conceived most conducible to the happinesse of the Church and State of Scotland Upon the 18. of October following harvest being now ended a great conflux of all sorts was at Edenburgh to heare what the King was pleased to determine of the businesse where they finde an Edict against them That upon paine of being guilty of Rebellion all should within few houres warning depart the City and because the Citizens of Edenburgh had twice tumultuously opposed the Prayer Booke and assaulted the Bishop of Edenburgh as a punishment to that City the Terme was to be removed to the Burgh of Linlithgow and the next Terme after the ordinary vacants to be held at the Burgh of Dendie there to remaine during his Majesties pleasure The Petitioners as they were then called were much moved at this Edict and on the 19. of that October presented to the Privy Councell a great complaint against the Bishops whom they conceived the Authors of all this businesse and desired justice against them as well for other crimes as for introducing contrary to Law that superstitious and idolatrous Book To this complaint a great number of all ranks subscribed and professed to the Councell that they could not depart out of Edinburgh till some way were found out to settle the present grievances Whilest they stayed there their number daily increased from all the remotest Provinces that the Councell were enforced to give way that till the Kings pleasure were yet further knowne they might chuse some out of their number of all ranks to represent the rest and follow the cause in the name of all the rest Upon which they chose foure of the higher Nobility foure of the lower ranke of Nobility as representers of Provinces as many Burgesses of Townes and foure Pastors as representers of the Classes having setled this the rest quietly departed to their owne homes The King hearing of these things sent a command to the Councell of Edenburgh not to take upon themselves any more the decision of this controversie which he reserved in his owne power And Proclamation was made in December 1637. concerning the Kings intentions that they were not to infringe the Lawes or Liberties of the Kingdome When therefore the Commissioners petitioned the Councell to give way to them to bring their Actions against the Bishops the Councell answered That the King had commanded them to receive no more Petitions against either the Bishops or Booke of Service Whereupon the Commissioners discontented prepare a Protestatâ—on against the Kings Councell declaring That what mischiefe soever might afterwards ensue was to be all imputed to the Kings Councell for denying Justice The Councell fearing what effects might follow desired the Bishops to absent themselves and gave leave to the Commissioners to appeare before them where the Lord of Lowden in name of all the rest made an Oration in which charging the Bishops with other crimes besides these stirres he desired them to be altogether removed from the Councell Table till they had answered and cleered themselves To the like purpose spake one of the Ministers The Councell seemed sorry that it lay not in their power since the Kings Command was peremptory to give satisfaction to their desires but intreated their patience for so small a time as till they might againe receive notice of his Majesties pleasure The King further certified by them sent for the Earle of TRAQUARE into England who was soone dispatched againe into Scotland and in February 1638. caused the Kings Mandate in Sterlin where the Councell then sate to be published The Proclamation declared that the Bishops were wrongfully accused as Authors of sending the Prayer Booke That his Majesty himselfe was Author of it and all was done by his Command That he condemned all tumultuous proceedings of his Subjects to exhibite Petitions or complaints against the innocent Bishops and booke of Lyturgy and all subscriptions to that purpose hitherto as conspiring against the publike peace pronouncing pardon to those which repented and the punishment of high Treason to such as persisted promising to heare the just complaints of his Subjects so they offended not in matter or forme After the Proclamation was made at Sterlin the Earle of HUME Lord LINDSEY and others in name of all the Petitioners made a Protestation against it which Protestation was afterward repeated at Lithgow and last at Edenburgh
The effect of that Protestation was for we cannot here insert it at large That the Service Booke was full of Superstition and Idolatry and ought not to be obtruded upon them without consent of a Nationall Synod which in such cases should judge That it was unjust to deny them liberty to accuse the Bishops being guilty of high crimes of which till they were cleered they did reject the Bishops as Judges or Governours of them They protested also against the High Commission Court and justified their owne meetings and superscriptions to Petitions as being to defend the glory of God the Kings Honour and Liberties of the Realme This Protestation was read in the Market place at Sterlin and the Copy hung up in publike CHAP. IV. The Scots enter into a Covenant The Marquesse HAMILTON is sent thither from the King A Nationall Synod is granted to them but dissolved within few daies by the Marquesse as Commissioner from the King The King declares against the