rightly noteth that there is no merit properly so named to bee attributed to mortall miserable men and that though the ecclesiasticall writers vse the word merit and when they speake of holy mens workes call them merits yet they thinke them not to bee properly so but doe so name the good actions of holy men that proceed from faith and the working of the holy Ghost because Almighty God though they bee his gifts and joyned in them by whom they are wrought with defect imperfection yet is so pleased to accept of them out of his goodnesse that he not onely rewardeth the doers of them with ample great rewards in their owne persons but so as to doe good to others for their sakes So God sayd to Abraham if there were but fifty righteous in the city hee would spare the whole city for their sakes Neither onely doth hee good for their sakes whose workes hee thus rewardeth while they liue but euen after they à re dead also And therefore God promiseth that hee will protect Hierusalem for his owne sake and for Dauid his seruant which he must be vnderstood to doe not onely in respect of the promise made vnto him but with respect had to his vertue according to the which we read 1 Reg. 15. 3. that God left a little light in Hierusalem to Abiam the sonne of Roboam King of Iudah for Dauids sake who did that which was right in the sight of the Lord. This Dauid saith Chrysostome did not only please God while he was in the body but he is found to haue yeelded great comfort after his death to such as he left behinde him aliue The Prophet Esay commeth to Hezekiah and saith vnto him I will defend this city for mine own sake and for Dauid my seruants sake David is dead but his vertues that pleased God do still liue O strange thing O ineffable clemencie a man long since dead patronizeth him that liueth In this sense then it is that the Church desireth God to be gratious vnto her in graunting her petitions for the merit of those his holiest Ones that she remembreth no way derogating from the merites of Christ but putting a great difference betweene them and those of the Saints for Christs merite is the onely price of our redemption by which onely we are redeemed from sinne eternall death and being reconciled to God are adopted to bee sonnes and heires of eternall life but the merites of the Saints here mentioned are nothing but those imperfect good workes which they did while they liued here which God was pleased so to accept that hee promised not onely to reward them with great and ample rewards in their owne persons but to doe good for their sakes that did them to others also Bucer speaking of the publique prayers of the Church which wee call Collects in which the intercession and merites of Saints are commemorated hath these words Seeing in these prayers whatsoeuer is attributed to the intercession and merites of Saints all that is asked not of the Saints but of our mercifull God through Iesus Christ they that so pray doe thereby professe and testifie that they acknowledge that those things which they aske of God by the intercession and for the merites of the Saints are the free gifts of God c And a little after Wee willingly acknowledge and publiquely professe that GOD doth reward the workes of his Saints not onely in their owne persons but in those also that pertaine vnto them and for whom they intercede for hee hath promised to doe good to a thousand generations to them that loue him and study to keepe his Commaundements hence it was that hee would not heale those of the house of Abimelech till Abraham interceded and intreated for them and hence it was that God graunted and gaue the deliuerance and saluation of all the people to Moses when he intreated for the same These are the wordes of Bucer which not being contradicted by any of our profession it is evident that no part of Romish Religion disliked by vs can bee prooued out of this part of the Canon of the Masse Thus hauing cleared that great objection of Mr Brerelie touching the publique Liturgie vsed in the Church in the dayes of our Fathers and made it appeare that the vsing thereof is no proofe that the Church that then was was not a Protestant Church and hauing made it cleare and evident that both the Liturgie it selfe and the profession of such as vsed it shew plainely that the Church that then was neuer allowed any Romish errour howsoeuer some did in the midst of her it remaineth that I now proceed to shew in the particulars that the outward face of Religion at and before Luthers appearing was not as M ◠Brerelie telleth vs the now professed Romane Religion and that whatsoeuer wee haue done in the reformation of the Church was long before wished for and desired by the best men amongst the guides of the Church CHAP. 1. Of the Canon of the Scriptures THat the Church did not admit the Canon of Scripture which the Romanists now doe nor euer accounted those bookes Canonicall which we thinke to be Apocryphall it will easily appeare in that all the most famous Divines from the beginning of the Christian World euen till the time of Luther did reject those bookes as Apocryphall that wee doe The Church of the Iewes to whom as S. Paul saith the oracles of God were committed admitted but onely 22 Bookes as deliuered to them from God to be the Canon of their faith as Iosephus witnesseth Neither did the Christian Church euer admit any more Melito Bishop of Sardis being desired by Onesimus to send him a catalogue of the bookes of the old and new Testament writeth thus vnto him Hauing diligently sought out the bookes of the old Testament and put them in order I haue sent them vnto you the names whereof are these the 5 bookes of Moses Genesis Exodus Leuiticus Numbers Deuteronomie then Iesus the sonne of Naue Iudges Ruth the 4 bookes of Kings two bookes of Chronicles the Psalmes of Dauid the Prouerbes which is also called the Wisdome of Salomon Ecclesiastes the Canticles Iob the Prophets Esay Hieremie one booke of the twelue Prophets Daniel Ezechiel Esdras Some soe translate the words of Melito as if hee reckoned the wisdome of Salomon as a seperate booke and so meant the booke that is commonly called the Wisdome of Salomon and is by vs accounted to be apocryphall but Ruffinus translateth as wee doe and that wee haue rightly expressed the meaning of this worthy Bishoppe and that hee onely added this as a glorious title to the booke of Salomons Prouerbs which as Eusebius saith the auncients vsually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reader will soone be satisfied if he peruse that which D. Raynolds hath touching this point in his prelections Eusebius she weth that Iosephus according to the auncient
