matters wer referred to the people therfore we may say it was a coÌ„mon welth Wherfore it manifestly appeareth that the administratioÌ„ of matters of the Israelits was very well teÌ„pered of three kinds of gouernments What was the cause of the raysing vp of Iudges And bicause wheras many gouerne the common wealth it is nedefull when daungerous tymes doe happen for the better successe and expedition of thinges to be done one muste be appointed which may haue both the chief rule also the chief authoritie for the which cause the Romanes created often tymes both Empeâ—ors also Dictators So god wheÌ„ the Israelites wer most greuously oppressed of their enemies iudged it mete to deliuer them and bring theÌ„ to libertie he euermore stirred vp some one man by his spirit whom he endued with noble vertues streÌ„gth of body warlike arte and other gifts mete for that purpose which shuld be brought to passe by whose industry good successe the people might be deliuered from tyrantes Betwene forrayne nations and the Israelits in this similitude The difference betwen the iudges princes of the heathen thys difference is to be marked Emperors and Dictators were appointed and chosen of men But the iudges of the Hebrues wer not declared by the voyces of meÌ„ The iudges were neither properly lords nor kinges but by the ordinance inspiratioÌ„ of god They could not be properly called capitaynes or kinges or els lordes Posteritie or succession was here of no force neither was there a regard to one perticular tribe or family neither was there required the election of maÌ„ or the coÌ„mon assent of the people In humane publique weales these vse to take place but God in thys hys publique weale preferred whom he pleased to be iudge in the gouernmeÌ„t of things Besides that they which are chosen by the coÌ„moÌ„ voyce of meÌ„ must first be endued with excellent streÌ„gth vertues but god made those whoÌ„ he decreed to be Iudges setters at libertie of the Israelites notable and most excellent vppon the sodayne though they were neuer so much rude and vnmete of nature And that this is true witnesseth the 2. chapter of this boke where it is thus written God raised them vp Iudges which deliuered them out of the handes of their oppressours c. And therunto is added when the Lord had raised them vp a iudge he was with the iudge and deliuered Israell al the dayes of his lyfe Moreouer these men in time of theyr authoritye were not in dede Lords ouer the Israelites but onely wrought with authoritye admonition counsell and exercising warlyke trauayles This is made playne by that that Gedeon as it is written in the .8 chap when he had gotten the victorye ouer the Madianites when it was offred hym to be king ouer Israell he refused it For the people sayd vnto hym Reygne thou ouer vs and thy sonne By the which wordes they dyd not geue the kingdome onely vnto him but also to hys posteritye But he would none of it yea he answered them thus I wil not reign ouer you God shal reygne ouer you And it is written in the fyrst boke of Samuel that God sayd vnto the Prophet They haue not cast thee away but me The papists do impudentlye claime vnto theÌ„ selues the title of spirituall honour that I should not reygne ouer them It appeareth therefore manifestly that these Iudges were neyther kynges nor yet Lordes of the Israelites I would to god that this kynde of authoritye were diligently marked in the popysh Church where wicked men do so impudently vsurpe vnto themselues spirituall promotion seing that Christ hymselfe as he is the true priest so also is he oure only priest for he only pacifyeth the father towardes vs and they whiche are gouernoures of the Church here on earth are to be counted only as hys ministers Wherfore they can not clayme vnto themselues that title but they muste cast away Christ and do hym iniurye Neyther is thys to bee passed ouer that the Iudges whiche were ordayned of god dyd alwayes deliuer Israell from the miserye wherwith they were oppressed but the kinges into whom the common wealth did afterwards as it were degenerate did not alwaies deliuer the people out of bondage which was coÌ„mitted vnto them The estate of the Hebrues was better vnder the Iudges than vnder the kings yea they oftentimes destroyed them and compelled them at the length to slauery Wherfore it is to be iudged that the estate of the Hebrues was farre better vnder the iudges than vnder the Kynges not the God gouerned not that people in tyme of the kyngs but bycause hys administration shewed forth it self more in the time of the iudges And in dede the people was neuer led away into captiuity vnder the iudges although they were ofteÌ„ times oppressed by outward tyrantes which they deserued by their wickednes Almost al the iudges were good and holy men That age therfore might be called as it were a golden age Let vs marke also that there wer very few good and godly kings but almost al the Iudges were good and godly For although as they were men so sometymes they fel yet we must beleue that they returned againe into the right way and repented for they are not condemned at any time by any testimony or Iudgement of the scripture as far as I can perceiue How notably Syrach iudged of them he playnly declareth in hys booke of wisdom the 46. chap. But we leauyng his testimony aside let vs see what the Epistle to the Hebrues in the xi chap. doth ascribe vnto them where as it is thus sayd The tyme wil be to short for me to tel of Gedeon of Barach Sampson and of Iephthe c. All these certeinly were iudges and they are mencioned of there together with other holy men which were notable and of an excellent and wonderful faith Thou wilt aske peraduenture If god loked so wel to hys people as long as the iudges were ouer them Why the Israelites were so oftentimes oppressed of their enemies in the time of the iudges how came it to passe then that they were so often brought into bondage by their enemies For bicause God handled with them faithfully and by a couenaunt The league that was made is written in the 30. and 31. chap. of Deut where god promised the Hebrues that all things should prosper with them so long as they kept his lawes and worshipping of him But if they should fall from hym to Idols and cast away the lawes of their god then should they be deliuered into the handes of their enemies but in such sort that if they repented and would desire ayde of their god he would streightwaies be present with them to deliuer them from al the euils wherwith they should be oppressed But we shal not nede to stand long now about this matter bicause it he proceding forward of the history we shal manifestly perceaue
plaine this question at the length is called againe to the will For who soeuer can let and prohibite any thing that is euil and doth it not it is manyfest that after a sort he is willing therunto Besides that he permitteth it not against his wyll God doth not idlelye beholde those thinges whych are done o◠men but worketh together with them Esay 5. but willinglye Wherefore a wyll without doubt is contayned in that permission But now must we shew that God when sinnes are committed doth not ydely looke on yea he woorketh somwhat there For Esay in the .v. chap. saythe that God would geue a token and with his hissing cal a nation from the vtmost partes of the earth which should ouerthrow the kingdome of the Hebrues as their synnes had deserued By which it manifestly appeareth that God stirreth vp Tyrannes and outward nations to these vniust warres Esay 10. Also in the .x. chap. the same Prophet pronounceth that king to be wicked which in that expedition was in the hand of God as a saw a staffe and an axe There is no man ignoraunt but that al these thinges do so woorke and moue that they be first moued Yea and that proud king is therfore reprehended bicause he so exalted himselfe as though he wer God who had by him brought such and so great thinges to passe Gen 45. Ioseph also in the booke of Genesis said vnto his brethren which had by a wicked cōspiracy sold him It was not you but god that sent me into Egipt In the first booke of the kinges also 1. kinges 22. and the .xxii. chap Sathan who was readye to deceaue Achab was commaunded by God to do it to preuaile Which words declare that God himselfe commaundeth and also stirreth vp to deceaue Further it is written in the Prouerbes the .xxi. chap. Prouerbes 21. The hart of the king is in the hand of God he shal incline it whether soeuer he wyl The scripture saith also of Pharao Exodus 9.10.11 Rom. 9. kinges seme free from humayne lawes but God boweth them whether he wyll which place Paul alledgeth that his hart was hardened by God Neither maketh this anye thing against it Pharao was hardened both of god of hym self if thou shalt say that it is written in the .viii. chap. of Exodus that Pharao hardened himselfe for as muche as bothe sayinges are true For God doth no violence to the wyll of man seing that nothing is more contrarye vnto it than to make it to doo any thing vnwillingly or by compulsion Howbeit it is chaunged and bowed of God so softly and pleasantly that it willinglye without violence inclineth to whatsoeuer pleaseth God Augustine And it often times happeneth as Augustine in diuers places hath taught that God punisheth former sinnes by latter synnes And the holye scriptures before Augustines time testified the same especiallye Paule in his Epistle to the Roma the first chap. Wherfore God hath in his hand the affections of our hart which he loseth or restraineth as shal seeme good to his most wise prouidence turneth them whithersoeuer it shal please him And so great is his power God worketh more as touching sinnes than is expressed by the worde permission 2. Thess 2. that we must beleue that he worketh much more than may be expressed by the woord of permission For Paul feared not thus to write vnto the Thessalonians bycause they haue not receaued the loue of the truth therfore shal God send on them an error so that they shal beleue lyes al they shal be iudged which haue not beleued the truth but allowed vnrighteousnes These wordes manifestly testifye that God did cast error vpon them to punish their former sinne namelye vpon those which despised the truth offered them Dauid also semeth to tend to this when in the .2 booke of Samuel the .16 chap. he said of Simeck Suffer him 2. Sam 16. for God hath cōmaunded him to curse me Also in the same booke the .12 chap. God by Nathan the Prophet saith of Dauid which had grieuously fallen 2. Sam 12. behold I wyll stirre vp euil against thee wil take thy wiues geue them vnto thy neighbour who shal sleepe with them this diddest thou secretly but I wil do this thing openly in the eyes of the Sunne and of all Israel If the matter be so thou wilt say they which sinne shall easily be excused The sinnes of men are not excused by the working of god for they may sone say that they wer by God moued stirred vp to sin Not so For mē ar not so deliuered by God vnto sins as though they wer them selues pure innocent For they which ar so stirred vp to naughtines haue worthily deserued the same And the same men are not driuen against their wil but they wonderfully delite themselues in those transgressions and sinnes Wherefore their excuse is foolishe or rather none But this semeth to be agaynst the things before said Whither God do together both hate wil sinnes bicause in the Psalmes it is wrytten that God is such a one as willeth no iniquity and hateth synnes And vndoubtedly he is so in dede For vnles he hated sinnes why should he punish them for thinges that are allowed are not wont to be punished Farther he hath most seuerely prohibited them by his lawes But as touching this A distinction of the wyll of God thus must we decree of the wil of god that it is in nature and very dede one whych yet may be deuided for diuers and sundry respectes For as it is set foorth in the scriptures the law he condemneth sinnes he prohibiteth them and threatneth most grieuous punishments vnto them Howbeit bicause he directeth the same sinnes whithersoeuer he wil vseth them to his counsels and decrees neyther when he may letteth them it is therfore sayd that after a sort he wylleth them Neither is it meete to deny that such sundry respectes are in the wyl of god For god would before al beginninges haue his sonne sacrificed vnto him for a most swete sacrifice who yet himself said in the law Thou shalt not kil thou shalt not shed innocent bloud God also forbad that any shoulde be deceaued who for all that would haue Achab to be deceaued of Sathan Christ was killed by the will of God as we haue a lyttle before mencioned And least any man should doubt that Christ was put to death by the wyl of God we may se in the actes of the Apostles that it is most manifestly said that the Iewes did those things which God by his counsel had before ordained What then Shal we say that god is the cause of synne Not so God if we speake properli is not the cause of sinne for if we wil speake properly and that it may the more manifestly appeare we must marke that one selfe acte as it is deriued from
this horrible wickednesse there hangeth vpon this our world most sharpe punishments Yet in this kind of arguments that vice is most diligently to be taken hede of Of examples we reasō what vices are to be eschewed which creapeth vpō one before he beware thereof And the commeth two maner of wayes First that we take not vpon vs to follow those doynges of the sainctes which they sometimes committed vnaduisedly For euē as men they fell sometimes that most filthily Wherfore the things done by thē which we do set forth as examples to be folowed of vs must with great iudgement be examined Augustine Augustine writeth of this thing in his 2. booke against the 2. epi. of Gaudētius after this sort We must not alwaies imitate or allowe whatsoeuer good men haue done but we must adde therunto the iudgement of the scriptures marke whither thei allow these dedes This father doth very wel admonish vs here that although they wer holy mē pleased god very many waies The fallings of the sainctes are not to be folowed the holy scriptures witnessed excellently well of them yet are not all their actions to be iudged absolute and without fault For euery man both is a lyar and oftentimes sinneth For who woulde followe Dauyd his horrible aduoutrye and betraying of faythfull Souldiours or the forswearyng of Peter or hys wycked dissimulation surely none which hathe but euen a cromme of godlinesse Moreouer it sometymes happeneth that that worke whiche is done well and rightly by some excellent person is forbidden of other men bycause God whiche hath geuen a lawe to men is not so bounde vnto the same that he may not lose some frō that common bonde when it semeth good vnto him It is not lawfull for any man to steale God will some times haue certaine thinges done of godly men whiche be not lawfull for others to do and yet the Hebrewes when they were led out of Egypt were permitted yea and commaunded of god to cary awaye the Egyptians goodes whiche they had borowed of them euen agaynst their willes and without their knowledge What shal we do then Thus truly we must well and diligently cōferre those thinges which are expounded in the holy histories with the general rules of the cōmaundementes of God wherewith when we do perceaue that they do agree The doynges of saintes must be weighed by the rules of gods Law let vs boldly vse them But if they disagree from thē let vs recken them either for certaine fallinges or singular prerogatiues of some and kepe our selues backe from following of them And these prouisoes beyng added great profit shall come by reading of histories and especially diuine histories And that did Chrisostome very well vnderstand when as in the preface of his exposition vpō the Epistle to Philemon Chrisostome he wished that all those thinges had bene written for vs which the Apostles spoke and did when they sat downe what they did eate or what they did write other thinges of this kynde And the same Chrisostome writeth in his 57. Homily vpon Genesis that histories were geuen vs by the holy ghost to the entente we shoulde followe them Augustine Also Augustine in his seconde booke and 28. chap. De doctrina Christiana teacheth that many darcke and hard thinges may some times onely be opened by the knowledge of an history Moreouer who soeuer muche exerciseth him selfe in redyng ouer of histories he doth not without fruite reuolue with him selfe the doinges examples of our times There was vpon a tyme a certaine man euill fauored enoughe Note a pleasaunte historie who neuerthelesse was meruelous desirous of beautifull children and yet he maryed a fowle wyfe wherfore he was mocked of euery bodye This man went into the Citie where he bought most fayre ymages whiche he set in his chambre and gaue his wife charge that for a certayne space she should euery day most earnestly looke vpon those ymages She obeyed her husbandes commaundement and by that meanes brought him forth most beautifull children So wil it also come to passe with vs which thoughe we by reason of naturall sinne grafted in vs are defourmed lothsome and are continually prouoked as well by the deuill as by wicked men to vnlawfull thinges yet if we will attentiuely diligently gather together the exāples of the sainctes trimly paynted forth in the diuine histories and if we reuolue the same in our mynde we shall forthwith shewe forth most excellent workes acceptable to God And now that I haue entreated enough as I suppose of the matter and forme of writing of this booke the nexte is to speake some what of the efficient cause What is the efficient cause of this booke If we would searche to knowe the man by whom God would haue these thinges written that can we not vnderstand by the holy Scriptures The Hebrewes affirme that Samuel put these thinges in wryting but they speake that without testimonie of the Scriptures Other also thincke that euerye Iudge wrote suche thinges as were done in his own time which monument of theirs being in sondry pampheletes Samuel afterwarde compiled into one certain body or volume Agayne there be some whiche ascribe all this to Esdras or to Ezechias the king which Ezechias the booke of Prouerbes mencioneth to haue gathered together some of the sentences or as some call them the parable of Salomon but I thincke it is not mete for me to stāde about this matter for there is no cause why we should curiously searche out those things which God will not reueale in his oracles wherfore I will returne to declare the principall efficient cause of this booke The spirite of God is properly the aucthour of this Booke We must ascribe al what soeuer it is to the spirite of God For Paul writing to Timothe sayth that the scriptures were reuealed by god and there is no doubte but he spake then of the bookes of the olde Testament But thou wilte aske who shall persuade vs that the holy bookes were reuealed vnto men by the holy ghost The spirite of God testifieth vnto the faithful that the holy Scriptures came frō God Euen the same spirit which hath prouided to haue these things written doth make vs assuredly to beleue that they are not the inuentions of men For nether can the holy lyfe of the teachers nor yet miracles be sufficient to persuade vs of this It is the spirite the spirit I say of god which testifieth vnto our spirite of this thyng The moste daungerous error of the Antichristes must diligently be taken hede of whiche dare affirme It is not the Church which geueth authoritie to the Scriptures that it is the Churche which bringeth authoritie to the holy Scriptures when as it is cleane contrary For what soeuer authoritie or estimation cōmeth vnto the Churche that all whole cōmeth of the worde of God It is horrible to be heard that
battail bycause they went to warrefare without oracle as it is written in the vii of Iosua It is also written in the same boke in the ix chap. that the Gabaonites were receaued into league without the oracle of god and it is also writtē in the boke of Numbers that the Israelites were slayne by the Amorrhites when they fought cōtrary to gods will This peoples iudgement therfore is worthy to be praysed for it is excellently well done in most weighty affaires to aske counsell of God first of all And that must be done conueniently and holyly otherwise it profiteth not For the Israelites whē they should make warre agaynst the tribe of Beniamin although they asked coūsell of God yet were they twice put to flight slayne cowardly tourned their backes to their enemies bycause they behaued not them selues well in asking counsell of god Wherfore they asked counsell of God And it is to be beleued that the Hebrues after the death of Iosua considered this with them selues that their hong a great matter in those first warres whiche should be enterprised after the death of Iosua bycause if they happened to be ouercome of those nations in one battaill or two then would those nations thincke with them selues that the good lucke of the Israelites were chaunged with the death of their captayne By whiche opinion they would easely haue ben boldened and their affaires should haue had better successe dayly But on the contrary if it happened that the Israelites gotte the vpper hand in the first battailles they sawe that the power and audacitie of the nations woulde euery daye diminishe and beyng made feable and faynter they should the easelyer be ouercome God was also asked counsell of in the tyme of Iosua They did not therfore without cause aske coūsell of God in so great a matter which also to do the cōmaundement of the law did vrge them which is writtē in the boke of Numbers Neither must it be now thought that they so required the oracle as though they did not the same whē Iosua was lyuing for they required also answers of God verye often when he was a lyue but after his death it is said that they enquired for this thing chiefly principally namely which tribe should go vp to battail before all the other in al their causes And thys is the signification of the hebrew word Lanu that is for vs. And this woord to go vp is mencioned bycause they saw that they should fyrst vanquishe the hyly places Against Chanaan This is somtimes a general name What the people of Canaā were containeth al these nations which God had decreed to destroy out of Palestine whereby all the lande was afterward called Channan And sometimes it signifieth particularly some one nation of that people And that lay chiefly about Tyre Sidon Which the Euangelical history proueth when it calleth the woman a Chananite which offered her self to the sonne of God when he was goyng to Tyre Sidon And of that nation peraduenture bicause it was mightier than the other were the rest called Chananites And I wyl not ouerskip this by the way that the people which is singularly called Chanaan when they wer driuen out of their coastes by the Israelites they departed to Aphrica where they remayned safe euen to the time of Augustine Augustine So that the father writeth in his booke of the exposition whych hee begon vpon the epistle to the Romaines thus Our rusticals beyng demaunded what they wer they answered in the Affrick tong Chananites And theyr language is very nye to the Hebrewe tong The Africans ar Chananites as the same Augustine writeth in hys booke of questions vpon the Iudges the .16 question For by Baal in the Affrick tong they seme to say Lord whereby by Baal Samen is vnderstoode as thoughe they would say Lord of heauen bicause these tonges differ not much one from an other Hierome also agreeth therw t Hierome writing vpon Esay the prophet when he enterpreteth these woords Behold a virgin shal conceaue in the Affrick tong saith he which is said to haue had his ofspring of the Hebrues Virgil. A virgin is properly called Almah Also Virgil when he called Dido an Aphrician a Sidonian the inhabitants of Carthage Tirianes hath most manifestly confirmed that Dido her people came of the Chananites Wherfore it is no maruel if they almost kept in remembraunce the Chananishe tong But these thinges I haue spoken by the way But now Chanaan signifieth no one special nation but is a cōmon word for al those nations which the Israelites should ouerthrow For the tribe of Iudah which is said to haue gone vp first of al to the war For what thing the Israelites asked councell of God had in his lot the Iebusites not the Chananites Moreouer I admonishe the Reader that the Hebrues asked not counsel of God for their Captaine neither desired they to know what man should be made chief ruler ouer the Israelites going to battail against the Chananites but which tribe should begin the battel first Othoniel the first Iudge should be of the tribe of Iudah But we entreate not of him now presently And bycause it is said that the children of Israel asked counsell of the Lorde Howe many waies that elders asked councell of God some wil aske after what sort the Iewes accustomed to aske anye thing of hym at that time It may be answered that ther wer three accustomed ordinarye waies which are rehersed in the .28 chap. of the first booke of Samuel namely by dreames by Vrim Thūmim lastly by prophets whē ther wer any to be had therfore Saul complained in the booke that God had answered hym by none of these waies when he would haue asked counsel of hym of the successe of the most daungerous battail I finde also other waies in the scriptures of asking coūsell of god but they wer extraordinary waies One is by reuelacion of angels or of god him self expressing him selfe vnder some forme An other way was when som holy men by the mouing of god did appoint to themselues certayn tokens of thinges to come which did signify before whether they happened this waye or that what should be looked for So Abraham hys seruaunt decreed with hymself that she should be his Lordes wife which only amongest many maydens comming to the well offred drinke of her owne mynde to hym and to his Camels Ionathas also the sonne of Saule had then the victory promysed him when the Philistianes shoulde say Come vp hither to vs and contrarilye if they shoulde byd him tary till they came downe thither I haue called these extraordinarye wayes bycause they were not commonly vsed neyther are they often red in the Scriptures Lottes also are of this kinde There is mention made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuel when Saule should be declared King all the tribes standing there
For there are haue bene very many which haue maried wiues cleane without any dowery yea those mē of so great honestye and authoritie that it should seme very rash to condemne their fact seing the holy scriptures are not against it neither do I iudge that matrimony should by any meanes be denied to those womē which are without dowery if thei haue nede of matrimonye Paule furthermore testifyeth the matrimonye shadoweth the coniunction of Christ with the church wherfore if we should loke vpō the truth the church had nothing which it could offer vnto Christ in the name of a dowry yea rather as Ezechiel teacheth God found it rolled in bloud and myre The fathers in the old testament seme to haue had wiues sometimes withoute dowries Wherfore it semeth to be decreed the men may and that it is lawfull to receaue doweryes when they are geuen that the same custome is honest so that the iust meane be not exceded and he which marieth be not allured to matrimony by the name of the dowery as the principall cause The manners and godlinesse of the wyfe ought chiefly to be regarded neither ought any man by and by to persuade himself If I shal marry a wife without a dowery I shall therefore haue her the better and the quieter Ierome The wyfe of Law seing as Ierome declareth in his fyrst booke against Iouinian Cato Censorius had Actoria Paula to wyfe who was borne of a base kinred who was poore also and without a dowerye and yet for all that shew as a dronckard weake and proud vnto the same Cato 16 And the children of Keni Moyses father in lawe went vp oute of the citye of the Palme trees with the children of Iudah into the wildernesse of Iudah that lieth in the south of Arad and went and dwelt among the people In the conquering the citie of Hebron and Debir there is mention made also of the children of Moyses father in law they were Ethniks in dede by kinde Of the Kenites but they wer ioyned with the Israelites in will and fayth from whō also in the fyrst ofspring of kinred they wer not straungers for as much as they came of Madian the sonne of Abraham by his wyfe Keturah And the same Kenites constantly abode with the Hebrues tyll theyr captiuitye into Babilon for as much as the Rechabites came of the Kenites as it is written in the booke of Paralipomenon But why they were called Kenites it is vncertaine But some thinke that it came of this bycause the sonne of Iethro namely Hobab the brother of Moyses wife was called Kin by an other name He therfore in the beginning with his familye dwelled together with the Beniamites in the fieldes of Iericho when the Israelites passing ouer Iordane vnder Iosua possessed the city of Iericho But after when they sawe that the tribe of Iudah possessed the cityes of Hebron Debir they went vnto thē and dwelt more cōmodiously in the plaine of Harad although they had no certayne houses but liued continually as it were in tentes The citie of Palmes Although some suspecte the citie of Palmes to haue bene Engaddi yet moste part of the expositours interprete it to be Iericho with whom Iosephus de Antiquit Hebr. agreeth and also Paraphrastes Caldaicus yea and the booke of Deut in the xxxiiii chap. testifyeth the same For as much as that citie had a notable groue of Palmes of a hundred furlongs Strabo which thing Strabo also testifyeth And yet we may not thinke that the Kenites reedifyed the citie of Iericho for it was accursed by the commaundement of Iosua who amongest other thinges published this as it is to be beleued in the name of God namely that he which should attempt to repayre it should wrappe himself vnder the curse which came to passe in very deede For in the time of Ahab the wicked king one Aiel builte it vp agayne but to his own great hurt Fo his two sonnes Abiram Segub perished whē the citie was in repayring as it is written in the first boke of kings .xvi. chap. But the countrey or ground thereof belonged by diuision vnto the tribe of Beniamin The fielde of Iericho belōged to the tribe of Beniamin And these Kenites as it semeth had pitched tentes there eyther for warfare or els for keping of shepe in which thei liued for a time eyther about the cicie or els betwene the decaied places of the city And there was a regard had vnto thē in distributing of the land in assigning of fieldes as Iosephus also testifieth according to the promise made vnto thē by Moyses which is writtē in the x. chap. of Num. And it is thought to be very lykely that their lot was in the tribe of Iudah which being not yet possessed by the children of Israel they dwelled as it is said in the land with the Beniamites in the field of Iericho This exposition semeth ful and manifest inough Kimhi But Kimhi followeth an other opinion and thinketh that the children of Israell when they after they had conquered Hebron and Debir in the time of Iosua had determined vtterly to destroy the citie of Iericho vnderstanding that the Kenites dwelte there lyke straungers as I thinke bycause they came of the stocke of Madian before they ouerthrew al the city they called them away that they might not perish with the other Chananites The same curtesie dyd Saule shewe vnto them when he should make warre agaynst Amelek as it is writtē in the fyrst booke of Samuel xv chap. For he commaunded the Kenites to depart least they shoulde be destroyed with Amelek and he shewed a cause namely bycause they were good and gentle vnto the Israelites comming vp out of Egipt Kimhi addeth moreouer that Amelek and the Kenites were of a farre contrarye affection toward the Israelites For the Kenites loued thē wonderfull wel But Amelek hated thē deadly Wherfore euē as god had bound himselfe by an othe the warre should be continually made agaynst Amelek so would he haue the Kenites recōpenced alwayes with benifites This interpretation should be very likely if this departing of the Kenites frō Iericho were not put by our history after Hebron and Debir were conquered But Iericho was conquered of Iosua fyrst of all after he had passed ouer Iordane and certainely before he had gotten Hebron Debir Besides thys oure historye entreateth eyther of the Kenites whiche remayned in Madian or ells of those which had ioyned thēselues in fellowship with the people of Israel It semeth that this can not be spoken of the first whē as Iericho is not in Madian yea it is farre distant frō thence but if we shal vnderstand this to be spoken of those which came with Israell how shuld it be vnderstand that they dwelt in Iericho before Iosua toke it Moreouer it is not found in the texte of the history that they were called forth as Kimhi writeth but it is
in hys right hand Yet let vs remember that god for the executing of noble dedes enterprises for the most part choseth the weake vnapt ones as the first epistle to the Corin. testifieth Brethren see to your calling how that not many noble men not many wise men not many mighty men are chosen but God hath chosen the folishe things of the world to put to shame the wise he hath chosen the weake things to ouerthrow things that are mighty also vile things and thinges of no reputation hath God chosē to confound things of reputation that no flesh should be glorified in his sight c. For as much as the glorye of God shoulde easlye bee darkened by the power wisedome of men Wherfore that that glory might excel he hath elected the folyshenesse of preaching he hath also chosen vnto himselfe rude Apostles and weake and feable men by whom he myghte shewe forth hys wonderfull workes Howbeit bycause that which was now done by Ehud seemeth to be done by crafte subtilitye and guile it is declared what occasion God gaue of this noble dede And by him the children of Israell sent a present vnto Eglon. God would therfore haue this messanger chosē that he might the easlier come to the presence of the King And I suppose that the present which they sent vnto Eglon was not the ordinary tribute which they payd but some honorable gift ther by to make the King more fauourable towards thē or els to obtayne somewhat at his hands For tribute is called by an other woord of the Hebrewes than by this word Minchah For that word is deriued of this verbe Nachah Minchah which is to bring or to offre Wherfore Minchah signified not only an oblation which was appointed for sacrifices but also a present and gift presented vnto noble men And for that cause in the booke of Genesis those thinges whiche Iacob as a gifte sent vnto his brother Esau before he came vnto him are called by the same name And when Ehud saw that he was called to a weighty and perilous enterpryse although he nothing doubted of the successe thereof yet he diligentlye weyghed with himselfe the daungers to the end he myght the more prudently auoyde them The callyng of GOD causeth vs to haue a sure confidence but yet it nothyng letteth but that we maye meditate howe we maye warely and wysely execute it Ehud therefore reuoluing with himselfe the thynges that were to be done caused that thyng to bee made for him whiche the holy historye by these wordes declareth 16 And Ehud made him a sword with two edges of a cubite lēgth and he girded it vnder his raymente vpon his right thigh 17 He presented the present vnto Eglon King of Moab And Eglon was a very fatte man 18 And when he had presented the presente he sent away the people that bare the present 19 But he himself returned agayne from the quarry of stones that was in Gilgal and sayd I haue a secret errand vnto thee O King whoe aunswered Kepe silence And all they that stoode neere went forth Ehud made him a two edged sworde whiche hauing a most sharpe edge on both sides mighte both easlye pearse and cutte and also quickely strike through the bodye He caused it also to be made but a Cubite in length that he might the easlier hide it What is the stature of Pigmeians Neyther is this woorde Gamar any other thing with the Hebrewes than Amah Wherefore the Pigmeians in Ezechiell the .xxvii. Chapiter are called Gamerim and therfore so called bicause they are but a Cubite in stature And such a short sworde the Latines call Sica that is a scayne He hidde it vnder his garments for if he had worne hys sworde openlye eyther he shoulde haue bene compelled to laye awaye his sworde or elles he shoulde haue had no accesse vnto the Kyng For Tirannes will not easely admitte armed men priuately to talke with them Furthermore if it had bene marked that at hys departure when he had killed the King he caryed not hys sworde with hym as he broughte it hys enterprise woulde easelye haue beene suspected He gyrded the shorte sworde vppon hys ryghte thye that he myght handsomly take it with his left hand which only he was able to vse Eglon was a very grosse man It is no straunge thing that Princes are troubled with ouermuch fatnesse For they liue delicately they eate and drinke aboundauntly and very litle exercise theyr minde and bodye Agag the Kyng of Amalek is in the fyrste booke of Samuell described to haue beene suche an other And he sent the people awaye namely those whiche broughte the gifte And returned from the place of grauen Images which were by Gilgall Those men which Ehud sent away were eyther fellowes of the message or they which bare the gift that should be offred vnto the king By good aduise he sent those away frō him bicause he would talke with the king alone without any arbiterers And he saw that whē he had finished his purpose he should by flying away a great deale better saue himself being alone thā he shuld do if he had many ioyned with him Conspiracies cōmunicated to many haue seldome good successe bycause then he should not haue bene carefull onely howe to saue himself but also how to saue others Farther conspiracies whē they are communicated to many haue very seldome good successe Peraduenture also he woulde endaunger but himselfe only and not bring others into daunger with him Wherefore he sent them awaye that if any daunger shoulde peraduenture happen they might be in safetye And the place fro whence he retourned is called Pesilim of this verbe Pasall which is to cut or graue bycause peraduenture there were in that place eyther a quarrey of stones or elles some Idoles of late set vp by Eglon. For Gilgal was among the Iewes counted a religious place For the arke of the couenaunt remayned there a while and we read that the Israelites after they were passed ouer Iordane rested first in that place and celebrated a general circumcision there Wherfore it might easlye come to passe the Eglon in contempte of the Hebrewes had there placed images and idoles Ehud when he had there sent away his fellowes returned againe alone vnto the king to whom he sayd I haue a secret businesse to tell thee O Kyng As touching the propre signification of his talke he tolde the truth as it was For Dabar signifieth with the Hebrewes not only a word but also a thing and businesse But bicause Eglon was thereby deceaued and he spake these thinges to deceaue he made a lye also The King when he heard thys answered Holde thy peace Beckening vnto him to tell it him secretly not to speake it before all them which stoode then by 20 And Ehud came vnto him and he sat in a sommer parler alone and Ehud said I haue a message vnto thee from God And
godly to haue peace wyth the vngodly THis questiō is now to be discussed and defined whether it be lawful for godly mē to make peace to kepe it with vngodly And me thinketh we may saye that it is lawful especially if it be concluded for the peaceable defending keping of the bondes or borders on ether syde Paul saith as much as lyeth in you haue peace with all men So did the most Christian princes with the barbarous infidles in making peace somtimes with thē So Iacob in the old tyme made a legue with Laban So also did the children of Israel with their other neighbours excepting the seuen nations for God cōmaunded them not to make war with all those nations that dwelled about them But if thou shalte demaunde whether it be lawfull for the godlye when they take a common expedition in hand to ioyne their army and power with the vngodly An example of Iosaphat That semeth to be denied For Iosaphat had euill successe whē in making warre against Ramoth Gilead he ioyned him self with the king of Israel Neither sped the same king luckely when he sent shippes together with the king of Israels shippes into Tharsis For there arose a tempest in Aschou-Gaber wherby hapned a shipwracke and so he lost his Nauy And as it is written in the latter booke of Paralip God by the mouthe of his prophete reproued Iosaphat bycause he had ioyned himself with an vngodly king The Machabites also made league with the Romaines An example of the Machabits The questiō is confirmed by reasons Lacedemoniās but what displesure they had therby theyr history declareth But now that we haue manyfested the thinge by examples let vs confirme it also by reasōs This no mā can deny that in such hosts namely consisting of the vngodly the godly together the sincere religion and idolatry are mingled together wherbye it easelye commeth to passe suche is the weaknes of our nature that the vnpure do infecte the holy ones And it seldome happeneth but that some impiety cleaueth vnto the childrē of God Farther whē they come to handy strokes they muste call vpon God and when the victory is obtayned they muste also geue thankes vnto God And in doinge these thinges what inuocation I pray you what sacrifices what thankes geuinge shall there be The true god shal be mingled with Belial idolatrous rites with lawful rites and true piety with superstition These things vndoubtedly displease God For if he would haue thinges after this sort mingled together why chosed he a peculiar people vnto himself Vndoubtedlye he did it that the faythfull mighte liue purely by themselues and worship the true god sincerely And seing the matter is so it is not lawful cōfusedly to haue to do with the vngodly otherwise the order which god hath appoynted should be troubled Of the league of Abraham with the Chananites A man might peraduenture say that Abraham made league with Abuer Eschol and Mambre and with theyr ayd toke in hand an expedicion wherin he deliuered Loth his kinsman which was led away captiue But they which obiect this example where find they that these men wer idolatrers I vndoubtedly do not see that it can be gathered by the holy scriptures But rather I suppose that they were worshippers of the true God For God saide vnto Abraham that he would not straightway geue vnto him the lande of the Cananites bicause the sinnes of that nation were not yet full Wherfore it is not absurde to saye that these three men were yet there did worship the true God simply For asmuch as we know assuredly that Melchizedech also was in those regions who blessed Abraham and was the priest of the most high God But graunt that they wer idolatres as these men wil haue them Shall that which was by a certayn singuler progatiue lawfull vnto Abraham be strayghtway counted lawful vnto al men to do it iustly and without punishmente I thinke not Farthermore we muste mark that the common wealth of the Iewes was not yet ordained And Abraham alone could not dwel among the Cananites without some couenāts or leagues made with them Wherunto thou maiste adde that God had not yet geuen the law wherin he peculiarly forbad any thinge as touching this matter Whither it be lawful for christians to seeke for helpe of infidels But if a prince or Christian pub wealth as sometimes it chaunceth should be in daunger maye they desire helpe at infidels handes They cannot For if Paule will haue vs rather to suffer wronge and hurt than that we shoulde go to the iudgement seats of the infidels when we are in controuersy with our brethren How much lesse is it lawfull to vse the helpe of the vngodly to deliuer vs from other Christianes which vniustlye oppresse vs. I know that Asa king of Iudah sente money golde and siluer An example of Asa the kinge vnto Benhadab king of Siria to make warre against the king of Samaria that therby he mighte be deliuered from him whiche in a manner oppressed him Howebeit I doe not thinke that the acte of this kinge though it had good successe is to be followed For he was reproued of God for it And though it be not expressed in the boke of kinges yet in Paralip it is manifestly described For there we reade that the prophet was purposedly sent of God vnto Asa the king to reproue him greuouslye for this his acte An example of Amasia Yea and there is an other notable example of like sorte written in the same boke namely that Amasia did hier agaynst the Edomits C. thousād Israelites which the prophet in the name of God grieuouslye reprehended and commaunded that he should put away the Israelitish souldiours from his hoste because that the will and good pleasure of God was vtterly from thē The kinge aunswered vnto the Prophete But nowe I haue geuen them an C. talentes for theyr stipend The man of God aunswered that the Lord could aptly and easely repay him as many talentes and that for so small a losse he should not suffer Idolatrers which were hated of god to be in his campes I will not tel how often the Iewes were forbidden by the prophets that they shoulde not require helpe of the Egiptians or of the Assirians But to returne to the matter from which we haue somewhat decreased This Heber the knighte if he had peace with Iabin for his limites or borders or for some pencion agreed with him for pastor for his cattle it cannot be discommended Forasmuch as godly men seke not to dwel out of the world they ought according to the Apostles commaundement to haue peace with al men as much as in thē lieth But if he had peace to take in hand any cōmō expeditiō it was vniust neither ought it to abide ratified But the thinge whiche we haue in hande was don by Iahel and not by Hebor her husbād For he ether was not
