proceded therin for vow or other obligation we wil not affirme for that we are more fearful of conscience to auouch things we know not for certayne then he seemeth to be to protest and sweare matters that he knoweth to be false VVherfore what he did in that behalf then or what dispensation he hath had synce that tyme in the one or the other we leaue it to his owne conscience at the last day only it may be taken for an aduertisment to good Catholiks that yonkers which slyde back from so high good desyres and purposes do ordinarily slip afterward into dangerous pitâ— and dungeous of disorders and contemne when they be in the depth But let vs go forward From this spirit of religious and ecclesiastical lyfe he fel back againe soone after to the spirit of poetry forsaking the ordinary study of the house for which he was dismissed and sent by the charity of the fathers to the Colledge of Rhemes thinking therby to saue him from further falling but being arriued there he presently became an enamorate and fel in loue with one of Cardinal Allens neeces and proceeded so farre therin as he presumed to wryte a letter to the said Cardinal to request his consent that he might marry her but the Cardinal tooke it in so high disdayne knowing the leuity of the lad as he gaue order presently that he should be put from Rhemes also from whence he went to Flanders and became a souldiar first amongst the English vnder Sir VVilliam Stanloy where his vnconstant head suffering him not to stay he went to serue among the Spaniards and had besides by Father Holâ—s help and assistance a pension of 25. crownes a moneth and so hauing eaten of the King of Spaines bread for diners yeares he cometh now to pay both him for his maintenance and the Iesuits for their good turnes towards him with this infamous inuectiue which heere he hath printed against them both with as great splene and spite as any malitious stomake in the world could vtter against mortal enemyes He deuydeth his whole discourse into three points in his first page to wit Appeale State Iesuits adding therunto this sentence Recta securus which if Recta be vnderstood in the ablatiue case it agreeth not vnproperly to his case who seemeth to runne securely without feare in the right way to perdition whervnto do lead him not only the vanity and inanity of the yong mans head but his pouerty and need also in respect wherof it seemeth he would gladly get in with some of them that be in authority wherunto he thought good to make this prologue and his brothers liuing is a great allurement God graunt we see not him passe further then hitherto is professed by him for where charity is ouerthrowne faith soone after is quickely shaken but now in a word to the substance of his book The first point concerning Appeale and matter of schisme is already determined by his Holines especial Breue to wit the Appeale reiected and the controuersy of schisme prohibited from further dispute vnder daine of excommunication ipso facto into which this man must needs haue incurred if he knew of the said Breue when he wrote this book and if not then at least wayes the book it selfe remayneth forbidden vnder the same payne and punishment And albeit this were not so yet were it but lost tyme for vs to answere this quarreller that seeketh but matter of stryfe and occasion to rayle at the Archpriest and his Assistants his spiritual Superiors that neuer deserued euil of him and he not vnderstanding the substance of the controuersy tatleth without any purpose at all saying the same in effect but yet much lesse and worse then others of his crew haue said or wrytteÌ„ before him and spendeth both tyme and wynd without knowing what he talketh as for example heare one reason of his Then againe saith he for the Iesuits that they are notable schismatikes in this case it is not their disclayming from being members of the body of the Seminaryes but of another body videlicet their owne society that can excuse them for that to be a schismatical member to a body is suffiseth to be membrum genericum to that body though not specificum c. And herby the discreet reader wil see how wise an vniesuited gentleman this is to instruct his cosyn the Iesuited gentleman in matter of schisme The other point about State matter is as learnedly handled by him as this Harken to one reason of his against the Popes authority to mooue warre for religion Besides this saith he that Christ did neuer delegate any such power to S. Peter as tradere genteÌ„ in genteÌ„ that being a meere temporal reuenge and he but his Vicar spiritual yea he expressely rebuked him for drawing his sword cutting of Malcas his care c. And do yow not see by this reason that this yong gentleman souldiar is fitter to cut of boyes eares then to reason of State-matters or to hacke at the Popes authority by such arguments as these are But what saith he of the third point about Iesuits Oh heere is his vayne in deed to rayle and reuel against them who good men haue byn alwayes careful so farre forth as in them hath lyen to stay his shitle braynes and to make him careful of some christian constancy but all in vayne as it seemeth VVe pray yow heare him a litle iudge of his vayne in malediction The truth is it saith he that a Iesuite is a piscator but not like S. Peter animarum so much as pecuniaâ—â—m and therfore his fishing is euer best in a troubled water c. And then further a litle after Haue yow not heard I pray yow how not long age a Iesuite heere in London crected a kynd of family of loue lecturing by night 3. or 4. nights togeather to his auditors all women and those fayre ones for the most part Haue yow not heard of the night meetings for feare aâ— least wise I am sure yow haue hart of many and do know some who misâ—ing their wyues the white haue scratched their hearts whore it iched not and bit their tippes c. Do yow heare this lasciuious companion going about to discredit good and vertuous men and in them the whole Catholike cause by the meâ—sore of his owne beastly and sensual imagination Do yow thinke this is a Catholike but only in the very ryne and paring No no this is a copes mate shrowded in a Catholikes coate an Apostata in his heart from God all piety so wee feare that in the end he wil prooue howsoeuer in the meane space he make a shew to beleeue the Cathol Doctrine but denying as the Apostle saith the vertue force feling therof both in words deeds And as for particular impudencyes in this treatese of his he is not ashamed to auouch that F. Persons not many yeares since did offer by
religious it is for yow and to yow I speake Thus he wryteth and were it not that the gauling and spiteful speech which after he vseth against diuers men of great worth do argue the wryter of somwhat more then simplicity and folly this might passe with laughter as yow see but hearing him say afterward VVe do disdaine and renounce from our hartes both Archpriests and Iesuits as arrant traytors c. And againe in the very next page thus to glory and professe Disobedient VVe are to the Archpriest as an vsurper on the â—ehalfe of the Cath. Sea of Rome And then againe for further explication of his meaning Disobedient we are to the diuel and all his instrumental vsurped authorityes And yet further Neuer shal the Cath. Church or common welth of England find so wicked a member as a VVolsey a Persons a Creswel a Garnet a Blackwel c. These we say and many other like speches beeing fouÌ„d euery where in this preface do manifestly shew that not only wisdome wanteth in the wryter but some other more necessary vertues also to a Christian Catholike and much more a priest as he professeth himselfe to be But now wil we shew yow another example of folly and malice ioyned to geather out of the beginning of their second books preface to the end yow may see that both were wrytten by one spirit their words are these yeilding a reason of publishing thersaid book against the Archpriest And at this tyme say they we are the rather moued so to do to set forth this narration of matters passed in VVisbich because it hath pleased M. Blackwel our said Archpriest very lately to send to his twelue Assistants to be diuulged a certaine censure or we know not what to tearme it a sheet of paper fraught nether with wit honest dealing discretion or learning but in effect with as many shifts and lyes almost as lynes in derogation not only of some of the said books set out by our brethren tearming the same as if eyther he himselfe or some of his commaunders the Iesuits had made them to be seditious books but likewise taketh vpon him to touch the said contention not in many words but with much folly and great vntruâ—h we wil be bold by way of Preface a little to touch them c. By these words the reader may take a scantling of their coÌ„temptuous spirit who speak so disorderly of their lawful Superior a man of knowne vertue and learning for so myld and modest an admonition vpon their first two libels as yow shal now heare by their owne relation For thus they wryte These are say they his words to wit the Archpriests in his admonition The first point of your books sayth he meaning the diuision at VVisbich was a thing long since ended with great edification and by the meanes principally of those which are most condemned by yow It toucheth the greater and better part of that company it nothing concerneth our authority it being more ancient and hauing orders taken at the attonement by their owne consent It is wel knowen at Rome by whose meanes they were disanulted nether is it more vnsitting for those which liued in one house to institute rules for such as voluntarily demaunded and accepted them then to procure a sodality abroad Thus wrote our Reuerend Father the good Archpriest and as these men do confesse it is all he wrote of this point of VVisbich and let the Reader be iudge whether any Superior in the world could wryte more myldly more humbly especialy if he consider the outragious iniuryes done him in these two first books or libels set out by his Rebellious subiects against him and notwithstanding all this his patience and modesty consider we pray yow with what intemperance they do canuase these few words of his heere set downe For hauing recyted his words they say Thus farre our Archpriest and it is all he wryteth to his Assistants of this matter which we the rather note to shew the extremity of his pride in supposing by such an answere to the said books concerning that diuision to wâ—pe away those imputations matters wherwith both F. Garnet and F. VVeston and he himselfe in some sorte are charged Thus wryte these men being angry as it seemeth that their patient Superior vouch-safed not them more words of contention about this matter of VVisbich in his admonition to his Assistants which how iust a quarrel it is let wiser men iudge but much more whether so few so modest and so fatherly words vttered by a Superior without naming any do merit so contumelious a censure from subiects as to accuse him of extremity of pride lack of wyt and honesty discretion learning truth and humility in wryting them Is it possible that so high pride as heere is obiected can be gathered out of so lowly words without high folly and higher maleuolence But we shal aleadge yow another example in a different kynd of foly or rather frenzie vsed by these passionate people which is to grace and praise indeed their aduersaryes whome they seek most to disgrace by telling good things of them and deprauing them only by their owne comentaryes as in this example last alleadged of M. Blackwel whose words recited by them selues being most commendable as yow haue seene they endeauour by fond and childish inâ—â—rpretations of their owne to make them reprochful And the like they do oftentymes concerning F. VVeston alleadging both his words and deeds worthie of praise in themselues and then seking to discredit the same by their wresting comentaryes wherof we haue giuen some examples in the former chapter and we may ad therunto now this which they relate of him his behauiour and speech when M. Dolman one of their owne side came vnto F. VVeston to request him the residue who made the greater part of the company to returne to the common conuersation of the troublesome and dissolute againe whose answere to their demaund they set downe thus VVould God said F. VVeston with most earnest affection as it seemed that yow M. Doleman were as able to persuade the rest as yow haue done me for my owne parte I mynd to giue ouer and meddle no further but to commend the cause to God assuring yow yf I could do the least of this house good for his soules health by laying my head vnder his feete I would most willingly do it c. And thus farre this dissembling Iesuite Let any true Christian man iudge now of this vnchristian censure of so myld godly and Christian words let our brethren but aleadge vs truly some such of any of their side and we shal both beleeue them and praise them But they can bring nothing of like quality from theirs and yow haue heard the quite contrary by their owne letters and subscriptions alleadged by vs in our Apologie and heere in these books yow may reade them in euery line shewing a