tradition of the Iewes numbred only 22 Canonicall bookes of the old Testament as we do and in his Chronicle he sayth expressely that the bookes of the Macchabees are not in the canon Reade saith Cyrill of Hierusalem in his Catechisme the diuine Scriptures that is the 22 bookes of the old Testament and a litle after Reade therefore these 22 bookes but with the apocrypha haue nothing to doe meditate vpon the diuine Scriptures which wee confidently reade in the Church the holy Apostles the guides of truth who deliuered vnto vs these bookes were more wise and religious then thou art Seing therefore thou art but a sonne transgresse not the precepts of the Fathers Now these are the bookes which thou must reade and then numbreth all the bookes of the old Testament and omitteth all those that are controuersed sauing that hee addeth that of Baruch thinking it a part of Hieremies prophesies Of the same opinion is Epiphanius making no mention of any of the bookes reiected by vs as apocryphall but onely the booke of Wisdome and Iesus the sonne of Sirach which hee saith are profitable but not to be esteemed as the 22 bookes or 27 as some count them that were kept in the arke of the couenant which are the bookes by vs acknowledged to bee canonicall Amphilochius Bishoppe of Iconium writing to Seleucus hath these words I will reckon vnto thee all the bookes that proceeded from the holy Ghost and that thou mayest cleerely conceiue that which concernes this matter I wil first number vnto thee the bookes of the old Testament then he nameth the 5 bookes of Moses Iosua and the Iudges Ruth 4 bookes of the Kings 2 of the Chronicles 2 of Esdras Iob the Psalmes 3 of Solomon the proverbes Ecclesiastes Canticles 12 Prophets Hose Amos Micheas Ioel Abdias Ionas Naum Abacuch Sophonie Haâ—…ge Zacharias Malachias the 4 Prophets Esai Hieremie Ezekiel Daniel and concludeth that to these some adde Hester The reason why some doubted of Hester I haue elsewhere shewed out of Sixtus Senensis to haue been the Apocryphall additions to the booke I haue some where cited this booke as a part of Gregorie Nazianzens workes because some thinke it so to be and put it amongst his workes But Gregory hath deliuered his opinion clearely touching this matter though that booke happily be not his Bee conuersant saith hee day and night in the diuine oracles but least such bookes as are not of this sort deceiue thee for many erroneous bookes are inserted receiue the true and iust number of bookes that are diuine and then nameth all the bookes that wee admitte saue that hee omitteth the booke of Hester vpon the same reason that I noted out of Sixtus Senensis and when he hath named these he addeth those of the new testament and then pronounceth that whatsoeuer is not within this number is to bee accounted amongst bastard counterfeit bookes Origen expounding the first Psalme putteth downe a catalogue of the holy Scriptures of the old Testament writing thus in precise words as Eusebius telleth vs Wee must not be ignorant that the bookes of the old Testament as the Hebrewes doe deliuer are 22 which is the number of their letters and then nameth all the bookes admitted by vs and addeth that the bookes of Macchabees are without this number Athanasius agreeth with Origen writing in this sort All our Scripture that are Christians was giuen by divine inspiration neither hath this Scripture infinite bookes but a definite number and contayned in a certaine canon and these are the bookes of the old Testament Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomie Iosuáh Iudges Ruth the first and second of Kings accounted one booke the third fourth of Kings accounted one booke Chronicles first second accounted one booke Esdras the first second one booke the Psalmes of David 151. Proverbs of Salomon Ecclesiastes Canticles Iob 12 Prophets contayned in one volume Osee Amos Micheas Ioell Abdias Ionas Naum Ambacum Sophonias Aggaeus Zacharias Malachias 4 other Prophets Esai Hieremie Ezechiel Daniel the bookes therefore of the old Testament are 22 in number answerable to the Hebrew letters Beside these there are certaine other bookes of the old Testament that are not in the canon and these are read onely to the Catechumens or Novices Amongst these hee numbreth the Wisedome of Solomon the Wisedome of Iesus the sonne of Sirach Iudith Tobit but mentioneth not the bookes of Macchabees at all to these he addeth the booke of Hester accounting it Apocryphall being misperswaded of the whole by reason of those Apocryphall additions as before I noted out of Sixtus Senensis In the conclusion of his Synopsis he mentioneth together with the former foure bookes of Macchabees and the story of Susanna but sayth they are in the number of them that are contradicted The councell of Laodicea decreeth in this sort Let no bookes be read in the Church but the bookes of the old new Testament and then addeth these are the bookes of the old Testament that are to bee read Genesis Exodus Leviticus Numbers Deuteronomie Iosuah Iudges Ruth foure bookes of Kings 2 of Chronicles Esdras the booke of the Psalmes 150. the Proverbs of Solomon Ecclesiastes Canticles Iob Hester 12 Prophets Osee c Esay Hieremie Ezekiel Daniel The canons of this councell are confirmed by the sixt generall councell holden in Trullo To these we may adde Damascene who hauing numbred all those bookes and those onely as canonicall that wee doe addeth that the booke of Wisedome and of Iesus the son of Sirach are good bookes and containe good lessons of vertue but that they are not numbred in this account neither were layd vp in the arke Leontius advocatus Byzantinus sayth there are onely 22 bookes of the old Testament reckoneth all those and those onely that wee doe All these worthies that wee haue hitherto produced to testifie in this case are of the Greeke Church wherefore let vs passe to them of the Latine Hilary Bishop of Poictiers saith the law of the old testament is contained in 22 bookes according to the number of the Hebrew letters which are so disposed and put in order according to the tradition of the auncient that there are fiue bookes of Moses that Iosuah is the sixt the Iudges and Ruth the seaventh the first and second of Kings the eigth the third and fourth the ninth 2 of Chronicles the tenth Esdras the eleventh Psalmes 12 Solomons Proverbs Ecclesiastes Canticles 13 14 15 the 12 Prophets 16 Esay Hieremie with the Lamentations and epistle Daniell Ezechiel Iob Hester doe make vp the number of 22 bookes some haue thought good to adde Tobie and Iudith and so to make the bookes to bee 24 in number according to the number of the Greeke letters Ruffinus in the explanation of the Creed which is found amongst the works of Cyprian and so attributed to him setteth downe a Catalogue of those bookes
none of them could erre in writing but if in them I find any thing that may seeme contrary to the trueth I perswade my selfe that either the Copie is corrupt or the interpreter defectiue and faultie or that the fault is in my not vnderstanding of it but other authors I so read that how great soeuer their learning sanctitie bee I doe not therefore thinke any thing to bee true because they haue so thought but because they perswade me that it is true by the authority of the Canonicall authors or the probability of Reason Besides the indubitate writings of those Canonicall Authours there are other bookes written of the same argument which because the credite and authority of the authors of them is not knowen are named Apocryphall Bookes are named Apocryphall first because the authour of them is not knowen and in this sense some of the Bookes of Canonicall Scripture as the bookes of Chronicles of Hester and a great part of the Psalmes may be named Apocryphall though vnproperly and vnfitly The authority of the authors of them not being doubted of though their names and other personall conditions be not knowen And therefore Andradius reprehendeth the Glosse which defineth those things to be Apocryphall quae incerto authore prodita sunt the author and publisher whereof is not knowen Secondly bookes are therefore named Apocryphall because