he had a wonderfull great number of people in that City I might rehearse a great many other places both out of the old Testament and out of the newe but that I wil not be tedious Philo a Iewe. Philo a Iew as Ierome in his booke de viris illustribus saith wrote fyue bookes of Dreames which are sent by God Ciprian also telleth Ciprian that in his tyme wer certain things sene by dreames which serued for the edification of the Churche he doth geue not a litle Augustine Thre kindes of dreames but very much authority vnto them And Augustine in his .xii. booke de Genisi ad litteram the .3 chap. sayth That there are three kindes of dreames The first saith he pertaine vnto the outward senses which he calleth corporal Againe other some he calleth Spirituall which consyst of images haue place about the phantasy or power of imagination The last he nameth Intellectual bicause they are comprehended onelye by reason and iudgement of the mynde And those which consist by imagination namely those that are put in the secoÌ„d place as we haue a litle before taught saith he make not Prophets affirmeth that Ioseph was much more truly a Prophet then Pharao And bicause we wyl not go from our history we may affirme the same thing of the soldiour which in the hearing of Gideon expouÌ„ded the dreame of his fellow soldiour namely that he rather was a Prophet then he which had the vision But in this order or degree of Prophetes Daniel excelleth the rest For he dyd not onelye interpreate the dreames of the king but when he had forgotten those thinges which he saw in his sleepe he could reuoke them into his memory againe Farther he did not onely interpreate the dreames of other men but also he was by God instructed of his owne visions By the Deuil also are dreames sometimes moued for Augustine in the place alredy alledged de Genisi ad literam writeth that one possessed wyth a Deuil by dreames declared in what houre a priest would come vnto him through what places he would passe Oracles answered sometymes by dreames and visions And we are not ignorant that the Ethnikes had oracles where men were al night to obtaine visions and dreames Suche a one was the oracle of Amphiarus Amphilochus Trophonius and of Esculapius In those places the Deuil shewed vnto those whiche slept remedies and medicines to heale suche as were sycke and therwithal also he gaue answer of other matters And to obtaine such visions and dreames there were commaunded vnto those which came to enquire of any thing I cannot tel what choise of meates and separate lodginges Pithagorians and certain pure and chaste daies It is said also that the Scholers of Pithagoras eschewed beanes bicause they make troublesome dreames But our God to declare that he is not bounde to those thynges shewed vnto Daniel the kinges dreame when he and his fellowes by prayers had vehemently desired it of him And it is not to be doubted but that the deuil can mingle him selfe with dreames Augustine when as through his diligence there haue bene and also are now many false Prophetes wherefore Augustine in his booke before alledged the .xix. chap. If an euyl spirite saith he possesse men he maketh them either diuelish or mad or els false prophetes And contrarywise a good spirit maketh faithful prophetes speaking misteries to the edification of other He also demaundeth in the same booke the .xi. chap. by what meanes the reuelations of euyl and good spirites may be discerned one from an other Augustine Howe dreames ar to be knoweÌ„ whiche are of a good spâ—â—â—â— and which are of an euyll And he answereth That that can not be done except a man haue the gifte of discerning of spirites But he addeth that an euyl spirite doth alwaies at the last leade meÌ„ to wicked opinions and peruers maners althoughe at the beginning the difference can not be knowen with out the gift of the holye ghost In his Epistle to Euodius which is the .100 epistle inquiring of the same matter he sayth I would to God I could discerne betwene dreames which ar geuen to errour and those which are to saluation neuerthelesse we ought to bee of good courage bycause God suffreth his children somtimes to be tempted but not to perysh Aristotle But what shal we answer vnto Aristotle who denieth that dreames ar sent of God and that for this cause in special bicause God would geue this faculty of diuination to wyse and good men and not to the foolish and wicked We answer that for the most part it is true that true Prophetes which are by God illustrate with dreames and visions Why God somtimes vseth euyl Prophetes and vnwyse are both good and godlye Howbeit leaste it should be thought that the power of God is bound vnto the wysedome or maners of men God wyl sometimes vse the woorke of euyl men in those things to declare and shew forth the great and wonderful power of his prouideÌ„ce Tertulian as one which can vse all kinde of instrumentes Farther as Tertulian writeth in hys booke de Anima seing that he distributeth his Sunne and rayne both to the iust and to the vniust it ought not to be marueilous if he bestowe also these gyftes which serue especially to the instruction of men both to the good and to the euil And that we should not be ignorant of his doing the holy history declareth that the Ethnikes were by God verye oftentimes admonished and corrected in theyr sleepe So Pharao king of Egipt was commaunded to restore vnto Abraham his wife and Abimelech king of Gerar was in like maner admonished And Tertulian saith moreouer that euen as God when hee instructed the wycked in theyr sleepe doth it that they might become good so contrariwise the Deuil inuadeth the godly when they are a sleepe by dreames to seduce them oute of the ryghte way Aristotle thought the God in distributing his giftes ought to haue a regard to wise men and especially to Philosophers God reuealeth misteries rather vnto the litle ones then to the wyse when as Christ hath taughte altogether otherwise I thanke thee saith he O heauenlye father that thou hydyng these thinges from the learned and wise hast reuealed them to lyttle ones c. Paul also sayth that the vocation of God chiefly pertayneth to the vnnoble vnlearned and weake An other argument was that beastes also when they sleepe do dreame when yet no man wil say that God ministreth and disposeth their dreames That Philosopher is deceaued bicause he supposeth that if God do send some dreames vnto men he ought therefore to be made author of al dreames which vndoubtedly to farre froÌ„ our meaning For we referre not vnto God himselfe al those things which ar natural as certain peculiar effectes by which immediatly as to speake with Scholemen men should be instructed of thinges to
so then were it very easy to persuade the Ethnickes and Turkes of the holy Scriptures and to bryng the Iewes to receaue the new Testament and how true this is the thing it selfe witnesseth And I thincke I haue spoken enough of the efficient cause of this booke and of the holy Scriptures Of the ende of this booke And now lastly order semeth to require the seyng we haue spoken of the matter forme and efficient cause of the holy bookes we shoulde also entreate somewhat to what end they were written Wherin I thincke it not nedeful to kepe the reader long for that before when I entreated many thynges of an historye I haue expounded also the profite and commodities whiche come therof whiche no doubte of it belong vnto the ende but nowe presently I will say thus much compendiously that all these thinges are mentioned by the holy ghost that we shoulde behaue our selues vprigthly both in prosperitie and also aduersitie For we learne by the examples of holy men when we are afflicted with sundry troubles and miseries stedfastly to holde our faith to put our hope in God to call vpon him only therewithall to repent vs of our sinnes whiche thinges if we do he will no lesse be presente to helpe vs than we know that he oftentimes deliuered the people of the Iewes And this Paul declared when he sayde to the Romaines whatsoeuer things are written they are written for our learning that we thorough patience and consolation of the Scriptures might haue hope Moreouer we are instructed in prosperous thinges to kepe the feare of god lest we fal into grieuous sinnes by whiche meanes we might be made guiltie both of punishement in this lyfe and also of euerlastyng damnatiō Finally we may moste manifestly gather the ende of reading of these bookes out of the Apostles doctrine whiche he deliuered to Timothe writing after this sorte in his second Epistle and third chap. All Scripture geuen by inspiration of God is profitable to doctrine to reprouing to correction and to instruction which is in righteousnesse that the man of God may be perfect and prepared to al good workes And now that as I suppose I haue spoken enough of the end and other causes of this booke I will come nygher to the exposition of the same first I wil declare whether this booke according to the sentence of the Hebrewes be the second booke of the firste Prophetes whose coniunction is so great with the history of Iosua that a man woulde easely saye that they be both one Whether the booke of Iosua ought to be reckened with the booke of Iudges And peraduenture there be some which suppose that Iosua should be reckened with the iudges to whom I will not subscribe For iudges were raised vp of god when the people were oppressed with outwarde enemies but when Iosua was proclaymed prince all the affaires of the Israelites were in good prosperitie For Sihon and Og most mightie kinges were ouercome and that office was cōmitted to Iosua wherby Moyses being dead he might leade the people ouer Iordane and take possessiō of the lande of Chanaan and deuide the promised lande by lottes vnto the children of Israell and besides that the people did set their handes to a decree whiche they had made of Iosua that he whiche obeyed not his voyce should be killed as we read it written in the first chap. of his booke But there is no mention made of suche thynges as concernyng the Iudges And yet both the bookes are so like and of such affinitie that many thinges are repeated in this our booke especially in the beginning whiche no doubte were done when Iosua was yet lyuing There resteth now to admonishe the reader somewhat of the partes of this boke The partes of the booke of Iudges There are as many principall membres in it as there were Iudges to Samuels tyme. For that in euery one of them still riseth vnto vs a new historye But the first of all was Othoniel of whom we will speake in the third chap. So that all those thinges whiche are written vnto that place do contayne the thynges done from the death of Iosua vnto Othoniel And certainly bycause the Iewes as long as Iosua liued worshipped god a right kept the lawe as muche as the weakenesse of mā coulde do god stil wrought with them accordyng to his couenaunt gaue thē a great victorye ouer their enemies so that euery tribe ouercame his enemies for the most part which were yet adioynying to their borders And then when the Israelites obteynyng the victorye did transgresse the commaundements of their god did not cleane destroy the nations which they had ouercome as god had commaunded them yea they made them tributaries vnto them god therfore grieuously admonished them by his messanger bycause they had not onely saued their enemies but also had moste filthyly honoured theyr gods So that god was not wtout a cause angry with them and deliuered them into the handes of outwarde tyrannes But when they were sorye for it and called vpon their god he had compassion of them and raysed them vp Iudges by whom they might be deliuered when they were deliuered they fell agayne to Idolatry they were afflicted againe they repented wherby in course their deliueries and oppressions are set forth But their first oppressiō worthy of memory was vnder Chusan Resanthaim from the which Othoniel the first of al the iudges reuenged them of whom we will speake in his place But now we will put here vnderneth the wordes of the holy history The first Chapter 1 IT came to passe after the death of Iosua that the childrē of Israel asked the Lord sayeng Who shall go vp for vs agaynst the Chananites to fight first agaynst them 2 And the Lorde sayd Iudah shal go vp beholde I haue deliuered the lande into his handes IT semed good vnto the children of Israel to take warre in hande for as it is writtē in the xiii chap. of Iosua they had not yet at this tyme conquered all the promised land so that in euery tribes lotte there were enemyes remayning And when they sawe there was no remedy but that they must dryue them out by force they doubted not whether they shoulde make warre agaynst them but their doubte was whiche tribe should fight before all the other The Israelites aske counsell of God The matter seemed to be of such great importaunce that they asked counsell of god whiche was the chief gouernour of their publicque weale Iosua that worthy captayne was no more a liue at whose becke and pleasure they hanged The Israelites affaires had euill successe whē they were done without God hys counsell Neither yet had they forgotten howe euill successe they had when not long before they toke weighty affaires in hand without asking counsell of God For in their settyng forth to battaill against the citie of Hai they sped very vnluckely in the
vnto vs in the holy scriptures And it wer good to marke the difference which is found betwene the asking counsel of God in the old time and ours at this present Howe wee and the elders do diuersly aske coūsel of God They were very much carefull for the successe of thinges and they almost desyred alwayes to knowe when they tooke warres in hand or attempted anye other thyng whether they should speede wel or il in them And that was not hard for them to do for they had an oracle prepared of God for them for that purpose And God had promysed that he would answer them out of the mercy seate what soeuer they should demaunde or aske of him But we if we should aske counsel of the holye scriptures for the successe and end of our enterprises and purposes cōcerning earthly infelicities and misfortunes we should seeme and that not vnwoorthily to play the fooles For there is no place there at all which answereth anye thyng for our singular and priuate thinges But that onelye remayneth for vs to enquire for whether that which we begyn or go about be allowed to be iust holy and acceptable to God by the testimonies of the holy scriptures But why the Iewes had proper and certayne oracles geuen them for theyr matters and we haue nothing answered vs particularly Why we haue not oracles as the Iewes had I thynke there be no other cause but bycause vnto that people a certain assured publique wealth was due by the immutable coūsel of God which should endure to the time of Christ and therefore there were prepared for it certaine extraordinarye aydes aboue the power of nature whereby it should be kept and defended by God But vnto vs there is no such promise made of any certain seate or publique wealth seing that our church is dispersed throughout the whole world whereunto is no certaine seate or place promised and therefore it needed not that concernyng humaine thinges our publique wealthes should be particularly gouerned by certaine oracles answers for temporal thinges Besides this the volumes of the holy scriptures are more aboundaunt in our tyme than they were at that time with the Hebrewes when these thinges were done whych we nowe expounde They had but the law onelye we haue receaued nowe the bookes of the Prophetes and of wyse men vnto which are added also al the writinges of the new Testament And seing that those writinges are so manye so excellent it is no maruayle if we are not euery day enstructed of god by new oracles answers Neyther ought we to thinke bicause of that that God setteth lesse by vs than he dyd by the Hebrewes I wyl not speake howe hys spirite is geuen to vs thorow Christ more aboundantly and more openly than it was in the olde tyme to the Iewes Finally our publique weales dominions and kingdomes at endewed with many more artes which serue for peace and warre than the people of the Hebrewes were How we ought to behaue our selues in asking counsel of God Wherefore it is no maruel if we being heaped vp with so many other gyftes be destitute of singular oracles It shal be our part therefore aboue al thinges when we haue any affaires to take in hand diligently to consider the woord of God wherein is opened vnto vs hys commaundement or wyl afterward to embrace the same with a firme and stedfast fayth wherby we maye bee vehementlye kyndled to cal vpon our heauenlye father by the which we may be able to fulfyl that which he hath commaunded and to obtayn that which he hath promysed 3. And Iudah said vnto his brother Simeon Go vp with me into my lot that we may fight agaynst the Chananites and I wyl also go with thee into thy lot And Simeon went with hym The tribe of Iudah doth associate to it selfe the Simeonites to make warre against the Chananites which most euidentlye testifieth that the answer of God dyd not speake of any one singuler man but of the whole tribe of Iudah For neither Othoniel Why Simeon is taken into felowshyp wyth Iudah nor yet Caleb had any brother which was called Simeon and therefore there is no mencion made of them by Gods oracle but it comprehendeth the whole tribe of Iudah But the cause why Simeon is called of Iudah to be as a companion of hys warre and that they twoo ayded one an other is bycause the possession of the tribe of Simeon was mingled and scattered among the fieldes and countries belonging to the tribe of Iudah Neighbourhed therefore made them to defende and succour one the other And this coniunction of these two tribes is most manifestly gathered out of the .xv. chapter of the booke of Iosua It is not agaynst fayth to vse the ayde of men Let vs learne hereby that it is not agaynst the true fayth for vs to vse vsual aydes and mans strength when occasion serueth to obtayne the easelyer those thinges which God of his goodnes hath liberally promised vnto vs. God had promised vnto the tribe of Iudah that he would geue the land of Chanaan into their handes which althoughe they of Iudah faythfullye beleued yet were they not afeard to cal vnto them the Symeonites whych were their neighbours that they myght bee ayded of them in their fight For by that meanes they thought they should be the stronger to ouercome their enemies Christ hath no otherwyse confuted the deuyl which counselled hym to cast him selfe down hed long vnder the pretence of Gods promise wherin he sayd that he had now committed his health to the Angels whych sentence he put foorth out of the holye scriptures But the sonne of God answered that God must not be tempted but he must rather vse staires which were made for that purpose to serue to come downe by Moreouer al they are counted to tempt God which trusting to gods promises do neglect humane helpe which are already or maye be easelye prepared and gotten Dauid in the latter booke of Samuel setteth him selfe foorth vnto vs as an example who beyng wonderfullye adourned with the promises of God vsed for al that in the insurrection of Absalon not onely to flye away but also the diligence of Chusay the Arachite and of the Priestes Yea and Paul the Apostle as it is written in the Actes of the Apostels althoughe his onelye confidence was in Christ yet he appealed vnto Cesar made a discension betwene the Pharisies and Saduces and testified that he was a Citizen of Rome It is euident therfore by these manyfest examples that we must vse the helpe of nature and wysdome to obtayne those thinges which God hath promised to geue vs. Yong men are to be exhorted to good studies Wherefore the yong men of our tyme are diligently to be admonished to labour to attayne vnto languages good artes and sciences and that wyth great study Which they may when oportunity serueth vse in preaching and defending the
Gospell For although God haue promised that the preaching of hys woord shal be fruitful through the benefite of his spirite yet must euerye man instruct him selfe in hys vocation according to his hability Neyther ought men to bragge out of season as phanatical men are accustomed to do God according to hys promyse wyl be with vs when we shal speake He hath promised in dede and wyll surely perfourme when tyme wyl not serue or that a man can not either thincke or meditate what to speake But if libertye be geuen and leasure graunted to fynde dispose and wysely to deuise those thinges which we should speake then can we not be excused but that we tempt God when as we neglect to do these thinges Yea rather let vs plucke all thinges vnto vs what so euer they be so farrefoorth as godlynes permitteth and occasion offereth it selfe to helpe our labour to obtayne those thinges which are already promised vs. Furthermore Princes publicke weales may make leagues somtimes this coniunction of Iudah wyth Simeon doth admonishe the readers that it is lawful in those warres which ar taken in hand iustly to make a league whereby Princes or publique weales maye be ioyned together to defende honest thynges The godly ought not to ioyne them selues wyth the vngodly as Iudah now ioyned fellowshyp wyth the Symeonites to fyght against the Chananites But thys must be taken heede of that such coniunction and league be ioyned together wythout fault neyther ought the godly to ioyne them selues in league wyth the vngodlye For the scripture reproueth Iosaphat who otherwyse was a godly kyng for making league wyth wycked Achab and other kynges are often tymes reprehended by the Prophetes for ioyning them selues in league eyther wyth the Egiptians or els wyth the Assirians But surelye this Simeon was of the same region that Iudah was and both their endeauours tended to thys ende religiously to fulfyl the wyll of God I knowe there be some whych by the example of Asa kyng of Iudah beyng well praysed defende suche leagues made wyth Infidels For he beyng greuouslye oppressed of Basa kyng of the ten Tribes as it is wrytten in the fyrst booke of the Kynges sent vnto Benadab kyng of Siria as appeareth in the .xvi. chapter a certayne somme of gold and syluer and he made a couenant wyth hym of that condicion that he shoulde inuade the kyng of Israel whereby he myght bee deliuered from hys oppression But they whych affirme those thynges should consider wyth them selues two thynges Fyrst that the kyngdome of the tenne Tribes had now fallen from God and from woorshypping of hym Wherfore if an vngodlye kyng was styrred vp agaynst it the same is not for all that to be conferred wyth those whych confessing them selues to be Christians do incense Tyrannes whych are of a straunge religion agaynst other Christians Besydes that thys deede of Asa kyng of Iudah is mencioned in the holy scriptures But we cannot fynde that it was allowed to be well done Yea if we looke vpon the latter booke of Chronicles the syxtene chapter we shall see that that kyng was most greuously rebuked of God by the Prophet for suche a wycked deede For it is thus wrytten At that tyme came Hanani the Sear to Asa kyng of Iudah and sayde vnto hym bycause thou haste trusted in the kyng of Siria and not rather put thy trust in the Lorde thy God therefore is the hoste of the kyng of Siria escaped out of thyne hande Had not the Ethiopes and they of Ludim an exceadyng strong hoste wyth many Chariotes and horsemen And yet bycause thou dyddest put thy trust in the Lorde he delyuered them into thyne hand For the Lorde and hys eyes beholde al the earth to strengthen them that are of perfect hart towarde hym But thou herein hast done foolyshly and therfore from hence foorth thou shalt haue warres c. For I shewed before that we myght without daunger discommende thys example whych they bryng of thys kyng when as God doth so sharpelye chasten hym by hys Prophet But we wyll entreate of thys more largely afterward 4 And Iudah went vp and the Lorde deliuered the Chananites and Pherezites into their handes and they smote them in Bezek to the number of ten thousand men The victorie whiche the two tribes obteyned ouer the Chananites is described and accordyng to the manner of the holy Scripture the same is set forth and comprehended in fewe wordes afterward the maner howe the thyng was done is more amplye expounded Now briefly is declared that they of Iudah obteyned the victorie and slew ten thousand of their enemies Why suche as are ouercome are sayde to be deliuered of God into the handes of their ouercommers And the Lord deliuered the Chananites The holy Scripture obserueth his olde order to say that they whiche are ouercome in battaile are deliuered into their enemies handes by God and speaketh thus to adminishe vs that victory is not the worke of our owne strength but of the goodnesse and counsel of God Wherfore souldiours and emperours whē they haue the vpper hand in battailes they must bridle them selues from boasting and gloryeng which Ieremy also faithfully geueth counsell to do For he sayth let not him that is mightye glory in his owne strength Nebuchadnezar kyng of the Babilonians folishely despising this was so vexed tossed with madnesse that he was almost chaūged into a dumbe beaste Wherefore the administration of the kyngdome was taken away from him he liued in great misery of long time who out of doubt had not fallen into so great misfortune if as it was mete he had confessed that what soeuer he had gotten was geuen him by the prouidence and coūsel of God But as Daniel mencioneth he being puffed vp with the noblenesse and dignitie of his actes most presumptuously and proudly bragged of them for he sayd that in the strength and might of hys owne arme he had established the kyngdome of Babilon In the bookes of the Ethnikes thou shalte very seldome or peraduēture neuer fynde any suche kynde of speache For men whiche are destitute of faith do not ascribe those good thinges vnto god which they thinke they haue attayned vnto by any labour or industrie Yea and they ascribed the chaunces of warre not to come by the fauour of God but by strength and pollicye and sometymes by fortune Wherfore Cicero in his boke of diuination affirmeth that the victory of the Decianes whiche they gotte by vowing of them selues to the people of Rome Cicero Howe Cicero interpreteth the vowing of the Decianes was an excellent and polliticque deuise of warre So farre is he from attributing it to the prouidence of the gods They knew sayth he that the strength force of the Romayne people was such that if they sawe their captaynes either to be in extreme daungers or els to be slayne or to be taken of their enemyes that they would by no meanes suffre
70. kinges he would also haue them vnder his table to gather their meat there He did it surely to the setting forth of his victories and also whē he should eate meate he would not onely refreshe his body with meate and drinke but he would also reioyce his haulty and proude minde after a certein horrible sort he thought to him selfe that he had the fruition of no vulgare pleasure when as in his dayly banckets he renued after a sorte by that terrible sight the victoryes which he had hitherto gotten Sapor King of the Persians We read of the like example of one Sapor king of the Persians who when he had taken in warre Valerian the Emperour of the Romaines and father of Galien he bounde him with an Iron chayne and drew him with him set his feete vpō his backe as oftē as he would get vp vpō his horse Tamerlanes also king of the Scythians Tamerlanes caried about with him a tyranne of the Turckes taken by him and inclosed in an Iron cage Tirannes are infected with boasting and cruelty By these and such like examples we se that the mindes of cruel tyrannes are wonderfully sicke of the diseases of vayne glory and cruelty And hereby we gather that to much cruelty doth greatly displease god and therof I thincke it came to passe that as wel by gods lawes as by mās I speake but of those whiche are counted iust honest certain punishmētes were prescribed for crimes according to the grieuousnesse of thē whereby iudges had the lesse libertie geuen them to exercise tyranny Punishmentes are rather to be diminished thā augmented Yea the lawyers added this rule that punishmentes should rather be diminished by iudges thā augmented whiche is for all that to be vnderstād as much as the nature of the faulte cōmoditie of the publicque wealth suffereth whiche I therfore speake bycause some times those cōditions which cōmonly they call circūstaunces make the crime so terrible and horrible that the iudges must nedes there augment the punishments whiche haue ben prescribed by the lawes that to the entēt to feare away others frō so grieuous mischieuous dedes so Dauid when Nathā the prophet declared vnto him an execrable horrible thing he decreed a more grieuous punishment against him that was guiltie than the law had ordeyned for common thieues stealers of cattel Three kyndes of death in the lawe of God I haue therfore made menciō of these bycause there were in the law thre kindes of death appointed for euil doers I meane hanging stoning burning vnto which some Hebrues adde the fourth namely the punishment of the sword but bycause there is no mencion made therof in the lawe as farre as I know I haue therfore left it out We read that Adonias Ioab Agab king of Amalech many other were thrust thorough with swordes But we finde it not prescribed by any lawe or precept that the guiltie should be put to death by the sword Seing I say the matter is so The Hebrues vsed an extraordinary punyshment in their tentes we se that the children of Israel vsed nowe in their tentes a certein extraordinary kinde of punishmēt against the king Adonibezek And I beleue they did it not wtout the instinction of god For god would punish the cruelty of this tyranne with an exquisite punishmēt which was neuerthelesse of rendring like for like which kinde of wicked doing to the entent we may the caselyer auoyde it shall not be grieuous vnto vs to speake somewhat of it From whence this word cruelty is deriued This word cruelty is deriued either of this latin word Cruor which signifieth bloud wherin cruel mē like wild beastes do delite either of Crudae earnes which signifieth rawe flesh which fierce barbarous people somtimes do eate may be defined to be a vicious habite wherby we are inclined to sharpe hard things aboue reason The definition of crueltye And somtimes it happeneth the cruelty is coūted for a pleasure with which wicked affectiō or habite how tyrānes haue sometimes ben infected it is manifestly to be sene by many exāples This holy history setteth now before our eyes this Adonibezek the euāgelicall history maketh mēciō of Herode The Ethnike poetes haue made report of the cruelty of Atreus Thyestes and the most horrible wicked act of Xerxes king of the Persians is set forth by Seneca in his third booke de ira .xvii. The cruelty of Xerxes chap. which Xerxes when a certain man named Pithius who had well deserued at hys handes came vnto him and desyred him to spare him one of his fyue sonnes which he had and he bad him as though he would graunt him his request to chose him whom he lysted to abide at home from battaile And he did as he was bidden But this most cruell tyranne commaunded that the yong man whom he had chosen should be drawen one syde of him one way and an other the other waye so that at the length he was torne a sunder of the whych one part hee commaunded to be fastened in one corner of the way by the which the souldiours shoulde go and the other in an other corner saying that after this sorte he purged his hoste But not long after he was with much dishonour ouercome and beaten of the Grecians and constrayned to flie through heapes and dead carcases of his own men Silla Silla banished an infinite nomber of Citizens of Rome but at the length he was most horribly eaten vp of Lyfe Euen after the lyke sort dyed that most cruel Herode as it is manifestly declared by Iosephus Vnto this most wicked vice clemēcy is directly cōtrary which as a wonderful vertue doth maruailously wel agree with princes is a singuler ornamēt of Christian men Augustine in his boke of .83 Augustine What clemencye is Certayn foolish mercy Quest in the Quest 31. defineth it thus It is an habite wherby men styrred vp to hatred agaynst any man are through goodnes kept backe This vertue is a meane betwene cruelty and foolish mercy I cal it foolish mercy by which our mynde is so moued wyth other mens miseries that it declineth from sound counsell and iust reason And we are ouercome with this affection for this cause by reason wee woulde neuer suffer such thinges wherwith we see others afflicted iustly and worthily and because we our selues abhorre from such thinges we therfore leaue of from punishing the guilty Mercy is a profitable affectiō Mercy in dede is an affection profitably planted in our hartes of God whereby we are styrred vp to helpe and defende others But we must take heede that by it we be not made so soft and effeminate wherby we should commit any thing against the commaundementes and wyl of God Preposterous mercy is condemned in holy letters The holy scriptures reprehend Achab king of Samaria bicause he
fayth in Christ Whicâ— when it is done they are chaunged froÌ„ promises of the law into promises of 〈◊〉 Gospell And although they be frely graunted In euangelical promises although they be frely geuen yet must we work as though they were legal yet in atteining vnto theÌ„ we 〈◊〉 our endeuor studye no lesse than if they were promises of the law But yet 〈◊〉 touching those good thinges whiche endure but for a time and passe not maâ— strength labour and the rewardes of them are temporall it is not to be deny but that our workes are much auayleable For it is sayd that they are oftentimâ— gotteÌ„ by them Although also in obtayning them the fauor of god is nedeful thâ—â— unto which is aboundauntly bestowed on theÌ„ which worke by the word of God by faith Which thing is manifestly sene of the readers of this history for it decireth that god graunted the victory to a fewe Iewes being straungers and youâ— souldiers agaynst strong warlike men many more in number than they of monstrous stature and inhabiting most strong fenced cities and castles 8 And the children of Iudah fought against Ierusalem and tooke it smote it with the edge of the sword and set the citie on fyre 9 Afterward the children of Iudah descended to fight against the Chananites that dwelte in the mountaine and in the south and in the lowe countrey 10 And Iudah went agaynst the Chananites that dwelt in HebroÌ„ and the name of Hebron before was Kiriath Arba and they smote Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay 11 And from thence they went to the inhabiters of Debir and the name of Debir before was Kiriath Sepher The things which are now red vnto the xvii A briefe rehearsal of things in the booke of Iosua verse are most part transferred hither out of the booke of Iosua the .xv. chap and are now declared by a certain briefe rehearsall of things and it is done to this end that we might vnderstand that the tribe of Iudah had obtayned Ierusalem when Iosua was yet liuing so that it was the easier for him to lead away Adonibezek captiue thither And these be the things which are repeated in thys place out of the booke of Iosua The conquering of Ierusalem Hebron and Debir the matrimony also betwene Achsa Othoniel and the departure of the Kenites from the citie of Palmes That al these things I say are now declared by a certaine repetition it is therby manifest bicause it is written in the booke of Iosua that the king of Ierusalem was taken we read in the end of the xv chap. that the same citie of Ierusalem came into the handes of the people of God and that the children of Iudah dwelt in it with the Iebusites Besides that these things which are now rehearsed of Hebron are contayned in the x.xi and about the end of the xiiii chap. in the booke of Iosua And the historye of Achse and Othoniell is red in the xv chap. of the same boke How farre this parenthesis extendeth This repetition therfore or parentheses extendeth to these wordes And Iudah wet with hys brother Simeon c. In which place the author returneth to make mention of the actes which the tribes of Iudah and Simeon ioyned together dyd at this time performe Which thiÌ„g also by this appeareth the more manifest bycause strayghtway is declared how Gasa was taken which citie is sayd in the xi and xiii chap. of Iosua to haue yet remained in the hands of the enemies The perâ—erfect tence is expouÌ„ded by the preterplusperfecte tence is numbred among those cities which were not conquered vnder Iosua Wherfore the wordes of the preterperfect tense which are red in this repetition are to be interpreted in that time past which we call the preterplus perfecte tense that the order of the historye might be made more playne and manifeste They smote them with the mouth of the sword This is a Metaphor in this maner of speche very often tymes vsed in the holy scriptures wherin by the mouth of the sword we ought to vnderstaÌ„d the edge therof bycause it semeth to deuour and consume those thinges whych are smytten in maner lyke a mouth And wher it is said that They set the city of fyre we must vnderstand it by this figure Hypallege when the thing is cleane contrary for fire is throwne into the city and not the city into the fyre Neither ought this to be vnderstand thus as though they had then burned the whole citye For it is wrytten in the booke of Iosua and afterward it shal be expounded in this booke that that city was after that inhabited by the tribe of Iudah and Beniamin and also the Iebusites yea and the castle therof which was very wel fensed was not deliuered vp to the Israelites The city of Ierusalem was taken when Iosua was yet a lyue tyl in Dauid his time as it is declared in the latter booke of Samuel Neyther ought that to moue you bycause it appeareth not in the booke of Iosua that the city of Ierusalem was taken For although this be not plainly and manifestly spoken yet may it be vnderstand by those thinges which are there intreated of namely that the king of Ierusalem was taken and that Iudah dwelled in that city neither could he yet cast out the Iebusites from them Al these thinges I say are signes that the city was taken at that tyme although it was not yet possessed fully and in al partes It seemeth also somewhat obscure that it is wrytten that Iudah descended when he should go fight against the Chananites who dwelled on the mountaines When as we accustome in going to mountaines to ascend and not to descende But we must vnderstand that those countries wer ful of mountaines Wherefore when the host remoued from one mountaine to an other it must nedes descend first into the valley from whence it might afterward ascend vpon an other mountaine Thou wylt peraduenture aske whether Iudah at that tyme coÌ„quered the plaine or the valley which was betwene No verely He assaulted them in dede but he could not ouercome them For we shall heare in thys chap. that those which were not ouercome of Iudah in the valley had yron Chariotes so that by that meanes they were not ouercome And Iudah went against the Chananites that dwelt in Hebron These thnges are now therfore repeated that we should vnderstande that it was not of necessity that the city Hebron should be taken of Iudah then when the Israelites were in this iourney on warfare which they tooke in hand after the death of Iosua namelye at that tyme wherein the publique wealth was gouerned by elders without any certaine Iudge Iosua being yet alyue Why Hebron was called the city Arba. And the name of Hebron before time was called Kiriath-Arba and they smote Sesay Ahimman and Thalmay The reason of the name of this city is not of euery man taken a like The