Covenanters and raises an Army to subdue them FRom Sterlin the Commissioners resorted to Edenburgh whither many from all parts met to consult of the present businesse and concluded there to renew solemnly among them that Covenant which was commonly called The lesser confession of the Church of Scotland or The confession of the Kings family which was made and sealed under King JAMES his hand in the yeare 1580. afterwards confirmed by all the Estates of the Kingdome and Decree of the Nationall Synod 1581. Which Confession was againe subscribed by all sorts of persons in Scotland 1590. by authority of Councell and Nationall Synod and a Covenant added to it for defence of true Religion and the Kings Majesty which Covenant the aforesaid Lords Citizens and Pastours in the yeare 1638. did renew and tooke another according to the present occasion The Covenant it selfe expressed at large in the Records of that Kingdome consisted of three principall parts The first was a re-taking word for word of that old Covenant 1580. confirmed by Royall Authority and two Nationall Synods for defence of the purity of Religion and the Kings Person and Rights against the Church of Rome The second part contained an enumeration of all the Acts of Parliament made in Scotland in defence of the reformed Religion both in Doctrine and Discipline against Popery The third was an application of that old Covenant to the present state of things where as in that all Popery so in this all innovations in those Bookes of Lyturgy unlawfully obtruded upon them are abjured and a preservation of the Kings Person and Authority as likewise a mutuall defence of each other in this Covenant are sworne unto Against this Covenant the King much displeased made these foure principall objections First By what authority they entred into this Covenant or presumed to exact any Oath from their fellow Subjects Secondly if they had power to command the new taking of this Oath yet what power had they to interpret it to their present occasion it being a received Maxime That no lesse authority can interpret a Law then that which made it or the Judges appointed by that Authority to give sentence upon it Thirdly What power they had to adde any thing to it and interpose a new Covenant of mutuall assistance to each other against any other power that should oppose them none excepted And fourthly That all Leagues of Subjects among themselves without the privity and approbation of the King are declared to be seditious by two Parliaments in Scotland one of the tenth Parliament of JAMES the sixth Act the twelfth and the other the fifteenth Act of the ninth Parliament of Queene MARY What answer the Covenanters made to these objections and what arguments the King used to enforce the contrary are largely expressed in many writings being such indeed as not onely then but since in the sad calamities of England have been discoursed of in whole volumes containing all that can be said concerning the true Rights and Priviledges of Princes and People The Covenant notwithstanding was generally subscribed by all there present at Edenburgh in February 1638. and Copies of it sent abroad to those who were absent and so fast subscribed by them also that before the end of Aprill he was scarce accounted one of the Reformed Religion that had not subscribed to this Covenant And the Church and State were divided into two names of Covenanters and Non-Covenanters the Non-Covenanters consisting â—irst of Papists whose number was thought small in Scotland scarce exceeding six hundred Secondly some Statesmen in Office and favour at that time Thirdly someâ— who though they were of the Reformed Religion were greatly affected to the Ceremonies of England and Booke of Common-Prayer Many Bishops at that time came from thence to the Court of England and three Lords of the Councell of Scotland whom the King had sent for to advise about the affaires of that Kingdome where after many debates what course to take whether of reducing the Covenanters by Armes or using more gentle meanes The King at last sent the Marquesse HAMILTON together with those three Lords into Scotland The Marquesse arrived at Dulketh and within few daies entred Edenburgh in Iune being met and conducted into the City by a great multitude of all ranks in which number were seven hundred Pastors of Churches The Marquesse by the Kings Command dealt with the Covenanters to renounce their Covenant or else told them there was no hope to obtaine a Nationall Synod which they so much desired for setling of the Church which they affirmed could not be done without manifest perjury and profanation of Gods Name But when nothing was agreed upon they besought the Marquesse at his returne into England to present their humble desire to the King But before his departure in Iuly he published the Kings Proclamation wherein his Majesty protests to defend the Protestant Religion and that he would no more presse upon them the Booke of Canons or Service Booke but by lawfull Mediums That he would rectifie the High Commission and was resolved to take a speedy opportunity of calling both a Parliament and Synod When the Proclamation was ended the Covenanters read their Protestation of which the heads were That they never questioned his Majesties sincerity in the Protestant Religion That these grants of his were not large enough to cure the present distempers for he doth not utterly abolish that Service-Booke nor the High Commission being both obtruded against all Law upon them That their meetings are not to be condemned in opprobrious words being lawfull and such as they would not forsake untill the purity of Religion and peace might be fully setled by a free and Nationall Synod The Marquesse went into England to returne at a prefixed day the twelfth of August In the meane time the Scots keepe a solemne Fast and the Covenanters not hoping from the King so quick a call of a Nationall Synod as the present malady required published a writing wherein
