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A67904 The life of William now Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury, examined. Wherein his principall actions, or deviations in matters of doctrine and discipline (since he came to that sea of Canturbury) are traced, and set downe, as they were taken from good hands, by Mr. Robert Bayley, a learned pastor of the Kirk of Scotland, and one of the late commissioners sent from that Nation. Very fitting for all judicious men to reade, and examine, that they may be the better able to censure him for those thing [sic] wherein he hath done amisse. Reade and judge.; Ladensium autokatakrisis, the Canterburians self-conviction Baillie, Robert, 1599-1662. 1643 (1643) Wing B462; ESTC R22260 178,718 164

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Lent the Lords day the great festivalls of Easter and Whitson day beside these we 〈◊〉 there are and have been many ancient 〈◊〉 traditions from which as foundations grew those noted practices of not fasting on the Sunday of adoring towards the East 〈◊〉 before the altar of signing the baptised with the crosse of exorcising the party baptised and putting a white garment upon them of receiving the 〈◊〉 fasting of mixing water with the wine of sending it to such as were absent of eating the confecrate bread in the Church or carrying it home of crossing themselves when they went out or when 〈◊〉 went in when they went to bed or when they rose when they sate downe to meat when they lighted candles or had any businesse of moment to doe that ceremonies and rites of this nature are 〈◊〉 the power of the Church to ordaine we generally grant to our adversaries White on the Sabboth page 97. The reformed Churches reject not all traditions but such as are spurious 〈◊〉 and no consonant to the holy Scripture but genuine traditions agreeable to the rule of faith derived from the Apostolicall times by a successive current and which have the uniforme testimony of pious antiquity are received and honoured by us Now such are these which follow the historicall tradition concerning the number integrity dignity and perfection of the books of Canonicall Scripture the Catholick exposition of many sentences of Scripture the Apostles creed the baptisme of infants the observation of the Lords day and some other 〈◊〉 as Easter 〈◊〉 c. baptising and administration of the Supper in holy assemblies the service of the Church in a known language the delivering of the Communion to the people in both kindes the superiority of Bishops over Priests and Deacons in jurisdiction and power of ordination c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 396. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tur in Scripturis infantes batizari aut in coena Domini sub utraque specie communicantes participare 600. sunt ejusmodi in rebus sacris à Deo institutis 〈◊〉 mandatis usurpatis ab Ecclesia de quibus possumus pro 〈◊〉 nihil tale docet Scriptura Scriptura haec non aedicat d Mon. orig p. 276. Nihil est memoriae proditum quod ego quidem sciam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud vetustiores sive historicos five 〈◊〉 probabile tamen est 〈◊〉 receptam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de traditione vetustiore aut scriptis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vetustioribus nunc deperditis dimanasse Montag apar 389. Ad me quod attinet si 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sanctis patribus per illa tempora inventum primo 〈◊〉 nulla traditione priore commendatum nullo usu veterum ne quidem vestigiis leviter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 annorum decursum ad nostra usque tempora sine contradictione 〈◊〉 non video cur non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vim suam obtineat authoritatem Absit enim ut 〈◊〉 Ecclesia vel in rebus de facto Ecclesiasticis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diu aberraverit Ibid. p. 382. Meminerimus 〈◊〉 olim statuisse cum applausu de hujusmodi consuetudinibus si legem expostules scriptam nullam invenies sed traditio praetenditur autrix consuetudo 〈◊〉 fides observatrix Et Irenaeus quid autem si neque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nobis Scripturas nonne oporteret 〈◊〉 traditionis Idem antig p. 42. That author saies no more then is justifiable touching traditions for thus he 〈◊〉 the doctrine of the Church is two waies delivered unto us first by writing then by tradition from hand to hand Both are of alike value or force unto piety e White in his examination of the dialogue 〈◊〉 not only this testimony of 〈◊〉 Etiamsi Scripturae authoritas non subesset totius tamen orbis in hanc partem consensus instar praecepti obtinet 〈◊〉 alia multa quae per traditionem in 〈◊〉 observantur authoritatem sibi scriptae legis 〈◊〉 but also that of Eusebius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sanctis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decernitur id universum divinae voluntati debet attribui And this of Bernards Sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 homo vicarius Dei mandatum quodcunque tradiderit pari profecto obsequendum est cura pari reverentia 〈◊〉 ubi tamen Deo contraria non