them which thought giaūts were not borne of men bicause they thinke it is not possible the huge giauntes can be borne of mē of vsual bignesse stature Wherfore some of thē haue gone so farre that they haue affirmed that the first mā was a giaunt and that Noah also his childrē were Giaunts bicause they beleued not that the kind of mē could be either before or after the floud except their first progenitors had bene such if it were thought they should be borne of men But Augustine proueth that to be false sayth Augustine A womā giaūt that a litle before the ouerthrow made by the Gothes there was a womā at Rome of a giauntes stature whō very many out of diuerse countreyes came to see Which womans parents neuerthelesse exceded not the cōmon accustomed stature of other men The naturall cause of the great stature of giāts But as touching the cause of this huge bignesse of giaūtes if we should loke vpō nature thē can we bring no other reason but a strong naturall heate also a moysture which abundauntly largely ministreth matter for the heate doth extende the same not only into length but also it poureth out spreadeth it both to breadth also to thicknesse Giaunts therfore begā before the floud they wer also before the accōpanieng of the sonnes of god with the daughters of men after that also continued their generation Men therfore begat them and had a naturall cause such as we haue sayd There were also some without doubt after the floud for there is mencion made of them in the booke of Num. Deut. Iosua How huge the giauntes were Iudges Samuel Paralip and other holy bookes Concerning their bignesse stature we may partly gesse and partly we haue it expressedly described The coniectures are bycause Goliah had a cote of male weing v.m. sicles and a speare like a weauers beame and the Iron or top of his speare weighed 600. sicles We coniecture also that Og kyng of Basan was of a wonderfull bignesse and that by hys bed whiche being of Iron contayned 9. cubites in length And the Israelites compared with Enachim seemed as grassehopers These he signes wherby we may iudge howe bigge these men were But the bignesse of Goliah is described properly and distinctly in the booke of Samu. For it is sayd that he was 6. cubites and a hande bredth highe A cubite with the Grecians Latines And a cubite with the Grecians is two feete but with the Latines a foote and a halfe Some alledge the cause of this difference to be bycause the measure may be extended from the elbow to the hand being some tymes closed and sometymes open or stretched forth And thus much as concerning the stature of giauntes so farre as may be gathered by the holy Scriptures But we read among the Ethnickes farre more wonderfull thinges The Ethnikes opinion of gianntes Philostratus The common stature of men in our tyme. The measure of a foote such which seeme to some incredible Philostratus writeth in his booke of noble men that he sawe the carkase of a certain giaunt which was 30. cubites long and an other 22. cubites long and certain other also 12. But the cōmon stature of men in our tyme passeth littell aboue .5 feete And the measure of a foote agreeth both with the Grecians with the Latines for they both geue to euery foote 4. hand breadthes and euery hand breadth conteineth the breadth of 4. fingers that is the length of the litle finger But if the last fingers the thombe I saye and the litle finger should be stretched abroade then euery foote cōtaineth but two hand bredthes I thincke it not amisse also to declare here what Augustine writeth in the .15 Augustine booke de ciuit Dei 9. chap. where he reproueth those whiche obstinatly contend that there were neuer any men of so wonderfull huge a stature and testifieth that he him selfe sawe vpon the coaste of Vtica a tooth so great that being deuided it might easely be iudged to be an hundred fold bigger in forme and quantitie thē vsuall teth in our tyme are Vergil he also declareth in the same place that there were in oldetyme very many such bodyes of men by the verses of Vergil whiche are written in the 7. booke of Aenedos where he sheweth how Turnus tooke vp so great a stone from the groūde and threw at Eneas that 12. such men as the earth bringeth forth now of dayes could scarsely lifte whiche place he tooke out of the 6. boke of Iliades of Homere We may adde also vnto these the verses which the same Vergil hath writtē in the first of the Georgikes he shall wonder at the great bones digged out of the graues Moreouer Augustine bringeth Pliny the second who affirmeth in his 7. Pliny booke that nature the longer it procedeth in her course the lesser bodyes doth it bryng forth dayly Cipriane Whether the bodies of men haue decreased from the floud to our tyme. And he maketh mencion also of Homere whiche made complainte sometymes in his verses To whom I might adde the testimonie of Cipriane against Demetrian But if I should be asked the question whether I thought that the bodies of men whiche were brought forth after the floud are lesse than those whiche were before the floud I would peraduenture graunt vnto it Aulus Gellius but that they haue alwayes decreased from the floud euen to our tyme I would not easely consent to that and especially bycause of Aulus Gellius wordes whiche he wrote in the third booke where he sayth that the measure of the growth of mans body is 7. feete whiche seemeth also to be the measure at this day in mē of the bigger sort But lest I should dissemble any thing we read in the Apochriphas of Esdras the 4. booke about the ende of the .5 chap. that our bodyes are lesser nowe and shal be euery daye lesse bycause nature is alwayes made more weake And the same doth Cipriane as I haue a litle before sayd seme to affirme But why I would not so easely assent thereunto this is the cause for that I can se almost nothing altered in our time from the measure whiche Gellius defineth Pliny But now to Pliny agayne who sayth in his 7. booke that in Crete when a certayn mountaine was rent by an earth quake a dead body was founde standing whiche was 46. cubites long whiche some beleued to be Orions body other some Othus It is also left in writing that the body of Orestes being digged vp by the commaundement of an oracle was 7. cubites long But that whiche Berosus affirmeth Berosus that Adam Seth his sonne were giauntes and Noah also with his children as it is put without testimony of holy scriptures so may it also be reiected Now it seemeth good to declare Why GOD woulde haue so huge giauntes some tymes for what
they say by anticipatiō For it is written in the .11 chap. And Iosua came at the tyme destroyed the Enakims from the mountaynes namely Hebron Debir and all the mountaynes of Iudah If these things should haue ben mencioned in the place as things whiche should come to passe sone after the death of Iosua then had it not ben well spoken to haue sayd And Iosua came at that tyme. And this I thincke the reader shall playnly see proued if he will not thincke it paynfull diligently to read ouer the 10 and 15. chap. of Iosua 12 And Caleb sayd He that smyteth Kiriath Sepher and taketh it to him will I geue Hacsah my daughter to wife 13 And Othoniel the sonne of Kenatz Chalebs yōger brother toke it and he gaue him Hacsah his daughter to wife Here is wont to be demaunded how these cities Hebron and Debir should be written in the booke of Iosua to haue ben taken of Iosua when as it is here put that Chaleb conquered them Chaleb desired to haue these regions assigned him for his inheritaunce whereunto I aunswere that all that warre was gouerned by the conduicte of Iosua who was the chief and principall gouernour of the whole hoste but the principall settyng forward agaynst Hebron and other places adioyning thereunto was committed vnto Chaleb the chief of the tribe of Iudah and that not without a cause For he as it is written in the xiiii chap. of Iosua desired to haue that parte assigned peculiarly vnto hym for hys inheritaunce whiche requestes he easely obtayned For he required the same trusting to God hys promises Chaleb was a faithfull espye for when he was sent with other spyes to view the lande of Chanaan he faithfully made relation of the things as they wer in dede not vnfaithfully as his fellowes did Neither was he an author of the peoples seditiō as the other were yea he rather encouraged the peoples myndes and diminished those thinges whiche his fellowes had amplified concerning the fence of the cities of the giaūtes also and of the strength of the Chananites For he regarded not mās strength but with a singular faith most constantly remembred the power the goodnesse promises of god Wherfore god being angry with the rest destroyed them in the wildernesse so that they came not to the promised lande But he promised Chaleb for his faithfulnesse this inheritaunce whiche when he afterward demaunded he put Iosua in remembraunce of the thyng before done and of the promises of God God promised Chaleb the lād whereon he should treade And the place where the promise is contayned is in the 14. chap. of Num. there God promised him that land wheron his foote should treade whiche wordes the Iewes thincke thus to be expoūded The rest of the spyes being amased for feare of the giauntes and putting small confidence in god durst not entre into the citie of Hebron whiche Chaleb him selfe searched with a valiaunt courage The promise therfore of this possession was made vnto him in the second yeare after the deliuery out of Egypt Chaleb surely declared a valiaunt noble hart when as he did not only require the possession of these places but he enterprised also to conquere thē for al that they were fenced inhabited with most strong giaūtes Wherfore we must beleue that he tooke in hand such so great an enterprise not by his owne power but by gods promises And here ariseth no small doubt howe Chaleb being of the tribe of Iudah Hebron was one of the Cities of refuge could obtayne the citie of Hebron which by lotte belonged to the Leuites For god had cōmaunded that certain cities as wel beyond Iordane as on this side should be had for refuge sake The cities of refuge belōged to the Leuites that thither might flye as many as had slayne any man by chaunce and not of pretensed purpose And the possession of those cities whiche were therfore appoynted belonged to the Leuites Wherfore it was not lawfull that Hebron should be geuen to Chaleb The Leuites had the citie of Hebron but Chaleb had the grounde and Lordship seing it was numbred amōg the cities of refuge These thinges are true but we must vnderstand in the meane tyme that the Leuites myght possesse but their cities only the suburbes adioyning to the walles of them But as for the grounde or dominion whiche they call at this day Lordship it was not graunted them to haue Chaleb therfore desired to possesse the grounde but as for the citie whiche he had in his handes he let to the Leuites as the lawe commaunded It is most certein that there is mention of the citie Hebron in the booke of Gen. when as it is there written that Abraham liued in the groue of okes of Mamere the same had if we may beleue Ierome a precious turpentine tree which grew there from the beginnyng of the world and continued till the time of Constantine the great It is said to be 12000. paces distaunte from Ierusalem Dauid reigned in it some while before he was anoynted king ouer all Israel Neither haue we any thyng to do to write nowe of the auncientnesse therof seing I haue somewhat spoken of it before And Chaleb sayd he that smiteth This whole history is declared in the 15. chap. of the booke of Iosua word for word wherby it appeareth that that is most certain whiche I before admonished you of The conqueryng of Debit was harde namely that all these thinges are now mencioned by a certain repeticiō The conquering of Debir semeth to haue ben paynefull and daungerous and meruelously much desired of Chaleb when as he offreth so ample noble a gift to the conquerour therof namely his owne daughter to wyfe being him selfe the prince of the most noble tribe of Iudah And Othoniel the sonne of Kenaz Chalebs younger brother tooke it It is certain that Othoniel obtayned the victory but whether be were Chalebs brother or his brothers sonne or some other kinne to him it cānot be gathered by these words But how they were kinne it wer good to know partly for the knowledge of the history partly to vnderstand whether the matrimony which followed betwene Othoniel and Achsah were lawfull In the first booke of Paralip Hefron was called also Iephuna and second chap. the father of Chaleb is called Hesron whiche man was the third frō Iudah for Iudah had Pharez by Thamra his sonnes wife and Phares begat Hefron which was called by an other name Iephuna for which cause Chaleb is very often written the sonne of Iephuna R. Salomoh Of whiche thing I can not tell what fonde inuētion R. Salo. writeth namely that he was so called bycause he disagreed from the mynde and counsell of the other spyes Panah signifieth in Hebrew to depart or to decline wherfore he thincketh that this surname was geuen to Chaleb for the cause now alledged Neither maketh that any
playnly written that they went frō thence to Iudah Wherfore I can better agree with Iosephus Iosephus Why the Kenites departed from Iericho who writeth the they therfore departed frō thence bicause in the deuision of the land distributing of fieldes as I haue before sayd their inheritaunce fell about the tribe of Iudah wherfore they got thē vnto it when Hebron Debir were conquered But why frō the time they came ouer Iordane euen to this time they dwelt rather about Iericho thā in any other place seing the scripture speaketh not of it I am cōtent to lacke the knowledge therof But bicause this Kenite as many Hebrues confesse was the father in law of Moyses which thing also Ierome confyrmeth in his booke of traditiōs or Hebrue questions vpon the first boke of Samuel vpon Paralip we must therefore call to memory Iethro of whom is mentiō made more largely in the boke of Exodus That Iethro was he to whō Moyses came when he fled out of Egipt What this word Cohen signifyeth who was also either prince or priest of Madian For the Hebrue word Cohen signifieth both therfore the holy historyes writeth of the sonnes of Dauid that they were Cohenim that is princes highly exalted amongest magistrates ii Sam viii Aben-Esra for so were kynges wont to exalte their children Although Aben-Esra affirmeth Moyses father in law to haue bene priest of Madian And sayth that he ministred not to Idols but to the true god for the pure worshipping of god was not so peculiar to the people of Israell but that there were godly men in other places which worshipped god sincerely There is no doubt but the Melchisedech was such a one whō the scripture calleth the priest of the high god Moyses defended the daughters of this Iethro frō the shepherdes at the wel by which meanes he was made his sōne in law And afterward when he fed his shepe not farre frō the mount Sina he was called of god to deliuer the people of Israell frō the Egiptian bondage Wherefore he asked leaue of him to depart went his way to Egipt frō thence after wonder full works of god he led the people into the deserte and fought agaynst Amelek in whose land Kenite the Madianite dwelt And when Moyses had obtayned the victory Iethro who was not with Amelek in the warre came vnto Moyses hys sonne in law reioyced at his happy successe in the battaile he did sacrifice and cōmunicated together with his sonne in lawe the rest of the Israelites in geuing thankes to god He gaue also vnto Moyses wholesome coūsell not to weary himself in hearing al causes But rather that he should haue men chosen out which might both heare also determine cōmon and light causes such as wer harder to be referred only to him and he for the most hard matters to aske coūsel of god and loke what god had answered commaunded the same to be decreed for the people Whē Iethro or Kenite had done these with Moyses in the wildernesse after the warre of Amelek before the law was geuen he returned into his own countrey as it is written in the xviii Chap. of Exodus But concerning his returne into his own countrey there are two opinions Of the returne of Moyses father in law into his countrey both of the Hebrues our men Some say that he returned to dispose and set an order in his domesticall things and to make preparation for his familie to iourney with the Israelites Which things being al finished almost in one yeares space he returned to his sonne in lawe and went together with him and the Israelites to the land of Chanaan And so they say although it be sayd in the historye that he departed before yet it is truely put in the boke of Num. that Moyses spake with him in the second yeare from the departure out of Egipt when the tabernacle was then finished orders appoynted wherby the Hebrues shoulde go forward For he destred him not to depart frō him but to be as it were an eye to the Israelits in this their iourney into straunge countryes for that he knew all the places of the desert very well bycause he was borne in the countrey adioyning vnto it Not bycause the pyllers and cloudes led not the Israelites safely soundly but bycause this man was very cunning in pitching and camping an hoste Moyses woulde therfore as they say haue him to instructe the troupes of Souldiours which shoulde goe forth and to prouide that they going forwarde shoulde abyde ioyned together and shoulde keepe the iuste manner of warlyke order Whereunto thys also was a helpe for that by reason of hys knowledge of the countreyes he coulde easely admonyshe the Israelites of the nature of those places and howe farre distante and nyghe they were together Howbeit other say that Iethro so returned to hys house after he had reioyced with Moyses that he retourned not vnto hym agayne for as it is to be beleued he was very aged and therfore he spent the reste of hys age with hys neyghbours and familye in Madian exercisyng his office eyther of a prince or ells of a priest Neuerthelesse they thynke that he left a sonne with Moyses called Hobab to the entente he might be throughly enstructed by Moyses hys kinnesman and by Aaron and other excellent men of the Hebrues in Godlinesse and knowledge of worshipping of God Therfore they wil haue this man to be he whō Moyses spake vnto in the .x. of Num. and made ouersear for pitching of the campes Besides that they say that this mans sonnes familye were now at this present called Kenites And I my self to say what I thinke true do much agree with this latter sentence For Balaam the Prophet in the .24 chap. of Num. prophecied peculiarly of the Kenites Balaam the Prophet that they should haue their habitations in the most fenced places and that thei should there abide til they were led away captiues by the Assirians he ioyneth them as it appeareth manifestly in that place with Amelek for as I sayd before they inhabited al one land with the Amelekites Wherfore it is gathered that Iethro so departed from Moyses into Madian to dwell there continually And so it might be that Balaam the Prophet ioyned the Kenites with the Amelekites of which Kenites neuerthelesse part were with the Israelites for as much as Iethro as it is sayd left his sonne with them Besides this in the .x. chap. of Num. Hobab was desired of Moyses to come go with the Israelites whether they went who refused to goe any farther bycause he was mynded to returne home into his countrey For he was left there of his father to be better instructed in the worshippyng of God and he abode with the Israelites tyll they were readye to depart thence And then he thought to haue returned into his countrey but being desired of
Moyses he consented at length to iourney forth with the Israelits But these things could not haue bene so if we should thinke the Hobab had bene Iethro which after he had deuided set his things in order should haue returned againe to Moyses with the minde purpose to haue gone forward with the Israelits For what neded Moyses to haue entreated hym to do that for which cause he came from hys owne house to doe Or why shoulde he haue chaunged hys purpose to retourne into hys owne countreye whiche he had before vtterly forsaken Lastly why shoulde he afterwarde haue denyed to goe which he had before decreed with hymself to do I know in deede there be some but not many which affyrme that Iethro was that Hobab with whom Moyses spake in the booke of Num. which thyng let thē affyrme for me howbeit I thought good to declare what I iudged most likely And that the familye of the Kenites dwelled long among the Amelekites or very nyghe adioynyng vnto them the fyrste booke of Samuel testifyeth where it is written that Saule called forth the Kenites least he should haue destroyed them together with the Amelekites Wherefore it semeth that parte of the Kenites dwelled with the Amelekites part with the Israelits of whiche both of thē were alwaies most frendly to the Hebrues And god declareth that he had excellētly adorned thē in their publique wealth that with three principal giftes For they excelled in the study knowledge of the law Three thinges God seemeth to haue geuen to the Kenites They were also notable in obtaining of a great victorye Lastlye they liued vertuously and godlye And concerning the study of the law wherein they floorished the first booke of Paralipomenon and seconde chapter towarde the ende is a wytnesse vnto them For there is mencion made of them with the family of Iambes that is of Othoniel and they ar said to haue bene Scribes wherby it appeareth that the tradition of the Hebrues is not to bee despised that in the doctrine of the lawe they were the disciples of Othoniel for they ar reckoned in his family And it is a very common thing to count disciples in the place of children Ierome Ierome also in hys questions vpon Paral. alloweth this opinion which as it is said seemeth to agree with the scriptures Neither do I thynke that for anye other cause there is mencion made of them in this place among the actes of Othoniel Why mencion is made here of the Kenites but onelye bycause they lyued together alwaies with his family most louingly They ar also counted with the tribe of Iudah although they were not of the stocke of the Israelites Wherfore they amongst other wer a fygure of the callyng of the Gentiles The other notable ornament of theirs in that publique wealthe was that noble victory which is declared in the .4 chap. of this booke For Iahel the wife of Aber the Kenite slew Sisara the captayne of warre of Iabin king of Chanaan and God would by the hand of a woman of this familye graunt great health to the Israelites Lastly that they wer wel manered and obseruers of their fathers commaundementes the family of Ionadab the sonne of Rechab hath declared They dronke no wyne which at that tyme was the maner of the Nazarites Prayse of the Rechabites and notably despising earthly thinges they dwelled not in houses but lyued in tentes and exercised the arte of a shepherd which is most simple For which thing they are very much commended of Ieremy the Prophet and adourned wyth a most ample promisse aboue the Iewes bycause they had geuen more seruice obedience vnto him namelye Rechab their parent than the Hebrues had done vnto God himselfe which neuertheles dyd continually boast in that father and holy progenitours Wherefore we knowe that to be most true which Paul hath taught to the Romanes that they in dede had Abraham to their father whiche followed the steppes of hys fayth they were not Iewes by nature but by wyl and faith were made Proselites and in godlynes and holynes farre passed very many of those which were by nature Iewes We gather moreouer hereby It is very profitable for men to ioyne them selues to good godly persōs that it muche auayleth vs to ioyne our selues with good men and with the fellowshyp of the godly The Kenites which wer the posterity of Hobab if they would haue rested as the most part of men do in their own countrye and in the place where they were borne they had fallen at length into the ignoraunce of God and of his lawes wherby they should easely haue bene lyke vnto their neighbour Amalek But bycause they despising theyr owne thinges and kyndled with the faith of the promisse of God ioyned themselues vnto the Israelites What are the moste honest causes of peregrination therfore God gaue them suche good successe in theyr thinges We ought to remember with our selues the moste honest cause of the peregrination of these men For al good men trauayle not into straunge countries for one purpose There be very many which do therfore often tymes leaue their countrey bycause they may not worship God there after the sincere lawful maner of worshipping yea they are grieuously troubled there if they endeuour them selues therunto So Abraham was called out of his lande and from hys kynred least he should styl haue gone forwarde with his elders to contaminate him selfe with idolatry So Christ also said if they shal persecute vs in one city let vs flye vnto an other But ther be other which though they be not letted at home from the true godlynes yet for al that they wil go see those places wher they thinke they may yet get more profyt Plato his pergrination is praysed and be more certainlye enstructed in thinges deuine and necessary for saluacion For which cause Plato is commended bycause he came to the Egiptians went to a part of Italy that is great Greace he went also vnto diuers nations as though he should follow wisdome flieng from him So in like wise Saba the quene is commended in the holy scriptures which trauailed from so farre countries to heare Salomon after this maner the Kenites of whom we entreate folowed the people of Israel for although at home they knew worshipped one God whose Priest their father also was yet neuertheles they desired to be styl more instructed and more absolutelye to receaue the lawes institutions and worshipping of God They are also very much worthy of praise which do for this cause only trauaile into other countries to profyt others and to helpe and deliuer them from the miseries wherewyth they be oppressed After which sorte the Poetes haue sayd that Hercules wandred through the world Hercules by his might to destroy wicked and hurtful men which miserably afflicted mankinde Neither did the Apostels trauaile throughout the whole worlde for any other
must alwayes loke for this when they are afflicted by the goodnesse of god that it would please him to mitigate the temptations and geue thē strength to beare them for as much as he hath promysed by his Apostle so to do For it is written to the Corinthians God is faythfull whiche wil not suffer you to be tempted aboue your power but will with the temptation make a way out But whether god doth stirre vp men to sinnes by temptation shal be afterward declared But now to the history 20 And they gaue Hebron vnto Chaleb as Moyses sayd and he expelled thence the three sonnes of Enak 21 And the children of Beniamin dyd not caste oute the Iebusites that inhabited Ierusalem Wherefore the Iebusites dwelled with the children of Beniamin in Ierusalem vnto thys day Thys sentence is therefore repeated bicause now the warres of the tribe of Iudah are declared of which warres Chaleb without doubt was the captayne Wherefore here is declared what he obteyned Namely those thynges whiche God would haue done as he had spoken by Moyses as it is written in the fyrste chap. of Deut. and .xiii. chap. of Num. and xiiii and xxv chap. of Iosuah But that which is written after it how that the children of Beniamin dyd not caste out the Iebusites that inhabited Ierusalem but dwelled together with them perteyneth to those things which the other tribes had to do with the Chananites and it beginneth with Beniamin for thys cause bycause that tribe was next to Iudah yea and that which is now written of Beniamin The citie of Ierusalem was cōmon to Beniamin Iudah is declared of the tribe of Iudah in the booke of Iosuah toward the ende of the xv chap. And I thynke that that was therfore done bicause the citye of Ierusalem was in the limite of both the tribes and was inhabited together both of them of Iudah and also of the Beniamites Yea and some affyrme that the part of the citye where the temple stoode belonged to the tribe of Beniamin and to that purpose do they wrest that which Iacob the Patriarch sayd on his death bed when he blessed hys sonne Beniamin Beniamin is a rauenyng wolfe early taking hys pray in the morning and deuiding the spoyles at euen thynkyng thys oracle to belong to the morning and euenyng sacrifices of the Temple But howe truly they so doe I will not nowe reason But yet they are not so farre oute of the waye as Augustine whiche drewe the saying of the Patriarche to Paule the Apostle bycause he was of the tribe of Beniamin A fayned tale of the Hebrues I am not ignoraunt how the Hebrues write that the Iebusites were not cast out for thys cause bycause that Iudas and Beniamin would kepe the couenaunt which as it is written in the xxi chapter of Gen. was made betwene Abraham and Abimilech King of the Gerarites where the moste holy Patriarche sware that he woulde not molest neyther the same Abimilech neyther hys children nor yet hys childrens children wherefore seing he and hys posteritye inhabited Ierusalem and hys childrens children liued euen to thys tyme they saye it was not lawfull for the Hebrues for bycause of theyr othe geuen to caste them oute But afterwarde vnder Dauid the tyme of the couenaunte was oute bycause then were the childrens children of Abimilech worne out And for that cause Dauid dyd caste out the Iebusites oute of the citye of Ierusalem as it is written in the latter booke of Samuel the v. chapter But these are but fables yea if we looke in the foresayde booke of Samuell we shall fynde that the strong fenced Castle of that citye was the cause that the Iebusites were not caste oute before For Dauid to the end be would obtayne the castle promised a noble reward to him that coulde conquere it namely that he woulde make hym Captayne of the whole hoste of Israel Two causes why the Iebusites were not expelled oute of Ierusalem whiche office Ioab obtayned bycause he fyrste of all Conquered the Castle There were two causes why they of Iudah and the Beniamites dyd not caste oute the Iebusites out of the citye One was bycause they obeyed not the worde of God as they should haue done wherfore they are muche to bee blamed The other cause was bycause by the prouidence of God and hys moste wyse dispensation the whole victorye of these nations was reserued for Dauid and Salomon For so God abuseth the synnes of men that they hynder not but set forwarde hys Counselles specially for the aduauncyng of hys electe But to retourne to the Hebrues howe shoulde they knowe that the posteritye of Abimilech dwelled in Ierusalem The Scripture testifyeth no suche thyng Neyther can they tel whether Abimilech his stocke belonged to the Iebusites Wherfore let vs leaue their fayned opinion vnto thēselues Ierusalem was in the olde time called Iebus let vs follow this sentence nowe alledged as the truer But this is not to bee ouerskipped that Ierusalem was sometymes called Iebus For as muche as the .xix. chapter of this boke testifyeth the same also the fyrst booke of Paralipomenon in the xi chap. The summe is the Iebusites possessed the castle whiche being well fensed for as much as God had iustly with drawen his helpe for the Hebrewes they could not be dryuen out of it but Beniamin and the tribe of Iudah obtayned the Citie in the meane time Why Saul Dauid triumphed in Ierusalem Vnto whiche citie Saul and Dauid went after they had gotten the victory against the Philistians and Dauid himselfe brought thether the hed of Goliah whom he had slayne Peraduenture that citie semed mete for that triumphe bicause it was cōmon to the tribe of Iudah and Beniamin vnto which tribes Dauid and Saul belonged For as Dauid was of the tribe of Iudah so was Saul a Beniamite And the Iebusites dwelled in Ierusalem vnto this day That is euen to the time of Samuel who is thought to haue written this booke For afterwarde came Dauid when he ruled ouer all Israel and expelled the Iebusites from thence as it is sayd 22 In like maner they that were of the house of Ioseph went vp to Bethel and the Lord was with them 23 And the house of Ioseph caused Bethel to be searched whiche before tyme was called Luz 24 And the spyes saw a man come out of the citie and they said vnto hym shewe vs we pray thee the way into the citie and we wil shew thee mercy 25 And when he had shewed thē the waye into the citie they smote it with the edge of the sworde But let the man and all his houshold go free 26 And the man went into the lande of the Hethites and built a citie and called the name thereof Luz whiche is the name thereof vnto this day After the tribes of Iudah and Beniamin is also declared in a certaine ordre what the other tribes did The house
was in their power The lawes made by god against the Chananites myght be mitigated to promise mercy and safety vnto this man And as touchyng the commaundement of God they thought gods lawes not to be so rigorous but they might be mitigated with some equitie as they remembred was done with the Gabaonites who were neuer the lesse Heuites or Hemorrites Thou wilt say peraduenture They were so saued that they were brought into bondage Bondage is a ciuille death And necessitie of bondage is a certain kynde of ciuile death wherfore in that the life of the body was graunted them the commaundement of the Lord seemeth not to be violated for they were killed after a sorte The question is not dissolued by this reason For God prescribed by law that the Chananites should be put to death he referred not that to a ciuile death but to a naturall death for otherwise Saul might haue excused him selfe bycause he killed not Agag the king of Amalek with an outwarde death For he might haue sayd that he had alreadye kylled hym ciuilly But bycause we are fallen into talke of the Gabaonites Of the Gabaonites I thincke it good to say thus much of them God ratified the othe performed to the Gabaonites First that God did ratifye that othe whiche the Israelites performed vnto them for as muche as he ayded the host of the Hebrues in deliueryng their citie from the other Chananites But if so be that they had violated the curse whiche was set forth of God he would not then haue done it For bycause of the sinne of Achan who had by stealth saued somwhat of that whiche was cursed in Iericho he did not helpe his people but suffred them fowly to be slayne when they fought against the citie Hay Besides this it is writtē in the latter booke of Samuel that God plagued the Israelites thre yeares continually with most grieuous famine bycause the Gabaonites were contrary to the othe slayne of Saul miserably dispersed Wherfore according to their request they had seauen of Sauls posteritie deliuered them to be hanged These are most certayne signes that God ratified the couenaunt which was made with the Gabaonites althoughe the Hebrues did grieuously sinne bycause they asked not counsell of God Augustine sayth vpon the x. chap. of the Iudges Augustine when he interpreteth that place where it is written that God promised Iosua that he would be with him in the defence of the citie Gabaon For he sayd be not affeard for I will deliuer them namely the Chananites whiche besieged that citie into thine handes if this league sayth he nowe made with the Gabaonites had displeased God then would he haue commaunded Iosua not to take in hand that expedition but rather to haue broken the couenaunt made with that nation But contrarily he encouraged hym and of his owne accord not called vpon promised to aide him in the fight as it may appeare by the history But why he did allow the league so made Why God allowed the league made with the Gabaonites there may be two reasons geuen for it One which is there mentioned bycause they had bounde it with an othe And if the Israelites shuld haue violated that their neighbours would haue coūted them as irreligious and vngodly and their God should haue ben mocked and contemned Wherfore lest the name of God and the fame of the Israelites should haue ben euill spoken of it was ratified althoughe it was vnwysely and without prayse perfourmed The other cause is The Gabaonites were turned to the true God bycause the Gabaonites did now beleue in the true God and were redy to embrase his religion and worshipping Whiche may easely be gathered by two argumētes For they sayd as it is written in the ix chap. of the booke of Iosua that they came in the name of the Lord beyng therfore moued therunto bycause they had heard what thynges God had done for that peoples sake both in Egypt and also in the deserte and lykewise about Iordane This is a tokē that they now beleued the God of the Israelites Moreouer the same appeareth in that they were appoynted by the Hebrues to cary and to prepare wood and also to draw water for the sacrifices whiche were done vnto the true God Therfore they were made labourers and seruauntes of the tabernacle and of the tribe of Leui wherof they were called Nathinites Nathinites And that the lawes whiche were made of God agaynst the seauen nations which inhabited the land of Chanaan were by this equitie to be interpreted and mitigated that if they returned to the true God would make peace with the Iewes they should not be destroyed it manifestly appeareth by that whiche is written in the xi chap of the booke of Iosua namely howe those nations were therfore destroyed bycause none of them the Gabaonites only excepted made peace with the Israelites For God to the end he would extinguish them had hardened their hartes and therfore they most obstinatly fought agaynst the Israelites Why god hardned the hartes of the Chananites But the cause why God so hardned their harts was bycause their sinnes were ful Wherfore they beleued not as did the Gabaonites neither adioyned they thē selues vnto the Israelites And for that cause they continually resistyng them fought so vnluckely that at length they were cleane destroyed But if so be that they had made peace with the Iewes and not despised their godlynesse and religion they should haue had the same geuen them whiche the Gabaonites had But in that they did not so their former sinnes were the hinderaunce therof for God for those sinnes tooke away his spirite and grace from their hartes that at the last they might suffer most iust punishment for their wickednesse This is the equitie and mitigations of those lawes against the Chananites Why the Gabaonites were brought into bondage But there ariseth a doubt why the punishement of bondage was imposed to the Gabaonites if they nowe became so good and faithfull Whereunto is aunswered that they therfore fell into bondage bycause they vsed fraude and guile For God would for this cause haue them so punished lest he should seme to allowe disceate and euill artes Whether the Luzite repēted Ierome Now resteth to enquire what this betrayer of Luz did whether he beleued and embrased the true worshippyng of God Out of the holy scriptures we can gather nothing of this thing Peraduenture it may seme to some that he abode still in his vngodlynesse bycause he went awaye from thence neither abode he with the Iewes But this is but a weake reason For Iethro also departed from Moyses whō he came to se in the desert although as I thincke he left his sonne with Moyses Neither would Christ haue all those continually with him whom he healed and whiche beleued in him yea he sayd to one of thē who would haue dwelled with hym returne to thine owne
and as God hath commaunded that euill maye be taken awaye from the worlde Yea and it is also lawfull for hym to offer rewardes to men confederated together for some ill purpose It is lawfull for them to offer rewardes to conspirators to open theyr conspiracye Augustine to allure them to open and detecte the conspiracye bycause that assuredly pertayneth to treason Howbeit heresy is neuer either to be dissembled or to be praysed or any wicked Acte to be committed that lawfull kynde of treason shoulde haue good successe Wherefore Augustine in hys latter booke of Retractions testifieth that he wrote hys booke de Mendatio chiefly for thys cause bycause some to the ende they woulde detecte the Priscillianistes fayned them selues to be followers of the same heresye for that the same Priscillianistes when they were accused Of the Priscillianistes affirmed with greate stoutenesse that they were farre from any suche doctrine But for all that afterwarde they disclosed them selues vnto those whome beyng deceaued by theyr dissimulation they thought they myght well haue trusted But Augustine in the same booke De mendatio teacheth that by this dissimulation of the Catholickes very many euils daungers chaunced For there they commende Priscillianus they vniustly praise his boke which is entituled Libra they allowed the heresy pronouncing many things which could not be spoken without blasphemie Moreouer that which they did was dangerous for if they whiche after this sort dissēbling were of any authoritie or estimation the heretikes might by their commendation be confirmed in their opinion those specially with whom they did so dissemble For those peraduenture were Priscillianistes before althoughe not very firme constant which after they heard their heresy to be praysed of a graue man did then sticke more more in their error Furthermore in thus dissembling and beyng conuersaunte with the Priscillianistes the dissembler also might easely fall into danger that he him selfe at length might become of a Catholicke a Priscillianiste And finally the heretikes them selues by the dissimulation of our men might easely gather that they did very well in hyding dissemblyng and denyeng their doynges But that betrayeng is sometymes lawfull in a iust cause and such a cause as is without the dangers aboue mencioned not onely the reasons whiche we haue before alledged do declare but we may also proue it by very many examples written here and there in the scriptures The Gabaonites Rahab The Gabaonites betrayed the rest of the Chananites when they fell from them to the Hebrues Rahab also betrayed her publicque wealth or kyng in receauyng hydyng and sendyng awaye them whiche were deadly enemyes vnto it who is sayed neuerthelesse in the Epistle to the Hebrues to haue done those things by faith Iahel Iahel also the wife of Aher the Kenite betrayed Sisara for she by a meruelous craft slewe him whom she had called into her and closely hidden as it shal be afterward declared in his place in this hystory of the Iudges Ionathas Yea and Ionathas the sonne of Saul betrayed vnto Dauid the wil and counsels of his father as it is written in the first booke of Samuel Husay the Arachite Besides all these Husay the Arachite betrayed Absolon the sonne of Dauid when he withstandyng the counsell of Achitophel did thrust in his owne counsell whiche was farre worse and shewed all things vnto Dauid I might bring in a great many more examples But I thinke these are sufficient for the ware reader Certein cautions are to be added to lawfull prodition The first caution Now resteth only to declare certain cautions or prouisoes wherewith lawfull treason is to be decked and adorned and not to be condemned The first is that he which betrayeth be by a certain faith assured that the cause is iust which he aduaunceth whiche can not be done excepte that he haue sure proofe of the goodnesse therof by the word of God Neither do I at this present argue whether the same word be reuealed vnto him in harte The secōd caution or whether it be opened vnto him in the holy scriptures Then must he take hede that being now well assured of the righteousnesse and honesty wherunto he is inclined he be only prouoked therunto with the loue therof and not with the hope of rewarde or gayne or for feare of any misfortune whiche he desireth to escape or to satisfy his hatred and enemities deceaued The third caution For so should he seke his owne and not iustice neither the obedience of hys fayth and of the will of God Furthermore it is very necessary that a man be not dryuen to that but then when all other kynde of remedyes wante For Rahab so did for except she had then so kept the Hebrew spyes they had bene by mans reason vndone neither was there then any other waye to saue them And certainly it oftentymes chaunceth that all other ways meanes being tryed the worse parte will not be brought to sobernesse so that there is no other remedy but onely by prodition And I would therefore haue these cautions diligently obserued bycause that men are to muche prone to proditions and that such as are both filthy and wicked Wherfore we must take hede that by the exāple of good men they flatter not thē selues as though they were innocent The fourth caution Moreouer Paul hath admonished vs not only to auoyde that which is euill it selfe but also the shew therof Howbeit we must vnderstand this doctrine of his in such sort as we may accomplishe it For it is lawfull sometymes to cōmitte a thing whiche is euill to see to but not euill in very dede whilest yet there is hope that the thing may be straight way made playn so that the which at the first sight semed euill may manifestly be knowen to be good So the Apostle hym selfe circumcised Timothe and shaued his hed whiche of them selues and in very dede were not euil although they semed to haue had a certayn shewe of euill vnto certayn of the Ethnickes which were cōuerted wer not yet wel strēgthned The fifth caution Finally periury or lyeng are not to be mingled with those proditions whiche may be allowable For as much as it is manifest by the Apostolical rule the euils are not to be cōmitted wherby good things may follow I know there be some which go about to defēd those kynd of lyes which are called officious or honest Honest and officious lyes are not to be allowed Augustine But Augustine doth not allow that Whose reasons they which are desirous to know let thē read his boke Ad Consentiū I assuredly agree vnto his opinion For though there were no other reason yet me thincketh this were sufficient bycause the lyer bringeth himself out of credite wherby nothing that he afterward speaketh cā scarcely be beleued for they which heare it wil suspect it alwaies as a lye And besides this that scripture doth