the authority and credite of them is called in question it being doubted whether they proceeded from the inspiration of the holy spirit so that they cannot serue for the confirmation of any thing that is called in question In this seuse Hierome calleth the bookes of the Macchabees and the rest of that kinde Apocryphall though they were read privately and publikely for the edification of the people and the information of manners Thirdly such bookes are named Apocryphall as are meerely fabulous and full of impiety and therefore interdicted and forbidden to bee read or regarded at all The auncientest of the Fathers name these onely Apocryphall and so doth Hierome sometimes calling those of the second ranke Hagiographall though this name be sometimes giuen to those Canonicall bookes which pertaine not to the Lawe nor the Prophets as the booke of Iob the Psalmes the bookes of Salomon Esdras the Chronicles c. so diuiding the whole Canon of the Scripture of the old Testament into the Law the Prophets and the Hagiographall bookes that is those which not hauing any proper name of difference retaine and are knowen by the common name of holy writ CHAP. 23. Of the Canonicall and Apocryphall bookes of Scripture THe bookes of the old Testament were committed to the Church of the Iewes wherevpon that is one of the things in respect whereof the Apostle preferreth them before the Gentiles that to them were committed the Oracles of God This Church of the Iewes admitted but onely 22 bookes as deliuered vnto them from God to bee the Canon of their faith according to the nūber of the letters of their Alphabet as Iosephus sheweth For though they sometimes reckon foure and twenty and somtimes seuen and twenty yet they adde no more in one of these accounts than in the other For repeating Iod thrice for honour of the Name of GOD and so the number of the letters rising to foure and twenty they number the bookes of Canonicall Scripture to be foure and twenty dividing the booke of Ruth from the Iudges and the Lamentations from the Prophecies of Ieremy and reckoning them by themselues which in the former account they joyned with them These bookes thus numbred Hierome fitly compareth to the foure and twenty Elders mentioned in the Revelation Qui adorabant prostratis vultibus offerebant coronas suas Which prostrating themselues adored and worshipped the Lambe acknowledging that they receiued their Crownes of him Stantibus coram quatuor animalibus oculatis antè retrò in praeteritum futurum respicientibus Those foure admirable liuing creatures hauing eyes before and behind looking to things past and to come standing before him And because fiue of the Hebrew letters are double they sometimes reckon the bookes of the holy Canon so as that they make them rise to the number of seuen and twenty reckoning the first and second of Samuel of Kings of Chronicles and of Esdras by themselues seuerally which in the first accompt were numbred together two of euery of these being accompted but as one booke and dividing Ruth from the Iudges These onely did the auncient Church of the Iewes receiue as Divine and Canonicall That other bookes were added vnto these whose authority not being certain and knowne are named Apocryphall fell out on this sort The Iewes in their latter times before and at the comming of Christ were of two sorts some properly and for distinctions sake named Hebrewes commorant at Hierusalem and in the holy Land others named Helenists that is Iewes of the dispersion mingled with the Grecians These had written sundry bookes in Greeke which they made vse of together with other parts of the Old Testament which they had of the Translation of the Septuagint but the Hebrewes receiued onely the two and twenty bookes before mentioned Hence it came that the Iewes deliuered a double Canon of the Scripture to the Christian Churches the one pure indubitate and divine which is the Hebrew Canon the other in Greeke enriched with or rather adulterated by the addition of certain bookes written in those times when God raised vp no more Prophets among his people This volume thus mixed of diuers sorts of bookes the Christians receiued of the Iewes These bookes joyned in one volume were translated out of Greeke into Latine and read by them of the Latine Church in that Translation for there was no Catholique Christian that euer translated the Scriptures of the old Testament out of Hebrew into Latine before Hieromes time nor none after him till our age Hence it came that the Fathers of the Greeke Church hauing Origen and sundry other learned in the Hebrew tongue and making search into the antiquities and originals of the Iewes receiued as Canonicall onely the two and twenty bookes written in the Hebrew and did account all those books which were added in the Greeke to bee Apocryphall The Latines receiuing them both in one Translation and bound vp in one volume vsed sundry parts of the Apocryphall bookes in their prayers and readings together with the other and cited them in their writings yet did none of them make any Catalogue of Canonicall and Apocryphall bookes and number them amongst the Canonicall before the third Councell of Carthage wherein Augustine was present at which time also Innocentius liued which Fathers seeme to adde to the Canon diuers bookes which the Hebrewes receiue not Hierome translating the Scriptures out of the Hebrew and most exactly learning what was the Hebrew Canon rejected all besides the two and twenty Hebrew bookes as the Grecians did before
devout as to desire to communicate euery Sunday and some other dayes also So that there wanted not of the people in former times that desired to communicate aswell as to be present nor of the guides that encouraged them so to doe and therefore hitherto nothing can be proued against my assertion Wherefore let vs come to the Masse it selfe Amongst all the Sacraments of the Church that is the principall saith Durandus that is celebrated vpon the table of the most holy Altar representing that Feast banquet of the Church wherein the father vpon the returne of his lost sonne caused the fatlings to be slaine setteth out the bread of life the wine which wisedome hath mixed for her friends louers These mysteries this holy Sacrament Christ then instituted when he made his new and last testament disposing to his heires a kingdome as his father had disposed to him that vpon his Table they might eat drinke in his kingdome that which the Church hath consecrated for as they were at supper Iesus tooke bread and when he had giuen thanks blessed it brake it gaue it to his Disciples saying take eat this is my body which shal be giuen for you doe this in the remembrance of me The Apostles following this institution began to celebrate these mysteries for the same end that Christ had expressed keeping the same forme in words and vsing the same matter of bread wine that he did as the Apostle witnesseth to the Corinthians where he saith what I haue receiued of the Lord I haue deliuered vnto you who the same night that hee was betrayed tooke bread c. and added to the forme of wordes vsed by Christ the Lords prayer And S. Peter is said in this sort to haue celebrated first of all in the East parts Wherefore in the beginnings of the Church these mysteries were celebrated in another sort then since they haue bin Afterwards the reading of some parts of sacred scripture