praecipit homo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 31. Sensum Scripturarum ex patribus doctoribus Ecclesiae 〈◊〉 traditum conservatum in Ecclesia approbatum quidni pro tali traditione agnoscamus in 〈◊〉 veritate acquiescendum à qua minimè 〈◊〉 sit f Montag orig p. 353. Eusebius de Severianis hereticis loquens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Prophetis 〈◊〉 utuntur sacrarum Scripturarum sensus sententias ut nostri solent puritani novatores pro suo arbitratu interpretantur Mon. orig p. 318. Neque enim insanire solent sine Scripturis haeretici mir 〈◊〉 casdem ad suos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solent applicare defendendos persusdendosque g Mont apar 382. Non ut nostri 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quibus 〈◊〉 est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 resipit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ideo 〈◊〉 est vel ut amant 〈◊〉 reformandum ad Dei verbum hoc est ad Lesbiam plane regulam ipsorum cerebrositatem amussitandum h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 129. The godly and learned Fathers of our Church give strick charge to private preachers that they preach nothing in their preachings which they would have the people 〈◊〉 to beleeve and observe but that which is agreeable to the doctrine of the old and new Testament and that which the Catholick Fathers and ancient Bishops have formerly taught and collected from thence White upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12. The holy Scripture is the fountaine and living spting containing in all 〈◊〉 and abundance whatsoever is necessary to make Gods people wise unto salvation The 〈◊〉 and unanimous 〈◊〉 of the true Church of Christ 〈◊〉 the primitive ages thereof is the 〈◊〉 or a 〈◊〉 pipe to derive and convoy to 〈◊〉 generations the 〈◊〉 water 〈◊〉 in the holy Scripture Ibid. From 〈◊〉 he saith Injuriam nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nos 〈◊〉 solam 〈◊〉 esse 〈◊〉 judicem 〈◊〉 siarum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Spiritum 〈◊〉 p. 14. The Ecclesiasticall 〈◊〉 reporteth of 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 that in their studying the holy Scriptures 〈◊〉 collected the sense of them not from their owne judgement or presumption but from the testimony and authority of the ancients who had received the rule of the true intelligence of Scripture from the holy Apostles by succession In the doctrine of faith justification fulfilling of the Law merit they are fully Popish i 〈◊〉 pag. 46. This one faith is called by Divines the Catholike faith contained in the three Creedes of the Apostles Nice and 〈◊〉 The false faith is contrary to this the private faith or fancy rather by which men beleeve to be saved by themselves that which is the mother and nource to vice an enemy to all good life that this is not the Catholick faith shall appear because that faith hath not a special
story was forged as that learned Knight Sir Vmphrey Lyne by the ocular inspection of that originall manuscript did since demonstrate but the onely reason of the calling of it backe as his Grace makes Heylen declare to us was the dinne and clamour which Mr. Burton then one of the Ministers of London made against it Conterbury himselfe is nothing afraid to lend his owne hand to pull downe any thing that seemes crosse to Arminianisme The certainty of Salvation the assurance of Election is such an eye-sore that to have it away hee stands not with his owne hand to cut and mangle the very Liturgie of the Church otherwise a sacred peace and a noli me tangere in England in the smallest points were they never so much by any censured of errour yet if any clause crosse Arminianisme or Poperie his grace doth not spare without dinne to expurge it did it stand in the most eminent places thereof in the very morning prayers for the Kings person Here was this clause fixed since the reformation who are the Father of thine elect and their seed this seemed to bee a publike profession that it was not unlawfull for King Charles to avow his certainty and perswasion that God was his Father and hee his adopted Childe elected to salvation His grace could not endure any longer such a scandalous speech to bee uttered but with his own hand scrapeth it out Being challenged for it by Master Burton and the out-cryes of the people he confesseth the fact only for excuse bringeth three reasons of which you may judge First he saith It was done in his Predecessours time Doth not this make his presumption the more intolerable that any inferiour Bishop living at the very eare of the Archbishop should mint to expurge the Liturgie Secondly Hee pretends the Kings command for his doing Doth not this encrease his guiltinesse that hee and his followers are become so wicked and irrespective as to make it an ordinary pranke to cast their owne misdeeds upon the broad back of the Prince Dare hee say that the King commanded any such thing motu proprio Did hee command that expunction without any information without any mans advise Did any King of England ever assay to expurge the publike Bookes of the Church without the advise of his Clergie Did ever King Charles meddle in any Church matter