any such action protesting their vpon as before yow haue heard that yf he should attempt any such thing they would resist him And finally laying the greatest part and occasion of all our English persecutions vpon these Popes inconsiderate and vnlawful actions they say If the Pope and K. of Spaine had neuer platted with the duke of Norfolke yf the Bull of Pius 5. had neuer byn knowen if neuer Stukely nor the Pope had attempted any thing against Ireland yf Gregory the xiij had not renewed the said excommunication yf the Pope and the k. of Spaine had uot practised with the duke of Guise yf the pope had not thrust the k. of Spaine into the barbarous action against the Realme c. Then say they we are fully persuaded in our consciences and as men besides our learning that haue some experience where there is one Catholike now there would haue byn ten c. VVherby yow see that the Popes and Sea Apostolike are iudged by these learned and wel experienced men to haue byn the hinderers of the increase of Cath. religion in England and the original cause of afflictions and persecutions VVe leaue out of purpose how they deale with this Pope condemning his action euery where in instituting the Archpriest by the Card. Protectors letters telling vs that he could not do it that it was not lawful conuenient decent or profitable that he appointed him without their consent against the prescript of Church Cannons intruded him vpon them gaue him authority without limitation and greater in some respects then euer creature had which is as much to say that it was more then the Pope had himself to giue His Breue also for the confirmation of his office is contemned by them and that both in woords saying that they know not out of what office it was gotten and that is was lawful for them to demurre vpon it as in the Apologie and Appendix hath byn shewed as also much more in fact and deed obeying nothing therin conteyned And further more reprouing and condemnig the whole course of his Hol. proceeding with their two messengers Bisshop and Charnocke affirming among other things his Hol. to haue shewed so great inconstancy in that affayre about their audience as to haue said and vnsaid 4. seueral tymes that he would heare and not heare them at the instance of two opposite Embassadors which beside the falshood therof no such thing hauing euer been is as great a contumelie as to so high a personage his great grauity considered can be ascribed All which besides many other things declared in the first and sixt Chapter of this book touching their intemperate behauiour to-wards his Hol. his predecessors and the Sea Apostolike do euidently declare that they make warre also where the commodity of their cause requireth against this supreme and highest authority howsoeuer now and than they cast out some words of submission for a shew and to delude such Catholiks as wil beleeue them And these now are 4. general heads or bodyes of aduersaryes which these men haue taken to fight against there remayne some other though more priuate and particular yet very important to be considered by vs and by them also yf force of passion did not transport them from all due consideration And first of all offereth it selfe their aduerse part in the castle and controuersy of VVisbich Where their part as we vnderstand especially these later tymes being not aboue 7. or 8. and the other side wel neere 30. it ought greatly to haue mooued them in all reason wisdome and humility of spirit to haue ether yeilded or compounded those matters with lesse noise or at least wayes being once compounded and ended by others not to haue brought them in disputation and breach againe especially with such intemperate speches as before yow haue heard calling them â—naues conspiring companions authors if separation Donatists reuiued Arrians a Cynaedrical congregation and the like For whatsoeuer man of iudgement and indifferency shal consider the oddes and differences of these two parts to wit the number and quality of each side wil easily enclyne to giue sentence against them And first the very circumstance of F. VVestons person his learning wisdome moderation religion mortification and other rare vertues related admyred euen by heretiks themselues must needs make a greate preiudice against them And then if we go forward to consider the persons also of many of the rest as of M. Barlow the first Seminary priest of all the rest if we be not deceaued a man of approued vertue and coÌ„stancy M. Thomas Pond the most ancientest confessor which now perhaps liueth of lay gentlemen and euer accounted a most zealous constant Catholike If we consider these we say and many other of that company and on the other part besides the fewnes compare the men themselues with these to wit the two of the oldest and authors of all the contention what men they are the one a doctor of his owne procuring without licence or order of superiors and dismissed out of Rome by publike authority for his vnquiet behauiour the other first a minister and then so vnquiet a priest as appeareth both by his ordinary intemperate woords and his violent laying hands vpon others of the same order and two other yong men of the same company whome now they carry with them out of England Champney and Barnaby lately come from the sedition at Rome wherin they had byn actors these circumstances we say considered and wayed though otherwise the cause it selfe were not knowen which wee haue handled at large as well in our Apologie as in the first chapter of this book these were sufficient to make a man of iudgment and indifferencie to resolue on which side truth and vertue standeth and consequently it was great indescretion in these our brethren to publish the forsaid men for ther enemyes as they do There follow in the same ranke of their aduersaryes coÌ„cerning the argument of their booke of Important Considerations two special men of worthie memory of our owne nation and so called by them in all other poynts Wherin they are not against them and their designments to wit D. Saunders and D. Allen late Card. we shal shew in few words how vnworthely they handle them both and therby do yow iudge of their spirit how desperately they are set to defend their owne fancies seing that what they reprehend in these men was not only their owne iudgements but of all other â—earned Catholiks also of our nation D. Stapleton D. Bristow M. Gregory Martyn M. VVilliam Reynolds yea of all learned Catholike men in like manner of Catholike contreys as before we haue shewed against all which these new petty doctors to flatter the State and my L. of London wil needs oppose themselues as yf they knew more than the forsaid learned men of our nation whose books they are
not worthie to beare But let vs see som what of their dealing with D. Sanders and the Card. in particular It little became eyther M Saunders Say they otherwayes an excellent man or M. Persons or any other of our nation to haue intermedied with these matters and to wryte as they haue very offensiuely done in diuers of their books and treateses c. Lo heere their censure and reprehension But let vs heare further In the yeare 1572. say they out cometh M. Sanders book de visibili monarchia wherin he taketh vpon him to set downe how the Pope had sent M. Morton and M. VVebbe two priests before the Rebellion of the North to excite the Lords and gentlemen to take armes And the rather to persuade them therunto they signified vnto them by the Popes commandement that her Ma. was excommunicated c. Behold here the condemnation of three ancient Doctors ioyned by these our yong maisters with that of the Pope himselfe and then they go forward Then M. Sanders building castles in the ayre amongst his books doth magnifie the said Rebelles to the great discredit of the Church of Rome and his Hol actions in such matters c. And from this passing to his goyng into Ireland they say thus The Pope himselfe in the yeare 1579. abused stil by false pretences did set forward that course and sending thither certayne forces M. Saunders too much Iesuited did thrust himself in person into that action as a cheif ringleader c. But heere we would aske these men how they do know that D. Saunders did thrust himselfe into that action wherin all good men do wish that he had neuer byn considering the great good he might haue done to all Christendome by his most learned books yf his lyfe had not byn shortened that way But these yonkers his schollers or rather not worthie to be his schollers that so resolutely do accuse him heere of voluntary putting himselfe in that peril how can they proue it and much les that he was a cheife ringleader in that warre or what sure ground haue they of this malitious imputation For sure we are that we haue both heard and seene by letters that he was not only induced but also commanded in his Hol. name by Bishop Sega then Nuntius Apostolicus in Spayne and afterwards Card. to go in that voyage not to be ringleader in matters of warre as these men do odiously obiect but rather to be a moderator and vmpire in Ecclesiastical affayres for direction to that people as occasion should fal out But howsoeuer that was those things being now past and the man dead and with almightie God as we hope and persuade our selues for these men now to reuiue the same againe with so great hatred and enuy as they do for flattering of the present state which yet we persuade our selues beleeueth them little sheweth with what spirit they are replenished and we feare we shal daylie more and more see the fruits therof And this of him But now let vs heare a little how they handle their old good maister and foster father and late Superior Card. Allen of whome in their first two books both in latyn and English they glory greatly that he was their common father and founder that begone the Seminaryes and brought them all vp therin taught and directed them most prudently and kept all in right good order while he was aliue and that he misliked on the other syde the Iesuits education and gouernment of our youth and that he was disunited with F. Persons as misliking his nature and manner of proceeding himself giuing contentment to all beloued and approued of all c. These things and diuers others were in their first two books often incultated which now are contradicted in these later according to the growth of their spirit in passion malice and folly and according to the necessity they haue put themselues in vpon these motiues to bid warre not only to D. Sanders Card. Allen and all the good and learned men of our nation besides but to all Cath. wryters of other Nations also as before hath byn said about their fond and foolish assertion set downe in these their absurd libels But yet especially and aboâ—e all others to Card. Allen who hauing seene a false and pestiferous libel of the very same argument with this of Important ConsideratioÌ„s cast abroad in the years 1583. made by some malitious heretiks in defamaâ—ion of Catholiks and their sufferings whoâ—e little was The execution of iustice in England the said learned man made an answere therunto intituling it A true sincere and modest defence of English Catholikes that suffer for their faith both at home and abroad c. And then is added another paragraphe wherin is declared how vniustly Catholiks are charged with treason how vntruly their persecution is denyed to be for religion and how deceytfully heretiks seeke to abuse straungers about the cause grearnes and manner of their sufferings c. And finally is added vt obstrâ—atur â—s loquentium imqua all this is done to stoop the mouthes of such as speake vniustly VVhich these our priests may take now also to themselues as all the rest in like maÌ„ner which in that learned booke of the Cardinal contayning nyne large chapters is vttered against slanderous heretiks and that lying libeller that set forth the said Execution of iustice seing these men haue aduentured to take their parts and persons vpon them and to rayle ly and defame the actions and intentions of the best Catholiks no lesse then the other did VVhich things being so and the said late good Card. being indeed the most opposite and earnest enemy which they haue or many haue in this their last argument of Important Considerations hauing shaken in peeces by his former booke all the fond reasons and flaunderous calumniations which they alleadge before they came forth no maruaile though they do handle him conteÌ„ptuously and most spitefully in this book though tempering the matter somtymes in respect of their former praises giuen him with saying that the good man was abused that whatsoeuer he did or wrote to their dislike was by F. Persons induction help and persuasion which in a man of his wisdome and authority is the greatest reproch that can be obiected as though he had byn able to haue done nothing of himself but that all he did camefrom F. Persons so they say of him concerning his booke or epistle vvrytten in the yeare 1587. about the lawfulnes of the fact of Sr. VVilliam Stanley his giuing vp Dauentry to the true owner wherof we shal haue occasion to speak afterward in this book now we shal adde a word or two of their reprehension or rather calumniation in that behalf The defence of that disloyalâ—y say they made by a worther man but by the persuasions as we thinke of Persons was greatly disliked by many both myse and learned especially that he