to declare unto them in a Parliament which former Princes used to call upon lesse occasions but not revealing the proceedings of it to the Body of his Privy Councell acquainting onely some of them whom he thought fittest for his purpose as the King himselfe expresseth in two places of his owne Booke intituled A large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland pag. 76. and page 126. in fine the Scots are declared Rebels and the King in Person with an English Army richly furnished is going to chastise them CHAP. V. The aversenesse of the English people from this Warre with Scotland The King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The preparation of the Scottish Covenanters A pacification is made and both Armies disbanded Another preparation for Warre with Scotland A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13. of April The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of the King to the Earle of Traquare NEver were the people of England so averse from any Warre as neither hating the Enemy against whom nor approving the cause for which they were engaged Their owne great sufferings made them easily believe that the Scots were innocent and wronged by the same hand by which themselves had beene oppressed and for the cause it was such wherein they could not desire a Victory supposing that the same Sword which subdued the Scots must destroy their owne Liberties and that the contrivers of this Warre were equall Enemies to both Nations Nor was this onely the thought of wisest Gentlemen but the common people in generall were sensible of the mutuall interest of both Kingdomes Those Courtiers who were in all things wholly complyant to the Kings will did also dislike this Warre with Scotland though not for the same reason which the forenamed did as not considering the cause or quarell but the disadvantage of the Warre it selfe Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemptuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland That nothing could be gotten from such wretched Enemies That the King were happy if with his Honour he might suffer it to be rid of that Kingdome and would be a great gainer by the losse of it The younger Courtiers were usually heard to wish Scotland under water or that the old Wall of SEVERUS the Emperour were now re-edified Those Courtiers that were of a graver discourse did likewise seeme to feare the consequence of this bâ—sinesse and I remember would daily mention the Story of CHARLES Duke of Burgundy his pressing of a Warre upon the Swissers and what PHILIP DE COMMINES relates about the Battell of Granson that the Duke lost to the value of three millions of Crownes all which he fondly ventured against so wretched a people that it is there expressed if all the Swissers had been taken Prisoners they would not be able to pay a Ransom to the value of the Spurres and Bridle-bits in his Campe And very frequent in their mouthes was that Verse Curandum in primis ne magna injuria fiat Fortibus miseris Juvenal Take heed of offering too great injuries To people stout and poore But the people of England though they abhorred the very thought of that unnaturall Warre yet glad they seemed to be that such an occasion happened which might in reason necessitate the King to call an English Parliament and so by accident redresse the many grievances of England Which might also prevent the feare of such Warres for the future and bring a just punishment upon those who were sound to be the Authors or assistors of this present disturbance But the King though resolved to pursue his designe of Warre rather then take the advice of a Parliament was content to want the aid of it and to seeke supplies of a lower condition Great sums of money he borrowed from the chiefe Nobility and required proportionable Loanes from all the Judges and Officers but specially the Clergy of all ranks were liberall in contribution to this War which was then called by many men Bellum Episcopale All Courtiâ—â—s as well extraordinary as ordinary were summoned to attend the King in Person with Horse and Armes in a proportion suitable to their rankes By whom and such voluntiers of the Gentry as came in to gaine His Majesties favour with old Souldiers that imbraced it as their profession a gallant Army was made up Yorke was appointed for the Rendezvouze and the Earle of ARUNDELL Commander in chiefe The King as it was well knowne had beene advertised by many and especially by the prosecuted Bishops who were fled out of Scotland that the Scottish Covenanters were in no sort able to resist him That scarce any English Army at all would be needfull to fight but onely to appeare and His Majesty would finde a