of far lesse importance without Doctour Lads counsell The third excuse That the King then had no seed How is this pertinent May not a childlesse man say in his prayers that God is the Father of the Elect and of their seed though himselfe as yet have no seed But the true cause of his anger against this passage of the Liturgie seemeth to have been none other then this Arminian conclusion that all faith of election in particular of personall adoption or salvation is nought but presumption That this is his Graces faith may appear by his Chaplains hand at that base and false story of Ap-Evan by Studley wherein are bitter invectives against all such perswasions as puritanick delusions yea hee is contented that Chouneus should print over and over again his unworthy collections not onely subscribed by his chaplain but dedicated to himself wherein salvation is avowed to be a thing unknown and whereof no man can have any further or should wish for any more then a good hope And if any desire a cleare confession behold himselfe in those opuscula posthuma of Andrewes which hee setteth out to the world after the mans death and dedicates to the King avowing that the Church of England doth maintaine no personall perswasion of predestination which Tenet Cardinall Peroun had objected as presumption White also in his answer to the dialogue makes mans election a mysterie which God hath so hid in his secret counsell that no man can in this life come to any knowledge let bee assurance of it at great length from the ninety seventh page to the hundred and third and that most plainly But to close this Chapter passing a number of evidences I bring but one more which readily may bee demonstrative though all other were laid aside By the Lawes and practises of England a Chaplains licencing of a booke for the presse is taken for his Lord the Bishops deed So Heylen approven by Canterbury teacheth in his Antidotum and for this there is reason for the Lawes give authority of licencing to no chaplaine but to their Lords alone who are to be answerable for that which their servant doth in their name Also the chaplaine at the licencing receives the principall subscribed copie which hee delivereth to his Lord to bee laid up in his episcopall Register William Bray one of Canterburies Chaplaines subscribed 〈◊〉 collectiones 〈◊〉 as consonant to the doctrine of the Church of England meet for the presse The authour dedicated the treatise to my L. of Canterbury it was printed at London 1636. into this booke the first article which by the confession of all sides draws with it all the rest is set downe in more plain and foul tearmes then Molina or any Jesuite sure I am then Arminius Vorstius or any their followers ever did deliver teaching in one These those three grosse errours 1. That mens faith repentance perseverance are the true causes of their Salvation as Misbeleefe Impenitencie Apostasie are of Damnation Doth Bellarmine goe so farre in his Doctrine of justification and merit 2. That those sinnes are no lesse the true causes of reprobation then of damnation 3. That mens faith repentance perseverance are no lesse the true causes of their eternall election then misbeliefe or other sinnes of their temporall damnation Let charity suppone that his grace in the midst of his numerous and weightie imployments hath been forced to neglect the reading of a booke of this nature though dedicate to himselfe albeit it is well known that his watchfull eye is fixed upon nothing more then Pamphlets which passes the presse upon Doctrines now controverted yet his grace being publikly upbraided for countenancing of this book by Doctor Bastwick in the face of the Starre-chamber and being advertised of its dedication to himselfe of the errours contained in it yea of injuries against the King of the deepest staine as these which strooke at the very roote of his supremacie and that in favour of Bishops When in such a place Canterbury was taxed for letting his name stand before a Booke that wounded the Kings Monarchicall government at the very heart and did transferre from the Crowne to the Miter one of its fairest diamonds which the King and his Father before him did ever love most dearely no Charity will longer permit us to believe but his Grace would without further delay lend some two or three spare howers to the viewing of such a piece which did concerne the King and himselfe so neerely Having therefore without all doubt both seen most narrowly sifted all the corners of