layed this for a ground in iustifying the said Stanely that in all warres which may happen for religion euery Catholike man is bound in conscience to imploy his forces by the Popes direction c. Lo what they mislike both in his ground and action And after this mentioning againe an other book of his which they cal a Treatese penned altogeather by the aduise of F. Persons in the yeare 1588. they rayle and iest at him extremely saying that he laboured with all his Rhetorike to persuade vs to ioyne with him to all our destructions telling vs many fayre tales alluring vs with sundry great promises all being meereillusions falshoods anâ— mast trayterous instigations and iuglings c. And then yet further they wryte thus of him This Iesuite also telleth all Catholiks lo now he is made a Iesuite who was said by them to haue byn an enemy to Iesuits before the better to comfort them but in deed to the great scandal for euer of all priesthood that there was diuers priests in the k. of Spaines army ready to serue euery mans spiritual necessity by confession counsel and all consolation in Christ Iesus c. Which kind of persuasions say they some being ridiculous the most very traterous and these last most blasphemous as tending so greatly to dishonour of religion we detest and abhorre c. Moreouer they wryting of the said Card. speech vsed at that tyme about the sentence of Sixtus 5. abuse him exceedingly by contemptuons words affirming first that he was not to be beleeued shewing nether Bâ—eue nor any other publike instrument and that his owne testimony and book wrytten was of so smal trust or authority as by VVarrant therof Say they we are persuaded it was not lawful for vs to hane killed a goose yf her Ma. had forbidden vs so to do And a little after speaking of the said book they cal it a scurrilous and vnmanly admonition or rather most prophane libel And thus yow see how they pay home their so much praysed father and maister when he cometh in their way And yf there were so great disunion and mislike of nature and conditions betwixt him and F. Persons as these men haue giuen out in their other books how is it probable now that he wrote all these things by F. Persons persuasions as now they say yea that the Card. set his name to some books that F. Persons not himselfe had made and compounded these things we say do not stand to-geather and the very truth is that these men in the humour that now they be in are as great enemyes in hart hatred and Faction to the Card. as to F. Persons and so would shew themselues yf he were alyue to contradict or resist them in these their follyes and madnes as F. Persons God be thanked is And now by this occasion we are mooued in this place to say somwhat also which otherwayes we had purposed not to haue done of this their enmity principal hatred against F. Persons vttered so intemperatly throughout all their libells as they may seeme especially to haue byn wrytten against him and against others only or cheefly for his sake The reason wherof notwithstanding the more we seeke the lesse we fynd excepting only that general reason which we haue touched before in our Apologie that he beeing the man that hath most benifited them aboue others by way of the Seminaryes and after the said good Card. decease by reason of his place and office being Prefect of the English mission for those of his Society may seeme cheifely to hold togeather that cause which these men would deuide and dissipate For this reason yf it be a reason they being angry with him by the very imagination of his beeing in place and credit to hinder their designments they turne all their obligation of gratitude into the passion of hatred conspiring and coniuring against him as the only imagined obstacle of all their factious attempts and desyres though hithertoo we do not see that they haue alleadged many opposite acts of his parte but only by their owne apprehension or interpretation or suspitions for the tyme to come For proof wherof yf we runne ouer all their clamorous books hitherto come forth what one thing of substance do they alleadge against the sayed father yf we set aparte slaunders scoffes and contumelious speaches for as for his going and comming out of England it is so iustified by vs in our Apologie and so many vtilityes shewne to haue ensued therby to our common cause as they may be ashamed euer to make that obiection againe his ioyning afterward with Card. Allen and his proceeding ioyntly with him both in Flaunders and Rome for aduancing our comon Catholike cause and the Card. perferment it selfe are such things as they must needes be ashamed to seeme to mislike his founding of Seminaryes afterward both in Spaine and Flaunders wherby diuers of themselues haue byn made schollers priests though with much malignity they do carp at the same in these libels yet is it shameful to them in the eyes of all ciuil men be they Catholiks or Protestants His comming backe to Rome againe afterward in the yeare 1597. we see by experience was the sauing of that Colledge and the present fruits and effects of peace vertue and learning there do reject all slanders that in this point can be obiected his concurring afterwards to procure vs a Superiour of our owne order vpon our owne petition letters as in the Apology we haue shewed is no wayes subiect to any iust obloquie His proceeding after that againe with the two messengers sent to Rome to contradict was such as their owne letters yet extant did commend the same The end also taken by his Hol. was then approued and praysed by the cheefe of the aduerse part and all that followed afterward from F. Persons as appeareth by his letters set downe in our Apologie tendeth to nothing els but to conserue that end peace and vnion which his Hol. and his high Comissioners the Card. Protectors had made and to this end had he continually written to the Archpriest and Fathers of the Society as wel as to the other side and that most earnestly and effectually as his letters do yet testifie And yf any new breach or exasperation haue byn made or giuen heere in England by any it hath byn without his consent coÌ„trary to his desyre and indeauoures as by infinite wayes appeareth and not only priuate men but the said Card. Protectors and his Hol. himselfe are witnesses therof in Rome as we are most certainly informed and all this being so how and with what conscience credit or wisdome can our passionate brethreÌ„ make him their publike enemy as they do raging and rauing against him as though he were the woorst man liuing the greatest enemy that our publike cause of the Catholiks hath laying all the faults of other men also eyther
memory or witnes or any authâ—ntical testimony in this kynd there is no doubt but they would heere haue alleadged it seeing their malice against him is so ranke as euery way appeareth and for so much as they alleadge none at all nor any other enemy of his heretike politike or Atheist hath hetherto donne to our knowledge yow may be wel assured there is nothing extant and so these good fellowes do supply with cryes and clamors oathes and protestations that which they cannot shew by any sufficient proof or substantial argument as yow shal better perceaue by the examples that ensue brought in and handled by themselues against Catholiks and Iesuytes and especially against the sayd father And first we shal beginne with that they mention of M. Francis Throgmorton his attempt for which he died yf any such were at all as he was charged with we would aske was this by Iesuits counsel and incitation or not no man we think can say yea for that it is too much knowne how that poore gentleman not long before by his brother Thomas his iorney into England was drawne into that new crew and vnluckly association which was lately begone in Paris by M. Paget Morgan and himselfe as adherent against D. Allen F. Persons and their frends as in the first and fourth chapters of our Apologie is touched And yf any man wil doubt of this let him read but the pamphlet set out by the state at that tyme an 1584. intituled A discouery of the treasons of Francis Throgmorion c. where they wryte Item he confessed that he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throgmorton by letters and conference and by Thomas Morgan his letters two of the principal confederats and workers of these treasons residing in France with a resolute determination agreed on by the Scotish Queene and her confederats c. VVe would aske further of D. Parry his sending into England a little after that tyme to kil the Queene as he told her Ma. was this also by any English Iesuits plotting No truly for that it is notoriously knowen and can be proued by witnes that D. Allen and F. Persons being at that very tyme in Paris when he was there and whence he tooke his iorney into England would not so much as talk with him or heare his plots as the two forenamed gentlemen of the contrary part entreated them wherupon he being offended protested to M. VVats an English priest in Roan his contrey man at his passing that way that he would be their enemy in England and yf all other proofs fayled yet his owne confession extaÌ„t in print doth cleare by name the said D. and Father from all dealing with him or consenting to his attempts For thus he wryteth in his owne confession set forth after in print In October I came to Paris where I found my credit wel setled being one day at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a Catholike gentleman greatly beloued and trusted on that side c. I was after other talk desyred by Morgan to go vp with him to another Chamber where he brake with me c. I told him it were soone done yf it might be lawfully done and warranted by the opinion of some learned diuines c. diuers diuines were named D. Allen I desyred Persons I refused by chance came M. VVats a learned priest with whome I conferred and was oueruled c. that it was vtterly vnlawful c. And by this we see not only D Allen and F. Persons deliuered from all counsel and participation of this matter but Parry also by his manner of speech to shew himselfe no frende to F. Persons nether to haue durst to comyt his plots to his iudgement and yet heare what these our charitable brethren do wryte of this and another case Two gentlemen say they about that tyme an 1583. M. Arden and M. Someruile were conuicted by the lawes of the Realme to haue purposed and contryued how they might haue layd violent hands vpon her Ma. sacred preson c. And D. Parry the very same yeare was plotting with Iesuits beyond the seas how he might haue effected the like villany Thus they say and would lay this villany as yow see vpon the Iesuits as also the other of Someruile Arden yf any such weare wherin yet neuer Iesuite we thinke was so much as named in there proces or otherwise hitherto so as the malice of these men seemeth to exceed that of the heretikes against Iesuits by many degrees as it doth also in another point following touching the ouerthrow of the Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley and others by the going of one Mope into England wherof these men wryte in these words How the worthie Earle of Northumberland was about this tyme brought into the said plot of the Duke of Guise we wil pretermit M. Persons that was an actor in it could tel the story very roundly c. it wrought the noble Earles ouerthrow 1585. Which may iustly be ascribed to Iesuitical practises of the Iesuite Mendoza and others of that crewe Marke heere gentle Reader the malignant proceeding of these men first they say they wil pretermit how it was done and yet they name F. Persons wherin are two malignityes first in pretermitting Mope knowne to be the actor for that he was and is a cheefe pillar of their faction the other in naming F. Persons who in all that affayre was neuer so much as mentioned hitherto to our knowledge the third malignity also is in naming for a Iesuite Don Bernardino Mendoza the K. of Spayne his Embassadour in England a lay gentleman yet aliue and no Iesuite nor euer was And whether he had any thing to do in those actions or no we know not but suâ—e we are that this is a great malignity to cal them Iesuitical practises as these men do seing that in the forsaid book set forth by the heretiks against M. Throgmorton is set downe among his confessions that the forsaid Mope alias Spring that came ouer and dealt with the said Earle and M. Shelley was otherwise called Charles Paget and that Thomas Morgan residing in France hauing brought the said Francis Throgmorton into dealings of state matter with the Q. of Scots and forsaid Embassador he and Mope sent M. Thom. Throgmorton to his said brother in England to aduertise him by word of mouth of those attempts heere obiected all which three actors how they were affected to Iesuits how litle vnion they had with them in their plots and actions all Englishmen know beyond the seas and may easily be gathered by that we haue wrytten in the first fourth chapter of our Apologie wherby may appeare to whome the ouerthrow of this good Earle ascribed by these men to Iesuitical practises may truly be attributed and besydes is to be remembred that in M. Shelley his araignmeÌ„t certaine coÌ„fessioÌ„s of D. Bagshaw highly coÌ„mended by the Q.
