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ID	Title	Author	Corrected Date of Publication (TCP Date of Publication)	STC	Words	Pages
A00908	A defence of the Catholyke cause contayning a treatise in confutation of sundry vntruthes and slanders, published by the heretykes, as wel in infamous lybels as otherwyse, against all english Catholyks in general, & some in particular, not only concerning matter of state, but also matter of religion: by occasion whereof diuers poynts of the Catholyke faith now in controuersy, are debated and discussed. VVritten by T.F. With an apology, or defence, of his innocency in a fayned conspiracy against her Maiesties person, for the which one Edward Squyre was wrongfully condemned and executed in Nouember ... 1598. wherewith the author and other Catholykes were also falsly charged. Written by him the yeare folowing, and not published vntil now, for the reasons declared in the preface of this treatyse.	Fitzherbert, Thomas, 1552-1640.	1602 (1602)	STC 11016; ESTC S102241	183,394	262

to make others of the ●emples of the Idols which saint Gregory ordayned shuld ●e donne with casting holy water therin buylding altars ●nd placing relikes of saynts commaunding further that ●easts should be celebrated in the dayes of the dedication of ●he sayd Churches in the natiuity of the martyrs whose ●elykes should be kept there besyds that he appoynted saynt Augustin to be Metropolitan of England and sent him holy vessels and vestiments for altars and Priests and relyckes of the Apostels and martyrs and granted him the vse of the pal ad sola missarum solemnia agenda only for the celebration of solemne masses and further gaue him order to ordayne 12. Bishops vnder himself and to make another Metropolitan at Yorke who when those parts should be cōuerted should haue as many vnder him and be himself after saynt Augustins dayes dependant only vpon the sea Apostolyk and receiue the Pal from the same furthermore saynt Augustin caused King Edelbert to buyld a Church from the ground in honour of the blessed Apostles S. Peter S. Paule and a monastery not farre from Canturbury whereof the first Abbot called Peter was of so holy a lyfe that after his death it was testified from heauen by a continual light that appeared ouer his tombe Also King Edelbert caused S. Paules Church to be buylt in London and another in Rochester dedicated to S. Andrew the Apostle Hereto may be added the exercise of the Popes autority not only in the dayes of King Edelbert but also after in the raygne of other Christian Kings vntil the tyme that saynt Bede ended his history Pope Boniface sent the Pal to Iustus fourth Archbishop of Canturbury after saynt Augustin Honorius the Pope sent also the Pal to Honorius that succeded Iustus and to Paulinus Archbishop of York ordayning at the request of King Edwin and his wyfe that the longer liuer of them should consecrate a successor to the orher that should dy first to excuse so long a Iourney as to Rome The two Kings Oswy and Egbert the one of Northumberland and the other of kent sent Wigard to Rome to be made Primat when both the seas of Canturbury and Yorke were vacant and Wigard dying there Pope Vitalianus made Theodore a grecian primat in his steede Wilfrid Byshop of Yorke being twys vniustly expelled from his Bishoprik appealed both tymes to Rome first to Pope Agatho and after to Pope Iohn and being cleared by their sentences was restored to his Bishoprik and heer I wil ad a woord or two concerning the exceeding great zeale and deuotion of the Saxon Kinges to the sea Apostolyke in those dayes King Oswy determined to goe to Rome in Pilgrimage and had donne it yf death had not preuented him King Ceadwald wēt thether to be baptysed dyed there King Hun his successor after he had raygned 37. yeares wēt thether also in Pilgrimage as many sayth saynt Bede in those dayes both of the layty and clergy as wel women as men were wont to doe King Coenred did the lyke had in his company the sonne of Sigher King of the east Saxons and both of them entred into religion in Rome about the yeare of our Lord 709. not past 22. yeares before S. Bede ended his history which was almost 900. yeres a goe wherto may be added out of later historiographers the lyke examples of the extraordinary deuotion and obedience of our English Kings vnto the sea Apostolyke in ●uery age vntil after the conquest King Inas shortly after S. Bedes tyme about the yeare of our Lord 740. went to Rome and made his Kingdome tributary to the Pope ordayning the Peter pence the lyke did also afterwards Offa the King of the Mercians in the yeare of our Lord .775 Etheluolph King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the yeare of our Lord 847. and made that part of England which his father Egbert had conquered tributary also to the Bishop of Rome King Edward being threatned with excommunication by Pope Iohn the tēth for that he was carelesse to prouide the English Church of Bishops caused Pleimund the Bishop of Canterbury to make many and after to goe to Rome to purge him selfe of his negligence about the yeare of our Lord 