avowedly sets out in the twentie ninth yeare and those new pieces never heard of which in the thirtie one yeare are set out by M. Aylward under the name of the English Martyrs as also that writ of Overall which Montagu puts out with his owne amplifications in the thirty six yeare These and the like pieces must in reason be ratherfather'd on those who put them forth then upon their pretended authors who readily did never know such posthume children or else did take them for such unhappy bastards as they were resolved for reasons known to themselves to keep them in obscurity and never in publike to avow them as their owne In this Canon there are two parts most principall which the papists call the Heart and Head thereof The prayers of consecration and of oblation this head the English strikes off this heart they pull out of their Booke that the wicked Serpent should not have any life among them But our men are so tender and compassionate towards that poore Beast that they will again put in that Heart and set on that Head The consecration and oblation they will bee loth 〈◊〉 want Consider then these mens changing of the English booke towards both those the two incomparable worst parts of the whole Masse First the English scrapes out all mention of any consecration for however we delight not to strive with the papists any where about words yet in this place while they declare expressely that by consecration of the Elements they doe understand not the sanctification of the Elements by the word and prayer but a secret whispering of certaine words upon the Elements for their very Transubstantiation Consecration in this place being so taken by the papists the English rejects it and will have nothing to do therewith but our men being more wise and understanding their owne ends put up in their rubrick in capitall letters formally and expressely their praier of consecration 〈◊〉 The Papists to the end that their consecratory words may bee whispered upon the elements for their change and no wayes heard of the people who perchance if they heard and understood them might learne them by heart and in their idlenesse might pronounce them over their meales and so which once they say was done Transubstantiate their ordinary food into Christs body for the eschewing of these inconveniences they ordaine the consecration to bee made in the outmost corner of the church so far from the eares of the people as may be and for the greater security they ordaine their priests in the time of consecration both to speake low and to turne their backs upon the people For to remedy these wicked follies the English expressely ordained their Communion Table to stand in the body of the Church where the Minister in the mids of the people might read out openly all the words of the Institution But our men to returne to the old fashion command the table to be set at the East end of the Chancell that in the time of the consecration the priest may stand so farre removed from the people as the furthest wall of the Church can permit and as this distance were not enough to keep these holy words of 〈◊〉 from the prophane eares of Laicks our book hath a second Rubrick enjoyning expressely the priest in the time of Consecration to turne his backe on the people to come from the North end of the Table and to stand at such a place where bee may use both his hands with more decencie and ease which is not possible but on the West side alone for on the South side the commoditie is just alike as in the North. On the Eastnone can stand for the Table is joyned hard to the Wall and whosoever stands at the West side of the Altar his Back is directly to the people that are behind him They say for this practise many things first That in the good holy Liturgie of Edward the sixth the Priest was ordained to stand with his back to the people Againe that alwayes in the ancient church the priests stood in the uppermost end of the church divided from the people behind them with railes and vailes and other distinctions 3. That Scripture is the ground of this practice for so it was in the Jewish Church the Priest when hee went into the Sanctuary to pray and offer incense for the people they stood without and never did heare what he spake nor saw what he did If from this practice wee would inferre with Bellarmine that the priest in the consecration might speake in latine or in a language unknown to the people since God to whom he speaks understands alllanguages the elements upon which the consecratorie words are murmured understands none and the people for whom alone the vulgar language is used is put backe from the hearing of the consecration we know not what in reason they could answer But this weknow that the maine ground whereupon we presse the use of the vulgar language not onely in the consecration as they call it but in the whole service of God I meane the warrant of Scripture they openly denie and for it gives no ground but the old tradition of the Church 3 When our priest is set under the East wal within his raile his backe upon the people he is directed to use both his armes with decency and ease what use here can be made of the priests armes except it be for making oflarge crosses as the masse Rubricks at this place doth direct We doe not understand only we bave heard before that they avow the lawfulnesse of crossing no lesse in the supper than in Baptisme 4. The prayer which stands here in the English booke drawne from the place wherin it stood of old in the Masse to countenance the transubstantiation of the bread and wine into Christs body and blood but standing in this place before the consecration it is clear of all such suspition Our men are so bold as to transplant it from this good ground to the old wicked soyle at the backe of the consecration where it wont to stand before in the old order of Sarum 5. In the next English prayer we put in the words of the Masse whereby God is besought by his omnipotent spirit so to sanctifie the oblations of bread and wine that they may become to us Christs body and bloud from these words all papists use to draw the truth of their transubstantiation wherefore the English reformers scraped them out of their Booke but our men put them fairely in and good reason have they so to do for long agoe they professed that about the presence of Christs body and blood in the Sacrament after consecration they are fully agreed with Lutherans and papists in all things that is materiall and needfull as for the small difference which remaines about the formalitie and mode of presence it is but a curious and undeterminable question whereabout there would bee