treachery and faith-breaking wherwith these seditious people so iniuriously do charge him For yf he held not the said city of Dauentry of her Ma. as before hath byn said but for the Hollanders Knowne subiects at that tyme of the K. of Spaine and that he was not only priuy but also present and consenting to the vsurpation of that Citty by the Earle of Leicester against the willes of the cittizens bringing in a garrison vpon them by sleight yf afterward becomming more Catholike and better instructed in religion he came to know as he did a christian mans obligation in this behalfe And that besides all this he had a patent of his General to whome he made his oath to depart from that seruice when he should think good the motiue of which graunt was as we haue heard not to be vnder the obedience of S. Iohn Norrice left cheefly in the Earles place If furthermore S. VVilliam did not sel or make any temporal aduantage of that place as souldiars are wont to do but only as a most christian knight aduentured for meere conscience and loue of iustice to restore the same to the true owner with his owne great daunger and with the losse of his father wife and children inheritance offices grace of her Ma. and all the rest that his countrey did or could yeld vnto him only for the same effect and ende If all this be so and diuers other circumstances concurring in his fauour then is there no least spot of dishonour to be layd vpon him for this fact but ratheâ— great honour hath he gotten therby both before God and man and most barbarous is the insolency of these slanderous companions that go about to dishonour him therby as they do And the like course they hold with our late good Card. their father and maister whome Ironice they cal worthy man as before yow haue heard but do handle him so vnworthily as all men may see their contempt and hollow harts towards him their desyre being indeed vtterly to discredit him especially about this act of S. VVilliam Stanley in proof and iustification wherof the Card. wrote a very christian and learned epistle which these men do calumniate condemne and scofat saying among other things that it was made by F. Persons help and counsel which they say as wel to discredit the Cardâ— for making his books by other mens help and counsel as also to bring in the mention of F. Persons or some other Iesuite in euery act which they desyre to make odious as though the only naming of a Iesuite though they had no part at all therin nor were pryuy or consenting to it as in this of S. VVilliam Stanleys they were not nor could he were sufficient to condemne both the act and them and to iustifie their former oath and consciencelesse protestation that in their consciences Iesuits hunc byn the cause of all mischeefes and calamityes from the beginning of 〈…〉 And this much of this matter Now let vs go forward follow them in their most spiteful and iniurious arraignment of Catholiks by succession dissent of byâ—â—â—â— Now we are come say they to the yeare 1588. to that most blooâ—◠〈◊〉 not only against her Ma. our common enemyes but against ourselues and all Catholiks c. The memory of which attempt wil be as we trust an euerlasting monument of Iesuitical treason and cruelty c. Note that they trust it wil be so which argueth their charitable meaning But what yf it prooue that no one English Iesuite eyther was in that Armada or in Spaine at that tyme to giue counsel or consent therunto wil not this assertion then be a perpetual monument of their perfidious and vnchristian malice Remember then what passed at that tyme and confesse with vs that they are no priests but rather lost lads that auouch so apparant false calumniations For as before we haue touched most true it is that both F. Persons F. Holt and F. Creswel being at Rome with Cardinal Allen and no English Iesuite at all residing eyther in Spaine or Flaunders when this enterprice was resolued not only they went not in this Armada from Spaine but were neuer so much as asked their opinion or conferred with about that matter as we haue often hard them affirme and is euident to this day by a letter of S. Frauncis Inglefield wrytten into Fraunce at that very time to a certayne confident friend wherin he greatly complayneth that wheras all the world talked that the said armada went for England yet that neyther he nor any other English was admitted to know any thing therin But let vs heare the proof of these men against themselues It is apparant say they in a treatese penned by F. Persons aduise altogeather as we do verely think that the K. of Spayne was especially moued and drawne to that intended mischeefes against vs by the long and daylie sollicitation of the Iesuits c. This is somwhat if it were true but if there be no such thing in that whole treatese as we most certainly affirme not to be hauing read ouer the whole for examination of the matter then iudge yow with vs what manner of men these be that against their owne consciences do ly so notoriously For if the Card. in that book haue these words or do euer name Iesuits or any of their order to this effect or this sense then neuer beleeue vs more and if he do not then good reason it is that they hold them for such as they are wherby also yow wil se how little they are to be credited in the rest which they say in this place that this treatese of the Card. was penned altogeather by the aduise of F. persons which if it had bene so it is likely he would not haue layd the matter vppon the Iesuytes but heare as true an assertion as this for it followeth presently after The Duke of Medina Sidonia had giuen it out directly that yf once he might land in England both Catholiks and heretiks should be all one to him his sword could not discerne them c. Thus they say But how directly or indirectly these men might come to know any such thing yf it had byn spoken or how likely it is that the Duke would say so the discreet reader may imagine And a litle before in the same booke they say as yow haue heard out of the same duke of Medina his mouth also that he would rather spare Protestants then Catholiks All which put togeather sheweth euidently out of what forge all these deuises do proceed to wit of blynd rancor wilful malice lack of conscience and the like VVel this Chapter of vntruthes groweth somwhat long and yet remayne there a huge heap sufficient for many books yf we would prosecute all yea those only which are about F. Persons would make vp a volume so fraught or rather ouercharged with malignant passion against him who
In the seauenth place yow are to ponder certayne notes of his set downe in the margent of his book wherby for breuityes sake we leaue yow to gesse what is handled more at large in the text First then he complayneth in one note thus That the Queene must seeme to be put in security for her tyme for these are the words of his marginal note and from that he passeth to other matters of like substance and quality as may appeare by these other marginal notes following to wit first that the wryter of this conference neyther profiteth the king nor the common cause by discourse of succession And then againe to the same effect he maketh this other annotation The disseruice done to the king by this Conference And yet further in another margent The book of Conference was not printed with the late Kings priuâ—â—y or liking And yet againeâ— This author and lawyer do mock and abuse the K. of Spaine By all which yow may see how dutiful a seruant to the K. of Spaine this discouerer would make himself which yet lying in Paris we maruaile much that he would professe so openly as also how he wil like of these confederates of his faction now gone thither out of England we meane the reuolted priests who in all their late books and libels do band against the said king and shew egregious hatred and enmity towards him But each one of these good fellowes speaketh for himself and for the tyme present and as it standeth best for him at that instant hauing no other vnion or agreement with his followes but to impugne a third and all their barking is but as of little whelpes against them that passe athwart them and when all is done they may be gotten againe with a bit of bread And we haue seene a letter of one of them wrytten from Paris to Spaine not long since wherin he offereth that yf he might haue but 4. or 5. Crownes the moneth from that king he would be content as before And we haue the original letter to shew yf need be though for this tyme we wil conceale his name And the like may yow presume of this eager discouerer that yf any least commodity might be had from Spaine or els where he would quickely bite at it as he did while it was to be had though for the present they say he is most busy and earnest in Paris to set forward the seditious that seek to lay the foundation of their fauour and credit as wel in England as with the K. most Christian by professing auersion from Spaine and this is thought a wise politike course by them but the end wil prooue all And so we returne to the treatese of our counterfet discouerer againe VVe haue shewed hitherto what trifles he hath handled in his vayne and idle discouery not touching any one substantial point of so many of great moment as are contayned and handled in the said two books of succession For to speak nothing of the second book wherin matters are treated historically for the most part what more weighty or important matters can be handled about the right and interest of the succession of any crowne then is treated in the first book by the author of the coÌ„ference as for example whether gouernmeÌ„t â—e by law of nature diuine or humane how monarchies and kingdomes were begon and continued and by what right how great and high reuerence is due vnto Princes and yet how in some cases they may be restrayned or chasisted by the common wealth what interest Princes haue in their subiects goods lands and lyues How oathes made vnto them do bynd and what oathes princes themselues as namely those of England do make in their coronation to the common wealth and how farre they bynd VVhat is due to only succession by birth or propinquity of blood without other needful circumstances concurring therwith what are the principal points which a Catholike and godly common welth ought to respect in admitting or excluding any pretender to a crowne or Principality and how greuously they do synne that neglect these considerations for interest feare negligence or other humane respects c. All these and diuers other most worthie and weighty points are handled in the first book only of the conference to say nothing of the second which is yet of more variety with great aboundance and store of proofes arguments and demonstrations wherof no one at all is answered or so much as touched by this discouerer but only certaine impertinent trifles as hath byn said and therby is discouered his owne weaknes and his folly displayed And yet to the end not to seeme wholy to say nothing he standeth finally vpon two fond calumniations the first that the conference conteyneth popular doctrine perilous to Princes states and common wealthes c. And herof he giueth certayne vayne and foolish examples of Antonio Perez that raysed some trouble against the K. of Spaine in Aragon and of George Buchanan in Scotland and of the Prince of Oreâ—ge in Flanders c. But this cauil is answered at large in the third Chapter of the said first book of Conference others that ensue shewing that there is no reason why the lawful graue iust and orderly proceeding of true subiects and moderate commoÌ„ wealthes against pernicious or vnlawful princes should be stayned or their iust authority left them by all law both diuine and humane should be denied for that some wicked and trooble some subiects haue against law and order misbehaued themselues against their lawful princes The other cauil is that this conference is iniurious to the king of Scotland with whome the discouerer would gladly get some credit by malitious impeaching of others and to this end he noteth in his margent these words The authors extreame malice against the king of Scotland But whether this lightheaded discouerer doth shew himselfe more malitious in setting downe so malignant a marginal note or the author of the conference in wryting so temperaâ—ly and reuerently as he doth as wel of the king of Scotlands pretence to England as of all other princes and pretenders to that crowne besides let the indifferent reader be iudge Sure we are that in reading ouer that part which toucheth his Maiestie of Scotland we neuer discouered any the least malice at all in the wryter but rather a very indifferent mynd to haue the vttermost right of euery man knowne without offering wrong or iniury to any according to which indifferency the said king of Scotlands title is set downe in the very first place in that book as first and cheef pretender among the rest neyther is there any one thing emitted to our knowledge that truly and rightly may be said or added in setting out of the same title And when the exceptions made by the opposite pretenders against him are declared nothing is auouched which is not openly knowne to be true neyther any thing
so shamfully auoucheth the contrary The second act enacted or Statute saith he made in that high infernal Consistory was concerning Church Abbey lands c. all which must be vnder the holy Society of Iesus presently vpon the establishing of the spiritual monarchie which done their Father General must cal out 4. Iesuits and two secular priests who must be also demy Iesuits these six vicars I pray God not of hell for of heauen they are not like six Duch peeres shal haue the lands meanes c. resigned ouer to their hands for to allow to Bishops persons Vicars c. a competent stypend only to liue on euen as the Turkes Bassaes Genisaryes do lyue vnder him Thus wryteth he as out of the said book wherof no one word is there but all to the contrary The third Statute saith he was made concerning the nobility gentry such as to omit others Sir Robert Cecil Sir Iohn Fortescue c. with sundry other knights and Squyres all which were limited by that blynd prophane parlament what retinue they should keep how much should be allowed them to spend yearly c. And do yow not think these men to be more then half frantick that publish such deuises in print The fourth Statute saith he was made concerning the common lawes of this land consisted in this principal poynt that all the great Charter of England must be burnt all the manner of holding lands in fee simple fee tayle franke almayne c. must be brought into villany schoggery and popularity c. Thus he saith but if yow read the book it selfe yow shal find the playne contradictory of all put downe in the said Memorial For in the fourth Chapter of the third part therof which is intituled Of the Innes of Court and study of common lawes c. the whole course of the same lawes is persuaded to he continued with supply of some points that may be found wanting and reformation of others that may be abused so as all this heer alleadged is a meere fiction in the ayre The fifth Statute saith he was concerning Calumniation with a prouiso in the forsaid Statute that whosoeuer did offend a Iesuit or speak against this high Counsel of Reformation it should be lawful for the Fathers or their Synodical ministers to defame detract calumniate him or her at their pleasure be who they shal be noble peere or Prince Bishop Cardinal or the Pope himself c. To this deuised Statute we know not what ro say