party great enough in Scotland to do the worke And indeed much might have been done in that kinde if the Lords of the Covenant had not used a most dexterous and timely prevention which is as necesssry in a defensive as an offensive Warre For besides the feared incursion of the English upon their Borders and what invasion the Deputy of Ireland on the Westerne Coast might make together with the Earle of ANTRIM and his Forces from the Hebrides the Marquesse HUNTLEY in the North and Marquesse DUGLAS towards the Southerne parts with the Earle of HETH were to be feared and the Towne of Aberden to be secured before it could fortifie to receive the Kings Fleet. All which with timely care was undertaken and provided against by severall Lords as ARGILE for the West MONTROSSE for the North Colonell MONROE for the South The most considerable Forts in that Kingdome were taken in at the beginning without any blood or resistance and furnished by them with Ammunition as Edenburgh and Dun-Britain and the Haven of Leeth to secure Edenburgh suddenly fortified All Neuters or suspected persons they disarmed without tumult The Castle of Dalketh they scaled and tooke with all the warlike provision which had been brought into it by Marquesse HAMILTON the yeare before In that Castle they found the Kings Crowne Scepter and Sword which in great state and solemnity were carried from thence by the greatest Noblemen and layed up in Edenburgh Castle The Covenanting Lords at the same time published a long Remonstrance in answer to the Kings Proclamation against them the 27. of February and to satisfie the people of England concerning their proceedings and intents The Marquesse HAMILTON arrived at Forth with a Fleet in May and sent Letters to the Governour of Edenburgh to obey the Kings Commands and especially to publish in Edenburgh that Proclamation which had been by the King proclaimed at Yorke upon the 25â— of Aprill wherein among other things the Rents and Debts due to Covenanters from Tenants and others are forbidden to be paid to them The Governour desired the Marquesse to expect an answer till the Parliament sate which was to begin within few daies who returned answer to the Marquesse That they could not
Realme contrary to the said Doctrine and according to the duty of my Allegiance I will maintaine and defend his Majesties Royall Person Honour and Estate as also the Power and Priviledge of Parliaments the lawfull Rights and Liberties of the Subjects and every Person that shall make this Protestation in whatsoever he shall do in the lawfull pursuance of the same and to my power as farre as lawfully I may I will oppose and by all good waies and means endeavour to bring condigne punishment on all such as shall by force practise counsels plots conspiracies or otherwise do any thing to the contrary in this present Protestation contained And further That I shall in all just and honourable waies indeavour to preserve the union and peace betwixt the three Kingdomes of England Scotland and Ireland and neither for hope feare or any other respects shall relinquish this Promise Vow and Protestation It were not amisse in this place briefly to mention some alterations which had been made before the time that the King tooke his journey into Scotland though they were not done immediately about that time but some weekes or Moneths before because they concerne some Noble men of whom we shall have occasion hereafter to make mention in the course of this History The Lord COTTINGTON upon the 17. of May 1641. had resigned his place Master of the Wards the Lord Viscount SAY and SEALE succeeded him in that Office Within few daies after the Lord Treasurer Doctor JUCKSON Bishop of London resigned his Staffe and the Office was committed to five Commissioners About that time the Earle of Leicester lately come from being Ambassadour in France was by the King made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland The Earle of Newcastle was removed from being Governour to the Prince and the Marquesse of Hartford appointed in his roome THE HISTORY OF THE PARLIAMENT OF ENGLAND The Second Book CHAP. I. A Standing Committee during the Recesse of â—oth Houses of Parliament The Rebellion of the Irish and Massacre of the Protestants there Some endeavours of the English Parliament for relief of that Kingdom THE businesse of England by this absence of the King was at a great stand In such a concurrence of high affairs so great an expectation to find redress of pressing Grievances nothing was so irksome to the People as delay To retard the cure was little better then to destroy And the Sequel within a short time proved worse then the wisest men could imagine or the most jealous possibly suspect though jealousies and fears were then grown to a great height the Parliament of England less then ever assured of the Kings real affection to them Nothing of State was transacted in Parliament during the Kings absence Some debates there were only about Church-service and alterations to be made in the Book of Common-prayer in which notwithstanding nothing was concluded One businesse only came to be discussed of which the King himself gave occasion who within few daies after his arrival in Scotland signified by a Letter to the Lords That he was engaged to the Spaniard by promise to let him have four thousand souldiers