920. King Edgar obtayned of Pope Iohn the 13. with licence to giue certayne liuings of secular Priests to Monkes about the yeare of our Lord .965 Canutus King of England went to Rome in Pilgrimage about the yeare of our Lord 1024. S. Edward King of England hauing made a vow to goe to Rome procured the same to be commuted by Pope Leo the nynth into the buylding of a monastery of S. Peter he also confirmed the payment of the yearly tribute to the sea Apostolyke about the yeare of our Lord 1060. which was not past 5. yeares before the conquest after the which there were no lesse notable examples of this matter King Henry the second who by Pope Adrian was first intituled Lord of Ireland sent legats to Rome to craue pardon of Pope Alexander for the murder committed by his occasion vpon saint Thomas of Canterbury where vpon two Cardinals were sent into England before whome the King lyke a publike penitent a priuat person submitted himselfe to the Ecclesiastical discipline in a publik assembly of the cleargy and nobility When King Richard the first was kept prisoner by Frederick the Emperour his mother wrote to Celestinus the Pope calling him the successor of Peter and the Vicar of Christ quem Dominus constituit super gentes regno in omni plenitudius potestatis whome our Lord had placed ouer nations and Kingdomes in all fulnesse of power and willed him to vse the spiritual sword against the Emperour as Alexander his predecessor had donne against Frederick his Father whome he did excommunicate King Iohn being excommunicated by the Pope was not absolued before he tooke his crowne of frō his owne head and deliuered it to Pandulfus the Popes legat promising for himselfe and his heyres that they should neuer receiue it afterwards but from the Bishop of Rome I omit others of later tyme seing no mā I think doubteth but that all the successors of King Iohn liued in the communion and obedience of the Roman Church paying the old yearely tribute called the Peter pēce vntil the tyme of King Henry the 8. her maiestyes father who being maried to his brother Arthurs widdow by dispēsation of the sea Apostolyke continued many yeares after in the obedience therof and in defence of the autority of the sayd sea wrote a learned book agaynst Luther for the which the honorable title of defender of the fayth was giuen him by Pope Leo which tytle her maiesty also vseth at this day so that no man can deny that our country was conuerted by S. Gregory to the Roman fayth or that it hath continued therin vntil K.

Henries tyme except he haue a brazen face and a ●eared conscience or els be ignorant of all antiquity But to returne to S. Augustin and those first two hundreth yeres comprysed in the history of S. Bede yf wee consider the notable miracles wherwith it pleased God to confirme this our Catholyke religion in those dayes for his owne glory and the conuersion of the panims no man can ●out that it is the true fayth except he be more faythlesse incredulous then those infidels that were conuerted therby Saynt Bede signifieth that S. Augustin wrought so many miracles whereof he declareth some that S. Gregory wrote vnto him to admonish him not to be proud therof he also declareth very many famous miracles donne by a crosse erected by King Oswald and after by his relickes as wel in Ireland and Germany as England and by the relickes of saynt Eartongatha daughter to the King of Kent and her cosen Edelburg both virgins and nunnes of S. Edel●●eda the Queene that dyed a virgin in a monastery whose ●ody was taken vp whole vncorrupt after many yeares ●● the discouery whereof diuels were expelled and many ●●sseasses cured Also he recounteth the lyke notable mira●●es of S. Chad S. Cutbert S. AEdelwald and saynt Iohn a Bishop which they did whyles they were yet liuing and others donne by holy oyle by the blessed sacrifice of the masse all which for breuities sake I omit remitting our aduersaries to the autor in the places aleaged in the margent OF THE FIRST CONUERSION of our country whyles it was called Britany in the tyme of King Lucius with euident proofes that our Catholyke fayth was then preached planted there CHAP. V. BVT for as much as our country hath ben twyse cōuerted from paganisme first in the tyme of the Britains and after in the tyme of the Saxons or English they wil say perhaps that although we proue that the second tyme our Catholyke religion was planted and established there when many errors as they would haue the world to thinke were crept into the Church yet at the first conuersion in King Lucius dayes their religion was taught and deliuered to the Britains which some of their croniclers are not ashamed to intimat to their readers and namely Holinshed who yf my memory fayle me not for I haue not his book here maketh Eleutherius the Pope write a letter to King Lucius more lyke a minister of England then a Bishop of Rome Therefore I wil take a litle paynes to examine this poynt wil make it manifest that our Catholyke religion which saint Augustin planted amongst the English was deliuered 400. yeres before to King Lucius and the Britains by