no controversie did not the devilish humour of the Puritans and Jesuites make and entertaine it Yea they seeme to have come a step further to the embracing of the very mode of the popish presence for they 〈◊〉 of a corporall presence ibi that the body is there on the Altar and that essentially yea so grossely that for its presence there the Altar it selfe let be the elements must bee adored 6. They make an expresse rubrick for the priests taking of the patin and chalice in his hand in the time of consecration which taking not being either for his owne participation or distribution to others why shall wee not understand the end of it to be that which the Masse there enjoynes the 〈◊〉 and chalice their elevation and adoration for the elevation it waslong ago practised and professed by som of our Bishops and the adoration when the chalice and paten are taken in the priests hands is avowed by Heylin The practice of Wren does declare their intention this man as the Citizens of Ipswich complaines to the Parliament when he consecrat at their new Altar did alwayes turne his back on the people did elevate the bread and wine above his shoulder that it might be seene did set downe every one of the Elements after they were consecrate and adored lowly before them 7. In another rubrick of our consecration we have the cautels of the Masse anent the priests intention to consecrate expressely delivered unto us As for that wicked sacrifice of the Masse which the Canon puts at the back of the Consecration the English banisheth it all utterly out of their book but the faction to shew their zeal in their reforming the errours of the English Church their mother puts downe here in our booke first at the backe of the consecration their memento and prayer of oblation 2. That prayer of Thanksgiving which the English sets after the Communion in a place where it cannot be possibly abused as it is in the Masse for a propitiatory sacrifice of Christs body and blood they transpose and set it just in the old place where it stood in the order of Sarum at the back of the consecration before the Communion 3. The clause of the Missall which for its savour of a 〈◊〉 presence the English put out of this prayer may worthily receive the most precious body and blood of thy Son Christ Iesus they have here restored 4. That wee may plainly understand that this prayer is so transpianted and supplyed for this very 〈◊〉 that it may serve as it did of old in the Missall for a prayer of oblation of that unbloudie sacrifice by the priest for the sinnes of the world Behold the first eighth lines of it which of old it had in the Missall but in the reformation was scraped out by the English are plainly restored wherein we professe to make and over againe to make before 〈◊〉 divine Majestie a memoriall as Christ hath commanded This making not only the Papists but Heylene speaking from Canterburie expones farre otherwise then either Andrewes Hooker Montagu or the grossest of the English Divines for a true proper corporall visible unbloody sacrificing of Christ for which first the Apostles and then all Ministers are as truely priests though Evangelicall and after the order of Melchisedeck as ever the Sons of Aaron were under the Law and the Communion Table becomes as true and proper an Altar as ever was the brazen Altar of Moses 5. After the consecration and oblation they put to the Lords prayer with the Missalls preface audemus dicere Here the papists 〈◊〉 that their priest by consecration having transubstantiate the bread and by their memoriall of oblation having offered up in an unbloody sacrifice the body of Christ for the reconciliation of the Father doth then close his quiet whisperings his poore pipings and becomes bold to say with a loud voyce having Christ corporally in his hands Pater noster The English to banish such absurdities put away that naughty preface and removed the prayer it selfe from that place But our men to shew their Orthodoxie repone the prayer in the owne old place and set before it in a faire Rubrick the whole old preface 6. The first English prayer which stood before the consecration where the passages of eating Christs bodie and drinking Christs blood could not possibly by the very papists themselves be detorted to a corporall presence yet now in our book it must change the place and bee brought to its owne old stance after the consecration and oblation immediately before the communion as a prayer of humble accesse The third part of the Masse I spake of was the Communion