out of that lately disbanded Irish Army which the Earle of Strafford had before raised his desire was to make good his promise by consent of Parliament But the House of Commons whom the Lords had invited to a Conference for that purpose would not consent that any Irish should go to assist the Spaniard some reasons were then given but more particular cause was shewed about ten daies after when a second Letter came from the King in which his Majesty declared That the Spanish Ambassador claimed his promise from which in honor he could not recede Notwithstanding since he had found that Ambassador so reasonable as that he was content to accept of two thousand he hoped the Parliamnnt would not deny that The House took it into consideration and within two dayes the Lord of FAWKLAND a Member of the House of Commons at a conference delivered to the Lords gave reasons in the name of that House why it was very unfit to grant the Kings desire because the Spaniard was not only an Ally confederate but an assistant to the Emperor against the Prince Elector his Majesties Nephew who by the power and oppression of that Emperor had bin long deprived of his inheritance And at this time when the King had published a Manifesto in behalf of his Nephew and to that purpose sent an Ambassador to the Dyet of Ratisbone it would seem a contradiction in the King to assist the Enemies of the said Prince Elector and a drawing of his own Sword against himself besides the great prejudice it must needs bring to the Protestant cause which this present Parliament so much intended and laboured to promote Upon these reasons it was thought fit not to consent to the Kings desire in that point And immediately the two Houses of Parliament rejourned themselves from that day being the eighth of September till the twentieth of October and appointed a standing Committee of fifty Members during that recesse Before the Accesse and meeting again of the Parliament Letters came from the English Committee in Scotland and were read before that standing Committee of Westminster importing the discovery of a Treasonable plot against the lives of Marquesse HAMILTON and others the greatest Peâ—res of Scotland the conspirators being the Earle of Crayford and some others How it was discovered or how prevented or whether the King had any privity to it though one of that country have since written very plainly charging the King with it because the State of Scotland were very silent in it the Parliament of England took the lesse notice of it Only the standing Committee for avoiding the like attempts at London and fearing that such might flow from the same spring appointed strong guards to be placed in many parts of the City till further directions might be given from the two Houses at their Accesse The malignancy which at that time began to appear in people of that condition and quality which wee before mentioned and was not only expressed in usual discourse among their companions but vented in scurrilous and bitter Libels against those Lords and Commons who were generally reputed the most Sedulous for the common-wealth was cause sufficient to increase the feares and jealousies of the Parliament But that fatall fire which so sadly wasted the three Kingdoms broke out there where it was least feared and those that seemed most secure were the first sufferers About the end of October 1641 during the Kings abode in Scotland the most barbarous and bloudy Rebellion that ever any age or Nation were guilty of broke out in Ireland The atrocity of it is without a paralell and as full of wonder was the close carriage of so black and far-reaching a Designe The innocent Protestants were upon a suddain disseised of their Estates and the persons of above two hundred thousand men women and
grant those demands and to make himself of a King of England a Duke of Venice The several Answers that the King made and Arguments that he used to each several branch of those Propositions are too large to be here inserted and may be read by those that would be further informed in the printed Book of Parliament-Declarations and Ordinances CHAP. V. An Order for the bringing in of Plate and Money into Guild-hall The King's Declaration to the Lords about him Their Profession and Protestation to him The King layeth Siege to Hull but raiseth it again The Earl of Warwick taketh possession of the Navie as Lord Admiral The Earl of Essex is voted in Parliament to be Lord General of all their Forces ON the tenth day of Iune following an Order was made by both Houses of Parliament for bringing in of Money and Plate to maintain Horse Horse-men and Arms for Preservation of the Publike Peace and defence of the King's Person for that the Parliament in their expressions always joyned together with their own safety and both Houses of Parliament Wherein it was expressed that whosoever should bring in any Money or Plate or furnish any Horse-men and Arms for that purpose should have their Money repayed with Interest according to eight in the hundred for which both Houses of Parliament did engage the Publike Faith Four Treasurers were ordained whose Acquittances for the receipt of any Sum should be a sufficient ground to the Lenders to demand their Money and Plate again with the Interest belonging thereunto The Treasurers were Sir JOHN WOLLASTON Knight and