Fugatius and Damianus or as some say Donatianus sent into Britany by Pope Eleutherius in the yeare of our Lord 182. And although no ancient historiographer or writer for ought I haue seene do signify particularly what poynts of religion were preached to King Lucius at his conuersion partly for that matters of so great antiquity are but very breefly and obscurely handled and partly because in those dayes when there was no other but our Catholyke religiō vniuersally professed this of the protestants not so much as dreamt of it was needlesse to signify the poynts or articles therof for that it could not be immagined to be any other bur the Roman fayth yet in the discourse of the tymes and ages next ensewing the conuersion of King Lucius whyles the fayth which he receiued remayned pure and vncorrupt the cleare light of truth doth snfficiently shew it selfe through the clouds of the obscure breuity wherewith the matters of those tymes are treated To this purpose it is to be vnderstood that as our famous countryman S. Bede testifieth the fayth preached to King Lucius and the Britains remayned in integrity and purity vntil the tyme of the Arrians which was for the space of almost 200. yeares and although he signify that from that tyme forward the people of Britany weare geuen to noueltyes and harkened to euery new doctrine yet it is euident in him that neyther the Arrian heresy nor yet the Pelagian afterwards took any root there or could infect the whole body of the Britain Church but only troobled the peace thereof for a short tyme in so much that it should seeme the first was rooted out by the industry of the good Pastors and Bishops of Britany whereof some were present at the great councel of Sardica held against the Arrians shortly after that of Nice in which respect S. Hilary doth worthely prayse the Britain Bishops for that they wholy reiected the Arrian heresy and the later I meane the heresy of Pelagius which saynt Bede sayth the britains would nulla●enus suscipere in no sort receiue was suppressed by S. German and saint Lupus two Bishops of France who at the request of the Britains came into Britany and confounded the Pelagians in open disputation whereby the people were so ●ncensed against the said heretykes that they could hardly ●old theire hands from them and in conclusion banished those that would not yeld to the true Catholyke faith and here vpon ensewed such peace and tranquility in the britan Church that for a long tyme after as saynt Bede testifieth the fayth remayned there intemerata vncorrupt wherby it appeareth that after the expulsion of the Pelagians which was about the yeare of our Lord 450. the Church of Britany reteyned the same fayth that it receiued at the first conuersion and therfore yf we fynd the vse and practise of our religion vntil these tymes it may serue for a testimony that the same was deliuered to King Lucius First we read that presently after the persecution of Dioclesian wherin our protomartyr saynt Alban with some others was put to death about the yeare of our Lord 286. the Christians that had liued before in woods and caues not only repayred the Churches which the persecuters had destroyed but also made new in honour of the martyrs celebrated festiual dayes and buylt amongst others a most sumptuous Church in honour of S. Alban where many miracles were wount to be donne continually vntil the tyme of S. Bede as he himselfe witnesseth afterwards when the Pelagian heresy had somwhat infected the country saynt German going thether out of France to confound the Pelagians at the request of the Britans themselues as I haue declared before appeased a great storme at sea with casting therein a little water in the name of the Trinity which no dout was holy water and being arriued there he restored sight vnto a noble mans daughter applying vnto her eyes certayne relyckes which he caryed about him c. after hauing confuted the Pelagians and reduced all to the purity of fayth as saynt Bede sayth meaning therby the fayth first preached to King Lucius he went to the toomb of S. Alban to geue thankes to God per ipsum by

that the sonne of one Irenaus was restored to lyfe being anoynted only with the oyle of a lamp that did hang before the tomb of a martyr in lyke manner Theodoret Venantius Fortunatus Paulus Diaconus recount wonderful miracles donne by the oyle of lamps that burned by martyrs tombs yea S. Gregory Nazianzen sayth of his owne knowledge that not only a litle dust or bone of the martyrs but also the very remembrance of them supplyeth sometymes the want of their whole bodyes and concludeth with this exclamation O rem predigiosam salutem assort sola recordatio o prodigious thing the only remembrance of them giueth health and in his oration in prayse of S. Ciprian he calleth to witnesse many that knew by their owne tryal and experience what great vertue power was in this very dust ashes to expel diuels to cure diseases and for the foreknowing of things to come S. Ambrose asketh why faythful men should not honour relickes of saynts which the very diuels reuerence and feare who also signifieth