seing there was neuer any such word or thought The sixt Statute saith he in the forsaid high Counsel of Reformation may wery wel be called the Statute of Retractation which is a hoate counterblast to the former horneblast of Calumniation it goes vnder the tenour of a prouiso that if such such things do happen then the persons defamed contemned and condemned ad inferos aliue shal be as highly exalted aduaunced and elcuated ad caelos after their death c. This they wryte which being matters of meere madnes as yow see and neuer dreamed of by the author deserue only contempt and compassion for answere especially seing that in the end of all their babling about this book of reformation Statutes therin conteyned they conclude their whole treatese thus Happie were some men yf they might but haue a sight of that Statute book c. No doubt but he should fynd notable stuffe in it that would serue for many purposes c. This he seemeth to say of himself cōfessing herby that he neuer saw the book by him impugned so that whatsoeuer he hath set downe in almost 20. pages togeather against the same is not ouely without book but also must needs be forged and deuised hy himself And this is sufficient to shew the mans honesty and the credit of his compagnions and cause All which being considered litle more needeth to be said in this place for direction of discreet prudent Catholiks how to beare themselues which is the argument of this Chapter in this tyme of controuersy and contention raysed by the common aduersary and mayntayned by his instruments wherin we can say no more but as the holy Apostle S. Iohn said vnctio docebit the sweet direction of Gods holy spirit wil be a sufficient guide vnto Catholiks in this behalf and the discretiō or discerning of spirits so often and highly commēded by S. Paul and by vs before recommended wil yeild aboundāt light for the same For he that shal but a litle consider with himself on what side goeth the spirit of modesty patience longanimity obedience truth charity mortification feare of God and the like and on the other side the playne contrary spirits of clamors rage reuenge enuy and emulation audacious speches disobedience contempt resistance temerarious assertions false and slaunderous asseuerations as out of their books haue byn shewed He that wil weigh further with himself where how and when and by what men and against whome and vpon what causes and motiues these emulations and contentions were first begone and haue byn continued synce and what manner of men out of all sorts of discontented people haue runne vnto them against their Superiors maisters Fathers benefactors what ends the most of thē haue had or are like to haue according as in our Apologie we haue declared He that wil ponder moreouer how and by whome this great worke of Englands conuersion was begonne and hath byn mayntayned synce and is brought to the state wherin now it standeth and that the vnion of this body hath euer consisted in due subordination of one to another which these men now cannot abide it wil be very easy to frame a sound iudgment of the whole cause and men that handle it For first denyed it cannot be that priests and Iesuits ioyning all togeather at the beginning of the Seminaryes both at Doway Rhemes Rome and other places afterwards to wit D. Allen D. Saunders D. Stapleton D. Bristow D. VVebbe many other graue men of our nation togeather with the help credit and assistance of the Fathers of the Society both there and els 〈◊〉 did set this cause first on foot and haue promoted the same euer synce with conioyned labors of teaching preaching wryting bookes and the like and God hath prospered their labors as by the effects we see which being so it is easy to perceaue what spirit this is now which goeth about to seperate and disioyne all this agayne vnder fond and odious pretences that they are of diuers bodyes of diuers Societyes and of different vocations c. Is not this that diuelish spirit of dispersing so much detested by Christ himself in the ghospel Consider we pray yow who do gather and who do disperse And then further yf we consider wherfore these dispersers haue made all this trouble and diuision all this foule breach in our publike cause
our affayre where Gods holy gyfts and vertues themselues are enuyed at by them that wil not immitate the same is easy to discerne And if no other proof were extant yet their owne books set forth in such number and with such passion to discredit their aduersaryes are sufficient witnesses wherin they set downe so many high prayses giuen by other men to their said aduersaryes as albeit the partyes theÌ„selues do nether chaleÌ„ge nor acknowledge them yet is it euideÌ„t that the enuy of these and other like prayses hath put these mens mynds quite out of ioynt Neyther remayneth there any way as it seemeth for the enuyed in this case to discharge themÌ„selues of this raging tempest raysed against them but eyther to chaunge their laudable course of lyfe wherby they haue gotten that esteeme which these men enuy at this is not tolerable or for these men to alter their iudgmeÌ„ts and se their owne follyes and passioÌ„s herin which we shal endeauour to lay before them in this our treatese and that out of their owne bookes and wrytings And albeit we had fully purposed as before is sayd to wryte no more about this argumeÌ„t yer seing so many libels to come our daylie so false and slaunderous so pernicious not only to Christian vnity but also to the integrity of Catholike faith verity and those vnder the names of priests the very honor of priesthood it selfe hath forced vs to take pen in hand againe contrary to our former determinatioÌ„ therby to wipe away if it be possible some part of that notorious discredit and slaunder which iustly otherwise may fal vpon our whole order if such intemperate proceedings published in priests names should passe vncontrouled by all kynd of priests Wherfore our entent in this treatese is to shew that eyther these infamous libels set forth in priests names are not indeed of priests but of some other that play their parts or if they come from priests indeed then must we needs runne in this matter to the words of our Sauiour touching sal infatuatum infatuated priests such as haue lost not only all sauour of priestly wisdome and shining light of true vnderstanding but all true spirit also of Christian priests and priesthood which we shal declare by diuers proofes and considerations takeÌ„ out of their owne books for which cause we haue intituled this treatese A manifestation of the great folly and bad spirit of some in England that call themselues secular priestes Wherunto we were induced the rather as wel by those words of S. Paul alleadged in our first page insipientia corum manifesta erit omnibus their folly shal be made manifest to all speaking of such as made diuision as also by that dreadful parable of our Sauiour concerning the wicked vncleane spirit that leauing men for a tyme and finding no rest abroad returned and perceauing the habitation left by him to be wel cleansed but not wel fenced entred againe with seauen worse spirits then himself and so made the ending of those men worse then their beginning It were ouer long and exceeding the measure of a preface to set downe heer the interpretations and godly considerations of old ancient Saints about this parable of our Sauiour especially seing that for so much as appertayneth to this our affayre it is not hard for any man to see the coherence and application therof for that when these libellers were first made priests if they be priests and took that most sacred order of cleargy vpon them wherby they weare adopted into the peculiar choise and seuered portion of almighty God for so much importeth Cleargie they did not only renounce the spirit of Sathan in general as men do in baptisme by those words ab renuncio diabolo omnibus operibus eius c. but particularly also the prophane secular spirit of the world and all corruption and vncleanesse therof appertayning to libetty of the flesh by their strait obligation of chastity deuotion piety annexed to that holy calling aboue other men which prophane and vncleane spirit being once excluded by the holy character and vnction of priesthood and the house made cleane by the broome of holy pennance adorned also with graces and gyfts of the holy Ghost if after the same spirit returne agayne and fynd the guard and defence therof weake by negligence of the keeper or the dores broken open by the violence of passions as in our case alas it seemeth to stand he presumeth saith our Sauiour not only to enter agayne himself but to take bad company also with him to wit seauen other spirits nequiores se more wicked then himself that is to say more spiritual malitious more couert and hidden more obstinate and self willed more opposite to charity and more like to the diuel himself that is a meer spirit and the head patron and fountayne of all wicked wilful spirits For albeit the grosse spirit of wordly sensualitie be a foule and vncleane spirit especially in a priest and be also from the diuel yet as Cassianus in the former place doth note and all other Fathers do obserue in like manner it is no way so dangerous or wicked as are the spirits of more spiritual sinnes to witt enuy pride ambition hatred reuenge other like which are so counterset and couered poysons as often tymes they are not knowne nor held for vices and consequently neyther cured nor cared for nay they passe for vertues so are often tymes taken by the possessors themselues as for example enuy for zeale in Gods cause pride for corage ambition for desyre of ability to do much good and so in the rest wherby it cometh to passe that he whose house is possessed with these most pernicious guests doth think himself wel furnished and in good case and consequently neyther endeauoreth to expel them out nor confesseth his fault or negligence therin nor seeketh remedy by the holy refuge of pennance good counsel or other spiritual helpes and herby cometh it to passe that which our Sauiour saith fiunt nouissimâ— hominis istiuâ— peioraprioribus the ending of this man is worse then his begynning VVherunto that dreadful commination of the holy Apostle S. Paul doth wel agree also who sayth wryting to the Hebrues Impossible est â—os qui semel sunt illuminati c. prolapsi rursus renouari ad poenitentiam It is vnpossible for them that are once lightened by Gods grace and fal back agayne to be renewed by pennance Which words howsoeuer we vnderstand them eyther that the grace of baptisme is here meant or the word impossible taken for hard and rare euery way and in all senses it is a most terrible sentence ought to mooue men greatly that do see themselues fallen from a better state to a worse and from a quiet calme sweet humble modest spirit to a proud turbulent ireful impudent or contemptuous behauiour towards their brethren or equals and much more
and others to follow such courses as yow shal thinke good And to the same effect do these men recite in like maner M. South worthes speech to M. Bluet VVe are determined saith he twenty of vs to draw our selues into à more strict order of lyfe c. therby the better to auoyd such synnes as VVhoredome dronkennesse and diceing the same being too ordinary with some in this house Thus they wryte publish without shame to haue these things ruÌ„ne in print the particularyties wherof we of purpose auoyded in our Apologie and this is their first folly the secoÌ„d is that they report such maner of speches tending all as yow see to vertue reformation and reproofe of dissolute and disordered lyfe wheras on their owne side there is not so much as any such matter pretented For proofe wherof let vs heare a peece of M. Bluets speech of reproofe to F. VVeston brought in by these men as a matter of great commendation for spiritual feeling M. Bluet say they proceeded further in effect as followeth Is not the Sacrament of healthful pennance a sufficient remedy for men in our cases to keep vs from such enormityes if the meanes appoynted by Christ haue not sufficient force to remedy these euils what extraordinary grace or power can we expect from your sâ—pposed authority and lawes Thus they say coÌ„temning hereby as yow see all particular rules directions helpes and orders for coÌ„seruation or increase of spirit vsed by vertuousâ— men who wil not laugh at this doctrine that the Sacrament of healthful penance is sufficient to remedy all enormities why then are there so many Canons coÌ„stitutions lawes and new ordinaÌ„ces appoynted daylie for restrayning of enormities as wel in Colleges Cloysters Churches and congregatioÌ„s as other where to preueÌ„t such inconuenieÌ„ces if only the Sacrament of healthful penance be sufficient nay why are there prisons chaynes gallyes or gallouses if only the SacrameÌ„tal penance be sufficient nothing els required do yow see how these good people are de larga manica as the prouerbe is VVel then this being the subiect and argument of this their whole narration to declare what the one side being farre the greater part laboured to haue to wit rules order and discipline obserued in their coÌ„uersation as became priests and confessors in such a place and tyme complayning also of great and foule enormyties already comitted and worse feared among them and then how mightely the other side being farre the fewer stryued against this and would haue no special orders but such as were coÌ„mon to all men yea to the loosest sort of Christians in the world nor any other peculiar help or remedy but only the Sacrament of pennance to be vsed when where and so often as euery man pleased and no otherwayes This we say being the stryfe and contention cleare it is on which side vertue holynesse and perfection stood And albeit this side should haue byn ouerstrict and commytted tomuch rigor in retyring themselues from the scandalous conuersation of the rest Yet was their fault as yow see of zeale loue of vertue and consequently much more perdonable then the turbulent resistance and impugnation of the other side that stood in defence of disorder libertie and dissolution And thus much for the first part of the argument or subiect of this former booke intytuled The Relation of VVisbiche which hauing byn handled by them with great vntruth and partiality in their first books both in latyn and English as we haue shewed in our Apologie is brought in againe now with great indiscretion and folly renewing the memory of such their disorders in that place as we desyred might be suppressed with silence and that which is worse they discend to diuers particulars which wee for modestyes sake passed ouer in general tearmes so should they also haue done according to the rule of prudeÌ„cy for to what end haue they printed the former obiection coÌ„plaint of M. South worth so graue ReuereÌ„d a man about whordome dronkennesse and diceing c. which we had omitted the story also of pewter stolne of Mary the maid found in one of there chaÌ„bers to what end is it published by them or with what wisdome or discretion And moreouer they do so wisely handle these matters in their defence as yow shal see in the next Chapter of this booke that they leaue things more suspitious a great deale to the Reader then he fouÌ„d theÌ„ in the accusations so as in this also they fulfil the Apostles prophesy Insipientia eorum manifesta erit omnibus c. But besides this subiect of the excesses and scandalous conuersation of some in VVisbich there insueth also towards the end of this booke another argument of farre worse nature then the former for which respect it may be they abstayned to make mention therof in the title or first front of their booke doubting perhaps least all good and modest men would be auerted with the very sight and mention therof as proceeding of an extreme surfet of vnchristian malice The matter is that wheras in tyme of the tumultuous proceedings of these men and their fellowes both in Rome Flanders and England many things were spoken done wrytten against the fathers of the Society by their vngrateful schollers of our nation without all ground of truth but only through passion leuity anger and incitation of others as appeareth not only by the examination of the things themselues but by the confessions also of the partyes that did accuse when they were out of passion and by the sentence of all iudges appointed in these causes all which we haue shewed largely particularly in the 3. 4. 5. and 6. Chapters of our Apologie yet these men knowing in their consciences and in the sight of all the world this to be true and that those calumniations obiected or the most part of them were meerly false deuised vpon the causes aforesaid and denyed afterward by those that obiected them do notwithstaÌ„ding set them downe now againe as points iustified or iustifiable and haue put them also in print for the further infamation of Iesuits and their whole order which is a practise of so high and odious malice as we are wonderfully ashamed to mention the same but that they haue printed it as coming from any of our nation and much more from men of our order and function But now lett vs take a vew of the things themselues The first branch or head of this calumniation hath this tytle An abstract of the memorial sent by certayne Englishmen out of the low countreys to the Popes Hol. Clement the 8. against the Iesuits laboring in the English vineyard September 1597. And heere yow must note that in reporting this only title our brethren do so behaue themselues as yow may easily discouer their entention to be only to defame for so much as they know wel inough what Englishmen they weare that