Alderman of London Alderman TOWES Alderman WARNER and Alderman ANDREWES Commissaries also were appointed to value the Horse and Arms which should be furnished for that service It was desired in that Order that all men resident in or about London or within 80 miles would bring in their money Plate or Horse within a fortnight after notice and they that dwell farther off within three weeks and that those who intended to contribute within the time limited but were not for the present provided of money or Horse should subscribe that it might be soon known what provision would be for effecting of that great and important Service And in conclusion it was declared that whatsoever was brought in should be imployed to no other purposes but those before mentioned the maintenance of the Protestant Religion the King's Person dignity and authority the Laws of the Land the Peace of the Kingdom and Priviledges of Parliament Whilest this Order was drawing up advertisement by Letters was given to the Parliament that the Crown-Jewels were pawned at Amsteldam and other places of the Netherlands upon which money was taken up and Warlike Ammunition provided in those Parts as Battering-pieces Culverins Field-pieces Morter-pieces Granadoes with great store of powder pistols carabines great saddles and such like Whereby the Parliament thought they could not otherwise judge then that the King did plainly intend a War against them and had designed it long before They received intelligence at the same time that the King had sent a Commission of Array into Leicestershire directed to the Earl of Huntington the Earl of Devonshire and Mr HENRY HASTINGS second son to the Earl of Huntington for the Lord HASTINGS eldest son to that Earl did then adhere to the Parliament which three were chief in the Commission but many other Knights and Gentlemen of that County were named in it Together with this Commission of Array the King sent a Letter also containing the reasons of it wherein he complaineth that the Parliament by their Ordinance for the Militia would devest him of that power which is properly inherent in his Crown And for the occasion and reason of that Commission he urgeth a Declaration of their own using their very expressions and words in his Letter that whereas it hath been declared by Votes of both Houses of Parliament the fifteenth of March last that the Kingdom hath of late been and still is in evident and imminent danger both from enemies abroad and a Popish disconted party at home he concludes that for the safeguard both of his own Person and People there is an urgent and inevitable necessity of putting his people into a posture of defence c. Thus did the Parliaments Prologue to their Ordinance of Militia serve the King's turn for his Commission of Array totidem verbis The copie of which Commission and Letter coming into the hands of the Parliament it was resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament that this Commission of Array for Leicester is against Law and against the Liberty and Property of the Subject and resolved again upon the Question within two days after That all those that are actours in putting the Commission of Array in execution shall be esteemed as disturbers of the Kingdoms Peace and betrayers of the Liberty of the Subject It was also ordered by both Houses that this Commission of Array and the forementioned Votes should be forthwith printed and published thorow the Kingdom The King was not wanting to his own designe in the mean time and whatsoever might give countenance to the businesse he had in hand but made a short Declaration to the Lords who then attended him at York and others his Privie Councel there in these words We do declare that We will require no obedience from you but what is warranted by the known Laws as We expect that you shall not yeeld to any Commands not legally grounded or imposed by any other We will defend all you and all such as shall refuse any such Commands whether they proceed from Votes and Orders of both Houses or any other way from all danger whatsoever We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Laws the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England and just Priviledges of all the three Estates of Parliament and shall require no further obedience from you then as We accordingly shall perform the same We will not as is falsely pretended engage you in any War against the Parliament except it be for Our necessary defence against such as do insolently invade or attempt against Vs and Our Adherents Upon this Declaration of the King those Lords and others of his Councel made a Promise to him and subscribed it with their hands as followeth We do engage our selves not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever not warranted by the known Laws of the Land We engage our selves to defend Your Majesties Person Crown and Dignity with Your just and legal Prerogative against all Persons and Power whatsoever We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the land the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England and just Priviledges of Your Majestie and both Houses of Parliament Lastly we engage our selves not to obey any Rule Order or Ordinance whatsoever concerning any Militia that hath not the Royal Assent Subscribed by L. Keeper D. of Richmond Ma. Hertford E.