that he had a reuelation from almighty God of the place where the bodyes of S. Ceruas and Protase were buryed in Millan wher-vpon he took them vp with great solemnity as S. Augstin also witnesseth who was present and reporteth a great miracle of a blynd man that recouered his sight at the same tyme and diuels expeld by the merits of those blessed martyrs S. Chrisostome proueth against the Painims by the honour donne to saynts relicks that Christ is God to whose power and omnipotency he sayth it is to be ascrybed that his disciples and seruants who whyles they were liuing did seeme most contemtible became after they were dead more venerable then Kings in so much that at Rome and Constantinople Kings and praesidents sayth he runne to the tombe of a fisher and take it for a great fauour that their bodyes may be buried not hard by the Apostles bodyes but without the circuit of their tombs and be made as it were porters of Fishermen Furthermore in his book against the gentils where he discourseth at large of the lyfe death of S. Babilas the martyr he signifieth that his body being placed in the suburbs of Antioch neare to a temple where there was an Oracle of Apollo it put the diuel to silence and when Iulian the Apostata thought by the remoue of it to remedy the same the Temple and Idole were presently after destroyed with fire from heauen wherwith as saynt Chrisostome testifieth Iulian and all the gentils were wounderfully confounded and so may our heretykes be in lyke manner seing that they not only impugne with them this euident argument of the diuinity of Christ but also hold that for Idolatry which maistreth the diuel ouerthroweth Idols and confoundeth Idolaters I omit infinit others for breuities sake conclude with saynt Hierome who declareth the custome of the whole Churche of God both in his tyme and longe before therby to confute Vigilantius the heretyke that taught the same doctrine in this behalfe that our heretykes teach at this day whosoeuer sayth he adored martyrs who euer taught men to be God yt greueth vigilantius to see the relickes of martyrs couered with costly and precious veyles belyke Constantin the Emperour committed sacrilege when he translated to Constantinople the holly relyckes of saynt Andrew S. Luke S. Timothe whera● the diuels roare and now also Arcadius the Emperour belyke committeth sacriledge who after so long tyme hath translated the bones of Samuel the Prophet into Thratia and all the Bishops that caryed the ashes laye in silk and in a vessel of gold are to be condemned for fooles and sacrilegious persons yea then the faythful people of all Churches are fooles also for going to receiue the same with no lesse Ioy then if they had serue the Prophet aliue in so much that frō Palestina to Calcedon ther was all the way 〈◊〉 of people that with one voyce sounded forth the praise of Christ lastly so shal wee say that the Bishop of Rome doth il when he offreth sacrifice to our Lord ouer S. Peter and saynt Paules venerable bones as wee tearme them though thou caulest them v●le dust and when he taketh their tombs for the altars of Christ lo here good reader the vse of Images and relykes and the honor due to them approued by the Fathers of all ages confirmed by the custome of all Christian nations ratyfied by miracles acknowledged by infidels and Paynims confessed by diuels and yet denied and deryded by the heretyks of this tyme are they not then more obstinat and malicious then heathens yea then diuels themselues THAT OVR DOCTRIN concerning the sacrifice of the Masse was generally receiued and beleued in the tyme of king Lucius first that it was foretold prophecyed by Malachias CHAP. XIIII BVT I wil passe to an other importāt poynt I mean the sacrifice of the Masse to see whether our doctrin concerning the same or theirs was deliuered by our sauiour to the Apostles and taught in king Lucius tyme or no. The sacrifice of the Masse consisting in the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our sauiour Iesus Christ was prophesyed by Malachias praefigured by the sacrifice of Melchifedeth instituted and offred by our sauiour at his last supper deliuered by him to his Apostles practysed by them and by the Churche of God euer since Malachias the Prophet foretelling the reiection of the Iewes and the election of the gentils signifieth withall the translation of the Iewes law and priesthood into a new law and a new priesthood and compareth or rather opposeth the priests of the one to the priests of the other sacrifice to sacrifice place to place altar to altar and a poluted bread which they were wōt to offer only in Hierusalem to a cleane oblatiō which should be offred to God amongst the Gentils euery where throughout the whole world saying to the priests of the Iewes in the person of God that seing they dispysed his name and offred vpon his altars a polluted bread and blynd and lame sacrifices non est mihi voluntas in vobis c. sayth hee my wil is no longer to be serued of you neyther wil I accept any more sacrifice at your hands for my name is great amongst the Gentils euen from the east to the west there is a cleane oblation offred to my name in euery place c. Thus farre the Prophet who cannot be vnderstood to speake of any other sacrifice then of the Masse which being nothing els but the oblation of the blessed body and blood of our sauiour Iesus Christ in forme of bread and wyne is a most pure and cleane oblation and cannot be polluted by the wickednes of the priests as the bread offred in the old law was wont to be to which purpose it may be noted that the Prophet speaking of dyuers kinds of sacrifices some consisting