a superiour power These seeme after thys manner to be deuided some to haue iurisdiction eyther proper or by heritage or els committed vnto them by Emperours Kynges and publique wealthes Or els they are wythout iurisdiction and are counted noble onely for nobilitye of bloude or for ryches heaped together And assuredly for so much as those latter sortes differ nothing almost from priuate menne in myne opinion wee muste so iudge of them as before I haue taught of priuate men But the first which are Rulers of Prouinces Cities and places eyther by inheritaunce or by office committed vnto them they ought not otherwyse to doo in the thyng whereof we now entreate than wee haue before prescribed for those which are mere and full Magistrates For by the commaundement of the superiour Princes it is not lawfull for them to compell the Subiectes whom they gouerne vnto vngodly religion neyther to permyt the same to those Infidels whych inhabite in their dominions But if thou wilt say we must obey the hygher power I graunt that but vsque ad aras that is An answeare of the Lacedemonians as farre as religion suffereth When they whych ouercame the Lacedemonians commaunded suche thynges as were against their lawes and institutions they sayde We woulde rather dye yea than ye shoulde commaunde vs thinges harder than death Wherefore suche kynde of Magistrates must in all other thynges be subiect to the superiour power but in those thynges whyche are agaynste the woorde of God they muste not in anye sorte followe theyr affection An example of the Machabites The Machabites when the Iewes then lyued vnder the Macedonians Antiochus Demetrius and Alexander who wythdrewe the Iewes from the true woorshypping of God would not be obedient vnto them And when that that house of priesthoode was chiefest next to the kynges house least the syncere and auncient religion should be destroyed it fell from these kynges The bookes of the Machabits conteyne not so do argumēts wherby the doctrin of the faithful cā be proued Neyther in alledging these thynges count I not the bookes of the Machabites to be suche from whence I woulde iudge any strong argumentes of doctrine maye be taken but that I counte that storye true as a storye whyche is not onelye contayned in theese bookes but also hathe beene wrytten of other authours An example of Ezechias I wyll adde also the acte of Ezechias the kyng who as it is wrytten in the seconde booke of Kynges the .xviii. Chapter was bounde to the kyng of the Assirians For as it is mencioned in the same booke the .xvi. chapter Achas had yelded hym selfe vnto the kyng of the Assirians to whom hee dydde not onelye paye tribute but to please him with all he chaunged the woorshyppyng of the true God For he goyng to Damascus to meete the kyng commaunded an aultar to bee made at Ierusalem accordyng to the example whiche hee had there seene and followed the religion and woorshyppynge of the Sirians But Ezechias his Sonne beyng verye godlye perceauing that those thinges which his Father had done were against the woord of God vtterly fel from the king of the Assirians who then ruled ouer him as a superiour power But first he assayed to pacifye him with giftes and money but when he saw that woulde take no place We must beware as muche as is possible of sedicions he defended both his people and him selfe against him with al his power We must take heede neuerthelesse that in those thinges wee beware of seditions as much as may be and we must most diligentlye prouide that suche Magistrates vnder pretence of religion seeke not their own These thinges if they obserue and resist their superiour Magistrates onely for godlynesse sake let them not suspect that they commit anye vniust thyng Moreouer the holy Scriptures commaunde that euery soule shoulde bee subiect to the higher powers But that must be vnderstande as muche as shall be lawfull by the woord of God For in the same scriptures it is written That a Magistrate is a feare not to good woorkers but to euyll Wherefore if the inferiours doo not set forward euell workes but good they do not then resiste theyr powers Wilt thou not feare the power sayth the apostle do good and for that thou shalt be praysed Wherfore if they defend godlynes they shall deserue rather prayse than blame But if thou do euyll feare the power for he beareth not the sweard in vayne for he is the minister of God and a reuenger to anger against him which doth euyll Al these sentences do confirme the courages of the inferiour powers that they should be nothing afearde of the superiour power when they in defending of religion obey it not But thou wilt say by what lawe doo inferiour Princes resist either the Emperour or Kynges or elles publique wealthes when as they defend the syncere religion and true faith I aunswer by the law of the Emperour or by the lawe of the King or by the law of the publique wealth For they are chosen of Emperours Kinges and publique wealthes as helpers to rule whereby Iustice may more and more florishe And therfore were they ordeyned according to the office committed vnto them rightly iustly and godly to gouerne the publyke wealthe Wherefore they doo according to their duty when in cause of religion they resist the higher power Neither can that superiour power iustly complain if in that case the inferiour power fal from it The Emperour testifieth in the Code Iustinian that his mynde is not that any of hys decrees shoulde take place in iudgementes agaynste right but that they ought to bee made voyde and of no force if that peraduenture they bee knowen to declyne from Iustice Wherefore Traian is not vnworthily commended A goodly sentēce of Traian whych when he delyuered the sweard and the gyrdle vnto the Lieuetenant of the Pretorshyppe sayd If I rule iustlye vse it on my syde but if I rule vniustlye vse it agaynst me Gregory a Byshoppe of Rome can not bee excused An errour of Gregory Bishop of Rome whyche knowing that the lawe made by Mauritius was vniust for he had decreed that no manne beyng occupyed wyth busynes of the publique wealthe or appoynted for warrefare should be made a Clarke or a Monke wrote in deede to the Emperour that when hee had seene hys lawe he was wonderfullye affrayde and therefore desyred hym eyther to remytte somewhat of the rigour thereof or els vtterlye to alter it Howe beit he added that he woulde nowe that hee hadde done hys dutye in admonishing hym bycause of that obedience and seruice whych he oughte vnto hym publyshe the lawe at Rome as he was commaunded Vndoubtedlye thys act of Gregory cannot but be reproued bycause he ought not to haue obeied the superiour power in that thing whych he iudged to be vniuste or wycked When we do after this sorte write of these thinges we do nothing at all
For if GOD would teache the Israelites the arte of warrefare then iudged he not that arte vnlawfull And to thys purpose serueth that which Dauid sayd Blessed be god which teacheth my handes to warre and my fyngers to battayle But thys question whyther it be lawfull to make iuste warres is not nowe to be entreated of for as muche as it is most euident and that by the holy Scriptures that it is lawfull And we shall haue occasion in an other place to speake at large of that matter Wherfore I will declare what the Hebrewe expositours iudge of thys place R. Salamon R. Dauid Kimhi and also R. Leui ben Gerson write that God when he had tempted the Hebrewes and detected theyr vngodlinesse and Idolatrye withdrewe from them their strength and ayde Wherby when they attempted to make warres by their owne power and to fight by their owne strength they learned what it was to make warre When God fought for the Israelits they knew not what it was to make warre Whereas before when God himselfe fought for them they were ignoraunt of it For he endued them with strength he draue a feare into their enemyes dissolued their strength and gaue the Hebrewes a prosperous successe in theyr enterprises One dyd then pursue a thousand and two ten thousand It is therfore aptlye sayd that the Israelites when he had not yet broken the league and god fought for them were ignoraunte of warlyke feates How our fyrste parentes after sinne knew both good and euell Euen as the fyrst parentes of mankinde when they had eaten of the forbidden tree beganne to know both good and euill For before when they were nourished with the grace of GOD they were touched with the feeling of no euil And we commonlye say of children when their parentes are taken from them that they shall nowe fele what it is to gette theyr own liuyng which before they had not learned when they had their parentes liuing Christe also vsed the same kinde of speche when he sayd vnto the Apostles When I sent you without bagge or scrippe vndoubtedly you wanted nothyng But now bicause I shall be taken from you let him which hath no sweard bye him one for hereafter the times shall be harde and paynefull vnto you so that ye shall proue and haue experience of those thinges which hitherto ye haue not felte And this is the meaning at this present that the Hebrewes were brought of necessitye now at the length to knowe and feele God commaūded nothing in the lawe for the learning of the art of warfare what it was to make warre with enemyes stronger than themselues They had not experience of that before GOD taught them it in taking awaye their strength and ayde Neither is it founde in the whole lawe that he ordained any thyng for the learning of the arte of warrefare In Deutronomye the xx Chapiter he made certaine lawes for making of warre but they pertayne nothing to the attayning of knowledge in the arte of warrefare And I in my iudgemente doe allowe the interpretation of the Hebrewes rather than that which was fyrst assigned 3 Of those whom he left there were fyue Lordes of the Philistians and all the Chananites and Sidonites and the Heuites that dwelled in Mount Libanon euen from Mount Baal Hermon vnto the entrance of Hamath 4 Those I say remayned to proue Israell by and to wete whether they would obey the preceptes of the Lord which he commaunded their fathers by the hand of Moyses 5 The children of Israell therefore dwelt among the Chananites Hethites Amorites Pherezites Heuites and Iebusites That which is in the Hebrewe Sirni Ierome sometimes translateth rulers and sometimes Lordes And we may call them Princes or Presidentes or ells Gouernours Satrapes Those woordes the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But yet they are deriued of the Persians yea the Latines sometimes vsed thē Terence in his comedie Heautontim Terence writeth If Satrapes that is a Lord be a louer he shal not be able to abide the charge Dauid Kimhi Dauid Kimhi thinketh these words in the text Fyue lords of the Philistians to be a figuratiue kinde of speche that by the fyue Lords The names of the Lordships of Palestine we might vnderstand those fiue places which they were lords ouer that is fiue Lordships of the Philistians And those places be named in the booke of Iosua the 13 chap. Gaza Asdod Ascalon Ackron Geth Of euery one of these cities they toke vnto thē the name of the lordship And vndoubtedly there is manifest mencion made of them in the fyrst booke of Samuell for of ech of thē there were gifts gathered wherwith the arke of the couenaunt was adorned to be sent agayne to the Israelites Howbeit this may seme to be strange how these cities should now be sayd not to be conquered by the Israelits When as in this booke the first chap. Gaza Ascalon Aekron are declared to be wonne in that battaile which was made by the tribes of Iuda and Simeon Whereunto we aunswere that in dede those cities were taken at the time when as for all that they were not fully conquered by the leading and conduct of Iosua as it is written in his boke Howbeit at this time as the history now testifyeth they were not in the power of the Iewes For by reason of the sinnes of the Hebrues the strength of the Philistians was confyrmed other nations of the land of Chanaan waxed euery day strōger stronger but the Israelites on the contrary side were feabled Wherfore it was an easye matter for these places to fall againe into the power of the Philistians For they were very skilful in feates of warre and they had yron and hooked Chariottes Neither did God fight for the Israelites Wherefore they might without any great trauaile by reason of the sinnes of the Iewes recouer againe the places which they had loste In that it is written And al the Chananites we must not vnderstand it absolutely and simplie but only of those which inhabited the places here mencioned Farther we must note that in the boke of Iosua there were also Chananites and Zidonites rehearsed which were not at that time destroyed And as touching the Mount Libanon The Mounte Libanon some write that it was so called of frankencense which the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Yea and the Hebrues call frankencense Libona And Mount Hermon as the boke of Deut. teacheth was called of the Amorrites Naschir of the Sirians Scherion Wherof peraduēture the prouince of Siria had his name 6 And they tooke the Daughters of them to be their wyues and gaue their own daughters to their sonnes and serued their Gods 7 Wherefore the children of Israel did wickedly in the sight of the Lord and forgot the Lorde their God serued Baalim groues The Israelites synned three times against God First bicause as it is already shewed
vs is verye synne but in respecte that it commeth from God it is both good iust and holy For punishment is by God imposed to wycked men And to punishe synnes no man is ignoraunt but that it partayneth to iustice Wherfore God in withdrawing his grace from the vngodly and ministring some occasions which might moue to good things if they happened to right iust mindes and which he knoweth the wicked wyll turne to euil may after a sort although not properly be said to be the cause of sinne And vndoubtedly that act A â—â—militude in that it passeth through vs is sinne but not as it coÌ„meth from God For in that it coÌ„meth froÌ„ God it is most perfect iustice It happeneth somtimes that the self same wine being poured into a corrupt vessell is lost and made paide which wine as it was brought by the husbandmaÌ„ put into the vessel is both swete and good Neither is it hard to vnderstand how one the selfe same act may as touching one be vicious in respect of an other iust For when a murtherer hangman do kill a man the act as touching the matter or subiect without doubt is al one namelye the death of a man And yet the murtherer doth it most vniustly the hangman by law and iustice Iob also did wel vnderstand that when he said The Lord gaue the Lord hath taken away as it hath pleased him so is it done He did not by those wordes praise the Chaldians Sabines the Deuil which wer vessels of iniquity most vicious but he with great godlines allowed those euils as they were gouerned ruled by the prouidence of God namely for this cause bicause they pleased God It is also written in the .2 booke of Samuel the .24 chap. of Dauid who vnaduisedly wold haue the people numbred how God was angry with Israel therfore he styrred vp Dauid to do that And in the booke of Paral. it is writteÌ„ that Sathan was the doer of it For God doth those thinges which he wil haue done by Angels as wel good as euil Wherfore that numbring of the people as it proceeded of Dauid or the Deuil was in dede vicious but in that it came from God who intended to punish the Israelites it pertayned excedingly to the setting foorth of hys iustice Howbeit Iames sayth that God tempteth none to euyll but euery one of vs is allured by our own concupiscence Augustine Whyther God tempt or no. Augustine wryting of thys thyng in hys booke de consensa Euangelistarum saith that there are two kyndes of temptacion the one of trial the other of deceite And in dede as touching tryal he denyeth not but that God tempteth for that the scriptures do confesse it But with that kinde of temptation which deceaueth whereof Iames wrote he sayth that God tempteth no man But the scriptures teache not so as we haue declared a litle before of Dauid and before him of Achab. Yea and in Ezechiel the .14 chap. god saith that he had deceaued the Prophet And the same Augustine writeth not after the same maner in other places as it manifestly appeareth in hys bookes de Praedest Sanctorum de Cerrept Gratia ad Valent. and in hys .5 booke and .3 chap. contra Iulianum Wherfore the true interpretatioÌ„ of this place is that euery man is therfore tempted of his own concupiscence bicause al men haue their natural disease which is corruption and vicious lusts which ar together borne with them do also grow and increase in them Wherefore God instylleth no malice of his for we haue inough at home Therefore he cannot bee accused for as much as the beginning of vngodlines wickednes commeth not from hym God when he wyl bringeth to lyght our frowaconesse of mynde but lieth hid in vs. He ought not therefore to bee counted to geue the cause and fault who yet when it semeth good vnto him wil for iust causes haue our lusts wickednes brought to light and rule gouerne our wicked acts therby more and more to illustrate his iustice and glorye to aduaunce the saluation of the godly Wherfore his singular goodnes and prouidence is very much to be praised which can so iustly and wisely vse so wycked meanes Whence the variety of pronenesse to synne commeth But if a man wil aske how it happeneth that some are more prone to sinnes than others if as it is sayd malice wyckednes ar rooted into vs al from our byrth neither is it nede that any new or latter malice should be instilled in vs froÌ„ God And seyng that we ar al brought forth of one the selfe same lumpe and that lumpe likewise is altogether viciated it shoulde seeme that all also ought to be of a like disposition and inclination to wickednes But thys is diligently to be weighed that besides thys disposition ther happen naturall malices maners customes wicked qualities fellowshippes temperatures of bodies sundry parentes diuers countries and manifold causes wherby some are made more or lesse prone vnto sins which pronenesse of ours God according to his iustice goodnes and wisdome vseth and stirreth it vp gouerneth and ruleth it And this is not to be forgotten that none of vs haue so in our selues the beginninges of good actes which truely please God as wee euen from the verye birth haue within vs the beginninges of sins For they ar inspired in vs by the holy ghost and we continuallye receaue them of God neither burst they foorth out of the corrupt beginninges of our nature Now resteth to see from whence after the synne of Adam that frowardnes and corruption came Whether the first corruption after the synne of Adam were deriued froÌ„ god or no. and whither it wer deriued from God to punish the wicked act which was committed I answer that we maye not so thynke for man was for the fault which he had committed allenated from god wherfore he iustly withrew from him his giftes fauour and grace And our nature being left vnto it self falleth and declineth to woorse and woorse yea it coÌ„meth to nothyng from whence it was brought forth at the beginning Wherefore we must seke for no other efficieÌ„t cause of that corruption Wherefore by that wythdrawing of giftes and grace and departure from God which is the fountain of al good thinges nature is by it self throwen headlong into vice and corruption But now let vs returne to the history 12 Againe the children of Israel dyd euill in the syght of the Lord. And the Lord strengthened Eglon king of Moab against Israel bicause that they had done euyl in the sight of the Lord. 13 And this Eglon gathered vnto him the Chyldren of Ammon and Amalek and went and smote Israel and they possessed the city of Palme trees 14 And the childreÌ„ of Israel serued Eglon king of Moab .18 yeres The history declareth first the sinne which the Israelites committed then it
that he was a wycked king neyther departed he from the woorshipping of golden Calues Wherefore it is lawfull for vs to graunt that in lying he synned A distinctiō to be noted And as I thinke and before admonished by this onely distinction we maye easily dissolue this doubt Namely that those men were styrred vp to lye either by the spirite of man or by the motion of God When they dyd it as men wee will not denye but that they synned but when they spake so by the inspiration God we will maruaile at their sayinges and doinges but let vs not take example by them or follow them ¶ Of dissimulation Dissimulacion is of two kindes BVt what shal we affirme of dissimulatiō I answer that it is of two kindes One is which hath a respect onely to deceaue And that forasmuch as it differeth not much from a lye it is vndoubtedlye synne If one being wicked doo fayne himselfe to be good and holy the same man without doubt is an hipocrite and in that he dissembleth he haynously sinneth Whosoeuer also hauing a malitious and enuious hart against anye man doth flatter the same man and dissembleth to be his friend he is not without synne yea he is infected with a detestable dissimulation But ther is an other kinde of dissimulation which tendeth not to deceaue any man but serueth onely to kepe counsels secrete that they bee not hindred And this dissimulation is not to be repudiated or to be condemned as a syn forasmuch as we haue alredy declared that it is not alwaies required that we shoulde open what soeuer truth wee knowe What Christ mēt by his dissimulation So Christe being most innocent tooke vpon him the flesh of syn hid his innocency diuine nature And that not to deceiue mortal men but that he might suffer for the saluatiō of mēt For if he had bene knowen to haue bene the Lord of glory thei would neuer as saith the Apostle haue crucified him The same Christ fained also before two of his Disciples that he would go farther He did not that to deceiue them but hee therfore a while opened not himself vnto them to reprooue them of their incredulity and to instruct them by testimonies of the scriptures Therewithall also he signified how farre he was from their hartes Or as Augustine interprereth it he shaddowed vnto them his departure into heauen Wherefore it manifestly appeareth that in those dissimulations there was no lye seing his woordes did well agree wyth the thyng signified And Dauid when hee fell into a most great daunger before Achin Kyng of Geth chaunged his countenaunce and fained himselfe a foole Of the dissimulatiō of Dauid and for that hee seemed suche a one he escaped Here some say that he cōmitted no dissimulation but that God to deliuer him strake such a feare in him that his senses might be taken from him and so did these thinges whych are rehearsed of him in the fyrst booke of Samuel Wherefore in his Psalme which beginneth Psal 34. I wyl alway geue thankes vnto the Lorde he gaue thankes vnto God for so great a benefite And therwithal in his act by the inspiratiō of God he shadowed what Christ should suffer for our sakes namely that he should be counted as a foole and a mad mā Either els we answer that Dauid is not altogether to be excused of synne if as a man being more afeard than was mete he sought for this kinde of helpe But if he by the mocion of God did it wittingly and with knowledge we wil not accuse him of synne although we may not follow his example Neither is it lawful that any man should fayne himselfe to haue committed any crime which he hath not perpetrated Gregory Augustine although Gregory saith that good myndes wyll there acknowledge a fault wher none is Augustine writeth more truly and soundly of that thing in his .29 Sermon de verbis Apostoli For he writeth In so faining if before thou wast not a sinner thou shalt be made a sinner namely in saying that thou hast cōmitted that yl which thou hast not perpetrated It is lawful in dede for euery man to confesse himself to be a synner in vniuersall But this or that crime in special no man ought to receaue in himself which he hath not in verye deede committed Farther we must note that this is true that it is not required of vs that we should open the truth euery where and in all places to speake al that we know but yet in iudgement the same is not to bee permitted For when two of vs are examined as witnesses there we are bounde to testifye that whych we know serueth for the thing whereof at that time we be demaunded ¶ Whither it be lawful to lye to preserue the lyfe of our Neyghbours BVt there ariseth a more hard doubt namely whether it be lawfull to lye for to preserue the life of our neighbour Augustine of a lye to Consentius saith Augustine If a man should be in verye great daunger of death the same man also should know that his sonne also wer in the like extreme daunger which happeneth to dye and thou knowest of his death when the Parent shal aske thee lyueth my sonne or no and thou art sure that he also wil dye if thou shalt tel him that hys sonne is deceased what wouldest thou do in this case whyther thou sayest he liueth or whither thou saiest I cannot tel thou lyest But if thou shall answer that he is dead al men wyll cry out vpon thee as though thou haddest cōmitted manslaughter and as though by thy heauy newes thou haddest bene the occasiō of the death of this father being sycke and lying at the poynt of death Augustine graunteth that it is a hard case neither denieth he but that as a man he shoulde be moued peraduenture it might so happen that affections woulde not suffer him to speake that which is iust right But al the length he concludeth that he should not lye And he addeth moreouer A similitude that if thou knowest that any vnchaste woman loueth thee inordinately which also threateneth to kyl her selfe yea and wil do it in very dede vnles thou wylt graunt to her wicked lust whether therfore thou oughtest to be entised to commit any filthye thing against chastitye I think not So also saith he thou oughtest not for the sauing of thy neighbours life to offend against the truth And moreouer what a window shuld be made open to lyes if we shoulde otherwise iudge of thys For that which one shall thincke to be lawful for life an other wil iudge that he may do the same for money an other for estimation or for defending of lands possessions And so shal it come to passe that there wil be no measure or end of lyes We maye not suffer sayth Augustine that any man should kil his own soule for the corporall
lyfe of an oother man Yea and he affirmeth that we must not lye for the saluation of anye mans soule Euery lye sayth Iohn is not of God but wee ought not to speake those thinges which are not of God What if murtherers should persecute a man to kil him thou knowest that he lyeth ther hiddē wher thou presently art they demaūd of thee if thou knowest whither he be there or no He answereth that if thou be of a valiant courage as it becōmeth a Christiā thou must say wher he is I know but I wil not vtter it do ye what ye wil. But whē the matter cōmeth to this point that for the safety of any mans life thou must make a lie know thou that thou oughtest to cōmit the thing vnto God that thou hast nothing there more to doo Either thou must answer that thou wilt not betray him or els thou must hold thy peace But by thy silence the murtherer wil suspect that he is in thy house and then thou shalt seme to haue geuen occasion of his taking But in verye deede thou hast not so done For thou canst not let him to thinke what he wil. Wherfore the matter is rather to be cōmitted vnto God than that thou shouldest make a lye Howbeit thou must very wel weigh with thy self namely to speake so that thou say not al and yet speake not falsly For in these cases I thyncke it is not forbidden yea I iudge it is most lawful to speake doubtfullye And as touching this question thys is sufficient As I deny not but that our Ehud manifestly lied so wil I also say that he was stirred vp of God so to speake Those wordes vndoubtedly although they deceiued Eglon yet without controuersy they declared that which was in very deede true namely the word of God that he had a secret thing to do with the kyng ¶ Whither it be lawful for Subiectes to ryse agaynst their Princes BVt leauing these thinges let vs come vnto the third question wherof for as much as I haue somwhat before spoken I thinke not to speake of it aboundantly in this place least I should be more ful of wordes than is needeful Let vs deuide subiects as we haue before deuided them so that some of them are mere priuate men others are in such sort inferiors that the superiour power in a maner dependeth of them as among the Lacedemonians wer the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and at Rome the Tribunes of the people Those which onely are subiect counted altogether priuate ought not to rise against their Princes Lordes to dysplace them of their dignity or degree The two Apostles Peter Paul haue commaunded the same namely that seruants should obey their Lordes how rough hard soeuer they be Farther the sword as it is written to the Romanes is geuen onely to the powers And they which resist the power are sayde to resist the ordinance of god God would that the Iewes should obey Nabuchad-nezar he was angry with Zedechias the king bicause he fell from hym Yea Ieremy by the cōmaundement of God admonished and exhorted the people to pray for the health of the king of Babilon Dauid also would not stretch forth his hād against the anointed of the Lord when he might haue done it with out any difficulty to his great cōmodity The godly soldiours of Iulianus the Apostata obeyed the same Iulianus in fighting and pitching their campes nether did they at any time being also armed rebel against that most cruel tyran Phocas whē he had slaine Mauricius possessed the Empire by great violence vniustice wrote to Rome to Gregory who obeyed him as his Prince and gaue vnto him great reuerence But ther are in publike weales other which in place dignity are lower than Princes yet in very dede they elect the superior power by certaine lawes do gouern the publike wealth as at this day we see in done by the Electors of the Empire and peraduenture the same also is done in other kingdomes To these vndoubtedly if the Prince performe not his couenants promises it is lawfull to constrain to bring him into order by force to compel him to fulfil the conditions couenants whiche he had promised and that by warre when it cā not otherwise be done By this meanes the Romanes somtimes compelled the Consul whom they themselues had created to go out of their offices The Danes in our time did put down their king held him long in prison Polidorus Virgilius Polidorus Virgilius writeth that the Englishmen somtimes cōpelled their kings to render accompt of the mony which they had noughtely consumed Neither are we ignoraunt that Tarquinius the proud Of Brutus and Cassius was by the Romanes for his ouermuch cruelty arrogancy put out of his kingdome I wil not speake of Brutus Cassius which slew Caesar but whether they did it iustly or otherwise most graue mē vary in the opinions And I in examining their enterprise by the rule of the scriptures do not allow it Bicause they gaue not vnto him the tyranny or Empire of Rome but he vsurped it himself by violence and power And God as Daniel testifieth transferreth Empires kingdoms And although it be lawful to resist tirānes which inuade a kingdome yet when they haue obtayned the Empire and that they do gouerne it semeth not to belong to priuate men to put them downe Wherfore forasmuch as the kingdome of the Iewes was suche a kingdome that in it al men depended of the king for they were not chosen by the noble men but by succession the posterity of that family gouerned which God had also cōmaūded therfore in the lawes in Deut. in the .1 booke of Sam. wherein the ryght of a king is constituted ther is no liberty graunted to any to resist them Yea somtimes it happeneth that some of them wer killed But yet we neuer reade the god allowed the murther of them yea he punished the murtherers When God at any time would trouble the kings of Iuda he did it by the Babilonians Assirians Egiptians but not the Iewes He onely armed Iehu against his Lorde whyche thing as it was peculiar so also must not wee take example by it Hee destroyed Saul also by the handes of the Philistians and not by Dauid Neither am I ignorant how manye thinges are decreed of this matter in the Code in the digest in the law Iuliā maiestatis But I studieng to be brief do of purpose ouerpasse these things And although I know right wel that the Ethniks in the old time appointed rewardes for such as killed Tirannes yet I haue answered that godlines the holy scriptures do not allow the same Vndoubtedly if it be lawful for the people to put down kings that raigne vniustly no kinges or Princes should at any time be in safety For although they raygne iustly and
God euen then vseth by a certayne wonderfull manner to styrre vp great miseries and calamities out of ashes and sparckels which wer thought to haue bene long time quenched Iabin the king of Chanaan was kylled by Iosua as it is written in his booke the .xi. chap. and Hazor his kingly City destroied and burnt with fire Wherfore none would haue looked that war shoulde haue bene renued againe on that part But an other Iabin the sonne or sonnes sonne of him that was killed tooke courage againe and inuaded and oppressed the Israelites But least al that should be ascribed vnto his strength it is added that God intermedled in the matter when hee solde the Hebrues vnto him that is graunted vnto him to vse them as he thought good hymselfe euen to all most vile seruices and that as most abiect bondslaues And this calamity is amplified by many names First by the longnesse of the tyme for it continued .xx. yeares when as before Othoniels time they were afflicted onely .viii. yeares And before Ehud was stirred vp they serued .xviii. yeares It is declared that this seruitude was very cruell bicause Iabin oppressed the Hebrues by strength and violence And Iosephus writeth that it was in such sort that they durst not so much as to lift vp their head And the cause of his so great crueltye was Why Iabin was so cruel vnto the Hebrues bicause he remembred that the Iewes in the time of Iosua had killed his Father or Grandfather And had ouerthrowen the kingly City Hazor in wasting and burning it wyth sword and fyre Farther the violence and power of his tyranny is by this declared in that he had so great a number of yron or hooked chariots and if we may beleue Iosephus he went a warfare with three hundred thousand footemen Iosephus ten thousand horsemen and three thousand chariotes among which .ix. hundred of them were of yron Neither for al his great host had he ben able to haue brought the Hebrues vnder subiection vnles God as we haue before said had solde thē And vndoubtedly it is to be thought that Iabin vsed these .ix. hundred chariots which the history speaketh of by name to afflict the region of the Iewes which he had now conquered and to the end they should not fal from him And he dwelt in Hazoreth Howe raigned this man in Hazor whē as in the time of Iosua the City was ouerthrowen To this we answer first that after the ouerthrow which happened vnder Iosua the rest of the Chananites fled into a very huge wood which is called Of the Gentiles ther bi litle litle they so increased their power that thei set ouer thēselues a king which was of the surname of the first king namely his sonne or els his sonnes sōne which is therfore said to haue raigned in Hazor bicause he stil retained the title of the place as very many kings do at this day which keping the title of certain places do cal thēselues kings of the same places wherin in very dede they haue no possessiō at all But the Hebrue interpreters think the Hazoreth was a large huge wood which cōtained in it many cities Castels Vnto which sense the Chaldey paraphrast leaneth which turneth that worde munition of Castels This day also in Germany there is the wood of Hercinia wherin are both Cities and very many Castels And it is called Of the Gentiles either bicause a great number of diuers people resorted thither or bicause those places were built and fenced by the labour of manye Gentiles We might otherwise also answer that much more likely to be true namely that the citi of Hazor was after Iosua recouered reedefied by the Chananites so that it was the kingly city agayne wher Iabin either the sonne or els the sonnes sōne of the first Iabin raigned And to this reedefieng the times serued very aptly For from the burning of Hazor there wer passed .150 yeares more or lesse that is eight yeares of bondage which happened vnder the king of Mesopotamia .40 yeares of Othoniel .18 yeres of seruitude vnder Eglon king of Mesopotamia .80 yeres wherin Ehud peaceably iudged the Israelites and .20 yeres this Iabin afflicted the Hebrues Wherfore he might easily reigne in Hazor being againe reedified and this maketh with it bicause it is not writtē of this Iabin that he dwelled in the wood but that Sisara his captayne dwelt there For kinges vse not to kepe an house in their kingly citye but rather to haue them in their borders or in the fieldes wher they may be prompt and redy to accomplysh thinges to be done 3 And the children of Israel cried vnto the Lord for he had .900 chariottes of yron and .20 yeares he opressed Israel very sore 4 And Deborha a Prophetesse the wife of Lappidoth iudged Israel the same tyme. Both by the thinges before declared also by these which are now spoken of we may vnderstand the frowardnes of mans nature for vnles it be by troubles and aduersities brused and broken Men in desperate thinges call vpon God it regardeth not God yea as long as there is any hope of other helpes it neglecteth God and vseth them But whē thinges ar past all hope and do seperat then god is required as a certayne holy ankerhold Wherfore it is no maruayle though the Hebrues deferred their repētance 20. yeares long Surely I am persuaded that they did oftentimes grone and cry But bicause they lamented not that they had offended god and wickedly committed sinnes but only desired him to take a way the payne long punishment and paraduenture murmured against God therfore wer not their praiers heard But now at the last at the .20 yeares ende when with fayth and godlynes they prayed vnto God Though God deferre his help yet wee muste not dispaire he heard their prayer and graunted them their requestes By this example let vs learne that we must neuer dispaire of the help of god although it be deferred We all in deede desire to be strayghtwaye deliuered of our troubles but god in his counsel thinketh not good so soone to take away his punishments Wherfore that which he hath decreed we also must pacientlye suffer Deborah a Prophetesse God which before to deliuer Israel had chosen Ehud which had an impediment in his right hande and then Sangar a husbandman armed onely with the goade of an Oxe nowe choseth a woman by whose conduct the Iewes might be deliuered from a most grieuous enemy God vseth both stronge and weake a lyke Wherefore by these examples he aboundantly sheweth that his power is not bounde vnto noble men and to strong men but hee can easilye vse the weake and feable ones Yea and he sheweth forth his power rather in these than in the other Howbeit to declare that it is all one vnto him as touching both kynde of instrumentes sometimes he vseth the strong ones and other sometimes the weake ones And
spirite as in very dede they are there can no sinne be in them without a great faulte Wherfore let Salomon go whether he will with his fables Leade thy captiuitie captiue She exhorteth Barac to triumphe with a certaine pompe to boast of his captiues For by that meanes it semed that the honor and name of God should more and more be illustrated when all men vnderstoode that the Chananites were now captiues vnto the Hebrues who before thought that they would either vtterly destroy the Hebrues or els take them prisoners This is the punishement of the iust lawe called the law of the like that they should iustly suffer those things which they vniustly went about to do vnto others Farthermore the Rabbines haue here noted that the songe is peculiarly ascribed vnto Deborah bycause she was a Prophetesse but the triumphe was geuen vnto Barac bycause in the battayle he had fought agaynst his enemies 13 Then they that remayne haue dominion ouer the myghty of the people the Lord hath geuen me dominion ouer the string Agayne the victory is by a comparison amplified not as it was before with the euils and discommodities wherwith the Israelites were oppressed but the conquerers are very aptly copared with thē which were ouercome They which were ouercome wer vndoubtedly of great renowme valeant expert in warres noble but our men seme to be like remnants for fewe came vnto the battayle and those fewe were of fewe tribes Besides that those few whiche came were men despised and of no reputation For that commonly suche are remnātes namely to be both small in number and also vile and abiecte if it be compared with other whose remnant they are Howbeit these remnantes what maner of men so euer they were they had the dominion and were gouerners ouer the noble men The Lord hath geuē me dominion This is added by correction lest any man should thinke that any thing in this battayle is attributed vnto mans strength It is the Lord himselfe whiche ouercommeth and hath dominion Neuerthelesse hath done this by me That worde Li may be thus vnderstand as though she should say thorough me or as God would ouercome by her or the ioy approbation and pleasure is noted whiche she conceaued in mynde of thys greate honour of God 14 Out of Ephraim was there a roote of them agayne Amalek after thee Beniamin agaynst thy people out of Machir came rulers and of Zebulon they that drawe with the penne of the writer 15 And the princes of Isaschar were with Deborah and Isaschar so Barak was sent on his feete in the valley in the diuisions of Reuben were great thoughtes of heart Vergill and Homere rehearsed the order and number of the ships captaynes people which wer helpers vnto those princes whom they praised so now Deborah rehearseth those of the people of Israel which came to take in hand this warre Deborah was of the tribe of Ephraim A roote of them that is a prince of Ephraim This I thinke pertayneth to Deborah her selfe for as it semeth she was of Ephraim and iudged the people vnder the oke of Ephraim as is before sayd and without doubt this warre was taken in hand by her conduct and admonitions But this semeth somewhat darke in that it is sayd that the battayle was appointed agaynst Amalek but by a figure or figuratiue kinde of speache we must by Amalek vnderstand the Chananites also Howbeit I am not ignorant that by this roote of Ephraim some vnderstand Iosua who was both an Ephraite and also fought agaynst Amalek as it appeareth in the boke of Exodus and they suppose that in these thinges which follow therfore is made mention of the tribe of Beniamin to declare shew forth that Saul whiche should come of the tribe of Beniamin should within a while afterwarde finishe the warre agaynst the Amalekites whiche thyng we read was done in the first booke of Samuel This exposition as I do not abiect so also I do not easely allowe it bycause I do not thinke that the actes of Iosuah are now rehearsed neither can I be persuaded that Deborah by the spirite of Prophecy did Prophecy of those thinges whiche should come to passe in the tyme of Saul I will omit therfore that interpretation and returne vnto myne owne Some of the tribe of Beniamin did at the beginning ioyne themselues vnto Deborah although as I iudge they were very few of them But out of Machir which was a noble famely of the tribe of Manasses came some notable men Zabulon also was not without some Doctors Lawyers Scribes whiche were better with a pen than with weapons and that is signified in that it is sayd They whiche drawe with the penne of the writer that is whiche were exercised in drawyng the pen. And the tribe of Isaschar is wonderfully commended for from it came princes yea euen at the beginning Furthermore it is added that Isaschar was as Barac For as Barac was sent vnto mount Thabor so it semeth that Isaschar with his footemen was sent into the valley and there he thē on eche side inuaded the enemies when the battayle beyng begon the Israelites were in daunger there the Israelites behaued themselues valiantly Wherfore iustly are they in thys place excedingly praysed The complices therfore of this warre are mencioned namely Ephraim Beniamin a part of Manasses Isaschar Zabulon and Nepthalim But there is nothing spoken of Iuda Simeon Leui and Gad. Afterward are reprehended Reuben Dan Aser and peraduenture al of the tribe of Manasses as we shal hereafter see Wherfore they aboue named which ayded in the battayle were worthily called remnantes bycause they were both fewe in number and also of no reputation In the litel brookes of Reuben The tribe of Reuben is reproued bycause it detracted the battaile They dwelt beyond Iordane in the Pastors and it semeth that by reason of theyr shepe and cattell they had no regard vnto the publicque wealth The places of the Rubenites are not vnworthily called riuers for they had gotten fertile pastors by the riuer of Iordane He attributeth vnto thē greatnesse and wisedome but he accuseth them for this namely bycause they had so great a care vnto their owne thinges Such a thing semeth here to haue come passe as is that whiche is set forth in the parable of the Gospell namely that diuers which were bidden vnto the wedding refused to come bycause some would go proue a yoke of oxen some had bought a Town and other some also had maried a wife But of the remnantes which were gathered out of the stretes high wayes was the wedding fulfilled So also cōmeth it to passe in our dayes when kynges Emperours Princes Noble and mighty men of this world do therfore despise the profession of the Gospell bycause they preferre theyr owne commondities before religion and heauenly thinges 16 Why abydest thou among the shepefolds to heare the bleatings of the flockes in the diuisions