see how here our men change the English booke The English indeed in giving the Elements to the people retaine the Masse words but to prevent any mischiefe that could arise in the peoples minde from their sound of a corporall presence they put in at the distribution of both the elements two golden sentences of the hearts eating by faith of the soules drinking in remembrance Our men being nothing afraid for the peoples beliefe of a corporall presence have pulled out of their hands and scraped out of our booke both these antidotes 2. The Masse words of Christs body and blood in the act of communion being quite of the English antidots against their 〈◊〉 must not stand in our booke simply but that the people may take extraordinary notice of these phrases there are two Rubricks set up to their backs obliging every Communicant with their owne mouth to say their Amen to them 3. The English enjoynes the Minister to give the people the elements in their owne hand ours scrapes out that clause and bid communicate the people in their owne order which imports not onely their removall from the Altar their standing without the Rail as prophane Laicks farre from the place and communion of the Priests but also openeth a faire doore to the popish practice of putting the elements not in the prophane hands but in the mouthes of the people this as the report goes they have well neer practised and no marvaile since already they professe that the people ought not with their fingers to touch these holy mysteries See in the Supplement D. Kellets Tenets 4. The English permit the Curate to carry home the reliques of the bread and wine for his private use but such profanity by our booke is discharged The consecrate elements are injoyned to be 〈◊〉 in the holy place by the priest alone and some of the Communicants that day whose mouths he esteemeth to be most holy Yea for preventing of all dangers the cautele is put in that so few elements as may be consecrate 5. Our Booke will have the elements after the consecration covered with a Corporall the Church Linnings were never called Corporalls any where till Transubstantiation was borne neither carryed they that name in England till of late his Grace was pleased by
object as a mans selfe or Gods speciall favour to this or that particular man which is hopes object but Catholick object which is the whole first truth and every member of Gods book as the school teacheth this faith goeth but to the truth and esse of divine things Faith giveth these truths a being substance in our mind but after hope layeth hold on them in the wil and affections and applyeth them to our selves charity goeth in unto them The Apostle saith that he who commeth to God must believe that he is a rewarder of them that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 him not a 〈◊〉 of me or thee as if the article of 〈◊〉 were personall Idem pag. 106. In the love of the heart lyeth the greatest apprehension The greatest meane of our apprehending of him is by charity which layes hold on him in the will and reasonable affections 〈◊〉 Collect. 82. Applicatio ex parte hominis non ex alia ratione procedit quam ex amplexu amoris desiderii Ibid. pag. 97. 〈◊〉 Deus hanc spem 〈◊〉 hujus spei 〈◊〉 k 〈◊〉 collect p. 69. Inchoative per 〈◊〉 justicfiat Deus dat 〈◊〉 propter Christum cognitionem ex cognitione fidem ex fide spem sive 〈◊〉 ex fiduciacharitatem ex chatitate adhae sionem obediendi complacendi desiderium ex isto desiderio meritorum 〈◊〉 salubrium applicationem ex 〈◊〉 applicatione sanctificationem seu observantiam mandatorum ex istis omnibus in actu scilicet consummato just 〈◊〉 ex illa salvationem quae omnia quum 〈◊〉 per canalem Dei gratiae ex fide tanquam ex principio seu radice per connaturalitatem omnium ad fidem adse invicem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaecunque ab aliquibus 〈◊〉 ad fidem tanquam ad omnium originem referenda sunt in hoc sensu arbitramur Apostolum 3. ad Rom. vers 28. locutum fide homines justificatum 〈◊〉 scilicet per fi lem 〈◊〉 ex 〈◊〉 suis operationem l Shelfoord pag 〈◊〉 Charity is called of Schoole Divines grace it selfe It is that law of the Spirit which freeth from death and sinne It is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience It covereth a multitude of sins It will not suffer them to appear Without 〈◊〉 workes are dead as well as faith and other vertues Hence the Schoole 〈◊〉 charity the forme of vertues Ibid pag. 106. Faith converteth the minde to God but it is love that converts the heart and will to God which is the greatest and last conversion for we never seck anything till we desire it 〈◊〉 conversion is begun in the minde by faith but it is only halfe conversion yea no conversion of the whole man except the love of the heart where heth the greatest apprehension follow it we see salvation by faith but we obtaine it not till we seek it by 〈◊〉 desire Wherefore I conclude that for as much as charity is the most near and immediate cause of our conversion that it is also the most pretious grace of God for our good and the greatest mean of our 〈◊〉 him is by charity which layeth hold on him in the will and reasonable affections 〈◊〉 his must be the greatest meane of our justification