charitable man can conceiue of me that I would now without all compulsion hope of gayne or feare of losse aduisedly forsweare my self with a wilful and damnable periury frustrate and loose all that fruit of my former sufferings Neuerthelesse yf any man be so passionate and vncharitable that he wil not be satisfied with this my protestatiō and solemne othe let him way wel the matter it self with all the circumstances then I doubt not but he wil easely fee the wrong donne both to Squyre and vs that are conioyned and mentioned in his accusation First therfore for this purpose it is to be considered what was Squyres end therein seing as the Philosopher sayth the end is the first thing in intention though the last in execution in a matter of so great weight daunger as this there must needes be some great consideration that moued him therto which the contriuers of this tragedy knew so wel that for the better colouring of the deuise they forged the most forcible motiue and highest end that maybe which is zeale of religion and hope of aeternal reward induced perhaps therto by the late example yet fresh in memorie of the last King of Fraunce killed by a fryer moued with meere zeale without all hope of tēporal gayne or possibility to escape therfore they sayd that Squyre by F. Walpooles persuasions entended the death of her Ma tie and my L. of Essex to the end to do a meritorious act and to gayne euerlasting glorie but the vanity of this fiction is euident seing it is manifest that he was a protestant as he shewed playnely at his death when yt was no tyme to dissemble where-vpon I inferre that seing his religion taught him that there is no merit in workes and much lesse in such workes how could he imagyn that the killing of her Ma tie should be meritorious or any way grateful to God she being the principal piller of his religion by whose death the same should be endangered and the Catholyke fayth lyke to be furthered or at the least he must needs imagyn that F. Walpoole had no other end therin but the furtherance of his religion yf he moued him to any such matter could he then be so contrary to him-self as for zeal of religion or hope of merit to seek the ouerthrow of his owne religion this is incredible absurd and impossible Seing then it is cleare that he could haue no such motiue or end as was supposed and vrged in his accusation what may be thought of the whole matter buylt vpon so weak fals a ground but that the foundation fayling the whole buylding must needes fal withal for the further proof wherof and our ful purgation though it might suffise without further discourse that Squyre at his death cleared both himself and vs yet to the end that the impiety malice of our aduersaryes may be withal so euident that they shal haue no colour or pretence to haue proceeded according to allegata probata which in some cases may excusse a iudge from all offence though he condemne an innocent man I wil particularly examine the groundes where-vpon he was condemned THE EXAMINATION OF THE grounds wher-vpon Squyre was condemned and how vncertayne is the tryal of truthe by torment CHAP. II. ALTHOVGH I haue litle vnderstanding of our english common lawes whereof I neuer had further knowledge then that which I got by the experience of some fewe cases that I saw tryed at the common Assizes and in the Kings bench which also by my long absence from England I haue in part forgoten and therfore cannot proue by the words and texts therof nor by books cases that Squyre was wrongfully condēned yet yf I proue the same by the approued lawes of other countreys yea and by reason and conscience which are the grounds of all good lawes yt must needs follow that eyther he was condemned flatly against our english lawes also or els that the same are repugnant to conscience and reason which were as great an inconueniēce as the other and such as I am sure no common Lawyer of England wil grant neyther is it to be supposed Now then to come to the examination of this matter yf it be true that is heer reported as it is lyke to be for that we heare yt vniformely from dyuers partes that Squyre was condemned without any witnesses presented at his arraynment vpon some light presumptions and his owne confession extorted by torment as he sayd him-selfe at the barre and also at his death it is cleare that he was wrongfully condemned for that no law can allow that such a confession should suffise for the condemnation of any man without some other euident proofes yt being manifest that the innocēt may be forst by tormēt as soone