euery man shal be geuen a mayde or two that is the praye of the rascall souldiours shal be bondmen or bonde women be geuen But to our Sisera shal be geuen the most worthiest thinges garmentes I say of diuers colours and nedle worke Plini in his 8. booke the .48 chap writeth that the men in the old time vsed to dye their wolle and garmentes with such sundry and pleasaunt colours Plinius bicause they would imitate the most beautifull coloures of floures and herbes And the same writer attributeth vnto the Babilonians the inuention of diuers coloures in garmentes and euen as garmentes of siluer which were found out in Asia vnder Attalus the king were called Attalical so those garmentes whiche were by the Phrigians wroughte with the nedle beinge set out with golde and sundry coloures and pictures wer called Phrigionical And for that these workmanshippes wer in the old time had in estimation god would haue the holy tabernacle and the high priestes garmentes wrought with nedle worke And this is not to be passed ouer that by the ciuile lawes it was not lawefull for euerye man to weare such precious garmentes Wherfore it is sayd now in this song that garmentes of sundry coloures and such as were wrought with the nedle ar attributed only to the prince In the Code de vestibus oloberis lege Auratas It is prohibited vpon great punishmente that any other men shoulde were precious garmēts Lawes for apparell And it is no doubt but that in the old time there wer lawes for apparel which at this day lye vtterly voide These womē spake as they knew the maner then vsed for they were not ignorant of the custome in war wherby princely garmentes wer not distributed to priuate men but vnto captaynes and emperors Discipline of warre amonge the elders Farthermore we muste consider that the elders vsed greater discipline in their camps than at this day our men do For when a town or city was sacked euery man had not that which he by violence tooke al thinges wer brought vnto the king or Emperour and not vndoubtedly that he only should haue them but that he should part them according to the labor dignity and quality of the souldiors which manifestlye appeareth in the decrees 23. question the .5 chapter Dixerit aliquis They are the woordes of Ambrose in his booke of Abraham the Patriarche And the same thing is most playnly taught Dist the .1 chap. Ius militare This hebrew word Tsoari signifieth properly a necke or neckes in the plurall number but in this place by translation it signifieth a captayne or prince 31 So let al thine enemies perish O Lord But they that loue thee let them be as the Sunne when he riseth in his strength And the land had rest .40 yeares The thinges which are now mencioned the holy Ghost doth therfore speake them by Deborah to expresse with a great emphasis and signification that those thinges do happen vnto the vngodly which they be afeard of the things which they hope happen cleane contrarye Therefore the songe is nowe concluded with an elegant exclamacion and consisteth of thinges contrary So let all thine enemies perish O Lord as Sisera hath fallen This her Apostrophe or turning to God stirreth vs vp that we shuld with a singular affectiō embrace God the author of so great notable acts Deborah also in this speaking declareth that she setteth not forth her own cause for she sayth not let my enemyes perish but thine But they that loue thee let them continually encrease in al kind of good things as the sunne increaseth from his rising vntil it be none wherin he is most strong ether from the spring time to the highest of sommer She addeth not Let them that loue him be saued as the Antithesis or cōtrary position required For these two are contraries namely to be saued and to perish But let them be encreased saith she strengthened as the sunne increaseth from his rising vnto his strength By thys conclusion the vse of example is taught vnder the forme of a prayer Sisera is ouerthrowne but the people of Israel is encreased with a notable victory so therfore shall it come to passe and happē vnto vs. We shal be deliuered if we be godly they which do persecute vs for Christs cause shal perish Wherfore it is profitable by exāples to gather out rules of the gouernmēt of God which rules with frute let vs apply vnto our own things This performed Dauid as touching this selfe same historye in his psalme where he sayth do vnto them as vnto Middian as vnto Sisera Iabin at the riuer Kyson Wherfore the some of this hystory is to set before vs the seuerity of god toward his enemies again his clemēcy towards the godly And therfore it behoueth that the seuerity of his iudgements breath in vs a fear and that by fayth we take hold of his goodnes and clemency The syxt Chapter ANd the children of Israell did euill in the syghte of the Lorde and the Lorde deliuered them into the hands of Middian seuen yeres 2 Wherfore the hand of Middian preuailed against Israel frō the face of Middiā the children of Israel made them dennes in the mountaines and caues and stronge holdes 3 For when Israell had sowen Middian came vp and Amaleke and the sonnes of Kedem came vp agaynst them 4 And camped against them and destroyed the fruite of the earth euen till thou come to Haza neyther lefte they anye foode in Israell neither cattell nor oxen nor asses 5 For they went vp and theyr cattell and came with theyr tents as greshoppers in multitude so that they and theyr camels wer without number they came I say into the land to destroy it Deborah and Barac were deade by the authority of whiche princes the people of the Hebrewes were kepte in their dutye and religion But after theyr death they fell agayne vnto sinnes and especially vnto idolatry But yet they are not counted to haue turned so heynously from God as they did before for it is not written And they added to do euil Farther their punishment was not so long for they serued the Madianites onely seuen yeares Moreouer it is not sayde that God sold them as he did before but that he deliuered them I confesse that these coniectures are but small but yet not so small that they shoulde seeme vtterly to be despised Two thinges are principally entreated of in this hystorye The principall pointes of thys history The ordre of thinges to be spoken of the affliction of the Hebrewes and theyr deliuery by Gidion But bicause eche of these partes haue their causes therfore we must also entreate of them For euen as affliction springeth of sinne and deliuery beginneth of repentance so was it mete that first it should be declared that the Israelites had sinned before mention be made that they were deliuered vnto the Madianites and theyr repentaunce must
man geue place and be therwith ouercom he grieuously sinneth For he transgresseth the first precept I am the Lord thy God But howe farre that sentence is from the truth this historye declareth For when Gideon thought that God was absent from him then was he present and talked with him VVhere be al his miracles These woordes may be vnderstande two wayes The first way is as though Gideon should reason by contraries saying When God was with our fathers he did marueilous thinges for their health but now hath he deliuered vs vnto the Madianites neither deliuereth he vs by his excellent workes therefore he is not with vs. The other interpretation is as if by a certain godly expostulation he should say wher doth God now restrain these his marueilous woorkes What temptation is counted grieuous to the godly Why suffreth he the benefites which he so plentifully bestowed on our fathers so much now to want Vndoubtedly whilest we ar thus forsaken al these thinges as it semeth are frustrate of their end These thinges manyfestly declare what is the temptation of godly men in aduersities troubles For the deuil the flesh and the world go about to persuade them that they are nowe forsaken of God and that they in vayne put their confidence in hym Which kinde of temptation also was moued vnto Christ when vpon the crosse he cryed O my God my God why hast thou forsakē me For none as I think would beleue that the same had happened vnto Christ vnlesse the Euangelists had written that he being vpon the crosse vsed such wordes And this temptacion would he therefore suffer to the end that as it is wrytten in the seconde to the Hebrues he myghte be lyke vnto vs in all thynges wythout synne Wherefore Esay testifieth Hee hath in deede borne our infirmities and caryed our sorrowes 14 And the Lord looked vpon hym said Go in this thy strength and thou shalt saue Israel out of the lande of Madian Haue not I sent thee The Angel looked vpon Gideon when he had spoken these wordes For peraduenture whilest he spake them he looked not vpon him but then he behelde him when he sent him to delyuer the Israelites But in that he sayth In thys strength it is expounded two maner of waies The Hebrues saye that by the sight of the Angel he was fylled with strength and therefore it is sayde go thou in this strength which I haue now geuen thee and thou shalt deliuer Israel frō the Madianites Neither is it anye straunge thing that God doth chaunge those whom he choseth to any function and endueth them with sundry gyftes For we rede that it so happened vnto Dauid and Saul when they were called to bee kynges And it is expressedlye wrytten in this booke that Iephthe and Samson were adorned with the spirite of strength That strength also may here bee noted which God vsed in helping the fathers when for them he wrought myraculous thinges in the tyme of Moses and Iosua Gideon had demaunded where those marueilous woorkes were now become and therfore the Angel answered him Go in that strength whereby those thinges in tymes past were wrought and by it deliuer Israel By which woordes the Angel declareth that hee shoulde not by his own strength bring to passe the thinges which he had commaunded him but by that power of God which was geuen the fathers in the olde tyme The Angel calleth himself the Lord. And this ought not to seme marueilous that the Angel is called the Lord. For that is for this cause done either bicause he did it spake it in the name of God or els bicause he was in verye deede the sonne of God which so appeared The calling of the Iudges is therfore so diligently described that wee might vnderstand that priuate men are not able to attempt matters and affaires of so great waight vnlesse a certaine authority had bene geuen them of God For to gather an hoste and to take weapons against those whyche haue the chiefe rule of thinges vnto suche as are weake and destitute of al ayde it is altogether daungerous Wherfore ther is required an assurednes and vndoubted calling which cannot be had vnlesse fayth go before whiche consisteth of the woorde of God when it is rightly vnderstoode The Aungell vseth an intorrogation when hee sayth Haue not I sent thee Bycause this maner of speaking is verye apt to augment a commaundement 15 And he sayd vnto him O my Lord wherby shal I saue Israel Behold my familye is the poorest in Manasses and I am the least in the house of my father God sayd not that he would delyuer Israel but he declared that it shoulde be done by Gideon who therefore maruelleth forasmuche as he saw that he wanted all such thinges as were requisite to so great a woorke For warre coulde not be made by a poore man and one of the base sorte suche a one as Gideon perceaued himselfe to be when as to the accomplishing therof wer required power ryches and especially authority Wherfore Aristotle to ciuil felicitye hath ioyned outward goodes and that namely for this bicause they are necessary instrumentes of actes most noble Of hys Myllenary or thousand he therfore maketh mention bycause God in the publike wealth of the Iewes as we rede in Exodus instituted thys maner namely that by tribunes or thousands hundreds the people should be gouerned For it could not easily be that by a few Magistrates an infinite number of people should be numbred and so gouerned that their maners liuing and ordinaūces might diligently be looked vpon whych one thing chiefely pertaineth to gouerne well rightly Why God appointed tribunes Centuriōs and Captaines ouer ten For when euery man is permitted vnto him selfe in these thinges he both abuseth his liberty and also easily transgresseth the lawes bycause he is not noted Wherefore God in hys people woulde for that cause haue rulers ouer ten and ouer hundredes and also ouer thousandes least that publike wealth if the people were necligently looked vnto shoulde fal to ruine and waxe woorse and worse That band of a thousand wherof Gideon was one he declareth to be the poorest among all those of the tribe of Manasses Farther he saith that he was the least in his fathers house or family and therfore he saw not by what meanes he could set at liberty the Hebrues Some say that Ioas the father of Gideon was at that time a tribune or ruler ouer a thousand men that his sonne ment him when he said that his family was the poorest among the tribe of Manasses This sentence I disalow not forasmuch as afterward it shall easily appeare the Ioas was of some authority amōg his people But whither this word Alpi signify him or no I wil not rashly affirme forasmuch as the first exposition is both apt and also wel agreeth with the woordes of the history Whyther Gideon synned in gainsaying the āngel Many holy mē
the shewing of the signe And he thought not that God or an Angel was present with him Wherfore he thought to folow the example of Abraham Lot And in dede the things which he presented partained rather to a dinner thā to a sacrifice He erected no alter neither prepared he the fat to be burnt nor the shoulder and the brest to be lifted vp nor the blood to be shed The other interpretation is that he would therfore bring him a sacrifice that in that oblation he might obtayne a signe as to Abel the fauour of God was declared when he was offring sacrifice And the authors of this sētence beleue that this doth nothing let that Gideon sod the flesh Flesh in sacrifices was sometimes sod forasmuch as that kind of sething was sometimes vsed in peace offrings as the fyrst booke of Samuel testifieth Of the interpretours of this place this latter sētence seemeth to be receiued for they iudge the Gideon intended to offer sacrifices But I rather allow the first sentēce as touching the feast although I know that the Angell contrary to Gideons purpose vsed that meate to a sacrifice and in it gaue the signe which a little before was desired of him This hebrew word Mitsoth signifieth vnleauened cakes Why the Elders vsed so oftē swete cakes in their feastes But the roote of the word may be Natsa whiche is to hast or to make speede For the Elders were carefull to prepare meate for straūgers with as much speede as might be Wherfore they straightway baked new bread bicause peraduenture their houshold bread was somewhat hard and stale The measure of an Ephah Therfore to the end they might the sooner refresh the weary they vsed swete cakes which were very soone baked This measure Ephah was not a measure for liquide thinges but for thinges dry and as the Hebrues affirme it held thre peckes and a pecke contained .144 egges And ten Ephas made one Corus Certaine Rabbines fable that there is therfore mencion made of sweete breade bycause this thing was done in the time of Easter But how trifling this is hereby we may gather bicause it is wel knowen that swete bread were by the commaundement of God vsed not onelye for sacrifices at Easter but also at other times especially such as wer to be burnt at the altar of the Lord. But if we shal say that Gideon prepared not a sacrifice but rather a feast we haue alredy shewed the reason why he brought swete bread Gideon is vtterly to be quitted of ydolatry For his wil was not to do sacrifice vnto the Messanger of God bicause his purpose was eyther to set meate before the mā of God or els to sacrifice vnto the lyuing God by the hand of the Prophet whom hee counted to bee farre better than himselfe 20 And the angel of God said vnto him take the flesh the vnleuened bread lay it vpon this stone poure out the broth he did so 21 Then the Angel of the Lord put forth the ende of the staffe that he held in his hand and touched the flesh the vnleauened bread there arose vp fire out of the stone consumed the flesh the vnleauened bread so the Angel of the Lorde departed out of hys syght They which thinke that Pinhas the sonne of Eleazar was this mā of god which appeared vnto Gideon affirme that the same man was also afterward called Elias And euen as when Achab raigned in Israel he obtained fire from heauē wherby the burnt offring was consumed wherupon he had poured water and that aboundantly very many times so likewise now out of the rocke by the power of god be raised vp a flame wherby the meate which was put vpon it was burnt wherupon he had before caused the broth of the flesh to be poured I confesse in dede that ther is some similitude betwene these two actes but therwithal I see many thinges to be causes wherby the one differeth from the other Farther I vtterly reiect this fained tale wherin they faine that Pinhas was present eyther there or here Ther by reason of the great distance of times here bicause as I haue expounded Augustine the wordes of the history do manifestly testify it was eyther god himself or an angel which talked with Gideon Augustine in his booke De mirabilibus sanctae scripturae teacheth that the signe whiche is here geuen doth aptly agree vnto that which was demaūded For it was shewed that by the wōderful power of god without mans labour and fight the enemies of the people of the Iewes should be ouercome euen as by the might of god aboue the ability of nature fire came forth Ambrose wherwith without mans healpe or industry those vittailes were consumed But Ambrose very elegantlye writeth the Allegorye of this place in the Proheme of his booke de spiritu sancto which I to auoyd tediousnes do ouerpasse This one thing onely I wil admonish you of Al thinges that wee offer are to bee offred by Christ that our giftes are then acceptable vnto God when wee offer them vpon the rocke whiche is Christ There our actions are by the fire of the holy ghost purged that which otherwise of his own nature is vncleane is of God receaued as holy And the Angel of the Lord departed By this sodain departure Gideon vnderstood that it was an Angel whom he saw wherefore he was sore afraide as the wordes of the history which follow do manifestly declare 22 And when Gideon saw that it was the Angell of the Lorde he sayd Alas my Lord God shall I bycause I haue sene an Angell of the Lorde face to face This is spoken by the figure Ecliptica for when Gideon sayth The fathers by seyng of god of angels wer made alrayde Alas my Lorde God shal I bycause I haue sene an Angel of the Lord there should be added dye Thou shalt euermore perceaue that the old fathers after that they had sene god or beholdē his Angels wer very sore afraid yea so astonished that they feared present death to come vpon them And no maruail for they wer not ignoraunt what God answered Moses when he desired to see his face Man shal not see me and liue Iohn Baptist also as we reade in the first of Iohn sayth No man hath sene God at any time And Paul to Timothy hath confirmed the same writing No man hath sen God neither can he se him for he is inuisible bicause he dwelleth in the light that no man can come vnto And that also which nowe Gideon speaketh Mannah the father of Samson as we shal afterward heare shal speak Iacob likewise after he had wrastled al night thinking that he had striuen with a man when he vnderstood that he was an Angel maruailed howe he escaped a lyue and safe Haue I sene the Lord sayth he face to face and is my lyfe saued As though that
to some is geuē the word of wisedome to other the word of knowledge to some the power to heale and to other some fayth in the same spirite c. That fayth can not in thys place be vnderstand wherby we are iustified For it is not rekened among giftes which ar priuately distributed to some but is commō to all true Christians Now as I think it appeareth by what meanes they whiche are not iustified by theyr prayers doo sometimes obtayne miracles namely bycause they ar not destitute of euery kind of faith But now we haue sufficiently spoken of this fyrst question Whither it be lawfull for godly men to desire miracles Now must we see whither it be lawfull for godlye menne to desire miracles These reasōs they vse to alledg which seme to be against it First because god in that thing should be tempted and that doth the law of god vtterly forbid Yea our sauiour wyth this aunswere reproued the deuill Thou shalte not tempt the Lord thy God And the Hebrewes ar reprehended for this by name bicause thei tempted god in the wildernes The son of god also when the Pharesies sayde mayster we will see a signe of thee sayd This froward and adultrous nation seketh a sign and a sign shall not be geuen them c. And Achab otherwyse a wicked king pretended a shew of righteousnes saying that he would not tēpt God and therefore he detracted to desyre a sygne Vnto the question I answere That after a sort it is lawful to desire signes and the same also after a sorte is vnlawfull The first parte of the sentence is thus proued When holy men desire as touching any vnaccustomed vocation to be made more assured of the wil of God are afrayd least peraduenture they should be deceaued for as concerning it they haue nothing for certayn in the holy scriptures and we must not lightly beleue men and angels in those thinges for euil angels vse sometimes to be trāsformed into angels of light when I say they are troubled with such doubt the will is ready yea desirous to obey the commaūdement of the Lord if than they desire to be confirmed by some signe these godly men cā not be accused of tempting of god or of rashnes For who soeuer in those cases desireth those thinges whiche god vseth to offer he departeth not from the right way No man is ignoraunt but that to Achab was offred a signe that he might be cōfirmed of the promises offred him by Esay Wherfore to desire those thinges whiche god sometymes geueth and frely offreth ought not to be prohibited as vnlawfull The thing wanteth no examples Moses when he had nede of the helpe of god oftentymes in the desert obteyned miracles for the people of god And to confirme the doctrine of truth both Helias and Helizeus desired of god that life might be restored vnto the children of their hostes And to the same end Christ sayd But that ye should know that the sonne of man hath power to forgeue sinnes he turned to the man sicke of the palsey and sayd For what causes godly men may desire miracles Take vp thy bed rise and walke Wherfore miracles are desired of holy men and that iustly either that they may be made the more assured of their vocation or to helpe a great and vrgent necessity or els to beare witnesse vnto sound doctrine And alwayes when they desire miracles to these endes Cautions in desiring of miracles let them desire the same not of any creatures but of god onely and in asking them let them vse a meane for they declare that they will or desire nothyng but that whiche is agreable vnto the will of god Nowe on the contrary parte let vs consider after what maner miracles are vnworthely and vniustly desired First there are some When it is not lawfull to desire miracles whiche therfore desire miracles bicause they are not wel persuaded of the power goodnesse and prouidence of god neither seeke they any thing els but to haue a trial of those things Neither are they contente with the doctrine of the holy scriptures which manifestly and amply teache all these thinges Wherefore iustly are they to be reproued for asmuch as they be ready rather to beleue miracles than the worde of god Wherfore Abraham aunswered vnto that riche man whiche was tormented in flames of fire whē he desired that Lazarus might be sent vnto his brethren that they also should not be thrust downe into the same punishementes They haue Moses and the Prophetes By which wordes is manifestly declared that we must rather beleue the holy scriptures thā miracles There ar other also which for this cause desire miracles that they may liue more pleasauntly as touching the flesh and to satisfie their wicked lustes Of which faulte the Hebrues are accused bycause in the deserte when very great aboundance of Manna was ministred vnto them they desired fleshe that they might lyue the more pleasauntly in that wildernesse Lastly some desire miracles for this entent to satisfie theyr vayne curiosity For as Plinius hath sayd the nature of mā is most gredy of new things Plinius Wherfore they seme to desire miracles as playes and passetymes to sporte thē selues withal In that maner looked Herode for miracles of Christ for when he was brought vnto him he desired to fede and delite his curiosity with miracles Nowe I suppose it is manifest how it is forbidden to desire signes and howe it is lawfull sometymes to desire them Now must we dissolue these thinges An answere to obiections What it is to tempt god which semed to be agaynst those thinges that we haue spoken They which by the waye and maner already described do desire miracles do not without doubt tempt God forasmuch as that is nothing els than of an vnbeleuing minde and of rashnesse to desire a triall of hys will and power whiche vice certainely is in the holy Scriptures iustly and worthily reproued Wherfore the Lord Iesus Christ did not without iust cause reproue the deuil when he would haue led him to haue throwen himself hedlong from the temple whereby he myght be made the more assured of the beneuolence of God towardes him when that by arte there was a playne way to discende by The same sonne of god also did not vnworthily reprehend the Iewes as a frowarde and adulterous generation vnto whom he therfore denied a signe bycause they had already sene very many yet they spoke euill of them al and mocked Christ in such sorte that they desired not euery kinde of miracle but one from heauen as thoughe they would not also deride signes from heauen vndoubtedly theyr purpose tended to no other end but to alienate the people from the Lord although he had wrought wonderfull miracles And as touching Achaz the wicked king I shall not nede to stande long about him for he fayned that when he was called of the Prophet he
them selues as though they wer not sufficiently described and expressed in the holy scriptures haue framed vnto themselues certaine armes tending very muche to this purpose None of them in a maner doo in their armes cary vertues but Lions Woulues Tigers Beares Eagles and such lyke whereby they rather set foorth their cruelty then vertue and goodnesse 22 And when the .300 men blew with trumpets the Lord set euery mans swoord vpon hys neyghbour and vpon all the hoste So the host fled vnto Beth-Hasittah in Zererath and to the border of Abel meolah vnto Tabath 23 Then the men of Israel were gathered together out of Naphthali and out of Aser and out of al the tribe of Manasses and pursued after Madian This counsell or act of God is no new or vnaccustomed thing For so dyd he when Ionathas with his armour bearer came vnto the host of the Philistians as we reade in the first booke of Samuel And that is not vnlike whiche in the secōd booke of Paralip the .xx chap. is written of the battaile which in the time of Iehosaphat the king was fought with the Moabites and Ammonites For in those battailes also the enemies of the Israelites wounded one another And Goliah was by Dauid slayne with his own swoord And we also in these daies haue many times experience of the like benefites For when our aduersaries haue decreed by violence and force vtterly to oppresse vs by a wonderfull prouidence they haue turned their force against themselues and being letted by manye slaughters and warres they haue ceased from their enterprises most cruel 24 And Gideon sent messengers vnto al mount Ephraim saying Come downe agaynste the Madianites and take before them the waters euen vnto Beth-Bara and Iordan Then all the men of Ephraim gathered together and tooke the waters vnto Beth Bara and Iorden 25 And they tooke twoo Princes of Madian Horeb and Zeb and slewe Horeb vpon the rocke of Horeb and slewe Zeb at the wynepresse of Zeeb And they pursued the Madianites And they broughte the heades of Horeb and Zeeb vnto Gideon beyonde Iorden Now were other of the Israelites gathered together as Aser Naphthali and Manasses Gideon also sent vnto the Ephraites that the victory which he had gotten might on euery syde haue a lucky ende He enuieth not to haue a companion of his glory when as yet he with a few put himselfe in great daunger I would to God we were so conioyned in the Church that when wee haue begone anye good and profitable institution we woulde for the performance of the same desire other to helpe vs but which is to be lamented as our sinnes do deserue we oftentimes let one an other Come down against the Madianites take before them the waters As touching these waters the Interpreters do varye Kimhi thinketh that it is not Iordane his reason is bicause it is added euen vnto Iordane R. Semoloh vnderstandeth that of those waters which deuideth Palestine or the lande of Chanaan from Siria and among those waters he rekoneth Iordane But the place of Beth-Bara is to be noted bicause of the first chap. of Iohn Beth-Bara where our translation hath Bethania which in dede lyeth farre distant from Iordane neither did Iohn there baptise those that came vnto hym But the Greeke text hath Bethabara Wherfore it is thought that this place whereof we now entreate is ther ment He commaundeth that the waters should strayghtway be preuented from those which fled whilest yet they were troubled with feare before they shoulde recouer strength vnto them againe We must not slowlye followe the victory For he knew that it was very much hurtfull for Capitaines slowlye and softlye to pursue the victorye Wherefore he addeth all speede least his enemies might haue space geuen them to vnderstande theyr errour and to renue their power again And therfore he commaundeth that with speede they should meete them that the victorye begone myght at the lengthe haue a full ende And they tooke twoo Princes The Ephraites accomplished that which Gideon commaunded in preuenting those that fled and they slew the Captains of the Madianites Horeb they slewe at the rocke which was afterwarde called by his name and Zeb in the wynepresse which Kimhi expoundeth as thoughe there were there a playne countrye Whose forme or figure was lyke a wynepresse The Ephraites brought the heades of the twoo Princes vnto Gideon beyonde Iordane This is supposed to be now put in by the figure Prolepsis for it is thought that it was not done tyll suche time as Gideon had returned frō the victory being finished In the meane time let vs consider the ignominy that god put those tyrannes vnto bringing their most proude heades vnder the power of the Israelites whom they counted for people very abiect and wonderfullye oppressed them with their cruelty It is thought that the head of Pompeius which was offered vnto Cesar dyd much encrease the calamity of that man It is also declared that the heade of Cicero was brought vnto Anthonius as a thing most myserable But nowe in fewe woordes we must touche the Allegory of this act An Allegory taken oute of the holy scriptures not vndoubtedly a vayne Allegorye but which is drawen out of the fountaines of the holy scriptures Esay in the .ix. chap. intreating of the redemption by Christ writeth in this maner The yoke of his burthen the staffe of his shoulder and the rod of his oppressor hast thou ouercome as in the daye of Madian By whyche woordes is shewed that this victorye is to be referred vnto that deliuerye from synne which by Christ we haue obtayned Neyther doo these trumpets portend any other thing then the preaching of the Gospel now spread abroade throughout the whole worlde For God geueth saluation vnto the worlde by the ministery and doctrine of the Church not as though this were sufficient but the pitchers being broken burning fyrebrandes are shewed foorth bicause by the death of Christ vpon the crosse the lyght of the holye ghost shyneth in the hartes of men and the cryes of prayers are adioyned from whence saluation commeth vnto the true Israelite ¶ The .viii. Chapter 1. THen the mē of Ephraim said vnto him Why hast thou done thys vnto vs that thou calledst vs not whē thou wētest to fight with the Madianites And they chode with him sharpely 2 To whom he answered What haue I nowe done in comparison of you Is not the gleanyng of grapes of Ephraim better then the vintage of Abiezer 3 God hath delyuered into your handes the Princes of Madian Horeb and Zeeb and what was I able to do in comparisō of you And when hee had thus spoken then their spirites abated towarde hym The Ephraits nobler thē they of Manasses THe Ephraites enuied Gideon bicause great glorye redounded vnto hym by this battaile That Tribe was much more noble then the Tribe of Manasses For Iacob when he blessed the sonnes of Ioseph stretching
that they committed thys acte nowe when they came to make thys warre or els before when euery yeare they inuaded the lande of the Israelites in the tyme of haruest Of mount Thabor we haue before spoken when we entreated of the victory of Barak and Deborah It was not lawfull to saue these kyngs on lyue As the Lorde liueth if ye had saued their lyues Gideon mought haue saued these kynges lyues if they had not slayne hys brethren but bycause they had slayne them it was not lawfull For in the booke of Numbers there is a lawe wherein it is ordayned that the nexte of kynne muste not suffer the bloude of hym that is dead vnpunished not that a priuate man shoulde kyll a murtherer but he must be brought vnto the Iudge that there the cause beyng knoweÌ„ he myght be punished And therefore Gideon beyng a Magistrate ought by that lawe to punishe them Otherwyse he myght haue let them goo for as muche as they were not Chananites whom GOD had commaunded that they shoulde not spare Wherefore Gideon sweareth nothyng contrarye to the woorde of God And he sayde vnto Iether He commaundeth hys firste borne sonne beyng then a younge manne to slaye them but he feared neyther durste he drawe hys swoorde The two kynges disdayne would not be kylled with the hande of a chylde euen as Abimelech would be slayne of hys Armor bearer least he should seeme to be kylled of a woman Farther they easely sawe that they shoulde bee longe in payne or they were dead when as the chylde by reason of want of strength coulde not rid them out of theyr lyfe quickely Why Gideon willed his soÌ„ne to kil the kings And Gideon peraduenture dyd for thys cause commaunde hys sonne to doo thys thynge to inflame hys hearte euen from hys tendâ—r yeares agaynste the enemyes of the peopl of GOD as it is written of Hannibal who from a chylde vowed hymselfe agaynst the Romaynes Or elles he dyd it to learne hym from hys tender age to obey the lawe of God wherein was commaunded that the bloud of the next of kynne beyng shed should be reuenged But might not he haue committed that office vnto a hangeman why would he so vrge hys sonne To thys maye be aunswered two wayes Firste that in the olde tyme it was not vncomely to slay the guylty Farther The Hebrues had no hangemen that it is not sene that the Hebrues had hangemen And vndoubtedly that thys was no office amonge the Hebrues this testifieth bycause in the lawe it is written that a blasphemer beyng taken was so stoned to death that the hande of the wytnesses dyd throwe the firste stone agaynste hym neyther was the puttyng to death of any body committed to any peculiar hangeman And there are many examples whiche testifye that it was not ignominious to slaye the guilty Saul when he woulde haue the Priestes slayne called not hangemen to doo it but turned to the noble men whiche were with hym and commaunded them to inuade the Priestes who reuerensyng theyr ministery and dignitye durst not obey Onely Doeg the Edomite durst execute so greate a wycked acte who was not of least estimation with the kynge Samuell also with hys owne hande slewe kynge Agag the prysoner Ioab in lyke manner when he had cought holde of the horne of the altar was slayne of Banaia the chiefe Capitayne of the hoste Wherefore it seemeth that the Hebrues in that auncient tyme hadde no hangemen But as muche as maye be gathered by the Hystoryes of the Ethnikes Lictores were ministers appointed to execute corporall punishment Plutarche Lictores began at Rome vnder Romulus who as Plutarche wryteth in hys lyfe were called so eyther of ligando that is of byndyng or bycause the Grecians callem them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bycause they executed a publique office Romulus gaue them Roddes bounde together to cary and to them was an axe ioyned They had also cordes to bynde the Citezins withall that beyng bounde they myght eyther beate them with roddes or strike them with the axe But the men of more auncient tyme wanted thys office euery man executed it without any infamy as it was by the Magistrate commaunded hym And in verye dede that woorke of punishyng malefactors hath in it no dishonestye or vncomelynesse For if it be honest for a iudge or prince to geue sentence of death agaynst euyll doers why then shall it not be iuste and honest to execute the same sentence Yea and GOD hymselfe in punishyng vseth not onely euyll spirites but good spirites But thou wilte saye Why Lictores and hangemen are of the commoÌ„ people euill spoken of why are Lictores and hangemen commonly so euyll spoken of Firste bycause the common people are afrayde of them neither would any manne be punished for hys wicked actes hereby it commeth that the syght of the hangman driueth into them a certayn horror And that the people were so affected the maner of the publique wealth of Rome declareth where wheÌ„ ambicious men flattered the people more then was meete they sent away the hangeman out of the market place and iudgement house of Rome as euen the Oration of Cicero for Rabirius testifieth The Romaynes vsed not a hangeman for their Citezins The Citezins of Rome were not beaten with roddes nor put to death Theyr extremest punishement was banishement they were caried into ylandes at the length condemned to the working of Mettalles But the latter Romayne lawes whiche are in the digestes blotted out that exemption for in very dede it was vniust For a faulte worthy of death ought not to be wynked at althoughe a Citezin of Rome were the author of it And there were two principall lawes whereby the backe and head of the Citezins were prouided for Portia lex Sempronia the lawe I saye Portia and Sempronia whose power and defence neuerthelesse Paul as we rede in the Actes vsed and so escaped both roddes and bondes This is one cause why Lictores and hangmen are so hated The irregularity of the Canonistes An other cause hereof in the Papisticall opinion of irregularity whiche as the Canonistes wyll haue it is contracted of euery murther These men thinke that a man can not so iustly kyll any man that he may be promoted to the holye Ministerye when as yet the Inquisitours of the herecticall prauity as they terme it doo dayly cause an infinite number and those innocentes to be kylled The Popes Legates also in gouernyng of Cityes and Prouinces and makyng warres althoughe they be Cardinalles and Byshoppes doo styll continually cause bloud to be shed But in the meane tyme with greate hypocrisie they take hede that the sentence be geuen by a laye Iudge as they call hym and so they wrappe themselues out of that irregularity But the holy Scriptures do not so teache Moses sayde vnto the Leuites whiche with hym had kylled so many ye haue