particularly of the Epist. Gospell was added Pope Celestinus instituted the introitus other things were added at other times by others Howsoeuer this is certain there were are at this day diuers formes of celebrating this mystery For the formes of the East Churches are different from those of the West it appeareth that aunciently in France Spain sundry parts of Italy they had other formes then now are vsed more like to those of the East which being in some things enlarged and perfitted by S. Ambrose were called the Ambrosian forms of divine seruice These cōtinued till the time of Charles the great For thogh Gregory as Io. Diaconus tels vs taking the forms of celebrating masse which Gelasius had cōposed adding somethings detracting others changing others brought in a new forme which the Church of Rome followed yet the other churches of the west retained the old forms which they had receiued frō their ancesters And to this purpose it is that Berno Augiensis testifieth that amongst the monuments of his Abbey there was found an olde ◅all much different from those of Rome But Charles the great sought to bring the Provinces subiect to his Empire to receiue the Romane forme by threats punishment We read saith Durandus in the life of blessed Eugenius that while the forme of divine seruice which was named the Ambrosian forme was more followed obserued by the Church then that of Gregory Adrian the Pope called a councell in which it was ordered that the Gregorian forme should euerywhere be obserued To the obseruation whereof Charles the Emperour by threats and punishments forced the Cleargie in sundry Provinces burning the olde Ambrosian bookes And further hee addeth that Saint Eugenius comming to a certaine councell called about this businesse finding that the Bishoppes were gone and the councell ended three dayes before his comming induced the Pop◅ to call the Bishoppes backe againe which hee did and the councell being againe renued it was agreed on by common consent that both the missals both that of Saint Ambrose and the other of Saint Gregorie should be layed on the altar of Saint Peter the Apostle that the doores of the Church should be fast locked and sealed with the seale of sundry Bishops and that then they should spend the whole night in prayer beseeching God that he would shew by some signe which of these hee would haue to be obserued in his Church and in the morning entering they found that of Gregory torne in peeces and scattered all ouer the Church the other opened but yet still lying entire and whole on the altar of which accident they made this construction that that of Gregorie was to be vsed euery where thorough the world the other only at Millain in S. Ambroses owne Church and so saith Durand it is vsed vnto this day For by the helpe of Charles the great that of Ambrose was disused in many Churches that other brought in place Onely the Christians of Spaine admitted not this alteration notwithstanding all these endeauours till the time of Gregorie the seauenth what time they were constrained by Alphonsus the sixt to giue way which they did most vnwillingly and not without teares Rodericus reporteth that when this alteration was vrged by the Popes legate and the king there being an assembly of all the states the Clergie Nobilitie and people resisted mainely against it whereupon in the end it was resolued that that matter should be tried by cumbate and one being chosen for the newe and another for defense of the old he that vndertooke the defense of the old preuailed which caused a great reioycing among the people But the king not regarding this triall nor thinking it to bee any sufficient clearing of the matter questioned it was agreed that both the bookes should be cast into the fire that that which should bee preserued in the fire might bee allowed as best which accordingly being done the booke of the old forme came forth vntouched and the other was consumed yet would not the king be perswaded to desist but threatning death and vtter confusion to all gainesayers made this innouation in his Church and kingdome all his subiects weeping and sorrowing and then began the prouerbe Quo volunt reges vadunt leges So that wee see howsoeuer our aduersaries would make the simple beleeue that things were euer as now they are yet there haue beene great alterations in the forme of diuine seruice and it is not to be doubted but that the auncient formes as different from the latter were more pure and sincere then they that are now vsed They that haue diligently looked into the monuments of antiquity sayth Rhenanus vpon Tertullians booke de corona militis do thinke that aunciently the masse began when the priest did say The lord be with you immediately after Lift vp your harts and Let vs giue thankes to our Lord God and againe It is very meete right and our
information of manners yet is their authority thought to bee too weake to proue things that are in controversie And writing vpon the first of Esdras 1. c. he saith that though the bookes of Tobias Iudith and the Macchabees bee historicall bookes yet he intendeth to pasle them ouer because they are not in the Canon neither with the Iewes nor with the Christians Tostatus Bishop of Abulen approueth the judgment of Lyra. Ximenius that was made a Cardinall in the time of Leo the 10â— put forth the Bibles called Biblia Complutensia and in the Preface before the same treating of the bookes by vs thought to bee Apocryphall hee sayth they are not in the Canon and that the Church readeth them rather for edification of the people then to confirme any doubtfull points of doctrine and that therefore they are not Canonicall Dionysius Carthusianus in his Prologues before the bookes of Ecclesiasticus and Tobias denyeth them to bee Canonicall as also the booke of Iudith and writing vpon the first Chapter of Macchabees hee denieth it to bee Canonicall Ludovicus Vives treating of History sacred and prophane now come in sayth hee the bookes of Kings and the Chronicles the Apocryphall bookes of Hester Tobias and Iudith Esdras which being divided into foure bookes the two first are accounted Canonicall by the Hebrewes the two latter are Apocryphall And in another place speaking of the History of Susanna and Bell he putteth them amongst the Apocrypha With these accordeth Driedo To these may bee added the Glosses The ordinary Glosse was begun by Alcuinus as Antoninus Florentinus Gaguinus doe thinke or by Strabus Fuldensis as Trithemius Sixtus Senensis thinke but it was afterwards inlarged by diuerse which gathered sundry sentences and sayings out of the writings of the Fathers and put them into it This Glosse grew to bee in great request and vsed in all Churches of the West In the preface thereof are these words There are some bookes canonicall some not canonicall betweene which there is as great difference as there is betweene that which is certaine and that which is doubtfull For the canonicall bookes were composed by the immediate direction and suggestion of the holy spirit they that are not canonicall are very good and profitable but their authoritie is not reputed sufficient to proue the things that are questionable This the authour thinketh so cleere that hee fastneth the note of ignorance vpon all such as thinke otherwise and professeth that therefore he held it necessarie to prefixe this preface because there are many who not giuing themselues