to accuse himself falsly as the nocent truely to confesse his fault which the cyuil law proposeth to all Iudges carefully to be considered saying that Iudgment by torment is deceytful for that often the innocent are compelled thereby to confesse faults which they neuer committed and S. Augustin wisely noting the inconuenience of such tryals lamentably bewayleth the practise thereof and the infirmity of mānes Iudgement in this manner in these wordes When a man sayth he is tormented in his owne cause to try whether he be culpable or no many tymes the innocent suffreth most certayne paynes for an vncertayne fault not because any cryme of his is knowne but because his innocency is vnknowne so that the ignorance of the iudge causeth the calamity of the innocent and that which is more intollerable yea to be lamented with fountaynes of teares we see that whiles the Iudge tormenteth the accused least he should kyl an innocent it happeneth by the miserie of humayn ignorance that he falleth into the inconuenience that he seeketh to auoyd and ignorantly killeth a guyltles man whom he tormented to know whether he was guylty or no for the accused rather chussing to dy then to indure the torment doth many tymes accuse himself of that which he neuer did Thus much S. Augustyn in this discourse Hereof also Valerius Maximus geueth a notable exāple in a seruant of Marcus Agrius who being accused to haue kylled a seruant of Titus Fanius did for feare of torment most constantly affirme that he had donne it though after he was executed the partie whom he confessed to haue killed returned home safe wherto I might ad many examples of lyke matters that fal out in day he experience but that I wil not be tedious to your Lordships and therfor I wil only touch breifly by the way one that concerneth my self not vnlike to this of Squyres which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1595. at my being with the Dukes grace of Feria in Bruxels where I was through the rigorous yf not malitious proceedings of a certayne Iudge brought to be accused by two seueral persons not only to haue intelligence which

sayth the sinnes of the people make many Princes and sometymes for the Princes faults he punisheth the people and otherwhyles for the sinnes of eyther he destroyeth both When Acham had stolne part of the spoyle of Hie●co contrary to the commaundement of God 3000. of the children of Israel were ouerthrowne by them of Hay for his offence which our lord imputed to them all saying Israel hath sinned and transgressed my commaundement c. For the sinne of Dauid in numbring the people 70000. of his subiects perished and for the peoples offences God permitted him to sinne For King Achaz cause sayth the scripture God did humble the people of Iuda after gaue them into captiuity for the sinnes of their King Manasses Lastly when Samuel had anoynted Saule for King he said vnto the people yf yow perseuer in your wickednes both yow and your King shal perish Herein neuertheles this difference may be noted that when almighty God doth punish both he vseth more rigour towards the Princes and heads of the people then towards the meaner sort Whereof the holy ghost declareth the reason in the book of wisdome where he speaketh to Kings Princes in this manner Audite reges c. hearken O kinges and vnderstād learne yow which are Iudges of the bounds of the earth in respect that power is geuen vnto yow from our lord and strength from the highest who wil examine your woorkes and search your thoughts and because when yow were ministers of his kingdome yow did not Iudge rightly nor keep the law of Iustice nor walk in the way of God he wil appeare vnto yow quickly and horibly for most rigorous Iudgment is donne vpon them that gouerne with the poore and meane man mercy is vsed but mighty men shal suffer torments mightily This my lords I am bold to represent vnto your lordships that yow may see thereby the euident daunger that your whole estate may be brought into by the extreame wrongs that our persecutours do vs howsoeuer her Ma tie and your Lordships may bee free from the same in wil or consent as I make no doubt but yow are For if the Prince and people are so conioyned linked togeather with the communication of merit or demerit that God doth commonly chastise the one for the others fault and for the offenses of eyther sometymes destroyeth both as I haue before declared if the priuat theft of Acham could cause the puklik calamity of the children of Israel that had no way consented thereto what may be feared to ensew of so horible and publik a crime of our persecutours as the effusion of innocent blood thirsted sought and spilt so oft and by so many subtilities and deuises by slaunders and fayned treasons by extreame torments vniustly geuen by periuries by corruption of witnesses Iuries and Iudges where by an infinit number of all sorts are drawne to the participation of the offence and all this vnder pretence of publyk autoritie of her maiesty of her councel and her ●awes what may be feared I say but that the sinne is not priuat and particuler but pnblik and general