ioyned together with filthines ought not to be admitted But those which are written honestlye and shamefastlye so that they refresh the mind with some pleasure and ar also profitable to setforth good maners are not be despised That fylthy ones are to be repudiated the Apostles confyrmeth by two testimonyes To the Corrinthians in the first Epistle he writeth Euill communications corrupt good manners And to the Ephesians the. v chapter it is written let whoredome and all vncleannes and couetousnesse not reigne in you as it becommeth sayntes then is added 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and whyche are not comelye By these woordes he reproueth all those coÌ„munications whych are contaminated with filthines scurilitye Plato The same thing saw Plato in his thirde boke de Repub. wher he excludeth Poetes which spake of gods as though they should speake of men Bycause they in so writing do both vnworthely intreate of the nature of god which is best and most high also they excuse the sinnes of common men when as they testifye that both the gods and also noble meÌ„ committed the same sins which thing assuredly we may see in the coÌ„modye Enuchus of Terence where Cherea a wycked yonge man beholding a wanton table in the harlotes house Terence wherein was painted Iupiter persynge vnto Danae by a showre began to haue a pleasure in himself bicause he beyng a vile man did those thinges whych he knew by that table the chief God in the olde time committed I did it sayth he and I dyd it with a good wil. Cicero Cicero also Homere sayeth he fayned these and transferred humayne things vnto the gods I had rather they had transferred thinges diuine vnto vs. Augustine in his .2 booke of Confessions the .15 and 16. chap. complaineth and soroweth that he being a child and younge man learned profitable words Augustine But yet in thinges vayne I would to god sayth he I had beene instructed in profitable writings I hard Iupiter thuÌ„dring and therwithall coÌ„mitting adoultry The mindes and affections of men ar prone inough vnto vices wherfore it is wickedlye done that children and younge men should in that age be by vyle and filthye fables stirred vp vnto sins Apologies are profitable whych consisting both of honest wordes and good arguments do rightly instruct that first age Esope Esope the aunciente writer happely excercised hymselfe in this kinde althoughe there are some which referre his Apologies vnto Hesiodus who was auÌ„cienter theÌ„ Esope But this our Apology wherof we now entreat was written long before Esope and Hesiodus tyme. For the time of the iudges and namelye of Gidion was an hundreth yeares and more before the war of Troy There is an other Apology also in the .2 boke of kinges the .14 chap. where Amasias obteyning the victory of the Edomites prouoked the king of Israel to make war with him Vnto whom the king Ioas aunswered thus The thistle of Labanon sent vnto the Cedre that is of Libanon and sayd Geue thy daughter to my son to wife And the wyld beast went out of Libanon and trode downe the thistle By which Apology he shewed that he was so much greter theÌ„ Amasia the king of Iuda as the Cedre excelleth the thystle and admonished him that he should after that sort be troden down oppressed of his host as was the thistle by wilde beastes These things haue I therfore rehearsed lest the Greke and Ethnike writers should be thought to be the first inuenters of these profitable fayninges The vse of Apologies Al men agre in this that the vse of Apologies are then to be had when we haue to do with rude persons For they vnderstand neither perfect Sillogismes or vnperfect neyther are they able to perceaue inductions so that of perticulars they cangagather vniuersals And they passe not vpon the exaÌ„ples of noble men for that they themselues are abiect and base Wherfore when such wayes of doctrine can not take place there remayneth nothing but fayned narrations where beyng allured by the neâ—mes of the thing they geue much heede to the thinges which are spoken and sometimes at the length are perswaded They are good also to help memory for things â— are so new pleasauÌ„t do very must delight thinges that are so sweete are not so easely forgotten Farther men will easlier suffer themselues to be reproued by Apologies then by open wordes for the playne truth engendreth hatred But beyng couered with Apologies and darke speeches it may be suffred At the beginning the hearers know not wherto the thing teÌ„deth therfore for that they knowe not what wil be spoken they tary out the end are at the last peraduenture perswaded Christe finished the whole parable of the vine and at the end the Phareseis and Scribes vnderstode that it was spoken against theÌ„ So also among the Romayns Menenius Agrippa by an Apology woÌ„ne the people which wer departed to adioine theÌ„selues agayn to the PatritiaÌ„s For these causes ar Parables dreames visioÌ„s of Prophets very much vsed in the holy scriptures The fable of Esope of the frogges which desired a kinge differeth not muche from this Apology which we ar now in hand with for to theÌ„ after the beame or post which they dispised was geuen a dragoÌ„ which by litle litle eat theÌ„ vp al. And I wil begyn at the declaration of the fable wherin it is said If ye haue done rightly and orderly reioyse with Abimelech and Abimelech with you But if not let a fire come out from him consume you The oliue tree vine tree fyg tree is the famelye of Gideon and the trees which desire a king are the Sechemites And as among trees there are some noble and some abiect so also amonge men there ar some noble and excellent and some vnnoble and of no reputacion The bramble brier signifieth Abimelech Of the braÌ„ble or briar Plini Plini in his 24. booke and .14 chapt writeth of this kind of thorn And as touching this matter these are the properties therof it is a plant vile and abiect as was Abimelech who was a bastard and borne of a hand mayd so that he was not to be compared with his brethern And as he without any vtility gouerned the Israelites so is the braÌ„ble wont to bringforth no frute The bramble also pricketh euen as Abimelech very muche hurted the Israelites Moreouer some write that the bowes of brambles are sometimes so vehemently shaken and moued with the winde that out of them is fire kindled wherewith not only they theÌ„selues burn but the whole wood wherin they grow is burnte which thinge Iotham nowe foretelleth to come to passe of Abimelech Wherfore the properties do wonderfully well agree But here are twoo questions offred vnto the readers The fyrst is bycause it is said that the trees wente to the Oliue tree vine tree figge tree and bramble to create them a king when as the
damages comming of dronkennes wee wyll deuide the euyls thereof by their subiectes for it hurteth the body vexeth also the mynde wasteth the goods and is hatefull to our neighbours As touching the body by dronkēnes come oftentimes sodaine deathes dissolucions of the members Apoplexia is when mans sēses are taken a way the disease called Apoplexia and sundry and miserable chaunces For the smoothe and plaine ground is vnto dronkardes a denne for they fall breake their legges their armes and sometimes their neckes and are burnt when they fall into the fyre The liuer is inflamed with to much drynke the head is pained the members are made weake and tremble the senses ar corrupted the natural heate is ouerwhelmed with ouermuche wyne the stomake which is ouer largely distended is sicke with crudity or rawnes and with intollerable paines the whole body is in a maner inflamed and the thirst is augmented Dronkardes lye groueling like blockes and so are beriued of their strength that neither head nor foote can do their office Wherfore it is written in the .23 Prouerb 33. chap. of the Prouerbs To whom is wo to whom is sorrow to whom is strife to whom is sighing and to whom are woundes without cause Or to whom is the rednes of the eyes Euen to them that tary long at the wine and to thē that go and seeke largely to poure in wine Looke not vpon the wine when it is red and when it sheweth his coulour in the cup and goeth downe pleasantly in the ende thereof it wil bite like a Serpent and put out his sting lyke a Cockatrice Thine eyes shal looke vpon straunge thinges and thine hart shall speake leude thinges And thou shalt be as one that sleepeth in the middest of the sea and as he which sleepeth in the top of the mast of a shyp They haue striken me and it payned me not they haue brused me and I felt it not When I awake I wyll seeke it againe c. And behold with how many punishments God afflicteth drōkardes Esay in his .v. chapter agreeth with Salomon For he also saith Esay 5. wo vnto those which are mighty and strong to drinke wine And in the same v. chap. hee saith that dronkardes regarde not the woorke of the Lorde neither consider the woorke of his handes Moreouer to suche men is wo Ierome bicause as Ierome vpon that place writeth they are most vnhappye who being from morning to night occupied in dronkēnes glotony and sundry pleasures they vnderstande not the woorkes of the Lord in them and not considering wherfore they were created slepe out in a maner their whole life Wherfore Ioel cryed out vnto them Ioel. 1. awake vp ye dronkards weepe and howle all ye that drinke wine But dronkardes are not by these cryes stirred vp for they do not onely sleepe but seme to be in a maner buryed Wherefore Vergil aptly saith of a Citye Virgil. that it was buryed wyth sleepe and wyne But now let vs see how muche the soule or mynde is hurt with dronkennes How much the mynde is hurte with wyne Dronkardes are oftentimes striken with the spirite of amasednes and are turned in a maner into furiousnes they become like brute beastes so that there seemeth to remaine in them no vnderstanding It is a grieuous thing wythout doubt for a man to wounde himselfe or to depriue himselfe of any member but of his own free wyll to take away his minde from himselfe it is an euyll intollerable In Hosea the .4 chap. it is woorthely written that wyne and dronkennes take away the hart And in the .xix. of Ecclesiasticus it is written wyne and women make wise men to apostatate that is to depart from right institutions so that they are no more their own men for they are withdrawen from their office and vertue also fal from the right trade of life And in the same booke the 31. chap. it is written wine dronken with excesse engendreth bitternes of mind with braulinges and skeldinges Dronkennes encreaseth the courage of a foole tyl he offend but it diminisheth his strength In these woords ther is an elegant Antithesis namely that wine increaseth the courage spirits causeth greater audacitye but it diminisheth and weakeneth the strength Plato Wherefore Plato in his .vi. Dialogue de Iusto at the beginning A dronkard saith he hath a tirrannical hart for he would rule all men as he lust and not by any reason or lawe Dronkennes also bringeth obliuion of lawes and ryghte Wherefore Salomon saith in his Prouerbes that wine must not be geuen vnto kinges least peraduēture they drinke forget the law ordained change the iudgement of al the children of the poore Plato also writeth in his .3 booke de Repub. the dronkēnes may be suffred in any mā rather then in a Magistrate Plato For a dronkē man knoweth not the groūd wheron he is And if a Magistrate be dronk thē hath the keper nede of a keper This is moreouer to be added that ther is nothing kept secret wher drōkēnes raigneth Bicause it openeth not onely the secrete partes of the body but also of the minde And in drinking ar poured out woordes vnshamefast foolish vnapt Horace and wycked Wherefore Horace describing the effectes of dronkennes sayth What is it that dronkennes committeth not It discloseth thinges secrete it establisheth hope and thrusteth foorth the vnarmed man into the battaile It taketh away the burthen from careful mindes it teacheth artes Whō haue not full cups made eloquent and whom being in extreme pouertye haue they not made careles Plato And Plato in his first booke de Legibus toward the ende saith thus When a man drinketh wine at the first it maketh him cherefullyer afterward the more he drinketh the greater and better hope he is in and feeleth him selfe stronger Then as though he were wyse the man is fylled wyth that confidence liberty and audacity that without feare he both saith doth whatsoeuer pleaseth him The same Plato in his .vi. Dialogue de Legibus sayth He which is fylled wyth wine is stirred vp with a woodnes both of mynde and body and both draweth and is drawen euery where And a dronkard is as a man out of hys wyt Seneca Seneca in his third booke of Natural questions the .20 chap. saith that dronkennes tyl it be dryed vp is madnes and with ouermuch heauines is brought on sleepe And in his .60 Epistle to Lucillus toward the end One houres dronkennes recompenseth his long madnes with the wearynes of a long time And in the .84 Epistle Dronkennes draweth out al vice and kindleth it and detecteth it It putteth awaye all shamefastnes whose nature is to resist euyll endeuours Where to much power of wyne possesseth the minde whatsoeuer euyll lay hidden bursteth foorth Dronkennes maketh not vices but brinketh them to light In dronkennes he that is proude his pride encreaseth
of Isaschar That tribe was the lowest and obscurest tribe but god hath no respect to persons The state of this pub weal was most excellent namely Aristocratia wherin god chosed Iudges indiffereÌ„tly out of all the people And there was none which could iustly complayne that his famely could not be exalted to the highest dignity of rule which thing happeneth not in a kingdom For all the kinges came of the famely of Dauid The sonne of Pua Ben Dodo That word is ambiguous darke for it may be both a nowne proper and a nowne appellatyue If it be a proper nowne as the Chaldey Paraphrast supposeth we must say that Thola had to father Pua that Pua was the sonne of a certaine man named Dodo But other thinke that it is a nown appellatiue and that signifieth an vncle and hath a pronowne affixed vnto it of the third person And some vnderstand that by that pronown is referred or signifyed Abimelech as though it were noted that Pua was the vncle of Abimelech which sentence som of the Hebrewes allow Yea and the lattin interpreter to expresse that sentence and that there might be no darkenes therin addeth the name of Abimelech But how Pua shoulde be vncle vnto Abimelech and so the brother of Gideon beinge of an other tribe it seemeth meruellous bicause tribes were not mingled one with an other Some aunsweare that it mighte be that they were brethern on the mother side but yet not on the fathers side For such womeÌ„ which had no inheritaÌ„ce maried ofteÌ„times in other tribes but so did not they which had inheritance that the lands and inheritance should not be confouÌ„ded wherfore it might easly come to pas that ether her husband beyng dead or she by him repudiated maried agayne in an other tribe And by this meanes Gidion Pua may be bretherne although they came of suÌ„dry tribes But that those daughters whych were inheritors might not mary in an other tribe it is by many examples confirmed Saule otherwise a Beniamite gaue his daughter to wyfe vnto Dauid who was of the tribe of Iudah Iehoida a prieste of the tribe of Leui maryed the daughter of king Ioram whych was of the tribe of Iuda as it is written in the latter booke of Paralip the .22 chap. Aaron a Leuite maryed Elisaba the daughter of Aminadab of the tribe of Iuda Wherfore there ar two opinioÌ„s one is of them which thynke that Dodo is a proper name Now a maÌ„ mai be the sonne of his vncle and the other of those which say it is a name appellatiue The third opinion is that that annexed pronown namely of him is to be turned his so that this Thola had one and the self name to his father to his vncle which bi the ordinary meanes was not lawful yet was it detested when a man dyed without children for then the brother maried his wife namely him of whom he was begotten and the other which was dead whose name he bare and was made his heyre This sentence lyketh mee well for it very aptly declareth how a man might be the sonne of his vncle c. 3 After hym rose vp Iair a Gileadite and hee iudged Israel .xxii. yeares 4 And he had .xxx. sonnes that rode vpon .xxx. Coltes and they had .xxx. Cities whych are called Hauoth-Iair euen to thys day are in the land of Gilead 5 And Iair dyed and was buryed in Camon Of what tribe this Iair was appeareth by this woord Gilead which is repeated for Manasses had Machir to his sonne who begat Gilead And his name was coÌ„mune with the mount wherein Iacob and Laban made a league and named the place Gilead bicause there they raised vp a heape of stones for a wytnes Eusebius Câ—sâ—riensis Eusebius saith that the backe of this mount tendeth to Arabia and Phenicia and is ioyned with the hyls of Libanus And this mount hath a City of the same name Machir conquered that City and gaue vnto it a name which was coÌ„mon both to his sonne and to the mount Wherefore Iair was of the Tribe of Manasses a man hauing plenty of children for he had .xxx. And no maruaile when as then they vsed to haue many wyues His children was no Rascals or coÌ„mon people yea they were horsmen which is thus described which rode vpon .30 Asse colts This Hebrue woord Air signifieth either a Colt or an Asse Dauid Kimhi according to which sence are signified .xxx. Mules or the colt of a Mare as R. D. Kimhi expoundeth it Neither were they onely horsmen but also riche for they possessed .30 Cities bicause euery one of them was ruler of a City wherfore their father must nedes be very noble They were called Hauoth-Iair Bicause they wer not enuironed with a wall And were so called euen to this day namely euen vnto Samuels tyme who they say was authour of this booke In the booke of Numbers the .xxxii. chap. it is written Iair tooke many Cities from the Chananites and they were called Hauoth-Iair Wherefore it is demaunded whither he were the same man of whom we now speake or whether he were an other I doo not thinke that he was the same forasmuch as betwene them both there were .300 yeares passed He was a certaine other man distinct from this Iair of whom we nowe speake but yet hee was of the same famely and paraduenture this was his Neuew for they which are of the same famely doo for the most part retayne the names of their kynred Vnto this Iair came those Cities whych that other Iair tooke from the Chananites Wherfore the places agree but that it is not the same man This Iudge therefore is noble when as the twoo former were but of a base famely Neither doth Nobility anything hinder to gouerne a publike wealth if self trust and insolence be taken away yea rather they haue examples of their Elders excellent stirringes vp to vertue and very many helpes to gouerne thinges well And it is not vnlikely but that the people vnder these two Iudges rightly worshipped God in long and quiet peace otherwise God would not haue geueÌ„ them so long a time of rest But after them the Hebrues turned againe vnto Idolatry 6 And the chyldren of Israel wroughte wickedlye agayne in the sight of the Lord and serued Baalim and Astharoth and the gods of Aram and the gods of Zidon and the gods of Moab the gods of the children of Ammon and also the gods of Pelisthim and forsooke the Lord and serued not hym 7 Wherefore the wrath of the Lord was kyndled against Israel and he delyuered them into the handes of Pelisthim and into the handes of the chyldren of Ammon 8 Who from that yeare vexed and oppressed the children of Israel xviii yeares euen all the children of Israel whyche were beyonde Iordan in the land of the Amorrhites whych is in Gilead 9 Moreouer the chyldren of Ammon went ouer Iordan to fyght also against Iuda and
to their good Moreouer he wyll haue thē to expresse in themselues their first begottē brother Iesus Christ whiche suffred in hymselfe other mens synnes For this also is a certayne portion of the Crosse of Christ althoughe they are not so innocent as Christ was neither serueth their crosse any thing to redeme sinnes Daniel in his captiuity after this manner confessed hys sinnes We haue sinned sayth he and done vniustly c. He sayd not They haue sinned but we And Esaye sayeth All our righteousnes are as a cloth stayned with floures of a woman There is in deede in holy menne a certayne ryghteousnes but not such a righteousnes as they can boast of before the iudgement seate of God Wherfore if they suffer any thing they haue no iust cause to complayne But thou wilt saye Why is it sayd that God in thē punisheth the sinnes of other mē when as they also sinne We should say rather that he punisheth their sinnes and not the synnes of their parentes I answere Bycause when god hath much and longe tyme wayted that their father should repent and it nothing profited and in the meane tyme it is come vnto the third and fourth generation at the length he poureth out his anger vpon the children whiche therefore are sayd to suffer for their fathers bicause vnles the malice of their fathers had gone before their affliction might haue ben deferred till farther time But now bycause they haue fallen into the third and fourth generation the consideration of the iustice of god wil not suffer the punishement to be deferred any longer And althoughe they themselues also haue deserued those euils yet bycause they are so corrected in the third and fourth generation they owe that dewty vnto their parentes And so God feareth the parētes that they should temper themselues from wicked actes and thoughe they will not for gods sake or for their own yet at the least for theyr posterities sake It also maketh the children afrayde to imitate the sinnes of their fathers least the punishmēt due vnto their fathers be required of thē Neither is it vniust that the children suffer somthing for their fathers sake for by their fathers they receaue inheritances and are aboue other honored and exalted For god did not onely make fortunate Dauid but also for his sake fauored his posterity For the kyngdome perseuered in his famely the space of .400 yeares But as touching eternall life As touchyng eternall life the childrē are not punished for the sinnes of the fathers neither shall the father be punished for the sinnes of the children nor the children for the sinnes of the fathers Howbeit children obteine many spirituall giftes by good fathers For Paul in his .1 Epist to the Cor. the .7 chap. sayth Otherwise your children should be vncleane but now they are holy Wherfore the children haue of holy parentes some holynes and some spirituall gift as that place teacheth And on the contrary part Childrē obtein some spirituall giftes for their parentes sake by euil parentes many such good giftes are hindred neither are they heard of God beyng euill and not repentaunt when they desire spirituall giftes for their children Yet by the prouidence of God it oftentymes commeth to passe Euil parentes doo sometymes hinder theyr children of god spiritual gifts that of good parentes are borne noughty children and of euill good as Ezechias a good kyng had to his father Achaza a wicked kyng And contrarywise the same Ezechias beyng a very godly prince begat Manasses a very vngodly and cruell kyng The same also myght I saye of Iosias Thys therefore commeth so to passe least wickednes shoulde increase without measure Why good childrē ar borne of euil parētes euill of good if of euill parentes shoulde continually bee borne euill children God putteth to hys hande and maketh the sonne borne of an euill father a member of Christe And therewith all he sheweth that his goodnes can not be hindered by the parentes thoughe they be neuer so wicked Farthermore euill children are borne of good parentes that grace should be the better knowen And that the goodnes of the childrē should not be attributed vnto nature whiche they haue drawen of their parentes For god will haue it knowen to be his gifte that we are saued This one thyng onely is to bee added vnto the foresayde question It is not lawfull for men to punishe the sinnes of the parentes in the children That it is in dede lawfull for god as it is sayde to punishe in the children the synnes of the fathers but that is vtterly vnlawfull for men to doo For in Deut. the .24 chap. it is commaunded That the fathers should not be punished for the children nor the children for the parentes Whiche is to be vnderstande so that the father consent not vnto the sonne or the sonne vnto the father Wherefore Achan if he had bene called vnto tryall and to the iudgement seate he should be the ordinary lawe haue peryshed alone and not hys chyldren with hym But GOD hath thys hys proper law who would haue it otherwyse done although sometymes he obserueth thys also For in the booke of Numbers the 26. chap. When Core conspired agaynste Moses he was destroyed but hys chyldren were not together with hym extinguished Samuel came of the posterity of Core yea rather they were kepte for the holy ministerye and of their posteritye was Samuel borne Amasias the kynge was praysed who slewe the murtherers whiche killed his father and slewe not their children for he had a regard vnto the law of God The cause of this prohibition Augustine bringeth Augustine God sayth he may punishe the sonne for the father bycause although he afflicte hym in this worlde yet he can saue hym in the worlde to come And this can not man doo Farther god seeth that the children are not innocentes but man seeth not that Although the ciuill lawes are herein a great deale more seuere and do punishe the children for the fathers sake as it is in the digestes In treason the children are punished for the fathers and in the Code ad I. Iuliam maiestatis yet they put not the sonne to death for the father but depriue hym of all hys fathers goods dignityes and honours Howbeit they lefte some parte for the doughters whiche parte was called Falcidia to mary them withall Otherwise the ciuile lawes agree with the lawe of god For in the Code de paenis in the lawe Sancimus it is commaunded that the punishement be not transferred vnto other either to kinsfolkes by affinity or to kinsfolkes by bloud but onely to be layd vpon the author of the crime And yet as wel this law as the other before were ordeyned both of the self same Emperours Archadius and Honorius But the cause why it was so seuerely decreed agaynst treason seemeth to be this to feare men away from this kynde of wicked crime Yet the lawes of god decree
wee haue before heard in the .viii. chap. But nowe are they more insolent for they would not be content with Iiphtahs defence These Ephramites also did the like when they instituted Ieroboam king against the house of Dauid They which ar infected with pride doo euermore endeuour themselues to be aboue other Cicero and to excel them in dignity and other commodities Cicero in his booke de Particionibus sayth that Pride followeth the loftynes of the minde in aduauncing of his own thinges They which are proude are swelled like bodies that are puffed vp which haue not sounde fleshe and sinoes but consist of a vaine swelling So the proude although they excell not others in vertue Pride noblenes of minde accompared together yet do they aduaunce them selues aboue them The true noblenes of the mynde consisteth herein that we should contemne thinges vile and be occupied about those thinges whych ar in deede great thinges But they that are proude haue not a noble minde but a vayne for they study not for true glory but for vaine glory wherefore they are iustly called vaynglorious 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle And they which are infected with this disease of the mynde the same men are enuious as Aristotle teacheth in his .2 booke of Rethorikes and he declareth that both the ambicious persons and the vayne glorious are enuious Which thing Paul also to the Galathians confirmeth wher he saith be not ye made desirous of vayne glory prouoking and enuying one an other Of enuy doo straightway spring sedicions Wherfore by these two vices the Ephramites fel into sedicion VVere gathered together Not vndoubtedly by any order For no lawful Magistrate assembled them together but they were tumultuouslye styrred vp And they passed ouer Northwarde For they passed ouer Iordane to inuade the Galaadites ¶ Of Sedicion BVt that of hautines and pride doo arise sedicions the Apostle in the .2 Pride is ioined with sedicions to the Corrin the .xii. chap. very well declareth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 where hee ioyneth hautynes with sedicions In what thng this vice chiefly consisteth appeareth by the Code de sediciosis in law .1 where it is thus had They are counted sedicious which doo gather the people without anye certayne commaundement and doo defende them against publike discipline Yea also many things hereunto belonging may be had out of the Digestes ad l. Iuliam de vi publica In summe thē chiefly is sedicion when by a tumult they which ar of one the selfe same company and body doo mete out of sundry partes to fight together This vice is in especial contrary to peace and ciuil concord For in sedicion there are manye partes of one people and the vnitye of Citizens is troubled and endaungered Wherin the vnity of citizens consisteth Augustine But that we may know in what thing the vnity of the people consisteth let vs geue eare vnto Augustine in his seconde booke De ciuitate dei who in hys xxi chapter bryngeth something out of the bookes of Cicero de Repub. that are woorthy to be knowen where Scipio thus speaketh Wyse men called not euery company a people What compani may be called a people but a company associated together by consent of the law and communion of vtility Wherefore there are twoo handes of the people one is that they agree in the same lawes of thynges diuine and humane the other is that they haue among themselues a communion of publike vtility Whosoeuer ryse vp agaynst these thynges maye iustlye be called sedicious Suche tumultes when they happen for doctrines of religion or Ecclesiasticall matters are woont to be called schismes And they are more grieuous offenders in thys wycked crime namely of sedicion which first haue sowed the matter the cause and seedes thereof althoughe the other also which are adherentes vnto the authours thereof are not vnguilty And although the people are twoo partes at the least which runne together in a sedicion with contrary mindes yet are not both parties guiltye of sedicion but onely that part is to be accused of so great a wicked crime whyche inuadeth the bondes of vnity that is common lawes and publike vtility But they which resist such troublesome men are not to be counted sedicious but good Citizens And hereby it is manyfest We are falsely accused of the Papistes as sedicious how falsely we are accused of the Papistes as sedicious when as in very deede we desyre to haue the lawes of Christian Religion which haue bene euen from the beginning receaued by the woorde of God to remayne safe and perpecte and we by all meanes procure to reedify the publike vtility of eternall saluation and of the woorshipping of God which are on euerysyde fallen in decay which two thinges vndoubtedly pertaine as it is sayd vnto good Citizens But they haue to their power ouerthrowne these good thinges and do continually hinder them Wherfore they are iustlye and woorthely both to be accused and also to be condemned of sedicion What are the punishmentes of sedicious persons But with what punishmentes this wicked crime is to be punished it is easely gathered both out of the lawes of God and the lawes of man God punished Dathan and Abiran with the opening of the earth vpon Core and his fellowes he sent fyre sometimes also he vsed the stinging of Serpentes and at length for this wicked crime aboue al other of the number of the Israelites which wer sixe hundred three score and sixe thousand when they came out of Egipt there diminished so many in the space of .40 yeares that twoo onely namely Iosua and Chaleb entred into the land of Chanaan Also by the iudgement of God Absolon came vnto an euyl ende and Syba the sonne of Bichry and Adonias which moued sedicion agaynst Dauid But the Romanes as farre as we can gather out of Liui and Plutarch dyd put to death the tenth man of sedicious Soldiours The Ciuill lawes as it is had in the Code in the title De Sedicionibus l. 1. punished thys wycked cryme with extreme punishment that is to saye with cutting of the head or if they had a respect vnto the dignity or condicion of the person they that were sedicious were somtymes hanged on a forke and somtimes throwne to wylde beasts or banished into an Ilande as it is written in the Digestes De paenis in the law Si quis aliquid The ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah Wherefore nowe that wee haue brieflye shewed the causes of thys troublesome commocion and haue defined the cryme of sedicion and declared the grieuousnesse thereof by the punishmentes nowe lette vs see howe ingrate the Ephramites were against Iiphtah Hee seing he had excellentlye well deserued of Israel they ought vndoubtedly by the lawe of iustice and honestye to haue gone and met him to haue soong songes of victory and with great honour and prayses haue exalted and commended him For as
.30 chapter if a mayden vowe a vowe and the father heare it and letteth it not the vowe shal be firme but if he gainsay it it shal be in vain But what is a vow A promes made vnto god But matrimony is a promise which is made vnto mā If god permit a vow made vnto him to the iudgement of the father much more wil he permit matrimony vnto hym when as it is a promise made betwene men In the seconde booke of Samuel Thamar aunswereth vnto Ammon her brother If thou desire me of my father he will not deny me vnto thee The custom was then that the doughters were desired of the parentes Here I dispute not whither it was lawfull for Dauid to geue to Ammon his sister to wife This shal be entreated of in his conuenient place Farther Paule sayth to the Ephesians Children obey your Parentes in all thinges He excepteth nothynge when he wryteth so but he sayth in all thynges namelye whyche they commaunde not against the woorde of God And in his first Epistle to the Corrint the 7. chapter is most manifestly declared that it longeth to the Parentes to place theyr daughters to husbands And that was known not onely by the law of God but also by the light of nature which thinge also the Comedies of Terence and Plautus manifestly declare Euripides And in Euripides a mayden aunswered Of our mariages my father shall haue charge for that iudgement pertayneth not vnto vs. Ambrose Whiche verse vndoubtedlye so pleased Ambrose that he rehearsed it in hys booke of the patriarches Farther it serueth very much for domesticall peace for the daughter in law ought to be to the father in law in stede of a doughter Contrarily of rash mariages rise great discords at home And forasmuch as the father ought to helpe the sonne with his goods it is right that the son agayne in contractinge matrimonye obey the father In other ciuill contractes the sonne can doo nothynge wythout the consente of the Father as appeareth in the Digestes De mutuo ad senatus consultum Macedoniarum Wherefore in a thynge farre greater it is meete that the iudgemente of the Father be had What the ciuil lawes iudge in mariage of children The ciuill lawes haue decreed this selfe same thinge Iustinian in his institutions in the title de Nuptiis wil not that mariages should be firme without the consent of the Parentes And in the Digestes De statu hominum in the Lawe Paulus If a sonne mary a wife against the will of his parentes the childe which shal be borne of those mariages shall not be legitimate c. And in the Code De Nuptiis in the law Si proponis the case is diligentlye to be marked The daughter marieth by the consent of her father shee afterward complayneth of her husband and departeth from him Afterward he cōmeth into fauor agayne and shee marieth him againe against her fathers will It is aunswered that that matrimony is not lawfull Hereby appeareth how much the lawes estemed the power of the father Afterward in the law Si furiosi Children if peraduenture their parentes bee mad or bestraught of theyr wittes bycause they cannot vse their consent in contracting of matrimony shall vse the consent of theyr tutors What the cannons iudged Wherfore it semeth meruelous how Christians at this day determine that mariages are lawefull without the consente of the parentes and for that thinge they lay for an excuse the Cannons of which I thinke it good brieflye to declare some And firste I will make mencion of the better Cannons whiche were more aunciente For the later they were decreed the more corrupte they were In the decrees .30 quest 5. chap. aliter Matrimonies are then lawfull when the maydens are desired of their parents and deliuered openly Otherwise they are not matrymonies but whooredomes vnhonest companieng aduouteries and fornications Euaristus Nicolaus Thus decreed Euaristus Nicolaus also at the consultacion of of the Bulgares in the .30 quest 5. chap. nostrates Those matrimonies are firme which are ioyned with the consente of those that contracte them and of those in whose power they are Leo also the fyrst in the .30 quest 5. chap qualis Then it is to be counted matrimony when the mayden is by her parentes deliuered vnto her husbande Leo And in the 31. q. 2. chapt non omnis A woman whyche marieth by the consente of her father is without blame if anye man afterwarde shall fynde faulte withall Gratianus And thus Gratianus concludeth that place that he sayth in contractynge of matrimonye the consente of the Parentes is alwayes required Ambrose Farther Ambrose entreating of a place of Genesis wher it is writen that the seruaunte of Abraham came into Mesopotamia and founde a wyfe for hys masters sonne the parentes of the mayden when they labored to retayne hym longer he would not abyde they called the mayden asked her whether she would go with him After this maner he sayth as also it is declared in the 23. q. 2. chap. honorandum They asked not her saith he touching the weddyng but onely whether she would go with him For it pertaineth not sayth he to maidenly shamefastnes to chuse vnto her selfe a husband And the same thing affirmed he of wydowes which are yonge Althoughe to speake the truth I can not in this thing graunt vnto Ambrose that the mayden was not demaunded the question whether she would mary hym neither do I doubt but that she was asked the question of either cause For in the .30 q. 2. chap. vbi non est it is had The consent of childrē is required in spousages That there can be no matrimony where is not the consent of those that contract yea in mariages of children which are but .7 yeares of age bycause at that age they are thought to vnderstand somewhat of matrimony the consent of those that contract is necessary And bycause there is mention made of spousages this semeth good to be noted by the way the children so contracting ought to be seuen yeares of age otherwise the parents can promise nothing for thē The same children if afterward being of more yeres they shal contract an other matrimony the same is of force and not the spousages whiche yet is to be vnderstand if the parentes consent to the second matrimony Moreouer in the .31 quest 2. chap. tua Hormisdas answereth that children when they contract after this maner ought to stand to the will of their parentes And Extra de sponsatione impuberum chap. tua it is ordayned that children when they come to ripe age ought to obey their parentes for as much as also they gaue their faith and consented I thought it good also to bring somewhat of the counsels Counsels Concilium Toletanum the fourth .32 q. 2. chap. hoc sanctum decreeth If widowes wil not professe chastity let thē mary to whō they will and the same
is not credible as Ambrose saith that these thinges were done wtout the good wil of the maiden Ambrose But diuorsement should not be made so rashly and for so light a cause Christe hath made one cause onely of diuorcement namely aduoutry Paul addeth the difference of religion although he wyll not haue the faithfull to depart if the vnbeleuing party wil dwel together Neither permitted he second mariages bicause man and wife agree not in religion but bicause the one wil not abide wyth the other Ther was here no cause of iust diuorcement In Samsons cause there is neither of these There was no aduoutrye neyther did the mayden say she would not dwell with her husband neither did Samson repudiate his wife although he then departed from her For afterwarde he returned vnto her as we shal heare And although he so departed that the wyfe knewe not where he was become yet ought she not straight way to marye an other For the ciuill lawes when any suche thing happeneth doo appoynt her to tary fyue yeares as it is had in the Digestes De diuortiis in the law Vxor. And in the Authentikes De Nuptiis in the Paragraphe Sed etiam The Canon lawes in the Decretals would haue amended these thinges and decreed that it should not bee lawfull to marye againe before some certaine woorde were broughte of the death of the first husbande or wyfe But with what godlynes and wysdome they did that I wyll not at this tyme declare It is certaine that in this place was iniustice done for the wife to mary an other being not ignoraunt that her husbande was yet on lyue But the Father excuseth the act saying I thought thou haddest hated my daughter But why should he haue suffered hymselfe to be perswaded after this sorte It was conuenient that he shoulde before haue knowen Samsons mynde Iosephus and taryed for a booke of deuorcement Although I see that Iosephus is of this opinion that hee thinketh Samson dyd repudiate his wyfe But that is not very lykely when as he afterwarde descended to take his wife againe vnto him Neyther should the Philistians iustly haue burned that maÌ„ with his famely Ambrose Yea and Ambrose also denyeth that there was any deuorcement This is in a maner the fruite of those that are ioyned together in an vnequall mariage We reade the lyke thing in the fyrst booke of Samuel the .xxv. chapter Dauid had maryed Michol the daughter of Saul and when Dauid fled her Father gaue her vnto an other husbande when as the first husbande had not yet repudiated her but afterwarde Dauid demaunded her agayne In the meane tyme let vs that are Christians determine thys with our selues that it is not lawfull to dissolue matrimonies for lyghte causes Paule saythe If the wooman depart let her remayne vnmaryed or let her be reconciled vnto her husbande Chrisostome Which assuredlye hee ment not of aduoutry for he woulde not amende the woordes of Christ but as Chrisostome sayth he vnderstoode these thynges of lyghter offences for as muche as of them some reconsiliacion may be hoped for whych is vtterly cut of if she be maryed to an other ¶ The .xv. Chapter 1 BVt within a while after in the time of wheate haruest Samson visited his wife with a Kyd saying I wil go vnto my wife into her chamber but her father would not suffer him to go in 2 And her father sayde I had thought that thou haddest hated her therefore gaue I her to thy companion Is not her younger syster fayrer then shee Take her I praye thee in steede of the other 3 And Samson sayd vnto hym Nowe am I more blameles then the Philistines and therfore wil I doo them displeasure THis was the simplicity of those times that the husbande shoulde bring vnto his wyfe a Kyd. It was a gyft of reconcilement to pacify hys wyfe withall In saying I haue sayd That is I did fyrmly and constantly thinke That doubting of woordes with the Hebrues addeth a vehemency which selfe thing we maye see in that which followeth In hating thou diddest hate her that is thou diddest exceedingly hate her The father in lawe seemeth to lay the fault in the Sonne in lawe For it is as muche as he shoulde haue sayde Thou wast the cause that I gaue her vnto an other Is not her yonger syster fayrer then shee He feared Samson bycause he was of a strong and mighty body least he shoulde rage and kyll and slaye the Philistines therefore he offereth him his other daughter to asswage his anger He offereth her but yet against the law of God by which it was not lawfull to mary twoo Systers as it is manifest in the eightene and twentye of Leuiticus Wherefore the father offereth vnto Samson mariage but yet an incestious mariage Neither was it by the Romaine lawes lawfull to marye two systers It is not lawful to maâ—y two Sisters although the first were dead and vndoubtedly for a iust cause For for as muche as man and wife are one fleshe thereby commeth that the kynsfolkes of the one are ioyned in the same degree with the other Wherefore the syster of my wyfe must be counted for my sister Let the Pope therefore take heede what he doth when he so easely geueth licence in this kinde of mariages But this is nothing to him which thinketh that all thinges are lawfull vnto hym But it maye be that the Philistians obserued not these degrees in matrimonies For when Moses gaue the law before brought Ye shal not doo saith he as the nacions do which the Lord your God shall subdue vnto you For therefore hath the earthe syued them out before your face Samson receiued not the condicion offred hym Of you saith he is sproong the iniury my cause is the better and more iust if it should come to iudgement Wherfore he hath cause to be reuenged of the Philistians And assuredly it was written before of God And he sought occasion We must not thinke of Samson as of a priuate man Here the Reader is agayne to be admonished not to thinke of Samson as of a priuate man For it is not lawful for anye priuate man after this maner to prosecute hys owne iniuries He must rather go vnto the Magistrate But Samson was nowe constituted of God as a Magistrate First hee taketh vengeaunce of the goods of the Philistians and that after a wonderfull maner 4 And Samson went tooke .xxx. Foxes and tooke firebrandes and turned them tayle to tayle and put a fyrebrande in the middest betwene two tayles 5 And when hee hadde set the brandes on fyre hee sent them oute into the standyng corne of the Philistians and burnt vp bothe the reekes and the standing corne with the vineyardes and oliues 6 Then the Philistians sayd who hath done this And they aunswered Samson the sonne in law of the Thimnite bicause he had taken awaye hys wyfe and geuen her to hys