deuised and cast abroad this memorial to wit Robert Fisher sent ouer into Flanders by the seditious of VVisbich to that effect as hath byn shewed at large in the 7. Chapter of our Apologie where we haue set downe the examination of the said Robert vpon his oath before his Hol. Fiscal in Rome and how he misliked his owne dooings therin bewrayed the falshood detected his complices and confessed all to be deuised vpon malice and stomake which our brethren knowing sufficieÌ„tly by the authentical copie of the said deposition sent into England and hauing seene also the publique testimony of six very reuerend and graue Priests Assistants to the Archpriest against that memorial as also the letters of many other priests which we haue there cyted it is strange that perturbation of mynd should so much preuayle with our brethren and the remorse of conscience be so litle as to reuiue the same now againe and being only in latyn before to print it now in English to the vew of all men And do they not know or remember that the publishers of infamous libels and defamations are as deeply both in the synne it selfe as also in Church censures as are the makers and wryters therof VVho can doubt of this But now to the contents of the libel The first paragraphe after many falsityes alleadged against Iesuits concludeth thus They hold no doctrine Catholike and sound that commeth not from themselues no dispensation auaylâ—able that is not graunted by them which is worse they haue beate into the heads of most that the masse is not rightly celebrated of any but of a Iesuite Thus they wryte And do our brethren beleeue this to be true Againe in the fourth paragraph besides many calumniations they say thus No Iesuite goeth to visit any one in England or trauayleth from one place to another but he is richly apparaylled attended on with a great trayne of seruants as yf he were a Baron or an Earle Is this true also in the consciences of our brethren Againe in the fifth paragraph They neuer send one scholler out of England to the Colledge of Doway to study there c. nay they haue laboured by all meanes vtterlâ— to dissolue it Is this true also Let the President and books of that Colledge testifie In the seauenth paragraphe they say VVomen also are induced by them to become Nunnes to leaue such goods as they haue to them c. And is there any one example thinke yow to be giuen of this Or is it any way probable seing that Nunnes haue such neede of their dowries for their owne maintenance yf they wil be receaued into any monasteryes beyond the seas The eight paragraph beginneth thus All vniuersity men and such as haue taken any degree in schooles the Iesuits hate despise contemne reproch And is this verifiable thinke yow or likely to be true Their conclusion is this To conclude say they Catholikes stand in more â—eare of the Iesuits then of the heretikes c. and that indirectly they cause priests to be apprehended by the enimy c. The censure of which conclusion as also of the spirit and pious disposition of these our brethren which do publish these things in print and in vulgar tongues against the whole order of religious men we remit to all good Catholiks iudgment And so much of this first memorial The second and third Catalogue of slanders which they put downe as well against the whole Society of Iesuits as also against those that labour in England are much more deceytfully though yet childishly handled by our brethren then the former For wheras they wel knowe that these poynts of defamation by them published were wrytten by some of their owne frends and this very secretly and couertly vnderhand by them sent to Rome therby to incense the flame of the Roman Sedition when it was on fire with order to spread the said slaunders abroad but in no wise to discouer the authors therof these our men without eyther scruple of conscience for the things themselues being notoriously false or respect of their said frends credit haue divulged them now in print vnder this tytle Certaine cheife poynts of accusations wherwith many Englishmen haue iustly charged the Iesuites c. But marke heere their manifold falshood for first no man hitherto to our knowledge eyther English or other in the world hath offered to come forth and accuse or prooue lawfully these points against the Iesuits and much lesse these many Englishmen that heere are insinuated who writ their calumniations in corners as hath byn said and sent them to Rome to be spread in secret for so one of them wryteth in the article heere set downe vse my letters secretly but effectualy c. And-further where heere it is said that many Englishmen gaue vp these false accusations we fynd but two named in the latyn original copy to wit Ch. P. VV. G. who by these men are guilfully omitted in the English and by vs also should not be meÌ„tioned but that we are forced in some sort to figure their names by the first letters for testimony of the truth for seing they denyed the same afterward by many protestations to many one of them before a publike magistrate and the matters obiected being so absurd impious and apparantly false in themselues we would willingly haue held silence therin cannot but wonder at the folly of these shamelesse libellers that repeat them heere againe and moreouer to auerre as they doe that the Fathers were iustly charged with them And we doubt not but that euery modest man of what religion or profession soeuer he be wil wonder also with vs when they shal heare and consider both the absurdity of the things obiected and the open apparant malice in setting them forth to the world with such approbation as heere they do For better vnderstanding wherof we must note that these calumniations which heere they set abroad were certayne briefe articles collected by some of the Fathers in Rome out of a greate masse of seditious letters which at the making vp of the peace and ending of the stryfes in that cytie were partly discouered and exhibited voluntarily vpon scruple of conscience by those that had byn troblesome partly found by chance or rather perhaps by Gods prouidence the better to confirme the said peace within the colledge which letters had byn wrytten and sent thither by the foresaid two frends C. P. and VV. G. out of Flanders for the intent before mentioned of increasing those troubles And for somuch as the said partyes during the styrres protested euery where that they had no part therin but rather were sory for them these letters being found to the contrary were put togeather in a good large booke yet extant and out of that booke of larger relations were gathered certayne briefe articles yet in the very woords so neere as might be of the wryters themselues which
ouerthrow therby the Popes institution of the Archpriest their intention must needs be consequently to exclude all Papal authority and iurisdiction from the kingdome of England except the prince of what religion soeuer agree thervnto VVhich doctrine of what quality it is no man can but see And for better explication therof we are in this place to aduertise the Reader that albeit we haue said so much already in our Apologie about this matter as was needful for that place and the obiections made by these people did require yet hauing both thought and sought more of that poynt since by occasion of the often vrging it we find somwhat to be added heere to wit that the Appellation to Rome in the first instance which there we mentioned was rather an antecedent or preamble to the law it selfe of Premunire then the cheefe substance therof which preamble was begon specially vnder K. Henry the second in the cause of S. Thomas of Canterbury about the yeare 1170. and continued on vntil towards the later end of the raigne of K. Edward the 3. to wit about the yeare 1375. which was but a yeare before the said Kings death when VVickclif now had begone to styrre against Cleargie men and the king being impotent permitted the gouernment most to Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster his fourth some at great variance in those dayes with the bishops namely VVickam and Courtney the first of VVinchester the second of London and himselfe not a litle incensed with Iohn VVickcliffes new diuelish persuasions against the cleargy and religious men VVherfore a contention being in those dayes about the collation of benefices and bishopricks in England wherof the Popes were wont to dispose for the most part they concluded in England after many contentions and disputes and many sendings forth and back to Auinion in France where the Popes at that tyme resided that such prouisions of benefices should not be sought nor made from the Pope immediately for the tyme to come but only in England by consent of the prince and confirmation afterward of the Pope for the most principal benefices and dignityes and whosoeuer should contrary to this procure prouisions immediately from the Pope or any other power or iurisdiction contrary to this lawe should incurre the penaltyes therof And this to haue byn the only true meaning and intent of the said law and lawmakers that were Catholiks is euident by all authors that haue wrytten therof And in this sense there is no controuersy among vs for that later Popes haue eyther agreed thervnto or permitted the same and we see the like in vre also in other Catholike countreys at this day by agreement and composition betwene the Sea Apostolike Princes and Catholike Cleargie But besides this sense and meaning of the law there hath byn another inuented by heretiks and enemyes synce that tyme as though by this law all external iurisdiction of the bishop of Rome should be vtterly excluded from England not only in prouiding of benefices whervnto are annexed temporalityes but euen in matters also meere spiritual In which sense K. Henry the eight Father of her Maiestie was persuaded by some of his Counsel infected with Luthers Doctrine at that tyme to condemne the Card. of Yorke and all his English Cleargie in the losse of all their temporalityes by pretence of this law for admitting the authority and iurisdictioÌ„ of the Popes legats Campegius the said Cardinal without the kings expresse licence And in this sense also hath the Popes authority byn called forrayne and external and vtterly excluded from England by diuers lawes statutes oathes set forth by Protestants against the same since that tyme. And in the same sense and signification being plainly false and heretical as yow see do these libellers vrge it now against the Archpriest and others that admit and approue his authority though meerly spiritual as all the world seeth as hauing nor benefice nor temporality annexed to it or ioyned with it And so we see with what kynd of people these men are drawen by passion to conspire and iump The third point of their argumeÌ„t in this book is to shew that nether the Pope nor any other ecclesiastical power what soeuer hath any authority to restrayn punish or presse by way of force or armes immediatly or by others any Christian teÌ„poral prince whatsoeuer for any delict of heresy Apostasy impugnation of Christian faith extirpation of religion or other cryme whatsoeuer though neuer so much danger or damage should eâ—sâ—e by his default to the commouwealth or to the rest of Christendome And this irreligious paradox they go about to maintayne throughout their whole book alleadging fond childish argumeÌ„ts for the same as that the word of the spirit not the swords of the flesh or any arme of man is that which giueth life and beauty to the Catholike Churche and that the promise made to S. Peter is a sure and sufficient ground to defend Catholike religion without armes And other such faÌ„cies which the Anabaptistes do vse to proue that there should be no external force or ciuil magistrate vsed by Christians and as Martyn Luther disputed when he would prooue that warre was not to be waged against the Turke for religion especially at the Popes direction And yet are our men so confident in these their follies as they are not ashamed to say in the same place to Catholiks Giue no eare deare Catholikes to any priuate VVhisperings or Iesuitical persuasions to the contrary all arguments that can be brought assure your selues are false and vnlearned sophistifications Thus they say and thus they assure Catholiks but much more sure are wee that this is pride ignorance â—olly and falshood in them for that they cannot but know that all the Catholike learned men of Christendome are against them in this position and that the proofes and reasons which they alleadge for the same called by these men heere priuate VVhisperings Iesuitical persuasions and vnlearned sophistications are so learned and weighty as they are not able to answere one of them and if we should heere set downe the ranke of authors that haue wrytten of this point within these 400. yeares as also in our dayes against heretikes and atheists and conuinced the same by most learned demonstrations both out of scriptures councelles fathers and theological reasons to wit that albeit directly the supreme pastor of Christs Churche according to the coÌ„mon opinion of diuynes haue not temporal dominion or iurisdiction ouer christian temporal princes that are supreame in their owne states yet indirectly for conseruation and defence of religion when it is impugned or put in hazard by them he may also vse the sword or help of temporal forces for his restraint eyther immediatly from himself or by other princes at his direction if we say we should cyte heere all the learned Catholike authors of all nations that haue wrytten and