and that the whole state remayneth engaged for the payment of the penalty It resteth then my lords that of your wisdomes and piety yow procure some redresse of these inconueniences for auersion of Gods wrath from yow vs the whole realme and for preuention of the mischeefe that otherwyse must needs ensue And if it please your lordships to geue me leaue to put yow in mynd of one necessary meane thereof and as I haue layd open the sore so to represent also some part of the salue yt importeth much that for the expiation of so great a sinne and satisfaction of Gods Iustice yow lay the penalty vpon the authors and instruments of the iniustice as appeareth by the example of Archams theft whereof our lord sayd to Iosue I wil be no longer with yow vntil yow haue destroyed him that is guilty of this cryme and when Phinees killed the Israelit which committed fornication with the Madianit he auerted the wrath of God from the children of Israel as the scripture testifieth Also when the people were punished with 3. yeares famin in Dauids tyme for the offence of Saule in killing the Gabaonits the famin lessed when seuen of Sauls ofspring were deliuered to the Gabaonits and by them crucified the lyke reporteth Plutark of a most furious plague where with God punished the citties of Rome and Laurentum for the murder of King Tatius in Rome and of certayne Embassadours of Laurentium which plague suddenly ceased in both the citties when iustice was donne vpon the murderers in both places I haue not sayd this with any desire of reuenge or vncharitable affection towards our aduersaries but in respect of my duty to her Ma tie and your lordships and for the tender loue that I doe beare to my country and vniuersal good of all For as for them I meane our enemies I assure your Lordships I am so far from desyring any reuenge of them that I pitty their case knowing that except they repent and do worthy pennance God wil surely reuenge his owne cause and ours vpon them and throw into the fyre those rods of his wrath when he hath worne them to the stumps for such is the cours of his iustice to chastise first his seruants and children by the ministery of wicked men not moouing but vsing their euil wils and malice for the execution of his holy wil and afterwards to punish them most seuerely for the same therefore though he ordayned the destruction of the Temple of Hierusalem and the captiuity of his people for their sinnes yet afterwards he vtterly destroyed the Babilonians for hauing ben the meanes and instruments thereof to which purpose the Prophet sayth our Lord stirred vp the Kings of the Medes to distroy Babilon for it is the reuenge of our Lord and the reuenge of his Temple agayne I wil render to Babilon saith almighty God by the same Prophet and to all the inhabitants of Caldea all the euil that they haue donne in Sion And after in the same chapter he comforteth his people in captiuity saying behold I wil make Babilon a desert c. and no maruel seing he also destroyed the Amonits Moabits and other their neighbours for hauing laughed and skorned at their desolation and captiuity such is the loue which our Lord beareth to his seruāts as he reuengeth the least iniury that is donne thē of whome he hath such particular care as he nūbreth the very heares of their heads as our Sauiour sayth taketh all that is donne to them be it good or euil as donne to himself And now hauing layd before your lordships by way of some degression these considerations yet as annexed notwithstanding conioyned with Squires cause by coherence of the manner of proceeding I shal returne to

sport when I red it for though I haue heard many fond comparisons and similitudes of ydle braynes in my dayes yet neuer heard I such an other as this is and that in print You say thus they are your owne wordes as they ly in the book that as the viper was vpon S. Paules hand and shaked of without hurt so this was donne in Iuly in the heate of the yeare when the pores and veynes were openest to receyue any maligne vapour or tincture if her Maiestie by any accident had layd her hand vpon the place Of which wordes there can be no other sense gathered in my opinion then this that as S. Paule being bitten with the viper shaked her from his hand and had no hurt so if by chaunce her Maiestie had layed her hand vpon the poysoned pomel of the Sadle in the moneth of Iuly when the pores and veynes are open she might haue byn poysoned or receaue maligne vapors or tinctures But good Syr yow might haue done wel to haue put this cōceit in ryme● for so it would haue beene at least ryme without reason wheras now it is neyther ryme nor reason yet if yow had said that her Ma tie had toucht the poysoned place as yow signify the contrary which marres the fashion both of your comparison and of your miracle there had beene some more similitude and matter miraculous but as yow haue handled it there is neyther miracle nor meaning so farre as my reason reacheth and consequently this very first miracle that euer yow had for confirmation of your Gospel in England is miscaried for lack of good handling But to