Ibid. p. 109. The sulfilling of the law justifieth but charity is the fulfilling of the law where the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to justifying faith he compareth them in the most excellent way and it is most manifest that the most excellent way is the way of our justification conversion to God m Shelsoord pag. 107. Justification conversion to God is all one Idem 〈◊〉 102. Charity is the maine refuge of a distressed conscience Montag 〈◊〉 pag. 142. A sinner is then justified when he is made just when he is transformed in minde tenewed in soule 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 answer for Hall to Burtoun is not only content to exeeme the 〈◊〉 justification from all blot of a fundamentall error but 〈◊〉 also to make all our 〈◊〉 in this point to be but a jugling about words yea at last he seemes to 〈◊〉 with the Counsell of Trent in anathematizing our doctrine For thus if I remember well doth he speake If any man shall 〈◊〉 that men are so justified by the sole imputation of Christs righteousnesse or by sole remission of sinnes 〈◊〉 they are not also 〈◊〉 fied by inherent grace or charity or also that the grace whereby we are justified is only the favour of God let him be accursed and let him be so indeed for me You will say this is nothing but meere jugling I grant it 〈◊〉 yet it is not the direct deny all of the foundation for here is both remission of sins and imputation of Christs righteousnesse included which though it be sufficient to justification in the Protestant sence yet in the Popish sence wherein 〈◊〉 is also required it is not sufficient n 〈◊〉 pag. 121. That there is a fulfilling of the Law in this life Iames teacheth if you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the 〈◊〉 law you doe will Were Gods Law no possible to be 〈◊〉 the supposition should be idle 〈◊〉 fit for Gods word a caption unbeseeming a man 〈◊〉 by divine inspiration To the keeping of this we must strain our soule we must not flee to a naked 〈◊〉 where is required our conformation He hath predestinate us to be conform to the image of his Son He hath fulfilled the Law and so must we too Ibid. pag. 127. Christ hath merited that the righteousnesse of the Law should be fulfilled in us not by faith only or by sole imputation as the ignorant understand it but by our actuall walking in the divine precepts Ibid. pag. 136. To binde a man to things impossible were a wrong both to nature and grace therefore the schoole verse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viri non 〈◊〉 Deus ulla 〈◊〉 God can no more in 〈◊〉 now require impossibilities at our hands then he could at first at 〈◊〉 Neither doth he if we beleeve S. 〈◊〉 who saith I can doe 〈◊〉 things by Christ who hath loved me Ibid. pag 139. If God should command things impossible then should he be more cruell then a tyrant who 〈◊〉 not offer to exact of his Subjects such a tribute which he knowes cannot be 〈◊〉 It is tyrannical and cruell and therefore impossible to God to require the ability which he himselfe took away and of those too that are his friends and in league with him Ibid. pag. 147. To say that the very best workes of the Saints are uncleane 〈◊〉 mortall sins is extreame blasphemy Can the workes of the holy Ghost be impure The least addition of evill in a good worke makes it sinfull because Bonum est ex integracausa malum ex 〈◊〉 defectu White on the Sabboth pag. 157. 〈◊〉 those sayings as from S. Austine Neque impossible aliquid 〈◊〉 potuit Deus 〈◊〉 justus est neque damnaturus est hominem pro eo quod vitare non potest quia 〈◊〉 est Execramur blasphemiam
eorum qui dicunt aliquid impossibile homini à Deo esse praeceptum o 〈◊〉 pag. 184 By his 〈◊〉 he informeth us of all the meanes that leads toward life eternal by his counsels which goe beyond his 〈◊〉 because G O D hath given man free-will to get what he can in the state of grace for the state of glory he shewes some exceeding meanes to grow to this lifes perfection and to improve the common reward of glory for the next life as sell what thou hast and give it to the peore and 〈◊〉 shalt have 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 here wee have counsell to change temporall riches for eternall which are better 2. Wee are counselled to change permitted fleshly pleasures for heavenly pleasures where it is said qui 〈◊〉 capere 〈◊〉 3. Wee are counselled to deny our selves and our lawfull libertie to follow Christ through the worlds difficulties these are Gods counsels which in the primitive church were put in practice but in our times they are put off with a non placet Ibid. p. 129. Of the counsels of the gospel which goe beyond the counsels of the Law S. 