affirmed this against our mennes new flattering paradox we should fil vp this whole Chapter with quotations of authors and books which esteeming to be needlesse and inconuenient we haue thought better to passe them ouer cyting only some few in the margent for the Readers direction if it please him to peruse And as for reasons one or two only may suffice for reasonable men in this so cleare a matter wherof the first ground of all other is the subordination that is and ought to be beweene the temporal and spiritual ends of ciuil and ecclesiastical Magistrats and their powers which subordination according to the most excellent declaration of S. Gregory Nazianzen and other fathers is and ought to be as the body to the soule the flesh to the spirit and earthly things to heauenly things And as the body is subiect to the soule the flesh to the spirit and earthly and temporal affayres to those that are heauenly and eternall so is the end of the ciuil common welth subiect and subordinate to the end of the spiritual common wealth to wit the Church of Christ. And as the soule may and doth restrayne or correct oftentymes the body and the spirit the flesh when they go out of order so may the spiritual gouuernour do the same to the temporal when he breaketh this subordination and goeth about to impugne the same and ouerthrow religion wherunto he and his power ought to be subiect and subordinate c. The second reason proceeding of this first may be that if some such supreme superiority for restrayning of particular princes were not left in gods Churche then had not his deuine prouidence left sufficient remedy in the Christian common wealth for conseruation and coÌ„tinuation therof which notwith-standing he hath promised shal endure to the end of the world seing that euery temporal prince without subordinatioÌ„ to any on head may beleeue teach chauÌ„ge or alter religion at his pleasure without any remedy or redresse which were contrary to the high wisdome of almightie God shewed in all other things to which he hath left sufficient power and prouision to defend and conserue themselues and their owne beeing And this is so plaine and euidenta truth euen by the light of nature her selfe where any soule or spirit or higher end then earth or earthly things is acknowledged as not only all sectaryes of our tyme whatsoeuer do confesse the same or substaÌ„ce therof but Iewes also and Turks wil not deny but that for defence and conseruation of religion any prince may be restrayned that goeth about to ouerthrowâ—the same which we see in like mauer practised by innumerable examples recounted both in scriptures ecclesiastical and prophane historyes as also by experience of our owne dayes And this base flattery of these our new fawning brethren to the contrary is not only fond but also impious There followeth the fourth part of their argument in this book which conteyneth a braue and resolute protestation against the Pope to wit that if the Pope should come in person with an army where they are vnder pretence to establish Catholike religion by force they would oppose themselues against him and spend the best bloud in their bodyes if any be good in that quarrel c. Behold valiant Souldiers brought vp in the Popes seminaryes brauing against him who would beleene this to be spoken by preests except they auowed themselues to be authors of the book And how are these men think yow so soone of priests made souldiars A litle before they talked much of the word and now vpon the suddayne they haue taken vp the sword to fight against their cheefe pastor and bringer vp and this also in defence of heresy VVhence think yow is this mutation VVe are thorowly presuaded say they that priests of what order soeuer ought not by force of armes to plant water or defend religion But we would aske them what good arguments haue persuaded them herin or what learned maister hath taught them this new lesson so contrary to their old Surely we can immagine none but my L. of London nor other arguments then anger enuy and other like passions The fifth poynt of their subiect is to cast vpon Catholiks as hath byn said yea vpon the best and most zealous sort and vpon the martyrs themselues all the fault hatred and enuy of the long and greeuous persecutions and sufferings for religion in England and to drowne them as men are wont to say in their owne bloud and which is more impious to defame them with all sorts of people both at home and abroad as traytors conspirers and practisioners against the State and as men of maleuolent mynds towards both their prince and contrey And is this priestlike is this piety nay they lay the fault vpon the Popes themselues as before hath byn shewed and is this tolerable But yet they go further and say that some of themselues if they had byn of her Ma. counsel and knowing what they now know would haue giuen their consents to that which hath byn done against Catholikes Lo heere they giue their consent à posteriori to participate the spilling of so much bloud and the guylt of so many spoilings and vexations of Catholiks as hitherto haue byn vsed and great probability there is that the iustice of almighty God may admit them to that participatioÌ„ at the day of iudgment seing they desyre it so earnestly and so importunatly thrust themselues in now by offering their postconsent But would any man beleeue this of Catholike preeists that are in their right wits If a man should pose them about the proceedings in England for aboue twenty yeares before the comming of the Iesuits thither whome now they make the authors of al persecution sufferings as of the chaunge of religion it selfe the deposing and imprisoning of all the Cath. Bishops the abolishing of the masse with the greeuous punishmeÌ„t appointed for hearing it the ministring of the oath about the supremacy and other articles of faith the inforcing to heretical seruice sermons and communion the expulsing from colledges benefices and dignityes the imprisoning of diuers presons the putting to death of diuers as wel priests as others M. VVoodhouse M. Mayne D. Story M. Shirwood c. yf all these proceedings and persecutions were vsed before the Iesuits came into England or that Catholikes styrred how do these accusers of their brethren lay all the fault of rigour and persecution vpon Iesuits and other Catholiks of their side How wil they answere or defend this The sixt poynt of their book is an intimation of their intention and resolute purpose to chaÌ„ge their former course for the tyme to come Better late them neuer say they we haue thought it our parts being her highnes natural borne subiects to acknowledge the truth of the carriage of matters against vs the apparant causes of it that the blame may
plaine opposite spirit both of speaking and doing For within a few pages after this againe they shew their said spirit in scoffing at this blessed mans recollecting himself to prayer when he was to treat any matter of moment a thing as all godly men know most laudable and vsed by all old saints as also by the best religious men of our dayes for when the foresaid M. Dolman and as these men say also M. D. Bauyn with him enduced by them and their clamors to desyre some final end whatsoeuer of so odious braules came to the forsaid Father to treat about the leauing of for peace sake that fraternity or spiritual congregation which the bigger and better part of the prisoners had made to themselues for orderly lyfe and avoyding the disorders comytted by others these men relate the matter thus But M. VVeston after the new fashion desyred them first to fall downe and pray with him which done he arose and framing his countenance as though he would haue wept said vnto them c. Lo thus with contempt they relate as yow see the good mans recollection of himselfe by prayer before he would treat so weightie an affayre which custome of prayer these men cal the new fashion for that it is like they vse it not and yet they confesse the argument of his speech to haue byn such as it caused M. D. Bauyn a wise and learned man to shed teares which these pleasant men also turne to a iest Then D. Bauyn say they to pay M. VVeston with his owne coyne pretended to be so mooued with his words as yf he likewise could scarsely haue refrayned from teares which we obseruing doubted to find him but an halting arbitrator c. Heere yow see nothing but scoffing at all pietie and godlynes condemning so graue and learned a man as M. D. Bauyn is knowne to be of halting for that he was so easily moued to teares wherwith their harts and eyes are little acquainted The like course they take with that Reuerend and learned man F. Garnet setting downe most godly words of his in his letters vnto them and then condemning his intention a thing proper to the diuel as before we shewed out of Iob calling him also a diuelish polititian for the same transforming himself into an angel of light and then for that the said Father wrote to them for their comfort that not only he but certaine gentlemen also that had byn with him at VVisbich remayned much edified of their reunion and peaceable conuersation adding also those words of S. Paul Testis enim est mihi Deus quomodo cupiam omnes vos in visceribus Iesu Christi for God is my witnes how much good I wish yow all in the bowels of Iesus Christ and then of his companions I assure yow that their being with yow hath wrought such effect in the harts of all that were with me that they neuer saw place or persons which more delighted them c. To which words our brethren do adioyne this scoffe In deed say they these were three or foure gentlemen whome we afterward tearmed his deacons and subdeacons Lo their good interpretations who can deale with such kind of spirits iâ—rrisores as the Apostle calleth them scoffers and scorners but as another Apostle sayth Deus non irridctur God wil not be scorned and so to him we leaue them though we cannot leaue of yet to prosecute this vayne of foolish cauilling and calumniation in them euen against very good things as appeareth by this other example about the same F. VVeston his sitting at table wherof they relate that he would not keep any certaine place at the vpper table as other auncients did but only tooke his place as he came they endeauour to turne all against him by malitious interpretation of his meaning M. VVeston say they did not long sit at the vpper table with vs and below M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw where his due place was but that he desyred and had it easily graunted vnto him that he might leaue his said place and sit in some other as he thought good wher-vpon as disdayning to sit where he did before be bound himself afterward to no certayne place but sate yow must thinke for humilityes sake now heere now there as he list c. Lo heere a greeuous accusation of disdayne to sit at the vpper table and togeather yow may note the great humility and ciuility of these two their frends heere named that tooke place alwayes as due vnto them aboue F. VVeston whome yet in this booke they say to haue byn the Prouincial of Iesuits before he came into the prison which yf it be so what the place of a religious prouincial is throughout the Christian world in respect of M. Bluet and M. Bagshaw all men know that are of experience but F. VVeston was as forward to contend in humilitie and seeke alower place as the other were in striuing for a higher and yet this humilitie also they condemne in him for that he would not stryue with them nor yet accept any place at the higher table but sit as he came which promiscual sitting vsed by religious men and others liuing in community we haue shewed yf yow remember in our Apologie out of M. Bagshaws owne letters that he condemneth as fit for Anabaptists reuiued Arrians and those of the Cynedrical congregations of Geneuae c. and what stir there is amongst them for sitting and keping places euen vnto the fifteenth difference and degree appeareth by the forme of their new common wealth set downe by watson their Secretary who now is sayd to haue gotten a place also at the Bishop of Londons table cited by vs in our Apology VVe might heere alleadge many other examples in this kynd of folly and passionate proceeding wherby our brethren not seing what maketh for them or what against them do go about to discredit others by such meanes as do giue greatest credit honour vnto them as for example when desyring by all meanes possible to bring in contempt and discredit the venerable godly and learned Society of religious men called the Iesuites they tel vs euery where how strong and powerable they be in all countreyes how greatly in credit throughout all Christendome calling also the most famous men of our age secular and religious priests and lay men Iesuits or Iesuited when they make against them though they neyther are nor euer were of that order and so they cal M. D. Sanders D. Bristow Card. Allen and others of our owne nation Iesuites though they were neuer so but only frends vnto them And the like also they do with many principal men of other nations yea though they be lay men as Don Bernardino de Mendoca late Ambassadour for the Catholike king in France and diuerse principal gentlemen in England which is rather to commend and grace the Society then otherwise And the very same course they hould