much to the study of holy Scripture suppose that all those bookes that are bound vp together in the Bible are to bee in like sorte honoured and esteemed not knowing how to put a difference betweene bookes canonicall and not canonicall which the Hebrewes separate from the canon and the Greekes account apocryphall and so oftentimes make themselues ridiculous to them that are learned Hee citeth the authority of Origen Hierome and Ruffinus rejecting the six bookes questioned and though hee knew the opinion of Augustine yet doth hee not follow it onely hee sayth that amongst the bookes not canonicall they that are reiected by Augustine as Baruch and the third and fourth of Esdras are lesse to bee esteemed then those that hee alloweth And immediately after this preface followeth Hieromes epistle to Paulinus and afterwards his prologus galeatus and his prologue before the bookes of Solomon And the glosse every where inculcateth when it commeth to these six bookes that they are not canonicall Incipit liber Tobiae c. Heere beginnes the booke of Tobias which is not canonicall c. In the edition of the Bibles with the Glosses there is found an exposition of the prologues of Hierome written and composed by Brito more auncient then Lyra for hee is cited by him and honoured with the title of a famous and worthy man who professeth that the bookes questioned are not canonicall Gratian in the decree maketh no mention of the opinion of Gelasius touching the canonicall Scriptures disliking as it seemeth his opinion and yet not willing to oppose against it But the Glosse vpon the next distinction saith there are certaine apocryphall bookes that is without authour as the Wisedome of Solomon the booke of Iesus the sonne of Sirach called Ecclesiasticus the booke of Iudith the booke of Tobias and the bookes of the Macchabees these bookes are sayd to bee apocryphall and yet they are read but happily not generally Driedo citeth this place of the glosse and reprehendeth the authour of it as not giving the true reason why these bookes are called apocryphall but yet thinketh as hee doth that they are apocryphall Sanctes Pagninus in his epitome of historicall bookes that are canonicall prefixed before the Bible translated by him into Latine accounteth all those that Hierome doth to be canonicall the rest hagiographall Bruciolus in the preface of his commentaries vpon the Bible translated by him into Italian saith he hath commented vpon all the bookes of the old testament yet hee hath not commented vpon the six bookes that are questioned In the Bibles put out at Antwerpe by Arias Montanus with the interlineall translation all those bookes are omitted In the edition of the Bible printed at Antwerpe by Birkmannus that very yeare that the councell of Trent was holden to determine this point touching the Canonicall and Apocryphall Scriptures and the like the author suppressing his name prefixeth a preface before the same his edition and in it reiecteth all the bookes now questioned in more peremptory sort then many of the former did Here wee see a cloud of witnesses in all ages and in all parts of the world witnessing to the truth of that wee affirme touching the canon of the Scripture and reiecting those bookes as Apocryphall or not Canonicall which wee reiect euen till and after the time of Luther soe that the Church wherein our Fathers liued and died is found as I sayd to bee in this point a Protestant Church wherefore let vs proceed to other particular points of controversie CHAP. 2. Of the sufficiencie of the Scripture THat the Church formerly did not deny the sufficiencie of the Scripture for the direction of Christian men in matters of faith and religion as the Romanists now doe but acknowledged and taught that it containeth all things necessary to salvation accordingly as wee now professe it appeareth by the testimonies of these diuines Gregorius Ariminensis sometimes Prior generall of the friars Heremites of the order of Saint Augustine writing vpon the sentences hath these words That is properly a theologicall discourse that consisteth of sayings or propositions contained in the holy scripture or of such as are deduced thence or at the least of such as are consequent and to bee deduced from one of these this sayth hee is proued ex communi omnium conceptione nam omnes arbitrantur
Church when it is confessed by the best learned of all sides that the Priests of the Law had no priuiledge of not erring in teaching the people of GOD after Christ appeared and began to teach in his owne person whatsoeuer they had before and that this was fore-told by Ieremy the Prophetwhen he said Peribit lex à Sacerdote verbū à Propheta consilium à Sapiente The Law shall perish frō the Priest the word frō the Prophet and counsell from the wise But such is the impudencie of some of the friends louers of the Church of Rome that they feare not to defend cleare the doctrine of the Scribes and Pharisees from errour wherewith Christ so often chargeth them to justifie the proceedings of the high Priest and the rest of the Priests and Rulers assembled in Councell against Christ himselfe affirming that the sentence pronounced against him was true and just for that he was truly guilty of death in that hee had taken vpon him our sinnes to purge them in himselfe and that it was indeede expedient that he should dye for the people according to the saying of Caiphas who in so saying is saide to haue prophesied as being the high Priest that yeare But Bellarmine ingenuously acknowledgeth the ouer-sight of his friends and companions and saith that howsoeuer those words of Caiphas admit a good sense though not intended by him for he meant it was better that Christ being but one should die then that the whole people whose destruction he thought vnavoidable if Christ were suffered to liue should perish come to nothing Yet there are other wordes of Caiphas that in no sense are justifiable as when he said He hath blasphemed what need we any more witnesses Touching his former speech it was the will of God for the honour of the Priesthood that he should vtter that he meant ill in such wordes as might haue a good sense though not meant nor intended by him whereupon he is said to haue prophesied but the latter words are words of cursed blasphemy without horrible impiety cannot be excused in any sense Therefore there are others who confesse that Caiphas and his assistants erred when they cōdemned Christ but that it was but a matter of fact wherein they erred in mistaking the quality of Christs Person in being mis-informed of him in which kinde of things Councels may erre This conceipt the Cardinall likewise rejecteth explodeth as absurd for that howsoeuer it was a question of fact concerning the Person of him that stood to be judged yet it inwrapped in it a most important question concerning the Faith to wit whether IESVS the Son of Mary vvere the true Messias Son of God therefore Caiphas with his whole Councell resoluing that he was not erred damnably in a matter of Faith pertinaciously in that they rejected him as a blasphemer of God whom the Angels from Heauen testified to be the Son of God the Starre designed to be that light that lightneth euery one that commeth into the World the Sages from a farre adored as being that King of the Iewes that is to sit vpon the Throne of Dauid for euer whose Dominion is from Sea to sea from the