leaue this to the laughter of all wyse men I wil proceed to some other considerations Who is he that seing somuch mētion in your discourse of God of his mercy of his prouidence ordinary and extraordinary and of his more then natural influence to the preseruation of her Ma tie would not think yow to be a very religious and deuout man or could imagyn that yow knew in your conscience that all this matter of Squyre was a fiction as it is euident yow did wherof I need to bring no better proof then those two notable lyes before mentioned which yow take vpon your owne conscience though not only your self but also many hundreths that were at Squyres death know the contrary wherby it appeareth that all your shew of religion deuotion and zeale tendeth to nothing els but to set a glos vpon this your counterfeit ware to make it the more salable amongst the common people which exceedeth all impiety For what can be so exce●able or sacriligious as to abuse the sacred name of almighty God the holy scriptures and shew of deuotion and religion to such a mischeuous end as to slaunder and calumniate which any man that belieueth there is a God would tremble to do But such is the custome of yow and your compagnions to make a maske and visard of religion to couer therwith your impious and irreligious practises persuading your selues that although some of the wisest may discouer your treacherie yet yow shal cary away many of the multitude which is the fruit yow expect of this and such other your infamous and slaunderous libels forgeting that of Cicero nullum simulatum di●turnum no fayned or disembled thing can ●ong continue wherof our Sauiour warneth vs sufficiently saying beware of the leuen of hipocrites nothing is secret that shal not be reuealed nothing is hid that shal not be knowne for those things which yow haue said in the dark shal be spoken in the light and that which yow haue spokē priuity in your chamber shal be preached in the house tops So that yow Sr. libeller and your fellowes cannot look to delude the world alwayes as yow haue donne many yeares but that sooner or later God wil open the peoples eyes and discouer vnto them your hipocrisy and disguised impiety yea and perhaps make them his instruments to reuenge his cause and their owne vpon yow wherein may bee fulfilled that which Iobe saith of the hipocrite the heauēs shal reueale his iniquitie and the earth shal ryse against him Wel Sir though much more matter woorthy to bee treated do offer it self vnto mee at this present by occasion of this your libel yet not to ouerlode yow at once nor to weery the reader this shal suffise for answere therevnto only I wil aduertise yow of one thing that although yow dissemble your name fearing belike that the notable vntruth auowed by yow might turne to your shame if yow should be knowne yet I am not ignorant who yow are and haue forborne to 〈◊〉 yow only to requite your curtesy in sparing to name mee in your said libel which at the bar other your fellow barristers did not forbeare to do so that beeing now euery way out of your debt as I take it I take my leaue of yow wishing yow as much grace as to my self THE CONCLVSION TO the Lords of the Councel CHAP. XXVI MY very good Lords although it is a cōmon saying and commonly true that obsequium amicos veritas ●diū parit flattery gets friends truth hatred in which respect I might wel feare that the playnesse which I haue vsed in this discours might be offesiue to your Lordships yet framing in my self a farre other conceit of your wisdomes iudgements then of the common sort of men whose eares do ●tch rather after vanity then verity after pleasure rather then profit I persuade my self that your Lordships are such friends and patrons of truth that yow cannot mislike to heare it when it is deliuered vpon so iust an occasion as the defence of honour and innocency to so good an end as a publyk benefit and therefore I hope that when your Lordships shal haue wel wayed the particulers represented heere to your consideration I meane our innocency the trechery of our aduersaries the abuse offred therein to her Ma tie and your honours the infamy that groweth thereby to your gouernment the daungers both domestical forrayne the offēce to God in shedding innocent blood and lastly the punishment due thereto from his iustice your Lordships wil not only aproue my playnesse accompanied with reason sincerity truth but also employ your wisdomes charity and autority to the reparation of our wrongs and releef of our miseries whereof I say I cannot but haue exceeding great hope when I consider the great zeale your honours haue shewed to the mayntenance of iustice in the punishment of such as yow haue vnderstood to haue abused your cōmissions towards Catholykes in farre lesse matters then this which I haue touched in this Apology whereof I haue knowen and heard of diuers examples as wel before I came out of England as since whereby it is euident that these other extreame iniuries that our aduersaries dayly do vnto vs proceed meerly of their owne malice and no way of your Lordships wil commission or consent and