〈◊〉 sayes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Christ hath commanded nothing impossible yea many have gone above his commandements p 〈◊〉 appeal p. 233. The wicked go to enduring of torments 〈◊〉 the good to enjoying of happinesse without end thus is their estate diversified to their deserving 〈◊〉 p. 120. setteth downe the comitiall verses of Cambridge which in merite goeth as farre as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 speciosa 〈◊〉 salutem divine 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dabunt 〈◊〉 p. 18. goes yet further that our workes are as true efficent causes of our salvation as our wickednesse can be of our damnation as we heard before Montag 〈◊〉 pag. 153. That a worke may be said to be meritorious ex 〈◊〉 these conditions are required that it be morally good that it be freely wrought by a man in this life in the estate of grace and friendship with God that it have annexed Gods promise of reward All which conditions I cannot conceive that any Protestants doth deny to good workes q 〈◊〉 p. 198. In that blessed estate there are degrees of joy and glory a starre differs from another in glory some ground bringeth foorth thirty some sixty some a hundred fold To this agreeth S. Gregory Quia in hac vita est discretio operum erit procul dubio in illa discretio dignitatum ut quo hic alius alium merito superat illic alius alium retributione transcendat And S. Cyprian in pace coronam vincentibus candidam pro operibus dabit in persecutio ne purpuream pro passione geminabit Certēt nune sin guli ad utriusque honoris amplissimam dignitatem accipiant coronas vel de operibus candidas vel de sanguine purpureas Here shineth Gods justice in distributing rewards according to the variety of his owne grace in this life bestowed and Christians works by their own free wil to the best end imployed and because there are certaine excellencies of workes in overcomming the greatest difficulties therefore the scoole after the former demonstration argueth priviledged crownes which they call 〈◊〉 to bee due to them which have conauered best to Martyes for overcomming persecutions to virgins for conquering the 〈◊〉 qnd to Doctors for putting the Divell to flight from their flockes r 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 127. For Shelsoords booke whatever is in that mentioned should not trouble you if he ascribe a speciall eminency unto charity in some cerraine things it is no more then 〈◊〉 taught to him by S. Paul who doth preferre it as you cannot but choose to know before faith and hope nor doth he attribute our justification 〈◊〉 in any other sence then was taught him by S. Iames M Dow p 52. And I believe if M. Shelsoords justification by 〈◊〉 be well examined it will prove no other then that which S. Iames saies yee see how that by works a man is justified and not by faith onely and I would demand of any reasonable man whether the expresse words of that 〈◊〉 may not without aspersion of popery be even openly and publickly maintained if there be no sence obtruded upon them which may crosse S. Pauls doctrine which M Burtoun can never prove that they did whom he charged with that assertion In the doctrine of the sacraments see their Popery s Montag orig p. 72. de circumcisione quaeritur quamgratiam 〈◊〉 primo ponitur non 〈◊〉 quod 〈◊〉 verum sacramentum veteris politiae in statu legis 〈◊〉 ideo esse operativū illius gratiae qua ab luuntur 〈◊〉 ut fit in baptismo novae legis 2. Si quaeratur an ut baptismus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae figurat 〈◊〉 olim peccata visua sacramētali ex institutione divino opere operato 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 operantis aut alio quovis modo abolere mundare poterit qua de re sunt diversae sententiae Hereafter he hath brought at length the Fathers to prove that Sacramēta veteris testamēti non causabant gratiam sed cam solum per 〈◊〉 Christi 〈◊〉 esse significabant nostra vero gratiam continent digne suscipientibus conferunt 〈◊〉 closes inanes 〈◊〉 illae disputationes acerbae contentiones 〈◊〉 lorum quae apud scholasticos doctores nonnullos ventilantur quas sopitas optamus nos Ibid. p. Baptismus Joannis rudimentarius ait Damascenus imperfectus isagogicus 〈◊〉 ut lex vetus 〈◊〉 novum baptisma post illud necessarium inquit Augustinus post Johannem baptizabat Paulus post hereticos non baptizat Ecclesia Christi baptismo actu remittebantur peccata non remittebantur actu post Iohannis Then in his owne words quid ergo An dabat gratiam baptismus ille 〈◊〉 visum non nullis perperam omnino nam ubi tum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 baptismatis Christi Sacramentorum novi faederis quibus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 gratiam 〈◊〉 quam significant preparatoriè hoc agebat non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in spe tantum cum re ipsa in Domini baptismo illud 〈◊〉 ab 〈◊〉 sententia quae est 〈◊〉 omnium antiquorum si Calvinus recesserit cum sequacibus aetatem habent ipsi respondeant privati cujuscunque hominis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non est communi protestantium sententiae ascribendum Obtineat ergo per me Tridentinae synodi canon primus sessionis septimae Si quis dixerit baptismum Iohannis habuisse eandem vim cum baptismo Christi anathema sit t Mon. opeal p. 35. We 〈◊〉 aught in the Liturgie earnestly to beleeve lest it should be left to mens 〈◊〉 that 〈◊〉 hath received favourably these infants that are baptised And to make this doctrine 〈◊〉 more sure against our novellists it is again repeated in the 〈◊〉 that it is certainly true by the word of God that children being baptised have all things necessary forsalvation and if they die before actuall sin shall be undoubtedly saved according whereunto all