Riuer to the end of the Land whom the seas windes obeyed at whose rebuke the Diuels went out of those they had formerly possessed But if this defence of the hellish sentence of wicked Caiphas be too weake as indeed it is our adversaries last refuge is that this Councel erred because Caiphas his fellowes proceeded in it tumultuously not in due sort vvhich is a most silly shift For how are Councels priviledged from erring vvhich is the thing these men seek so carefully to defend though it be vvith excusing of the Fact of those men vvho shal be found vnexcusable in the day of Iudgment if Councels may proceed tumultuously so define against the truth Thus we see that the great Councell of state amongst the Iewes to vvhich all matters of difficultie vvere brought from vvhich there vvas no appeale might and did erre sometimes dangerously damnably This Councell continued in some sort as vvell after the captivity of Babylon the returne from the same as before though vvith this difference that vvheras before the king had a principal interest in the same aftervvards the High Priest alvvayes vvas chief there being no more Kings of Iudah but the kings of Persia Aegypt and Syria commaunding ouer the Iewes and making them tributaries vnto them In this sort were they gouerned till some differences growing amongst them for the place of the high Priest they were by Antiochus Epiphanes king of Syria depriued both of their liberty and exercise of religion and brought into miserable bondage the indignity whereof the Assamonaei of the tribe of Leui could not indure but by force and policie in a sort freed the state of the Iewes againe and tooke vnto themselues first the name of Princes and then of Kings In the booke of Maccabees we reade that Mattathias was constituted Priest Prince and Ruler and that many came downe to him to seeke judgement and iustice Iudas Maccabaeus succeeded Mattathias and joyned the dignity of the high Priest to the princely power Ionathas succeeded Macchabaeus of whom we reade Now this day doe we chuse thee to be vnto vs a Prince instead of Iudas and a captaine to fight our battels Simon succeeded Ionathas and in his time Demetrius king of Syria and Antiochus his son remitted all tributes so that then the Iewes recouered their ancient liberty in as ample manner as they had formerly enjoyed it vnder their kings Iohn succeeded Simon and Aristobulus Iohn who put vpon himselfe a Diademe and assumed the name of a King After Aristobulus succeeded Alexander his brother marrying Solina his wife Alexander being dead Alexandra obtayned the kingdome after her Hircanus whom Aristobulus his brother expulsed Pompey tooke this Aristobulus prisoner subdued Iudaea brought it into the forme of a prouince and appointed Antipater Ascalonita to be Procurator of it but not long after Antigonus the son of Aristobulus recouered the citie of Hierusalem inuaded the kingdome against whom the Romans set vp Herod the son of Antipater and gaue him the name of a King Thus the direction and gouernment of the Iewes rested principally in the Sanedrim as well before as after their returne from Babylon and the Sanedrim which was the highest Court and swayed all consisted for the most part of men taken out of the house of Dauid and therefore the Scepter did not depart from Iudah so long as that Court continued and retayned the authority belonging to it though there were no king of the posterity of Dauid and tribe of Iudah but the high Priests first and then other of the tribe of Leui assuming to themselues Priestly and Princely dignity had the chiefest place and highest roome in this court of
downe the reasons brought on both sides and first that it was the true Samuel hee sheweth that these reasons are commonly brought First because the Scripture speaketh of him as of his very person not of any counterfeit likenes of him calling him not once but often by the name of Samuel Secondly for that it had bin a great dishonour irreuerence offered to Samuel if so often the Diuell should haue beene called by his name in holy Scripture Lastly for that it is said in Ecclesiasticus in the praise of Samuel the Prophet of God that he prophesied after his death that he afterwards slept againe and that he made known to King Saul his end the ouerthrow of his armies which prediction is not to bee imputed to a lying Spirit seeing hee so certainely foretold what was to come to passe On the other side he produceth these proofes First the Glosse vpon the 29 of Esay sayth the Pythonisse did not raise Samuel but euocated called out the Diuell in his likenesse Secondly it is not likely that God who would not answere Saul by liuing Prophets would send any from the dead to aduise or direct him Thirdly he that appeared vnto Saul sayd vnto him To morrow thou shalt be with me but Saul as a wicked man was to be in Hell the place of torments therefore he that appeared was so Fourthly he that appeared suffered Saul to worship him which true Samuel would not haue done seeing God onely is to be worshipped Fiftly if it were true Samuel that appeared either hee was raised by diuine power or by the power of magicall incantations if by diuine power God should very much haue fauoured magicall arts if at the inuocation of this Pythonisse hee had wrought such a miracle if by the power of Magicke then was he raised by the Diuell and that either with his consent and then he had done euill which he could not doe or without his consent which could not be seeing the Diuell hath no power to force the Saints of God after their death and departure hence Lastly he alleageth the authority of Augustine who bringing the reasons on both sides in the end inclineth rather to this later opinion and that in the Decrees Cap. Nec mirum c. adding that if that decree taken out of Augustine bee the decree of the Church noe man may thinke otherwise but if it be not as he thinketh it is not because Augustine out of whom it was taken disputeth the matter doubtfully and many of the Diuines since the compiling of that decree are of another opinion which they ought not to be if it were the decree of the Church he rather thinketh it was true Samuel that appeared then any counterfeit in his likenesse If any man desire to see the different opinions of the Fathers touching this point let him reade Tertullian in his booke de Animâ the 33 Chapter the annotations vpon the same place of Tertullian But howsoeuer whether it were true Samuel that appeared vnto Saul or a counterfeit in his likenesse I hope it is cleare and euident out of that which hath beene sayd that this apparition no way proueth the imagined Limbus of the Papistes There remaine yet two other places of Scripture to be examined that are brought for confirmation of the same but yealding as litle proofe as this The one is in the prophesies of Zacharie the other in the Epistle of S. Peter The words in the former place according to the Vulgar translation are these Thou in the blood of thy testament hast deliuered thy prisoners out of the Lake wherein there is no water But in the Originall the words are otherwise and Arias Montanus translateth the place otherwise in this sort And thou to wit Ierusalem in the blood of thy testament that is sprinkled with the blood â—…f thy testament reioyce and be glad I haue dismissed thy prisoners out of the lake wherein there is no water So that these words Thou in the blood