companyon Then the Philistians came vp and burnt her and her father wyth fyre 7 And Samson said vnto them If ye had done these thinges but I wyl be auenged of you and then I wyl cease This woord Lampades they haue translated firebrandes which are easelye set on fire Samson bounde the tayles of the Foxes two and twoo together wyth a strong knot and in the middest he bound a fyrebrande When the Foxes coulde not agree together in their course for the one drew this way and the other that way so that they could not hide themselues in their holes but the flame by stirring and moouing was more and more kindled they ran into the standing com And at that time was the wheate haruest and the wheate partlye reaped and partly grewe still Wherefore the Foxes running thorowe the corne dyd them very great hurt For they lost both their straw and their corne with their vineyardes and Oliues Why Samson did chuse foxes The coÌ„sideration of Samsons pollecy was this He chose a Foxe to this enterprise rather then any other beast bicause it is a craftye and subtil beast and goeth by crooked and bye passages But Samson goeth the right way to woorke otherwise he mought easelier haue bound Dogges together but he rather vsed Foxes for the cause before alledged as Dauid Kimhi affirmeth Neither would he to euery Foxe alone binde a firebrande partly bicause they would haue drawen the firebrands along the ground and so might easely haue put them out and partly bicause they would soone haue gotten them into theyr holes But wheÌ„ two and two wer by the tayles ioyned together the one drew one way the other an other way by that mocion was the fire the more kindled Origene and when they ranne into the corne they did very great hurt Origene vpon Cantica Canticorum in his .iiii. Homely as he is euery where ful of Allegories referreth al this thing also to an Allegory although he plainely confesseth that it is hard to apply an Allegorye vnto this History But I as I haue often in other places so do I also in this place omit Allegories But if a man aske how Samson got so manye Foxes he must vnderstande that as there are sundry regions so are there also in them manyfolde and sundry increase of thinges In some place there are manye horses and those fayre In some place there is great aboundaunce of Cattell In Englande there is great plentye of Conies and so is there in the Ilandes called Baleares In those Regions a man maye easelye in one daye and in a lytle grounde take three or foure hundreth Conies Siria aboundeth in Foxes which to some peraduenture myght seeme incredyble And so is it sayd that there is a very great aboundaunce of Foxes in Siria and specially in the borders of Iewry Wherefore Salamon in hys Canticles sayth Take Foxes for vs which destroye the vyneyardes Wherefore there was so great number of them that they also destroyed the vineyardes for they delight most of all in ripe grapes Yea and Dauid saith of the vngodlye They shall bee partes of Foxes that is their pray so that their karkases shall be deuoured of them And out of the .4 chap. of Nehemias is gathered that the number of them was so great that they could in a maner ouerturne the walles of the city And Samson tooke them either by his own industry or by the helpe of his friendes He sent the Foxes and destroied their corne Hereby we may gather that in iust war it is lawful to vse burninges and spoilinges to endomage their enemies The Philistians sayd who hath done this They seeke for the authour and they doo not onely fynde him but also they vnderstand the cause why he dyd it and they take vengeaunce of hys father in lawe and his wyfe that was maryed vnto an other If ye had done these thynges These are the woordes of a man that is angry and therefore cut of wherefore we must vnderstand if ye had done these thinges at the beginning when my wyfe was first taken from mee I had bene pacified But ye haue done it to late therefore I wyll yet be auenged of you For that which ye haue done ye haue not done for loue to iustice and honesty but for feare of a greater hurt If iustice had moued them they woulde at the fyrste haue punished them But they followe the common nature of men which are with no other thing more touched then by the feelyng of present euyls which we may perceaue not onely here Men are morâ— moued by â—â—râ— then bâ— anye other meanes but also in the historye whyche is found in the latter booke of Samuel Absolon had long lyued in exile Ioab obtained of the kyng that he might returne Wherefore he returned but hee was not admitted vnto the kynges syght And when Ioab woulde not wyllinglye come vnto him Absolon commaunded hys seruauntes to burne the corne of Ioab Wherefore Ioab beyng mooued with this iniurye came vnto hym at the last So also the Philistians being in a manner compelled Whi somtimes the syn oâ— a priuate man is the cause of the destruction of a whole citye or kingdome doo reuenge the iniury of Samson This also is to be noted that often times a whole City or kingdome is punished for the synne of one man or of one famely And that sawe the Poetes when they wrote that onelye the aduoultrye of Paris ouerthrewe the kingdome of Troy And vndoubtedly when a publike wealth eyther wynketh at or defendeth or punisheth not the synne of a priuate man God counteth it all one as if they had all synned together If they haue good lawes and doo followe them in punishyng wycked actes God wyll not for their sakes punyshe them all Hereby also we may see that the sentence of Salomon is most true wherein he sayth That which the vngodly feareth shall happen vnto him The maâ—den feared least her fathers house should be burnt Why the vngodlye call 〈◊〉 those euylls or which they be a feard of and she by that waye moste of all brought burning by which shee thoughte to auoyde it But why happeneth iâ— that the vngodlye doo fall into that which they feare Bicause when they fearâ— euyll thinges they go about to auoyde them by euyll meanes and not by good Iosephs brethren feared least he should be preferred before them when they saw that his father loued him so well And that they might auoyde his promocion they sold him into Egipt But by that meanes chiefly it came to passe that Ioseph was made ruler ouer them The Iewes feared least if Christ should go forward as he began the Romanes woulde come and take awaye their nacion and place And to turne awaye that they gaue vnto Iudas a price and crucified Christ whereby they the sooner threwe them selues headlong into those euyls which they feared The mayden was burned with al her fathers famely By
The custom of God in punishing A similitude Thus God vseth to doo first to punish his owne before he afflict straungers Phisitions also when a man hath taken poyson haue thys as their chiefe care to driue away the poyson from the hart from the lyuer and other principal partes of the body then they apply medicines vnto the other mēbers of the body So also the good man of the house firste enstructeth and chastiseth his chyldren and afterwarde he enstructeth other Wherfore Paul wryteth of a Bishop If he cannot wel gouerne his owne family how shall hee gouerne the church of God Wherfore it is no maruayle if god chastised Samson fyrst afterward grieuously afflicted the Philistines But in that it is writtē that his heare was growen againe we must not beleue that hys strength lay in hys heare for it was a gift of god geuen him freely The vowe of the Nazarites being violated was renewed but yet God required that for that gift he should be a Nazarite vnto which it belonged to let the heare growe and not to cut it with a rasor But if a man had transgressed he did not therfore straight way cease to be a Nazarite but ought to let his heare grow and be clensed and so begyn againe his institucion which he tooke in hand Wherefore Samson repented that he had violated his vow and returned to the rule of a Nazarite and when his heare was growen and he restored both vnto god and to his olde state and strength being assured of the helpe of god he tooke vengeaunce of hys enemyes In the meane time the Philistines ascribe their victory against Samson vnto their god Dagon What Dagon was But what this god was it is not very wel knowen Howbeit as farre as may be iudged by the Etimology of the woorde it was some god of the sea For Dag in hebrew signifieth a fyshe And that both the Grecians and the Latines worshipped gods of the sea Gods of the sea it is certayne For they had Neptune Leucothea and Triton Aboue the belly as they say it had the forme of a man downward it ended in the forme of a fyshe Suche a god woorshipped the Philistines And vndoubtedly the old Ethnikes synned grieuously therin in that they woulde rather serue the creature as Paul sayth then the creator and chaunged the glory of the immortal God and transferred it not onely into the similitude fashioned like a mortal man but also into the images of birdes fourefooted beastes What maner of thinges the Gods of heretikes are and Serpentes or creeping thinges Neither did they onely woorship those things which ar in nature but also they fained vnto thē selues Monsters which appeare no where Such gods in a maner do heretikes woorship For they doo set before them selues some shape and head of God when they confesse that they heleue in God the creator of heauen earth But when farther they adde their own thoughtes and fansies they make the inferiour part to ende in a fishe Of this Dagon there is manifest mencion made in the first booke of Samuel The Philistines extolled their Dagon bycause he had deliuered their ennemye into their handes whiche was nothing els then to blaspheme the name of the true God For they attributed his woorkes vnto an idole Neither considered they that Samson was therfore taken bicause he had sinned against God Wherfore our synnes are a cause why God is blasphemed for when by reason of them we are destitute of the helpe of God our enemies whiche get the victorye againste vs doo ascribe the same both vnto their owne strengthes and to their supersticions So happened it in the conqueryng of Constantinople Horrible examples of blasphemies where the Turkes when they had gotten the city caried about in derision the image of Christ clothed with the apparel of the Turkes throughout al the host and throughout all the wayes of the City And not many yeares ago when the Emperour Charles the fift lost a great nauy and many souldiours at Argery I remember I hearde some soldiours say that Christ our sauiour was now become a Mahomitan or Moore How holy men called vpō 〈◊〉 in tribulacions neither considered they that they them selues wer become farre woorse then the Mahomites So the name of God is mocked for our synnes Wherefore holy men were wont not without a cause thus to pray and to implore mercye that the name of God should not be euil spoken of among the Gentiles So delt Moses with God when he was angry with the people for making the golden Calfe The Prophets also sayd Be mercyful vnto vs Lord for thine own sake and for thine names sake least the nacions say wher is their God Let vs in the meane time when we heare or reade these thinges thus thincke with our selues Seing God hath for synne so grieuouslye afflicted Samson so great a man sanctified from his mothers wombe and appointed to deliuer Israel what shall become of vs if we synne So Paul to the Corrinthians in his first Epistle setteth foorth vnto vs the examples of the Israelites to consider whom God sundry wayes chastised And to the Romanes he sayth If he hath not spared the natural braunches take heede that he spare not thee Marke the goodnes and seuerity of God his seuerity on those which haue fallen and his goodnes in thee if thou abide in goodnes otherwise thou also shalt be cut of Wherefore by these cogitacions we may take fruite by the punishment of other For this vse are examples set foorth vnto the Churche What is the fruit of holy histories that we in readyng them shoulde become better Paule sayde what soeuer thinges are before wrytten are written for our learning that wee throughe pacience and consolacion of the scriptures shoulde haue hope Wherefore when we reade that holye men were so corrected we ought to tremble least we also fall into the lyke anger of God If we doo not take suche fruite by reading of the holy scriptures we then reade them in vayne The Philistines geue thankes vnto Dagon their God for the victorye So were they delyuered vp into a reprobate sense to geue thankes for those thinges for whych they ought most of all to haue bene sory For how obtayned they Samson By the artes of an harlot and by most fylthye deceate After sacrifices followeth a verye sumptuous banquet For in those holye seruices of Idoles was set foorth a certaine communion that the people in that feast shoulde reioyce together wyth a certaine common ioy So also in the olde Testament the Israelites in theyr peace offeringes feasted and reioyced together before the Lord. Neyther is it vnlykely but that the Fathers also before the law had suche holy seruices and solemnities To what ende the Supper of the Lorde was instituted Christ also our Sauiour instituted a Communion and holye Supper that wee shoulde there celebrate hys name and healthfull death But
the Apostles did not alwaies heale Similitudes but yet the signes of the Ayostles also were sometimes hurtful For Paul made Elimas the Cuniurer blynde and sayd Thou Sonne of the Deuyl why peruertest thou the right wayes of the Lord Beholde the hand of the Lord is ouer thee and thou shalt be blynde and shalt not see Peter also wyth hys woorde slewe Ananias and Saphira Yea and Paule delyuered manye vnto Sathan Wherfore Samson prayeth vnto God to make fortunate and to helpe his ministery Neyther can it be properlye sayde that Samson kylled himselfe Samson killed not hymselfe He dyed in deede but he prescribed not vnto hymself this ende namely to dye But sought vengeaunce of hys enemies whych he vnderstoode woulde by this meanes ensue The Apostles also dyd thus make reckonyng wyth themselues Similitudes If as wee haue begonne we teache vnto the people the kingdome of Christ vndoubtedly we shall bee kylled and in that they went on wyth their purpose to teache the Gospell it cannot be iustly sayd that they kylled them selues Paule also when hee shoulde go vnto Ierusalem and Agabus the Prophet tolde hym that the Iewes woulde bynde hym at Ierusalem what dyd hee when hee hearde these thinges Dyd he forsake hys vocation No verely But rather affirmed that hee was ready both to be bounde and to dye for Christ So sayth Samson Let my soule dye wyth the Philistians He dyd not rashely incurre death but followeth hys vocation Souldiours when they go on warrefare if a man peraduenture say vnto them ye shall be slayne wyth gunnes or wyth the swoorde or wyth arrowes They wyll aunswere if they be men of valiaunt courage we seeke not death but victorye or we followe the defence of our owne thynges whereunto we are called But as touching Samson God gouerned him by his spirite Wherefore when he dyed he slewe more of the Philistines then he did before while he liued What fruite therefore had the Philistines by their deceite and treason They bought to them selues death and present destruction And euen as to them that loue god al thinges woorke to good so to the aduersaries and enemies of God al things are turned to their destruction The difference betwene the death of the Philistines and of Samson A moste profytable admonicion of Salomon Samson dyeth together with the Philistines but the ende and maner is far diuers For they dye in their wanton behauiour cruelty and idolatrye but thys Samson in fayth and calling vpon the true God But as touching the matter it selfe the residewe were to eyther of them alyke Wherefore Salomon admonisheth vs most wisely that wee muste not measure the godlynes of men by outward thinges bicause they happen alyke both to the godlye and to the vngodly That Samson dyed in the fayth hereby it appeareth bicause euen in the very destruction he called vpon God and was heard and bycause God restored vnto him hys old strength But they which are in the fleshe can not please God neyther can God be rightly called vpon vnlesse fayth shyne before Howe shall they cal vpon hym sayth the Apostle in whom they haue not beleued And bycause he was heard he prayed by the inspiracion of the spirite For wee knowe not what we shoulde praye Therefore the spirite doth with vnspeakeable sighinges pray for vs. Samson had before fallen he turneth vnto god he heareth hym So let vs also when we haue somtimes sinned returne vnto God faithfully cal vpō him we shal be heard For he is the same god that he was then riche vnto al those that cal vpon him Ambrose that which he did vnto him he wil do also vnto vs. Ambrose vpon this place writeth that Samson was so heard of god that hee lost his lyfe triumphantly Samson is a figure of Christ and he did not onely ouercome the Philistines but also hymself for he represented the image of Christ who although while he lyued exceedingly hurted the diuel yet when he dyed he vtterly triumphed ouer hym The Philistines when they ouercame Samson got vnto them selues moste certayne destruction So the Iewes when they crucified Christ threwe them selues into euerlasting condemnaciō And which is to be marueiled at the Philistines with this so great and so sodaine destruction were so amased that they suffered the kinsfolkes of Samson to come and honorably to bury him For when the Princes were perished the courages of the people were daunted neither durst they attempt any thing against the Hebrewes This place seemeth here to requyre a disputacion whither it be lawful for any man for any cause to kyll hymselfe But bicause we shall haue a place more opportune for it at this present I wyll omyt it and wyl in an other place fully write thereof ¶ The .xvii. Chapter 1 THere was a man of mount Ephraim whose name was Michaiehu 2 And he say d vnto hys mother The eleuen hundreth peeces of syluer that were taken frō thee for the which thou cursedst and spakedst it euen in myne hearing behold the syluer is wyth me I tooke it Then his mother sayde blessed be thou my sonne of the Lorde 3 And when hee had restored the eleuen hundreth peeces of syluer to hys mother hys mother sayde I had dedicated the syluer to the Lord of myne owne hand for my sonne to make a grauen and molten image Now therefore I wyl geue it thee againe 4 And when he had restored the mony vnto his mother his mother toke two hundreth peeces of siluer and gaue them to the goldsmith whych made thereof a grauen and molten image and it was in the house of Michaiehu 5 And this man Micha had a house of God he made an Ephode and Theraphim consecrated the hand of one of his sonnes and he was his priest 6 In those dayes there was no kinge in Israell but euery man did that which was good in his owne eies Fyrst I think good to enquire in this history cōcerning the time wherin these thinges happened For al men do not aunswere a like vnto this question When thys history happened The elder Rabbines do thinke that this was done when Iosua was olde and hee not able for age to execute hys offyce neyther was there anye other Magistrate substituted in his place But this is not verye likely bicause wee reade that in all his time the Israelites worshipped God rightly and orderlye It is not to be ascribed vnto the time of Iosua and that he in the latter time of his life renued the couenant of god with the people Other thinke that they were done after Iosuas death when Othoniell gouerned This sentence R. Selomoh defendeth The sonne of Gerson thinketh that this happened vnder Eglon kinge of Moab whome Ehud afterward slewe R. Selomoh Leui ben Gerson But this also can not be proued for in the x. chap. of this boke it is written that the people cried vnto the Lord when they were
oppressed of theyr enemies And that Iiphtah was stirred vp by the sprite to bear rule But before God aunsweareth the very sharpely For he sayd I will not helpe you bycause you alwayes returne vnto your Idoles and forsake me But rather cal vpon your gods let them helpe you Which words when the people heard they repented put away frō them their idols which they had made But this idole which is now spokē of These thinges seme to haue happened after the deathe of Samson indured to the time of Samuel Wherfore it cānot seme probable that it was done at that time The order of the holy scriptures is of most high authority with me and therfore I thinke that these things happened after the death of Sāson Forasmuch as frō that time euen to Heli there wer many yeares passed wherin the Philistians possessed the land of the Iewes neither suffred they any magistrate to be ouer thē Iosephus Iosephus agreeth with the Rabbines but he is many times deceued Wherfore it shal be best to follow that opinion which agreeth with the simple order of the holy history Howbeit ther is one thing which semeth to be a let An obiection namely if a man rekē the yeares frō Samsō vnto Saul he shal find thē to be scarse .60 or at the most .70 And whē as by reasō of filthy whoredom the tribe of Beniamin was almost brought to nothing and they which remained of it had no wiues but those which they got by violence how could it be that in so short a time it should so much encrease the Saule was out of that tribe chosen a king This argumēt hath a certain shew but it is not firme nor sound inough if a man more deligentlye examine it For although there were but a fewe remayninge of that tribe yet were they not so few but they mought very much multiply For there escaped sixe hundreth mē of warre who had wiues geuen them partly of the men of Iabes Gilead and partly by violence And sixe hundreth men wer able in the space of .60 or .70 yeares to beget a great yssue and to se theyr childrens children They could not indede be so many as to be equall with the other tribes but yet they might encrease to a sufficient numbre But that is farre more harde whyche is obiected concernynge Pinhas An other obiection namelye that hee remayned on lyue euen to the tyme of the warres of the Beniamites Whiche if it be so then muste he be at that time .300 yeares of age Therfore some thinke that it is more commodious to draw backe this historye vnto the beginninge of the Iudges But I see not what should let but that god might permit him to liue so longe For when he had slaine a prince of Israell a Madianitish woman when they were committing whoredome god graunted him not onely to succede his father in the priesthode but also gaue him very long to liue D. Kimhi But vndoubtedly I chiefely allow the order and course of the historye from which vnlesse great necessity vrge I will not depart And in this sentence I follow the iudgement of Dauid Kimhi whose authority in expounding of the texte I thinke is not to bee contemned Yea and all the Hebrewes in a manner agree in this that Pinhas liued a very long time and there are some whiche produce his age euen vnto the time of Elias the Prophete Vnto whome I doo not agree bicause no necessity compelleth me thervnto Howbeit as cōcerning this thinge I will not much striue But I leaue it free to euery willing mind to follow which opinion he will And in this history first I marke the institution of idolatry then the consecration of a priest which was twise doone For firste Micha instituted his sonne a prieste and then when by chaunce he met with a Leuite he made him a priest But wherefore was this ido le made What a vowe is For her vowes sake For the promise of the mother of Micha was not simple but with a vow And a vow as al deuines affirme is a holy promise made to God of thinges which are ours Wherefore it must nedes be that this woman was a widow with whome paraduenture her sonne dwelled For if she had beene a wife or a maiden vnmaried or a widowe in the house of her father shee coulde not haue vowed a firme vowe as it manifestly appeareth by the booke of Numb Those persons might not vowe with out the consent of their father or husbād For the law ordeined that if they wer against it the vow should then be voide Hanna did in dede vowe in the firste of Samuell but we must beleue that Helkana her husbande confirmed her vowe This woman sinned not bicause shee vowed but bicause shee vowed a thinge vngodlye namely an idole For it was at that time lawefull for anye to vowe anye thinge of his owne thinges for the adorninge of the temple of God and to amplify his honor But to institute a new and forbidden worshippinge it was vtterly vngodly The sonne had stolen from his mother that money neyther is it any maruall if he would steale whych was so redy to idolatry He which sinneth against the first table doth easely sinne against the second The mother curseth the theefe whosoeuer he were neyther doth she so greuously take the matter for the money taken away as for that she could not performe her detestable vow And she curseth as men in a manner vse to do in aduersities Yea and God himself also vsed curses in the old testament in the assembly to the mount Hebal Garizim The priest also cursedly prayed for barēnes diseases losse of children and other thinges of like sorte And in our time the Pope Women do easely fall to cursinges by what wicked zeale I know not in the day of the supper of the Lord sēdeth forth curses vpon all those whiche haue alienated themselues from his institution and sect This woman cursed the theef and no maruaile Bycause women when they fail in strength do easely fall to cursinges The sonne as soone as he heard the curse of his mother was a feard For so hath nature ordeined that children do wonderfully feare the curses of their parents But this man feared not to violate the lawe of God which thing happeneth not seldome vnto men to haue horror of small sinnes and to neglect them that ar more grieuous Ther is some fruit somtimes of curses euen as of excōmunicatiō Ther ar some somtimes so hard obdurated that they can be bowed by no other meanes then by curses although they be corrected by publike and apert reprehēsion But whither this sonne knew that his mother had by a vow dedicated that mony vnto the Lord before he tooke it away it appeareth not by the wordes of the history Neither is this to be passed ouer in that the mother sayth that she had consecrated it vnto the lord
written bicause he is ordained a keeper not onely of the first table but also of the latter It longeth not to the Minister of the Churche to put downe Princes Wherfore he which offendeth in any of them both falleth into his power But althoughe a king may remoue an vnprofitable and hurtful bishop yet can not a bishop on the other syde put downe a king if he offend Iohn in dede reproued Herode but he displaced him not of his kingdome Ambrose and Innocent excommunicated Emperours but they went no farther Yea and Christ called Herode a woolfe but he tooke not away from hym his kingdom and he payed tribute vnto Tiberius a most wicked Tiranne neither was he at any time author to any man to shake of his yoke Wherefore let Popes take heede by what right as they lust them selues they put Kinges and Emperors out of their place This thing did neither anye of the Prophetes nor the Apostles nor Christ The Popes boast that they haue great power but if it be any that they haue it consisteth wholy in the woord of God Let them teache preach and admonish if they wil exercise their power otherwise the ciuil and temporal power whom they so much crake of is farre from the ecclesiastical Ministers In summe euen as there is found no king nor Emperour so great which is not subiect vnto the power of the woord of God which is preached by the Ministers so on the other syde is there no bishop which when he hath offended ought not to be reproued by the ciuil Magistrate What difference so euer there bee the same as I haue sayde is wholye as touching the manner of reprouing The Ministers of the Churche doo that by the woorde and Princes by outward punishmentes But our false ecclesiastical men wil be princes and raigne But Christ woulde be no king And when he was sought for to that ende to be made a king he vtterly refused it yea he openlye professed that his kingdome was not of this worlde He said also vnto the Apostles Princes of the nacions do beare rule ouer them but ye shal not do so Peter also whose successors they affirme them selues to be admonisheth Ministers not to exercise dominion ouer the Clergy But these men wyll haue prysons soldiours and swoordes and styrre vp warres as they lust them selues Perduenture they wil obiect vnto vs the Assamonites Of the Assamonites or Machabites out of the olde Testament whom it is certayne that they were both Kynges and Priestes and confounded both the powers That historye in deede is wrytten in the bookes of the Machabites but we must see whyther they dyd it rightly or wyckedly and ambiciously Vndoubtedly I thinke they did it not orderly for God by his word had many tymes adiudged the kyngdome vnto the Tribe of Iudah euen to the tyme of Messias And contrarily he commaunded the Leuites that they shoulde possesse no landes and muche lesse to occupye a kyngdome among theyr brethren But if a man had rather saye that they did thys thyng by a certayne secrete reuelacion and hydden iudgement of GOD hee shall not amende theyr cause For that whithe is so done ought not to bee drawen into an example But I thynke rather that they offended in so doyng They dyd well vndoubtedlye when they delyuered theyr Countrey from tyrranny but that thing being finished they ought not to haue taken vpon them the kyngdome Neyther dyd GOD obscurely declare that that theyr act displeased hym For as wee gather out of Iosephus that house afterward neuer wanted Tragedies How the Apostles somtimes vsed outwarde punishmentes They farther obiecte vnto vs that Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira and that Paule strake Elimas the Sorcerer wyth blindnes That is true in deede but they dyd these thinges by the woorde of God not by violence not by the swoord neither by the labour of a hangman Let these men doo the same thynges by the woord and wee wyll regarde them Why doo they not harken vnto Paule to Timothe Let no man going on warfare for God wrap hymselfe in cares of this lyfe If they wil go on warfare for God why doo they in such sorte hynder themselues with worldly busines Haue they so much leasure from their own affaires that they can haue a care ouer other mens thinges Let them answer plainly would they at this day abide that any king should attempt to teache the Gospel or administer the Sacramentes They would not suffer it Neyther did God hymselfe also suffer it The offices of both the powers must not be confounded but he strake Ozeas with Leprosy when he would haue burnt insence vnto God Why therfore doo they inuade other mens borders These functions ought to be seperated bicause either of them requireth a whole man a part by hym selfe yea rather scarce hath beene founde anye one man at anye tyme which coulde ryghtlye execute eyther of them so hard a thyng is the execution of them both Howbeit both of them doo helpe one an other for the politike Prince geueth iudgement and the Ecclesiasticall doth not in deede geue iudgement but he teacheth how iudgement ought to bee geuen Haue no respect sayth he of persons in iudgement afflict not the poore and straunger receaue no bribes c. So on the other syde the political Magistrate preacheth not neither administreth the Sacramentes But vnlesse these thinges bee ryghtlye ordered he ought to punish the Ministers Wherin either power differeth and agreeth And to be briefe there are two thinges to be considered of vs in thys collacion In the Ciuyll Magistrate is to be considered both the power and also the man which beareth and exerciseth the power He in respect that he is a Christian man is vndoubtedly subiect vnto the woorde of God and in respect that hee beareth power and gouerneth he ought also to be subiect vnto the same woord of God For out of it ought he to seeke rules to gouerne and to administer In the Minister of the Churche also is to be considered both the ministerye it selfe and also the person which executeth it As touching the person the minister is subiect vnto the Ciuill power for he is both a Citizen and payeth tribute as other men doo and is vnder the correction of manners But as concernyng the ministerye he is also somewaye subiect vnto the Magistrate For if he eyther teache or administer the Sacramentes agaynst the woorde of God he must bee reprehended by the Ciuil Magistrate And yet must hee not seeke for rules and reasons of hys function at the same Magistrates hand but out of the woorde of God By thys distinction we may easelye vnderstande the differences and agrement of eyther power To the argumentes of Boniface Now resteth to come to that Thraso Bonifacius to confute hys argumentes Fyrst he gathered out of that whych the Apostles answered Beholde here are two swoordes and Christ added It is sufficient that the Churche hath
Mizpa Then the children of Israell sayde Howe is this wickednes committed 4 And the man the Leuite the womans husband that was slayne aunswered and sayde I came vnto Gibea whiche is in Beniamin with my concubine to lodge 5 And the men of Gibea arose agaynst me and beset the house roūd aboute vpon me by nyght thynking to haue slayne mee And haue forced my concubine that she is dead 6 Then I tooke my concubine and cut her in pieces and sent her thorough out all the countrey of the inheritance of Israel For they haue committed abhomination and vilany in Israel 7 Beholde all ye children of Israell geue your aduise and Counsell herein The congregation of the Israelites was assembled together to iudge of the crime This Hebrew word Edah signifieth a Church or an assembly The end of assemblyes or meatynges together beyng deriued of this verbe Adah whiche is to testify bycause that it is the vse and ende of such assemblyes that the godly should faythfully testify before God of those thynges whiche are put forth to be consulted of From Dan euen vnto Beerseba Dan Beerseba In this kinde of Paraphrasis is comprehended the whole people of Israel For these ar the endes of that kyngdome Dan is the ende towarde the North wherby the Iewes are neyghbours vnto the Zidonians and Beerseba toward the South Euen vnto Gilead That land is beyond Iordane The borders of the region of the Hebrues where the two tribes Ruben and Gad together with halfe the tribe of Manasses dwelled Thys was the third end toward the East And ouer agaynst that toward the West lay the sea called mare Mediterraneum Within these termes and lymites was conteyned the region of the Hebrues whiche they possessed in the land of Chanaan They came into Mizpa vnto the LORDE Where Mizpa was Mizpa was a place moste apte to haue assemblyes in it was not farre frome Ierusalem in the Tribe of Iudah In the fyrste booke of the Machabites the thyrde Chapiter it is thus written When the people by reason of the tyranny of the Macedonians fled out of Ierusalem they assembled together in Mizpa vnto Iudas Machabeus And it is added that that place was a house of prayer of aūcient tyme laye situate ouer agaynst the City of Ierusalem And in this booke we haue before heard how that when Iiphtah should be ordeyned Iudge ouer the people the people assembled together in Mizpa In Samuels tyme also the people assembled together twise vnto that place once when they should leade an army agaynst the Philistines an other tyme when Saul should be created kyng Farther when all the Citye was ouerthrowen by Nebuchad-Nezar all the people fled to Godolia in Mizpa Moreouer besides the oportunity of the place was added a notable benefite of God bycause as we rede in the .10 chapter of Iosuah there assembled thether agaynst the people of Israel a very great nūber of kynges for there were not fiue or sixe but very many kinges which were neyghbours entending vtterly to destroye the name of the Iewes Yet God commaunded them to be of a good valiaunt courage bycause he would geue vnto his people the victory ouer them all And when that thyng happened contrary to all mans hope the Hebrues for a monument of so great a benefite built in that place an alter vnto God Wherfore it is probable as the Rabbines affirme that in Mizpa began to bee a house of prayer For the people went not to the tabernacle or to Ierusalem so often as they had occasion to pray Euery Citye had Synagoges but had in Cityes and Villages certayne Synagoges wherein they prayed together vnto GOD. But to doo Sacrifices it was not after that manner lawfull but onely at the tabernacle of Moses or at Ierusalem after Salomon had builte the Temple althoughe hyghe places were sometymes vsed Wherfore the people assembled thether as well for the opportunity of the place as also by reason of the auncient Religion neither thought they it lawefull to begyn any thyng without prayers Whiche institution for that the Papistes woulde somewhat resemble they firste prouide to haue a Masse of the holy Ghost songe before they make any leagues or rather conspiracyes agaynste Christe It is sayde that they assembled together vnto the Lorde to praye together vnto the Lorde D. Kimhi Although Dauid Kimhi thinketh that this was added bycause wheresoeuer is a multitude of the godly there is GOD also present And to confirme that sentence he bringeth a place put of the Psalme GOD stoode in the Synagoge of Goddes For Iudges whiche in thys place are called Goddes when they geue iudgement ought not to thinke that they haue theyr owne cause in hande but Goddes cause as Iosaphat the godly kynge shewed them I doo not dissallowe this sentence for it is both godly and also it maketh menne to vnderstande that when assemblyes are godly had then doo menne assemble vnto GOD whiche thyng if menne in these dayes woulde consider greate menne woulde handle publique causes with more feare of GOD. Howbeit thys is for certayne that the Israelites assembled not in Silo as some thinke And the corners of all the people assembled The Hebrewe woorde is Penoth whiche properly signifyeth corners but in this place it is taken for Capitaines heades ouer ten Cēturious Tribunes and gouernors of warlike affayres For they after a sort are corners strengthes and stayes of an army Wherfore the villages of the Holuetians in the Italian toungue are called Cantones Wherfore the Hebrues come and assemble in Mizpa not rashly but in their orders They had not in deede a kyng or myghty Magistrates or Senadrim as it is thought for they wer sore decayed and weakened by the Philistines Yet they retayned among themselues some order and discipline Fower hundreth thousande footemen When they went out of Epypte they were 666000. The nomber of the Israelites diminishe men It seemeth that the number was nowe diminished And no meruayle bycause they had ben afflicted with many greuous calamities Also the tribe of Beniamin was away which peraduenture had thirty thousande soldiours For that tribe was both ample and also mighty And the chyldren of Beniamin heard The Beniamites would not be present they onely heard what should be done Dauid Kimhi Kimhi admonisheth that these woordes are put in by a parenthesis for there is no cause shewed why they woulde not be among them And the children of Israel sayd Tel how this wycked act was committed Kimhi thinketh that these things are to be red in the vocatiue case as though it should haue bene sayd O ye children of Israel declare the whole matter in order as it was done in the meane time it seemeth that the Beniamites are noted bycause they would not come vnto the assembly neyther take awaye euill from among them The people assembled together to vnderstand the cause that for as much as ther was