of thy testament are not appliable vnto Christ but to Hierusalem and the other touching the dismissing of the prisoners out of the lake wherein is no water vnto God the Father who speaketh in this place to HierusaleÌ„ coÌ„cerning Christ her King coÌ„forteth her saying Rejoyce o Daughter of Sion be glad ô Daughter of Hierusalem for behold thy King commeth vnto thee meeke riding on an Asse vsed to the yoke and the fole of an Asse I will destroy the Charriot froÌ„ Ephraim and the Horse from Hierusalem He shall destroy the bowes of the fighters and the multitude and publish peace to the nations He shall rule from Sea to Sea and from the riuer to the end of the Land And thou to wit Hierusalem in the blood of thy testament that is sprinkled with the blood of thy testament reioyce and be glad I haue dismissed thy Prisoners out of the lake wherein there is no water Thus wee see this place according to the Originall verity and the translation of Arias Montanus maketh nothing for the confirmation of that for proofe whereof it is brought Yea though we should follow the Vulgar Translation and take the words to be spoken by Almighty God to Christ his Sonne yet could not our aduersaries proue Limbus out of this place For the Author of the Glosse and many other following the Vulgar Translation vnderstand these words of the deliuerance of the people of God out of the captiuity of Babylon which was as a deepe pit hauing in it no water but mire wherein their feete stucke fast And Hierome himselfe though he vnderstand the words of Christs descending into hel yet mentioneth the other interpretation also in the same place not much disliking it Neither doth his interpretation of Christs descending into Hell proue Limbus For hee speaketh of the prison of Hell where is no mercie calleth it a cruell or fearefull Hell not of Limbus patrum or Abrahams bosome Bellarmine cunningly after his manner to discredite our interpretation of deliuerance out of Babylonicall captivitie maketh as if Caluine onely had expounded the wordes of the holy Prophet in that sort whereas yet many excellent Diuines long before Caluine was borne interpreted them in the very same sort as we doe But if the challenge of novelty faile he betaketh himselfe to another of absurditie improbabilitie pronouncing that our Interpretation hath no probabilitie first because in the wordes immediatly going before there is a prophesie concerning Christ vttered vnto Hierusalem in these words Reioyce O daughter of Sion for behold thy King commeth c. Which the Evangelists expound of Christs comming into Hierusalem and then secondly an Apostrophe to Christ in the words questioned But first heerein he is deceiued for the speech of Almighty God to his Church begun in the former words is still continued in these shewing what fauours for Christs fake he had still meant to bestow on her whereas
Ambrose vpon Luke that the words of Almighty God which we read in Hieremie are to be vnderstood of a temporall kingdome and the words of the Angell of a spirituall and eternall kingdome That Christ was not a temporall King by right of election hee proueth by that of Christ himselfe when he saith O man who hath made me a judge or a diuider among you And by that of S. Iohn where he saith that When Christ knew they meant to come take him make him a King he fled againe himselfe alone into a mountaine So that he neither was chosen nor would haue accepted of any such choise That by right of conquest and victory hee was not a temporall King it appeareth in that his warre was not with mortall Kings to depriue them of their kingdomes but with the prince of darkenesse according to that of the Apostle To this purpose did the Sonne of God appeare that he might dissolue the workes of the Diuell And that againe Now is the Prince of this world cast out And that of Saint Paule who speaking of Christ sayth That spoyling principalities and powers hee made a shew of them openly triumphing ouer them in himselfe So that his warrefare was not by carnall weapons to get himselfe an earthly kingdome but by spirituall weapons mightie through God to get a spirituall kingdome that hee might reigne in the hearts of men by faith and grace where Sathan reigned before by infidelity disobedience and sinne Lastly that he was no temporall king by any speciall gift of God his Father it is euident out of his owne words when he saith My kingdome is not hence For as the Fathers note vpon these words Christ meant by so saying to put Pilate out of doubt that he affected no temporall kingdome And therefore the sence of his words must needes be this I am a King but not in such sort as Caesar and Herod My kingdome is not of this world that is The supports of it are not things of this world it doth not consist in honour riches and power of this world This thing the Cardinall farther proueth to be true because he came to minister and not to be ministred vnto to be judged and not to judge and by his whole course of conuersation shewed the same neuer taking vpon him to do any kingly act For whereas hee cast out the buyers and sellers out of the Temple it rather pertained to the Priestes office then the kings according to that which wee read in the old Testament that the Priest draue the king himselfe out of the Temple when disorderly he presumed to do things not pertaining to him and yet he did it not by any Priestly or kingly authority but after the manner of Prophets by a kind of diuine zeale like that wherewith Phinchees was moued to kill the adulterer and adulteresse and Elias to slay the Prophets of Baal This most true opinion of the Cardinall that Christ was no temporall king is farther confirmed in that such a kind of kingdome had not beene necessary Nay it had beene an hinderance to the worke he had in hand which was to perswade to the contempt of glorie honour riches pleasures and all such other earthly things wherewith the Kings of the earth abound and by suffering death to ouercome him that had the power of death and to reconcile the world vnto God And besides in that all the places where any mention is made of the kingdome of Christ are necessarily vnderstood of a spirituall and eternall kingdome So in the Psalme I am apointed of him a King to preach his commandement And againe in the booke of Daniel In their dayes shall God raise vp a kingdome which shall not be destroyed for euer And of his kingdome there shall be no end Whereas the kingdomes of men continue but for a time and therefore if Christ had beene a King in such sort while he was vpon the earth as men are he had ceased to be so when hee left the earth And then it could not haue beene true that of his kingdome there should be none end Nay seeing the kingdome of the Iewes was possessed by the Romanes at or immediately after the time of the departure of Christ out of the world and afterwards by the Saracens and Turkes how could that of Daniel haue beene fulfilled that his kingdome shall not be giuen to another people if his kingdome had beene like the kingdomes of men So it is true that Christ came into the world to be a king and that GOD gaue him the seate of Dauid his father But this kingdome was diuine spirituall eternall and proper vnto him in that hee was the Sonne of God and in that he was God and Man But a temporall kingdome such as the sonnes of men haue he had not And heereupon Saint Augustine bringeth in Christ speaking in this sort Audite Iudaej Gentes audi circumcisio audi praeputium audite omnia regnae terrena non impedio dominationem vestram in hoc mundo c. that is Heare O Iewes and Gentiles heare circumcision and vncircumcision heare all ye kingdomes of the earth I hinder not your dominion and rule in this world because my kingdome is not of this world Feare not therefore with that most vaine and causelesse feare wherewith Herod feared and slew so many innocent babes being cruell rather out of feare then anger and so forward shewing that the Kingdome of Christ is meerely spirituall and such as no way prejudiceth the kingdomes of men Which the Glosse confirmeth noting that Christ while hee was yet to liue longer in this world when the multitudes came to make him a King refused it but that when hee was ready to suffer he no way reproued but willingly accepted the hymnes of them that receiued him in triumphant manner and welcommed him to Hierusalem honouring him as a King because hee was a King not hauing a temporall and earthly kingdome but an heauenly Whereunto Leo agreeth shewing that Herod when hee heard a Prince was borne to the Iewes feared a successour but that his feare was vaine and causelesse saying O caeca stultae aemulationis impietas quae perturbandum putas divinum tuo furore consilium Dominus mundi temporale non quaerit regnumqui praestat aeternum that is Oblinde impietie of foolish emulation which thinkest to trouble and hinder the Counsels of God by thy furie The Lord of the World who giueth an eternall Kingdome came not into the World to seeke a temporall kingdome And Fulgentius accordeth with him saying The golde which the Sages offered to Christ shewed him to bee a King but not such a King as will haue his Image and superscription in the coyne but such an one as seeketh his image in the sonnes of men Whence it followeth he was no temporall or mundane King seeing they haue their images and superscriptions in their
r Vbi supra s De iusta Haeret punitione lib. 1. c. 6. t Vt patet in Epist. Nicolai ad Patriarchas u Bellarm. de Concilijs lib. 2. cap. 11. x Actione 3. y De Concilijs lib. 1. cap. 17. z Luke 22. â—…2 a Matth. 18. 20. b Bellarm. lib. 2. de Concilijs cap. 16. c Concord Cathol lib. 2. c. 8. d Hactenus ex Cusano Loco citato e Actione 5 a Locor Theologic li. 5. ca. 5. b Dist. 19. ca. In Canonicis c Aug. de Doctrin Christ. lib. 2. cap. 8. d De fide ordine credendi Theorem 15. e Aduersus haeres lib. 1. cap. 2. f Turrecremata lib. 4. summae de ecclesia parte 2. cap. 9. Caietan in lib. de primatu Rom. Ecclesiae cap. 14. were mis-led in this point by Gratian as Alphonsus noteth g 2. Pet. 1. 21. h 2. Tim. 3. 16. i Clementina vnicâ De summâ Trinitate fide Catholicâ k Quodlibet 9. art vlt. l Locorum Theol. li. 5. c. 5. Citat etiam Antoninum part 3. tit 12. cap. 8. Idem Caietan Opusc. de indulgent ad Iulium ca. 8. m Vide Canum Loco citato n Andrad de authoritate 〈◊〉 Concilior lib. 1. sol 66. o Occam Dialog li. 3. primi tract 3. part cap. 8. p Dan. 2. 23. q Math. 10. 19 20. Math. 11. 25 s 2 Kings 22. t Acts 15 u Loc. Theolog. lib 5. cap. 5. x Hieronym lib 1 contra Pelagianos y Doctrinal fidei li 2. c. 19. z Ibid. cap. 27. a Booke 4. ca. 5. b Cap. 19. c De fide ord credendi Theorem 4. * See Clemangis his disputation with a certain Schoole-man of Paris wherein he proueth by excellent reasons that Generall Councells may erre This disputation is found in the book inâ—…uled Speculum Ecclesiae Pontificiae lately printed at London d Syluester vt est apud Canum lib. 5. c. 5. e Vt idem Canus refert f Lib. 2. de Baprismo cap. 3. g De Concil li. 2. cap. 7. h Apud Gratian dist 50. Ca. Domino Sancto 〈◊〉 Socates lib. 2. cap. 29. k Leo ep 25. l Vt patet ex Epistola Nicolai ad Patriarchas caeteros Episc. Orientis ex Zonarâ in vita Micâ—… Imp. m In chron an 90 n Ce conc in Lib 2. c. 2. o De Pont. l. 4. c. 3. p De conc l. 2. c. 5. q Hist. Eccl. l. 7. c. 2. 3. 4. r Ep 74. ad pâ—…mp s Theorem 4. t Ibidem u Ockam Dialog lib. 3. primi tract 3. part cap. 〈◊〉 x Greg. lib. 〈◊〉 Epist. 24. y Cap. 5. z Actione 15. Canon 28. a De Concilijs li 2. cap. 12. b Chap. 29. c Canon 19. 20. d Canon 6. e Canone 1 f Canone 1 g Canone 17 h De concord cath l. 2. c. 18. cit dist 93. c. 4 i Apud Athanas Apol. 2. k Theod. Hist. Eccl. l. 5. c. 9. l Bellar ait Aliqua Concilia Simpliciteresse necessaria generalia non simpliciter sed suo quodam modo lib. 1. de Conciliorum authorit cap. 11. 10. m Sozomen lib. 8. cap. 18. n Tom. 1. Conciliorum pag. 267. apud Binnium o Pag. 523. p Tom. 1. Concil pag. 535. Binnius ex Sâ—…uero lib. 2. Prospero in Chronico Maximum Imp. indixisse oftendit q Pag. 304. r Tom. 2. Concil pag. 309. s Tom. 2. pag. 314. t Tomo 2. pag. 477. u Tomo 2. pag. 508. x Tomo 2. pag. 514. y Tomo 2. pag. 640. z Tomo 2. pag. 656. a Tomo 2. pag. 663. b Tomo 2. 697. c Tomo 2. 698. d Tomo 2. 705. e Tomo 2. 706. f Tomo 2. 722. g Tomo 2. 956. h Lib. 7. Epist. 114. citat à Cusan lib. 3. Concord Cathol cap. 10. i Concor Cath. lib. 3. cap. 13. k Apolog. 2. contra RuffinuÌ„ l De Concilijs lib. 1. cap. 13. m Euseb. de vita Constantini lib. 3. cap. 6. n Theodoret. lib. 1. cap. 7. o Lib. 10. cap. 1. p Lib. 1. cap. 7. q Lib. 3. cap. 6. r Lib. 5. cap. 9. s Euagrius lib. 1. cap. 3. t Idem lib. 1. cap. 9. 1â—… u Vt patet in Epist. Leonis 42. 43. x Lib. 4. c. 13 y Cap. 49. z Bell. de conc l. 1. c. 12. a Ibid. b Andrad de author Gener. conc l 3. p. 59. c Vbi supra d De conc l. 2 c. 2. e De conc author l. 1. p. 13 14 f Hom. 6â—… in Matthaeum g Epist. 25. h Serm. 3 in die Assumptionis i Cap. 24. * Esay 49. 23. k Lib. 2. cap. 13. l Lib. 3. cap. 9. m Chap. 49. * Leo Epist. 53. 54. 55. n Actione 〈◊〉 o Actione 3. pag. 73. apud Binnium p Concil 2. Actione 6. q Concil Rom. 4. sub Symmacho r Epist. 93. cap. 17. s Epist. 1. ad Orientales t De Concilijs lib. 1. cap. 12. u Zozom l. 6. c. 7. x Theod. hist. Eccl. l. 2. y Leo ep 24 43. z Lib. 1. c. 2. a De authorit Gener. Concil l. 1. p. 59 b In vita Sylv. c Actione 18. p. 88. apud Bin. d Lib. 1. c. 16. e Lib. 5. c 8. f Lib 7. c. 7 g Lib. 5. c. 7. h Constat ex Euagrio lib. 1. cap. 4. Epistol Caelestini ad Cyril Photio in lib. de 7. Synodis i Inter Epist. ad Concilium Chalced. pertinentes k Epist. ad Episc Dardaniae l Lib. 2. cap. 16. m Sozom. lib. 3. cap. 7. n Socrates lib. 〈◊〉 cap. 18. o In vita Sixti 3. * Adrian wrote this Epistle after he had receiued the Emperours letters calling him to the Councell and therefore 〈◊〉 may be thought that when hee saith wee will c. he expresseth his consenting to the Emperours mandate and not any commanding of him p Lib 1. de authorit general Concil pag. 59. q De conc l. 〈◊〉 c. 13. a Euseb. de vita Constant. l. 3. c. 10. b Conc. Chalced act 1. p. 4. apud Bin. c Conc. 6. act 1 to 3. apud Bin. p. 8. d Vt patet in act conc 8. e Act. Ephel conc tom 1. c. 32. f Vide act Synod Chalced. g Euseb. de vitâ Constant. l. 3. c. 10. h Vbi suprà i Vbi suprà k Concord Cathol lib. 3. cap. 28. l Concil Chalced Actione 4. m Actio ead n Naucler vol. 2. generat 25. o Cusanus Concord Cathol li 3. cap. 8. p Ibid. cap. 40 p 2 Chro. 26. 16 q Anno. 〈◊〉 Elizab r Waldens doctrin fidei lib. 2. c. â—…0 s Epistolar lib. 5. ep 32. u August Epist. 162. x Euseb. li. 10. cap. 5. y In Henrico 2. pag. 96. z De Clericis lib. 1. cap. 28. a Rom. 13. 1. b Ver. 16. c Decr. 2. part causa 23. qu. 8. ca. Tributum d Inoâ—…at detradend Basilicis e Math. 17. 25. f Erasm. citat 3 Sixto Senense