the woorse Dauid was eiected of Absolon and yet was not Absolons cause therefore anye whyt the better In our time Princes that are Protestantes haue had yl succes in war and yet is therfore not the cause of the Gospel to be thought the worse The Beniamites now got the victorye more then once or twise in a cause moste wicked The holy Martirs in our times are most miserably slayne of Tyrannes and that with most cruel kinde of torments and yet we nothing doubt but that their cause is most excellent England had of late as touching the word of God and truth a Church most rightly instituted which was afterwarde miserablye disiected and seperated neither followed it therby that the cause of religion was euil But now thankes be geuen vnto God which hath restored it From the cause to the effects is a firme argument wher the effect followeth of necessitye the cause There may in deede be drawen an argument of the euentes but not of necessity yea scarse probable For the passage from the effectes to the cause is not firme vnlesse the effectes and causes be necessary Wherefore this argument is of no force The Israelites haue a good cause therfore they shall not fall in battayle for it may be that God wil illustrate hys glory yea euen with the slaughter of them And this argument also is no stronger then that The Beniamites ouercame wherefore they had the better cause These things I haue spoken the more at large to the end we should not wauer in mynde or doubt of the goodnes of our cause if peraduenture the thinges go not prosperously wyth vs. The godli wheÌ„ they haue receaued the ouerthrow flee vnto God The vngodlye gaue not thaÌ„ks vnto God for the victory Farther in this place is to bee noted the nature of godlye men when they haue receaued the ouerthrow they flee vnto God But the vngodly euen when they get the victorye doo not geue thankes vnto God as now we rede not that the Beniamites gaue thankes vnto God for their good successes we haue heard of none of their prayers nor of any confidence they put in God yea rather there arose so great security and insolencye of some of their successes that they brake out of the Citye and pursued the enemies farther then was meete or conuenient But at the last they receaued the iust fruite of their pride Contrarilye the Israelites being afflicted with miseries got themselues vnto God Vnto whoÌ„ god answered that he would the next day deliuer the Beniamites into their hands In the two first interrogacions the Israelites seemed to doubt nothing of the victory bicause they had yet a confidence in their own strengthes and number but after the second ouerthrowe they shewed in verye deede a lowlye and humble mynde Shal we go vp say they or shal we cease As though they shoulde haue said O Lord Iehouah al the victory lieth in thine hand therfore we wholy coÌ„mit our selues to thy mercy shew thou vnto vs what we ought to do If thou commaunde vs we are ready to leaue of from our enterprise Leui ben Gerson Dauid Kimhi This is a perfect interrogacion after the opinion of Leui ben Gerson Kimhi hath noted manye thinges in this place not a litle profitable for the vnderstanding of other scriptures concerning interrogacions and oracles This saith he was the maner of asking of God He which would enquire concerning anye publike affaire The maner of asking of God or otherwise of anye waighty matter came vnto the priest and he putting on an Ephod stoode before the Arke of the Lord. In the Ephod or in the brest plate wer twelue precious stones wherin were written the names of the twelue tribes and ther were also set the names of Abraham Isaac and Iacob in those stones were al the letters of the Alphabete The asker ought to turne his face vnto the priest and to aske not in deede so apertely that his voice should be hearde neyther yet so softly that he should onely thinke in minde the thinges whych he desired but in such sorte as we reade that Hanna prayed in the firste booke of Samuel wher it is sayd that she moued her lips onely neither spake she any thing that could be heard Then was the oracle in this maner geuen vnto the Priest By the power of the holy ghost certaine letters appeared aboue the other in the brest plate and that either in place or in brightnes wherin the Priest red the oracle and wil of God And these thinges are those Vrim and ThuÌ„mim which the Priest bare in his brest plate This is Kimhies opinion Vnto whom what faith is to be geuen I caÌ„not tel For it might be that the spirit of god did wtout letters geue oracles by the voice of the high Priest whose hart he inspired with prophecy This Pinhas which is written to haue stand now before the Lord Pinhas is not called by his proper name onely but also by the names of his father and grandfather are added with al that is the names of Eleazar and Aaron which is don so much the more diligently bicause no man otherwise would beleue that he could haue lyued so long Therfore the Readers woulde haue thought that thys had bene some other rather then the sonne of Eleazar For if thou wilt count the yeares Pinhas lyued long thou shalt finde that ther wer no les then .300 yeres passed from the time of that noble act of Pinhas vnto this age wherof we now speake Wherfore it mought seme incredible that it should be the same man Howbeit for as much as the holy scriptures do testify this thing we ought so to beleue Neither vndoubtedlye is it any maruaile though God prolonged his life so long For when he had slaine the harlot of Midian and the Prince of the Tribe of Simeon euen in that their wicked act God iudged that he had employed his labour excellently well that he had done a most notable act Therfore my couenant said he shal be with hâ—â— life and peace By which wordes was promised vnto him long life honorable which he should execute in his priesthood Of what tribe Elias was Ther are some which produce his life farther and say that he was Elias But that hath no grounde of the holye scriptures Yea rather some thinke that Elias came of the tribe of Beniamin and not of the tribe of Leui wherof Pinhas came ¶ Of Merites VVHere as it is said that the Israelites went vp wept fasted did sacrifice Against merits we must not think that by those actions they satisfied the anger of god for we haue no merites for as muche as we cannot perfectly obey the law of God Farther if there were any merites of ours they should consist of such woorkes which we ar not of duty bound to do vnto God otherwise if we owe vnto God whatsoeuer we do what thing can our merite
abstinēce Definition not onely from meate and drinke but also from all other thynges whiche may delite and noorishe the body contrary to the accustomed manner as much as strength will suffer and it is done of a repentant mynd and of a true fayth by prayers to desire the clemency of God for miseryes eyther already oppressing vs or very nighe at hand The forme of this definition is abstinence An expositiō of the causes of true fasting and that aboue the accustomed manner whiche yet excedeth not strengthes of the body The matter is not onely meate and drinke but also all thynges whiche may reioyse the body The efficient cause is fayth and repentance for sinnes committed agaynst God The end is by prayers to craue the mercy of God and to turne away or to diminishe calamityes Therfore they whiche fast Exercises of those that faste truely ought to geue themselues to prayers almes visitynges of the sicke and to the holy supper When we feruently pray vnto the Lord and do from the heart truly repent vs of the sinnes which we haue cōmitted for their causes are earnestly afflicted we can not easely thinke vpon meate drinke fine delicates For whō such a griefe grieuously vrgeth it is more pleasant to thē to absteyne thē is any other delectation So Dauid in his .35 Psalme sayth of his enemyes When they were sicke I laughed not but put on sacke clothe and afflicted my soule with fasting and earnestly prayed for them They whiche deiect and humble themselues bycause they in a manner dispaire of their things are wont to contemne and loth meate and drinke and other delightes and pleasures Hereby we may vnderstād Why fastyngs please God Ierome how it commeth to passe that our fastes doo please God not assuredly that the emptines of the belly pleaseth God So Ierome derideth certayne which fasting to hardly were made to all purposes all their lyfe long vnprofitable This pleaseth God that we deiect the mynde that we returne vnto him with prayers and casting away other pleasures do put all our delectation in him onely But the fastes wherof we now intreate Fastes publike and priuate are sometymes publique and sometymes priuate Priuate fastes we take in hand when we are afflicted with proper and domesticall miseries for there is none whiche is not vexed sometymes either in himselfe or in his famely Or if it happē that peraduenture he be not greued with any calamity of his owne or any of hys We must faste sometymes for other mennes sakes yet sometymes he must mourne for other For if we be the members of one the self same body we must thinke that the discōmodityes of our brethrē pertayn vnto vs our selues So Dauid prayed for them which afterward became his enemies which reioysed in his euils So Iobs frindes whē they saw hym vexed with most grieuous plagues lay seuē dayes full in dust and ashes before they spake any thyng vnto him so much wer those men moued with his misery Wherfore before they commoned with hym they would by fasting and prayers desire God to asswage his so great misery So Dauid when Abner was slayne did not onely mourne at his buriall but also sware that he would that day taste of no meate before the sunne were set The same thing did he when he was reproued of Nathan the Prophete and when he had receaued tydinges of the death of the childe Vndoubtedlye all the whole tyme that he was sicke he neuer toke meate Nehemias in the .1 chap. whē he heard of the afflictions of the Hebrewes whiche remayned in Ierusalem afflicted himselfe with fasting and prayed vnto the Lord. Daniel also when he had red those things which Ieremy wrote of the captiuity of .70 yeares cōfessed both his owne sinnes and the sinnes of the people wept also and fasted Wherfore priuate fasting ought to be taken in hand not onely for our selues but also for others But publique fasting is two maner of wayes commaunded How publique fastes are denounced Either of God himself by the law or of the Magistrate or of the Bishop or els of a Prophet And this is to sanctify a fast which sometymes is red in the holy scriptures Of thys kind there are many examples What it is to sanctify a fast especially that fast which the Israelites in this place imposed vpon themselues In the .1 booke of Samuel when the Philistines grieuously afflicted the Iewes the whole people at the exhortation of Samuel assembled in Mizpa wept fasted and threw away their Idoles Dauid also with all his fasted when he heard of the ouerthrowe of the people and death of Saul The men also of Iabes Gilead toke the carkayses of Saul and Ionathas and wept and also fasted That also was a publique fast whiche Iosaphat commaunded in the .2 boke of Paralip the .20 chap. Esther the queene beyng in extreme daunger commaunded by Mardocheus a publique fast to be denounced The Israelites in their captiuity as it is written in the .7 chap. of Zachary had a fast both in the .5 moneth the .7 moneth bycause in the .5 moneth the spoyling of the City desolation of the tēple happened and in the .7 moneth Godolias was slayne wherby so many miseryes afterward ensewed That was also a publique fast whiche Iezabel proclaymed a woman otherwise wicked and an Hipocrite Her acte declareth that it was the manner that when any great wicked crime was committed the whole Churche should fast as it were desiryng helpe agaynst the common punishement This fast sometymes also the Prophetes required As Iohel when he sayd Sanctifie ye a fast Esdras also in his 8. chap. proclaimed a fast Wherfore fastes were by certayne godly considerations publikely denounced Why an yearely fast was instituted among the Hebrues God himself also commaunded a publique fast For he commaunded that euery yeare the feast Chephurim that is the feast of expiations should be celebrated the .10 day of September with a publique fast For the people committed many sinnes thorough out the whole yeare neither did they diligently obserue the ceremonyes Wherfore once in a yeare the tabernacle was purified and a publique fast was obserued These thinges in the old Testament signified as it wer by a certaine shadow that the sinnes of mē should be by Christ abolished of whō when we take hold by a true and lyuely faith The day of fast was a festiuall day we are losed from sinnes and therof followeth the mortification of sinnes and carnall delightes pleasures Neither is this to be passed ouer that that one daye of fast was a festiuall day For it was not lawful in the publique fast either to worke or for a man to geue hym selfe to his own busines not that on feastiual dayes we ought vtterly to be idle but that in those dayes we should do good deedes whereby we may rest in God and we are commaunded onely to absteyne from our
Gates and walles of cities shoulde not be violated 227 Gedeon refused to be king 2 Gelousy may be in good men 204. b Generall worde proued the particuler or species doth not alwaies fol. 272. b Genesis booke what it entreateth of 1 Gentle aunswer asswageth anger 141. b Gentlenes praeposterus 101. b Gedeon of the tribe of Manasses 114 Gedeon was beautiful 145. b Gedeon why he had his sonne kill the kinges of the Madianites 146 Gedeon refuseth to be king 147 Gedeons fall 150 Gedeon sinneth â— wayes 151. b Gedeon whether he wer saued 155 Giftes of God are not bounde to the estates or conditions of men 251 Giftes of God some remaine and some are taken away after sinne 226. b Giftes of free grace common to the godly and vngodly 134 Gifts in way of reward 188 Gifts may be reuoked 188. b Gifts when they may only be reuoked 199. b Giuing vnhonestlye is vnlawfull 231. b Gilgal where it lieth 59. b Gilgal a religious place 82. b Gilead 173 Gilty persoÌ„s it is not ignominious to slay them 146 Gyauntes names inscripture and their originall 15. b Glasse of the deuine essence 68. b Gladnes described 142 Glory may be desired the matter ende therof 97 Glories desire is mother of enuyt 143 God what he is 121. b God author of histories 3. b God taketh tities and surnames of his benefites bestowed 59. b God appointeth maiestrates 25â— God ruleth in other Maiestrates when 149. b God is the distributer of kingdoms 187. b God calling anye man to office geueth him habilitie to execute the same 71. b God was king of the Israelites 1. b. 2. God reioyceth not in bloud 194. b God is bound to no maÌ„ to geue his grace vnto him but is free 167 God is not bound to his lawes 4. b God may do against his lawes wheÌ„ he list 93 God chaungeth not 175 God changeth not his mind 33. b God when he repenteth is not chaÌ„ged 72 God whether he bee the cause of sinne 78 God deliuered the Israelites to their enemies 70. b. God punisheth sins by sins 24. 8. b. Gods operatioÌ„ in bringing sinne to light 166. b God beholdeth not Idols mens doinges but worketh together with them 78. b God instilleth no new malice 79. b God may we not feele in al thinges 129 God is to bee imitated of Christen men 249. b God can doo many thinges that he wil not 97. b God saith he will do that he wil do and contrary 174. b God how he intermedleth and vseth our corruptioÌ„ by his gouernment 167 God punisheth his owne and beareth with straungers 80. b God whether he be without a bodye 121 God how he may be sen of men 118 God neuer fayleth them that obey him following their vocatioÌ„ 83 b God wyl be worshipped as he hath commaunded 1. 1. b God sendeth som dreames but not all 138 God forgiueth synnes but doth not by and by restore the thynges taked away 65. b Gods helpe is not to bee dispayred of though it be deferred 92. b Gods grace is in degrees 167. b Gods of the sea worshipped 234. b Godly vngodly haue many times like succes 236 Godly to make peace with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99 Godlye men flye vnto god in ouerthrowes 271. b Godly to ioyne power with the vngodly whether it be lawful 99. b Golden age of the Israelites 2. b Good age what 155 Good intent 152 Good workes what they requyre 153 Good workes are so acceptable to God he rewardeth them 72 Good workes morall 72 Good workes must not be without faith no more then a body wythout a soule 242 Good workes in hope of reward lawfull or vnlawfull 23. b Goods wast with droÌ„keÌ„nes 164. b Gospell and law is the sum of the Scripture 1 Gospell promises 175. b Gouernment of god whether it be excluded by humane maiestrates 149. b Grace god would haue it knowen 182 Grace of God whether we can resist 167. b Grace of god why it worketh not alike alwayes in vs. 167. b Grapes gathering with wantonnes 168 Gregory deceiued 90 Gregories error 56 Gregory thought it absurd that the Pope should be aboue the Emperour 147. b Griefe described and deuided into his braunches 142 Grosnes oft in Princes 82 Groues to worship Gods in 77 Groues about Idols 123 Ground of all impiety and folye is security 246. b Guile or deceit handled 84 Guile good and bad 84. b Guile to breake an othe 282. b H HAbituall intent 153 Heresy defined 58. b Heresy of the Marcians 58. b Heretikes if they may be suffred among christians 58. b Heretikes how they must be ordered 61. b Heretikes ought men to kepe faith with 86 Hand bredth measure 16. b Hand maiden cannot by the Romain lawes be a concubine 154. b Hangmen Hebrewes had none 146 Harlots how daungerous 228. b Harlot differed from a concubine 154 Harlots are not to be suffered in a city 230. b Harlots are not rapt though they they be had away with violence 283. b Harlots son a iudg in Israel 176. b Harpers 102 Harte or minde and body or outward vesture to worshippe God with 49 Hate of enemies not permitted to vnperfect 31 Head of the church who 241 Head of the whole church caÌ„not the bishop of Rome be nor none els there 148. b Heades couered in token that they haue authority aboue them 93 Heads of captaines ouercumde cut of and presented to the victors 141 Heare growing or clipping 201. b Hebrues sinned three wayes 77 Hebrues vsed the superstition of the Egiptians 122. b Hebrew wordes is none in the Latine churche but such as came by the Grekes 41. b Hebron called Kiriath Arba. 14 b Hebron a city of refuge 18 Helizeus delighted in musike 102. b Helpe at Infidels handes may not be desired 99. b Helpe of God may we not dispayre of 92. b Helpes humain are not to be despised 97 Helping of the Lord. 110 Helth lesse estemed then profit 174 Hems of the Hebrewes 47. b Hercules praise 29 Herod eaten of lice 13 Hesron called also Iephuna 18. b Heauines described 142 Hypocrates of factors 274 History defined 3 History praised 3. b Histories fruite 235. 288. b Holidaies dauncing 287. b Holidaies bestowing 288 Holy ghost is iii. waies in meÌ„ 190. b Honour due to parentes 214. 212. b Honour defined 157. b. How it is the reward of vertues 158 Honestye is the sure foundation of amity 166. b Honest and iuste thinges are to bee done although they be not expresly commaunded in the worde of God 250 Hooring what it signifieth 151 Hops bytter become swete beyng stiept in water 161. b Hope described 142 Hope is a meane betwene securitye and desperation and springeth thereof 246. b Hooredome handled 229 Hooredome punished 4 Hornets of dead Ashes 218 Hospitality 4 Hospitality praised 251 Hospitalitiâ—s lawes broken 100. b more of them 101 Hoste cruell Busiris 252. b Houres of the day among the Elders 277. b House of euerye
man is his castle 252. b Humours abounding in the bodye knowne by dreames 135 Hus and Ierome of Prage traiterously murdered 39. b Husay traitor 38. b Husband how he is the wyfes hed 149 Husbandry not contemned of excellent men 114 Hye way ought none to forbid 186 Hypallage 14. b Hyperbole is not alwais a lie 88. b I IAbes Gilead where 281 Iacob lyed 89 Iahel praised 110 Iahels guile in killing Sisara 100 Iahel traitor 38. b Idle persons oft see dreames 135. b Idole defined 68 Idole of the minde 69. b Idols taken away 266 Idols breakyng not lawfull for all sortes of men 61 Idolaters blindnes 244. b Idolaters cannot abide to haue vngodly worshippings taken away 124. Idolatry handled 68 Idolatry of ij sortes 49. 238 Idolatry committed to Princes 68. b Idolatry the common sinne of the Israelites 173. b Idolatrous worshippings imitate as nie as they can the true worshipping of God 239 Iebus an old name of Ierusalem 34. b Iebus is Ierusalem 250. b Iebusites why they were not driuen out of Ierusalem by Iudah and Beniamin 34 b Iehues disceit defended 85 Iehues facte againste his prince is not to be imitated vnlesse a man haue like commission 91 Ienunies family 251. b Iericho in the territory of Beniamin situate in a plaine 30. 27. b Iericho cursed why 30. b Ierome vpon the prouerbes 42 Ierome against Augustine 88. b Ieromes error 279 Ierome of Prage 39. b Ierubbaal a name of Gedeon 124. b Ierusalem called Iebus 250. b Ierusalem taken in Iosuas tyme 14. b Ierusalem commune to Iudah and Beniamin called Iebus 34. b Iewes common welth was Aristocratia 255. b Iewes suffred emonges Christians 57 It oft in scripture declareth an oth 106 Ignatius alledged for the masse 42 Ignorance of christians is to be reproued 45. b Ignorance lesse sinne thē transgression with knowledge 20 Ignorant of god who 66. b Iiphtah sonne of an harlot 176. b Iiphtah and Abimilech compared 183. b Images of saintes original 151. b Images erecting not alwaies for deuine worshippings 157. b Images worshipped in the masse 50. b Images ought to be taken awaye but not of priuate men 245 Image of the sun not vngodlye vsed 66. b Image of God consisteth holynes 111 Imber dayes 276. b Imitation of God professed of all christen men 249. b Imitation of God not lawfull in all thinges 129 Imitation of Christ fond 278. b Imitation superstitious 202. b Immunity defined 263 Impulsions are sinnes 180 Incest punished 4 Incest hath commonly ill end 20. b Incestuous seede hated of god 80. b Inconstancy of mans mynd 282 Inconstancy of scholemen 129 Indifferent thinges may bee kepte sometimes or left 51. b Indifferent thinges and necessarye 287 Infantes should not be compelled to fast 277 Infection is to be auoyded 46. b Ingratitude and commodities therof 155. b Ingratitude to defer thankes to God 104 Ingratitude of the Ephramites against Iiphtah 197 Ingratitudes degrees 198 Iniquities of fathers visited vpon their children how 73 Iniuries priuate shoulde be forgeuen 13. b Iniuries priuate we may not reuenge 4 Iniury with iniury is not to be put away 227. b Inquisitors of hereticall prauitye 146. b Instance and perseuerance in calling vpon god 175 Instilling of newe malice into vs god vseth not 97 Intent good 152 Intent godly 283 Intent ill of ii kindes 152. b Intēt habituall without any good mocion of the hart 153 Interdictious of the Pope 246 Interpretors of dreames punished by the Romain lawes 138. b Interrogatiue speache 96 Inuasion what 283 Inuentions of man to worship god are to be abiected 152 Inuentions of man are not to bee compared with ceremonies of the law 52 Inuentions of man to serue God with is Idolatry 69 Inuentions of men lacke no defenders 124 Inuocation of the dead saints 68. b Inuocation of the dead how it began 151. b Inuocation lawfull for thinges aboue mans power onely to God 129 Ioannes Cassianus 42 Ioas Gedeons father no Baalyte 115 Iobs booke 171. b Iohn the apostle whether he were subiect to Cletus Liuus or Clemens 149. b Ionathas traytor 38. b Iorneying ought not to be taken in hand without inuocation of God 251 Iosaphat had ill lucke for ioyning with the king of Israel 99. b Iosephus boke of antiquities 172. b Iosua no booke of the iudges 6 Iosua whē he should die executed the office of a good prince 65. b Iosuas death and buriall 66 Iothans apology 159. b Iorneying into far countreies 29. b Ioy moueth weeping sometimes 62. b Ioynters to wiues 26. b Irony what 88 Irony vsed by god 174. b Irregularitye of the Canonistes 146. b Isaschar the obscurest tribe 172. b Ismaelites and Madianites whether they were all one 150. b Israelites commune weale gouerned by iudges how long 3. b Israelites oppressed in tyme of the iudges why 2. b Israelites why they were so prone to Idolatry 173. b Israelites offences in their expedition against the Beniamites 288 Israelites against Beniamin ouerthrown why 271. b Israelites cruelty against the Beniamites 280 Ithabyreus is thabor 98. b Itenerarium Petri. 149. b Iudges booke is rather an historye then a chronicle 3 Iudges booke who wrote it 4. b Iudges boke why it is so called 1 b Iudges booke what thinges it entreateth of 1 Iudges booke howe it is referred vnto Christ 2. b Iudges of the Israelites chosen by God 2 Iudges how God raised vp 78 Iudges of the Israelites are an example for the papists in that they were neither kinges nor Lords 2 Iudges and kinges compared 2 Iudge is no murtherer when hee punisheth 165. b Iudging signifieth reuenging 93. b Iudgementes in gates why 106. b Iudgement rashe ii wayes 277. b Iulianus Apostata 45. b Iustification is not of the worthynes of the acte of faith but of the firme promise of god which fayth embraceth 207. b K KAyes of the church wherin they consist 262 Kayes geuen to all the Apostles alyke 149 Kenites children of Moses father in lawe 27 Kenites wer kinsfolkes by aliance to the Israelites 101 Killings of men some please God 194. b Killing by chaunce 165. b King of Denmarkes guile 85 King defined 11. b King of the Israelites coulde none appoint but God 147 Kinges ende 157 Kings letters for a wyfe 215. b Kinges and great men shoulde not kepe othes but merchaunts onelye 85. b Kings are vehemētly angry 166. b Kings that raigne vniustly are not to be put downe 91 Kinges corrected by their subiectes 91 Kinges are bound both to serue the Lord and to see that other do the same 266 Kingdom compared with Aristocratia 156 Kingdoms large not profitable 11. b Kinred is to be contemned for gods wordes sake 101. b Kinsfolkes how far they are to bee respected 156. b Kinsfolkes of all sortes called bretheren 23 Kinsfolke murtherers 157 Kiriath sepher 17. b Kison riuer 96 Knowledge the beginning of foure principal affections 141. b Knowledge of God diuers wayes 118 Knowledge of God in this lyfe is
the iudgement of God and not by the lust of men But as touching the loue or hatred of enemies wee must vnderstande that Augustine hath written toward the ende of the first booke vpon the sermon of the Lord on the mountaine that he doth ascende one steppe of righteousnes which loueth his neighbour although he yet hate his enemy But then shall he performe beneuolence and gentlenes at the commaundement of hym whyche came to fulfyl the law and not to breake it when he shall stretch it euen to the loue of the enemy For that degree though it be somwhat yet it is so smal that it may be commō also with Publicanes Neither that which is said in the law Thou shalt hate thine enemy It is not lawfull for the vnperfecte to hate their enemyes is to be taken as a commaundement vnto the iust man but as a permission to the weake Thus much he writeth with whom yf I should speake as I thinke I do not agree but am certainly perswaded that to hate our enemies is not permitted of God no not to the vnperfect For it is an euerlasting precept that we should loue our neighbour as our selues Who is oure neyghbour And he is our neighbour whom we helpe by anye occasion as Christ hath declared in the parable of the Iewes and of the Samaritan They were compared as enemyes one to an other wherefore the condition of enmitye when it happeneth can not let but that such as are enemies one to an other be yet neighbours Moreouer for as much as we se the Dauid other prophets did oftentimes curse their enemies by what meanes can we cal thē weake whō God gaue liberty to hate their enemies For they wer holy men and very perfect Augustine Neither doth that seeme to make much to the purpose which the same Augustine saith namely that the sayinges of these holy men were no vowes desires but rather forespeakinges prophecies of them who liuing vnder the old testament did oftentimes prophecye the chaunce of thinges to come For the Apostels ar also found in the new testamēt not only to haue spoken words of cursings as Paul when he saith I woulde to god they wer cut of which do trouble you but also to haue most grieuously punished some For as much as it is written in the actes of the Apostels the same Paul depriued Elimas the Magicien of his sight and Peter slewe Ananias and Saphira Wherfore we must rather say that these great mē did not such things of an hatred graunted to vnperfect men but that they wer driuen therunto by some other maner of meanes Marke the distinction And therfore me thinketh we must make this distinction that they somtimes had to do for their own causes sometimes for gods cause Whē they had to do for their matters al their doings wer ordered with al modestye and gentlenes As we se Dauid to haue done who many times spared Saul his deadly enemy Moyses also other holy men did constantly valiauntly very often grieuous thinges But when the matters of God wer in hand the same mē behaued them selues seuerely nobly And if they should haue done that in theyr own causes they might haue semed to wrest the swerd out of the hande of God and of the Magistrate which they do which reuenge their own iniuries This is also to be added that men which are appointed to take in hand to defend Gods cause What is chieflye to be taken heede of when Gods matters are in hand although they may then do thinges sharpely seuerlye yet they must precisely diligently take hede that vnder that pretence they cocker not their owne affections The Apostels when they desired Christ to sende fyre from heauen vpon the Samaritanes as they knew was done in the olde tyme at the prayers of Helias wer rebuked of the Lord bicause they knew not of whose spirite they wer which without doubt was a most apt answer For they whom God sendeth to execute these offices ought not nowe to be counted priuate or symple men Whether it bee lawfull to pray against tyrans to curse them Augustine but such as wer prepared and enstructed of him to be in hys steede vpon the earth But whether it be lawful for priuate men to praye against vngodly and cruell Tyrannes by whom the true worshipping of God is hindred and to curse them Augustine aunswereth that it is alwaies lawfull for godlye men to pray vnto God against the kingdome of synne And that maye be cleane taken away when the vngodly forsake their wickednes for whose vnfayned repentaunce we must alwayes pray vnto God But if they seeme past all hope it is lawful to praye that their synnes maye sometymes at the length come to an end namely that when they are taken awaye they myght cease both to hynder the woorshipping of God and also to trouble the Saintes For as much as it is not expedient that theyr synne shoulde escape vnpunished for when it is leaste without punishment it is mere vniustice But when the punishment of God is adioyned vnto it then ther is in him lesse deformitye Wherefore God is of the same Augustine called verye wel not a cruell tormentor Augustine but a iust correctour Moreouer bycause holy men are very familiar with God and therefore when by some heauenly reuelation Saintes sometimes reioyce also are sory for the destruction of the wycked they are acertained of his wil bicause they exceedingly loue him they cannot but allow his sentence yea they faithfullye praye that the same may be accomplished Although in that they be men they be both sory and also take it grieuously to haue their neighbours so vexed After whych sorte Samuel mourned for Saul the kyng whom be knew neuertheles to be reiected of god Ieremy also wept for the captiuity which was at hand and Christ wept for the City of Ierusalem which should be destroyed For they which be mē in dede God requireth not the not feeling of the Stoikes can not chose but be sory for their neighbours and their own flesh when it is afflicted Neither doth God require of vs that Stoike lacke of compassion But as touching this matter if the Reaver desire to know more let hym looke vpon my Cōmentaries to the Corrinthians But as touching this present purpose that is to say that the people of Israel in destroying cursing of these peoples followed not their own hatred but the instinction of God for they wer his Lieuetenauntes and might be called his woorkemen when as they destroyed those whom god himselfe had declared to be enemies and cōmaunded that they should be destroyed by them And Iudah tooke Hazzam and the borders therof These words do al so cōfirme that those things which ar now declared wer don after the death of Iosua when the publique wealth of the Israelites was gouerned by elders For when in the booke of
Iosua the .xiii. chap. those Cities were reckoned which were least vnconquered after Iosuas death these cities Haza Ascalon and Accaron are expressed by name But there is a doubt after what sorte these Cities were sayde to haue pertained to the Philistians in the tyme of Samuel when Saul dyd then raigne Yea and the same is written in the third chap. of this booke There are some whiche affirme that these Cities were not nowe altogether taken but so possessed that the Israelites obtained some part of the lande which belonged vnto them which semeth not very lykely vnto me seing that the historye sayth that not onely euery one of these Cities wer taken but that also the endes and borders of them came into the power of Iudah Wherfore I would rather iudge that their opinion is best which affirme that Iudah dyd now in deede possesse these Cities as it is written but afterwarde when the Israelites synned they wer agayne dryuen out of them by the Philistians who wonne them agayne to their own vse and so did wynne them that they counted them as most principal dominions for they dyd set ouer eche of them certaine noble gouernours Neyther ought that much to moue vs bycause the history doth onelye name Iudah now speaketh nothing of Symeon For that might be bicause the lot of both these tribes was ioyned together and they had made a couenant to fyght together therfore when we heare the name of the one we must therwith also vnder stand the name of the other And the name of Symeon is rather vnspoken of bicause God hymself in his oracle gaue Iudah the principality in this expedition 19 And the Lord was with Iudah he possessed the mountayne for he could not dryue out the inhabitauntes of the valley bycause they had yron Chariotes He possessed the mountayne The figure zeugma It is written in Hebrewe Veioresch Hahar which if it wer properly translated is he draue away the mountain which without doubt is a figuratiue phrase for the figure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is added by whych figure one and the selfe woord serueth for two members bycause that woorde Ioschebe which is inhabitours ought to be repeated that euen as it is said that Iudah could not dryue out the inhabitours of the valley so also must be vnderstand that the inhabitours of the mountaine were expelled by him so that thys woord Hahar is the genitiue case as is this woord Haamak that is of the valley The conquering of both these was paynfull bycause Cityes founded vpon mountaines are by nature of the place wel fenced and they whych dwelled in the 〈◊〉 valleys wer very experte in a kynde of fence I meane yron chariotes But least peraduenture we should thinke that the inhabitors of the mountains wer driuen out of their place of Iudah by the strength of men ther is set before And the Lord was with Iudah As though it had ben said bicause they fought by the fauour of God therfore the hilly places wer conquered Wherefore if God had ayded them of Iudah with the like fauour in their battayl in the valley they should also haue ouercome those which inhabited the valley There semeth also a cause to be geuen bycause they had yron chariotes He that shal reade the Iliades of Homer shal easely perceaue that the men in the old time vsed chariotes in battails also the same may be gathered both out of the most auncient histories also out of the latter writers Quintus Curtius amongest other Quintus Curtius writing the life of Alexander doth playnlye make mencion of such chariots in the battail fought against Darius But I thinke no writer writeth more plainly of them than doth Liuie Titus Liuius For he in that battail wherin Antiochus was ouercome of the Romanes which is in the .4 decade seuenth boke thus describeth the chariotes whych he calleth hooked He sayth that they were fenced chiefely after thys maner The description of hooked chariotes The poyntes aboute the draught tree standing out from the yoke had as it were hornes wherwith whatsoeuer they met they mighte thruste it throughe and twoo hookes hoong oute at eche ende of the cart the one euen with the carte the other fastened downewarde to the earth the former serued to cut asunder what so euer came on the syde of it the other was made to crushe them which fel downe or went vnder There were also two sundry hookes fastened after the same sorte to the exetrees of both the wheles c. The vse therfore of these chariotes endured til the tyme that Antiochus was ouercome Howbeit wee neuer reade that the Romanes vsed them And that they wer horrible to behold and hard to be conquered may manifestly be gathered by the booke of Iosua For ther in the .vii. chap. when the tribe of Ioseph complained bicause it was so many in number and had obtained so narrow a lot Iosua commaunded them that if they had not roume inoughe they shoulde go and dwel or els conquere the places of their enemies adioyning vnto them They excused them selues that they coulde not doo that bicause their neighbours had yron chariotes But to repeate more auncienter thinges Pharao as it is written in the booke of Exodus when hee persecuted the Israelites which fled is said to haue had chariotes and with the same he tooke vpon hym to enter into the sea But they beyng ouerthrowen by the power of God hee was punished for breaking his fidelity Yron chariotes cānot resist god But this is diligently to be considered of vs whether either yron chariotes or hooked cartes can withstand the power and promise of God which if we shal deny as in very dede we must deny why ar they then put here as the cause that the victory was not obtained Marke the distinction Whereunto I aunswer that in this place is set foorth vnto vs the nighest cause namely that which was sene And certainly it was a cause if we should looke onely vpon mans strength For the Chananites being so armed and appointed could not be ouercome of the Israelites whych wer weaker than they Why god graūted not the hole victorye vnto Iudah and not so wel armed and fenced But if the power and might of God be considered the same could not be letted either by chariots and weapons or els by power of souldiours Why did not God therfore whych had geuen part of the victory graunt the whole also Kimhi aunswereth that God dyd it to proue the Israelites thereby For if they should haue bene constrayned as in deed they were to dwel for a while with these nations then experience should haue tryed how much they woulde set by theyr God namelye whether they woulde perseuer in the lawfull woorshypping of hym or whether they would enclyne to their owne madde customes and woorshipping of Idoles Thys in deede is a true cause and is set foorth also in the thyrd chapter of
did very faithfully beleue as thoughe he neded no miracle whē as for all that he was altogether vnbeleuing whiche the 2. booke of kinges manifestly declareth for he sent vnto Tiglathphalasar the king of the Assirians to deliuer him from the siege so farre was he of from putting confidence in the Lord. And when God was not ignoraunt of his discease he offred vnto hym the remedy of a miracle and gaue him his choise whiche for all that he of hypocrisie refused Obedience is the principall fruite of faith If Achaz had in very dede beleue god he would not haue refused to obey for asmuch as obedience is reckened among the principall fruites of faith Let vs I pray you with this wicked kyng conferre his most holy sonne Ezechias For he did not so but to the end he myght be made the more assured of recouering health he very modestly required a signe vnto whō when Esay the Prophet graūted his desire willīg him to chuse whether he would haue the shadow of the sunne to be remoued forward or turned backward he tooke his choise neither did he frowardly like his father wtstād the miracle offred him by god But wicked Achaz added hipocrisie vnto infidelitie For he considering that miracles are for two causes refused either for that a man beleueth fully in god neither hath nede of the ayde of miracles or els for that he vtterly contemneth god and passeth no thing at al of his aide he would hide the latter disease wherof he was sicke namely the cōtēpt of god he dissēbled vertue wherof he was cleane voyde namely a singular faith as though he durst not tempt God But for asmuch as God most perfectly knoweth the hart and the raynes he reproued hym by the Prophete according to his deserte What other thing is it to refuse a miracle offred of God thā to repell the succor of the spirituall infirmitie As he that is hunger storuen is to be accused if the refuse bread so was he to be reproued which reiected a medicine offred hym by god whē as he knoweth what euery one of vs nedeth far better than we our selues can see This is nowe sufficient as touching these things whiche at the begynning of the question semed altogether to forbidde the askyng of miracles I know in dede there are some whiche thinke that miracles are vtterly not to be desired Augustine but onely not to be refused when God offreth them And they thinke that Augustine maketh with them whom in his 4. booke de Consensu Euangelist and in his questiōs super Genesin Questiō 63 semeth to affirme thys thing But if thou wilt obiect that very many godly holy men did it and especially our Gideon they answere that they were moued by the spirite of God to desire miracles and therfore it was all one as if God had frely offred signes vnto thē and they of obedience shoulde haue receaued the miracles whiche were offered But these things ought nothing to trouble vs bycause Augustine in the places alledged doth not absolutly and simply prohibet to desire miracles except they be desired to tempte god withall or vpon some noughty occasion Yea in the 63. question vpon Genesis he sayth When this is not rightly done it pertayneth to the tempting of god Let vs heare him rather in his 10. boke of Cōfessions the 35. chap. where he sayeth In religion also is temptyng of god when signes and miracles are desired to take a triall Whiche thyng I also a litle before haue willed to be taken hede of And I will easely graunt that the Sainctes required not miracles by the instinct of the fleshe or prouokyng of humane reason other wise their prayers had ben voyde and of none effect for that as Paul testifieth it behoueth that the spirite do with vnspeakable groning pray for vs. But I thinke I haue now sufficiently spoken of the questions proposed ¶ The vii Chapter 1 THen Ierubbal who is Gideon rose vp early and al the people that were with him and pitched beside the well of Harod so that the host of the Madianites was on the north side of thē in the valley by the hil of Moreh 2 And the Lord sayd vnto Gideō The people that are with thee are to many for me to geue the Madianites into theyr handes least Israell make theyr vaunt agaynst me and say myne owne hand hath saued me 3 Now therfore proclayme in the eares of the people and say Who is timerous and fearefull Let him returne and departe early from mount Gilead And there returned of the people 22000. so 10000. remayned 4 And the Lord sayd vnto Gideon The people are yet too many Bring them vnto the water and I will try them for thee there For of whom I say vnto thee This man shall go with thee the same shall go with thee and of whomsoeuer I say vnto thee This man shall not go with thee the same shall not go 5 So he brought the people to the water And the Lorde sayd vnto Gideō As many as lappe the water with theyr tongue as a dogge lappeth them put by themselues euery one that shall bowe down hys knees to drinke put a part 6 And the number of them that lapped by putting their handes to their mouth were 300. mē but all the rest of the people kneled downe vpon their knees to drinke water 7 And the Lord sayd vnto Gideon By these 300. men that lapped will I saue you and delyuer the Madianites into thine hand and let all the other people go euery man to his place 8 So the people tooke vitayles in theyr handes and theyr trompettes and he sent all the rest of the Israelites euery man vnto hys tente and retayned the 300. men And the host of Madian was beneath him in the valley As much as we can gather by the history the host of Gideon consisted of 32000. souldiers whiche nomber although it may seme great yet in comparison of the enemies it was but small For they had 13500. men in campe but of the 32000. souldiers of Gideons god chose onely 300 by whom he would geue the victory vnto the Israelites This is a very smal number that of euery thousand he toke only .x. But so god wrought For there ar few good said he If in Sodome there had ben onely x. men iust the whole Citie had ben saued The number of good men thoughe it be small yet it is of such force that God for their sakes spareth the rest Wherfore most true are the oracles wherin it is sayd Many are called but few are chosen and the remnauntes onely shal be saued But although God allowed not so great a number yet the acte of Gideon is not to be condemned which gathered it vnto himself for he vsed that prudence which was not cōtrary to the worde of god yea if he had not collected an host he might haue semed to tempt god as he which had refused helpes