a parte or for that in iudgement and affection they concurre heerin with Protestants and hate them euen for religions sake that is for their eminent zeale in Catholike religion And what credit this may be to them throughout the world with all good Catholiks themselues may easily consider as also what wisdome it is to exasperate without cause so great a multitude of men dispersed ouer all Christendome who haue done them euery where much good and may do and both they and theirs haue need of them in diuers places of our banishment abroad and persecution here at home being subiect to so many necessityes both spiritual and temporal wherin these mens help vnto vs hath and may be very beneficial And in this kynd also is the inconsideration of our said brethren notorious that hauing receaued for so many yeares and receyuing daylie in forraine contreys most principal releefe from the kinges of Spaine both the father now dead and the sonne raigning and our Cathol English mens affayres beyond the Seas and namely our Seminaryes depending in such sort of their good likings and liberalityes as yf they should faile vs the greatest part of all our stay must fal therwith these men not-withstanding as though they had byn hired by the common enemy to ouerthrow our owne cause seeke occasion in these books to alienate them both and the whole nation together by contumelious iniuryes layd vpon them with so intemperate a tongue as no mouth of heretike or other enemy could vtter worse Let vs heare yf yow please some of their speches touching both the one and the other king The K. of Spaine say they ayming at the crowne of England with the death of her Ma. and subuersion of the whole state togeather with the vtter ruyne desolasion and destruction of the whole Isle and the ancient inhabitants therof neuer once shewed any care or respect he or his had to the restoring of the Catholike Râ—mish faith amongst the English nay his direct course was taken quite contrary scilicet to extirpate the name of all Catholiks that were English out from the face of the earth Thus they wryte of his Cath. Ma. And further they are not ashamed in the same place to assure the reader out of the Duke of Medina his owne confession that he had order rather to spare protestaÌ„ts yf he had peruayled in warre then Catholiks And what heretike was yet euer so impudent as to affirme this seeing that both the kings owne Edict published in Spayne concerning that enterprise as also the declaration of the late Cardinal from his Hol. do testifie and protest the quite contrary namely that the old good kinges intention was principally for the aduancemeÌ„t of Catholike religion and relief of poore afflicted Catholikes himself often protesting as most certaynly wee are informed that he neuer ment or pretented in his life any temporal interest for himself to the crowne of England and that if he might haue had any reasonable hope or satisfaction in the other two poynts by any competent moderation or toleration he was desyrous to haue helde peace and good frendship with her Maiestie and the crowne of England aboue all other princes and kingdomes in Europe and the self same disposition wee persuade ourselues by many and great argumentes to be in his sonne the king catholike present of whome notwithstanding our men that spare none do ad also diuers contumelious speches saying that it is not religion which the king present doth care for more then his Father did before him but maketh that only a pretence to seduce all Catholiks c. Making them and yow all deare Catholiks to cut one anothers throat c. thus they say of him And as for his nation and people the Spaniards they raile at them most impudently calling them base villaynes swaggering mishapen swads and knowne to be the cruellest tyrants that liue vpon the earth c. which intollerable spiteful insolency comming to their eares as it cannot choose but do let vs imagine what that bountiful king and his people that haue so many of our brethren and children in their hands and dominions and do cherish them most tenderly may or wil thinke of this barbarous ingratitude not only in heretiks which were more tolerable but also in Catholiks yea priests and most of them maintayned and brought to that they are eyther in Doway Rhemes or Spaine by the said king and nations liberality And this is the deep wound indeed which these inconsiderate and passionate people not to vse more greeuous tearmes haue giuen do giue vnto their nation and to the publike cause of religion which they wil neuer be able to cure wholy nor scarse perhaps any other for them But passing forward from the kings of Spaine they go to the Popes themselues according to that saying in the psalme superbia corum ascendit semper their pride mounteth higher and higher and truly a man would not easily beleeue that priests professing themselues Catholiks and to haue byn brought vp in the Seminaryes and that they would haue no other iudge of their cause but his Hol. himselfe wold presume to be so audatious as to cal in question and condemne the actions of so many Popes togeather noe lesse contemptiously then those of the K. of Spaine before mentioned whome comonly they do conioyne with the Popes and Sea Apostolike affirming that both Pius 5. Gregory the xiij and Sixtus 5. did conspire with him yea thrust him into the inuasion of England Did not Pius 5. say they by way of a fayned obiection practise her Ma. subuersion she good lady neuer dreaming of any such mischeefe c. Did not Pius 5. mooue the K. of Spaine to ioyne in this exployte c. Had not the Pope and K. of Spayne designed the duke of Norfolke to be the head of this rebellion Did not k. Philip at the Popes instance determyne to send the duke of Alua into England with all his forces c. Thus and much more they complayne of that holy Pope and the like of his successor in these words Now whilst these practises were in band in Ireland Gregory the xiij reneweth the saidâ— Bull of Pius 5. denounceth her Ma. to be excoÌ„municated with intimation of all other particulars in the former Bull mentioned And of the same Pope Gregory they ad further thus The attempts both of the Popes and Spaniard fayling in England his Hol as a temporal prince displayed his banner in Ireland c. Of Sixtus 5. also his successor they complayne in like manner speaking of the armada in the yeare 1588. VVe doubt not but that the Pope as a temporal prince did ioyne and contribute towards this intended inuasion c. And marke that alwayes they ad as a temporal Prince for that as a spiritual and Ecclesiastical Magistrate they hold throughout the whole book that he hath no power at all to concurre or appoynt
that when the caâ—e should happen they would then take counsel another that when that case should happen he would then answere and not before another that for the present he was not resolued another that yf such depriuation and inuasion should be for faith and religion he were than bound to take part with the Pope c. Thus they relate the case and do condemne all their answeres for trayterous yelding this most fond reason for the same The duty say they which we owe to our Soueraigne doth not consist in taciturnity or keeping close within our selues such alleagance as we thinke sufficient to offourd them But we are especially when we are required therunto to make open profession of it that we may appeare vnto them to be such subiects as we ought to be c. Lo heere these martyrs cause decided against them very learnedly as yow se by these our new designed Martyrs And a little after rendering their principal reason for iustifying of the state in putting so many to death they say VVe find her Ma. to be excommunicated by Gregory the xiij M. Sherwyn and the rest of our brethren too much Iâ—suited refuse to answere whether they wil take the Q. part or the Popes yf he should come by force of armes c. Here yow se M. Sherwyn againe iniured and all the fault is laid vpon the Pope and priests put to death yea the secular priests also so as now by their accompt nether secular nor religious of the forsaid number were true martyrs And yet if yow remember they make a great complaint in their first latyn booke against F. Heywood as though he had prohibited the reading of these martyrs liues which was most false Quin say they act a martyrum nostrorum duodecim ab ipso Alane approbatorum eiusdem iussu editorum promulgationem eidem placuit prohibere It pleased him to forbid also the promulgation of the acts of 12. martyrs approued and set forth by D. Allen. VVhich accusation as we haue said being notoriously false and inuented only by themselues for that neuer any such thing fel out yet here now themselues do deny them to be martyrs and so contradict both D. Allen and themselues And to this absurdity doth passion bring men in whome it beareth rule and excludeth reason And thus much for their hostility which our designed Martyrs haue with our true actual martyrs But surely if it were not ouer redious we would aske them by whome they were designed to be martyrs for yf it be by themselues S. Cyprian that had the true spirit of martyr do me as by the eueÌ„t appeareth sayth it is vanity and presumption for any man to brag of that or thinke himselfe fit or worthie or designed to any such high matter And some of these men can remember the saying of a learned godly man in Rome now a Cardinal who hearing them brag so much euery where of their purpose to be martyrs when they were most troublesome and seditious against their superiors in the college sayd Ego nunquam vidi martyres superbos neque refractarios I neuer yet saw proud or disobedient martyrs And another hearing them often say Nos volumus mori pro fide Catholica answered piousâ—y those words of S. Paul Non est valentis neque currentis sed miseventis Dei it is not in the wil of him that runneth but in the mercy of God And truly we would aske these designed Martyrs how many of them haue come hitherto to be martyrs indeed VVe know some that were opposite to their faction to haue byn martyred not long synce as may appeare by the letter of M. Bensteed set downe in the Apologie but of these designed martyrs we know none nor any like to be by all probability except they chaunge their course And finally we shal conclude with those holy words of S. Cyprian speaking of this very matter Nihil prodest verbis praeferre virtutem factis destruere veritatem Yt profiteth little to preferre vertue in words to ouerthrow truth in deeds And how this agreeth to our brethren let their owne consciences and other mens wisdome consider And with this we meane to end this Chapter or consideration of the aduersaryes which they make to themselues for to higher aduersaryes than martyrs raigning with God it is hard for pryde to ascend or oppose it self yet may their folly and lack of discretion be noted in that they stick not euery where to exasperate all sorts of people against them as in mentioning the Duke of Norfolk the Earle of Northumberland and many other of great houses and familyes with reproch many principal men yet liuing of our nation with contempt They say also of all priests beyond the seas at this day in the Seminaryes VVhat will the State heere think of the priests that shal come from any of those seminaryes hearafter where they must be brought vp according to the Iesuitical humour be sent hither with such direction as shal be therunto agreeable Note the word herafter as who would say that these men haue so done their errands and so belyed the Seminaryes and the manner of education therin as whosoeuer shal come herafter from thence shal be accounted traytors though they were not before And these be the good offices that these false brethren haue done and seeke to do not only against all priests but against themselues also and those of their crew though in very deed their woorst offices of all are against themselues For we are so wel persuaded both of the great wisdome and most honorable disposition of the Lords of her Mâ— Counsel that seing these people to proceed in passion as they do and ther vpon betray their owne side they wil little esteeme or beleeue whaâ— they say or do on any side but rather take compassion on them as of men enraged by force of choler and impotent appetite of reuenge and so do we and pray for their recouery OF THEIR FOLLY AND vnshamfast spirit in vttering open and manifest vntruthes and contradictions to their owne discredit CAP. IIII. AMong all other follyes that may be deuised none caÌ„ be greater in the sight of wise and modest men then for one that desyreth to be beleeued and creedited to vtter such improbabilityes yea manifest open vntruthes in the spech or wryting as may be discouered by euery chyld therby worke his vtter discredit by which meanes it cometh to passe that he is not only esteemed false but foolish also and not only distrusted when he anoucheth lyes but not beleeued euen when he telleth truth In which kynd we feare the like effect wil ensue to these our passionate brethren who hauing litle care as it seemeth what they say or wryte so they say much and vtter vgly things against those whome they mislike and would discredit and affirming the same with great vehemency yea vpon solemne
solliciter were alledged against the sayd Earle After this there followeth in these mens narration Hitherto say they we might adde the notable treasons of M. Anthony BabingtoÌ„ and his complâ—ces in the yeare 1586. which were so apparant as we were greatly abashed at the shamelles boldnes of a yong Iesuite who to excuse the said traytors and qualifie their offences presumed in a kynd of supplication to her Maiestie to ascribe the plotting of all that mischeef to M. Secretary VValsingam c. Marke heere the exceeding malice of these men who to excuse the persecutors though neuer so eager enemyes and heretiks seek to lay all hurts vpon Catholiks and for that yf yow remember these particular examples are brought in to prooue not only that Catholiks are culpable guilty of their owne afflictions but also to confirme their former general proposition that all mischeefes synce her Maiesties raigne haue byn wrought principally by Iesuits And not finding in this fact of M. Babington not so much as any one Iesuite to haue byn accused or named as participant or consenting to this action they take occasion to name one at least that sought afterward to qualifie their offenses in a supplication to her Maiestie But what is that to the poynt it selfe that any Iesuite was actor counselour consenting or priuy thervnto Yf that blessed man whome they insinuate now a martyr did go about to mittigate the matter to her Maiestie they being all Catholike geÌ„tlemen that died for the same and did also signifie that M. VValsingham had entertayned for diuers monethes the knowledge and notice of that association as it is most certainly knowne that he did by the confession of diuers that dealt with him therin and therby also most probable that the poore gentlemen were drawne thervnto by his malice and craft what is this we say to proue that Iesuits were any dealers attempters or counselers therof VVas there any Iesuite so much as named in all the processe against them at the barre or otherwise VVere not D. Allen and F. Persons F. Holt and F. Creswel all at Rome or Naples at that tyme and no one English Iesuite remayning eyther in Fraunce or Flaunders to treat with any in that affayre VVere not all the consultations about that matter made in Paris with those that were of the opposite faction VVere not the three priests Ballard Gyfford and Gratley that dealt therin secular priests and deuided from the Iesuits as by their owne confessions appeareth which we haue cyted in our Apologie nay did not Tyrel the priest being made acquaynted therwith and opening the same in general tearmes to another priest in London being asked that point confessed plainly that Ballard had told him that neyther D. Allen nor F. Persons were priuy thervnto whervpoÌ„ the said priest disclaymed from it and refused to heare any further therin which act of the said priest soone after taken by the detection of Tyrel and charged with that conference was cleered for that he had refused to heare therof And this to be so appeareth by the register and examinations taken at that tyme. And so by this yow may see the vpright dealing of these our brethren yf any way they may be called brethren It followeth in their Catalogue of accusations against Catholiks their doyngs The treachery say they of S r VVilliam Stanley the yeare following 1587. in falsifying his faith to her Maiestie and in betraying the trust comytted to him by the Earle of Leicester who had giuen him thè honorable title of knighthood as it was greaty preiudicial to vs that were Catholiks at home so was the defence of that disloyalty made by a worthie man but by the persuasion as we thinke of Persons grratly misliked of many both wise and learned Heere marke good Reader first the odious manner of speech of these priests yf they be priests against so worthy a man of their nation and religion as is S r VVilliam Stanley calling his rendring of the citty of Dauentry to the King of Spaine treachery and falsifying of his faith to her Maiestie betraying the trust committed vnto him c. which is both malignant and false for that the place which S r VVilliam gaue vp was not vnder her Maiesties obedience at that tyme nor S r VVilliam or this soldiars that held the same were in her pay but in the pay of the rebelled states vnto whome those of DaueÌ„trie being free before and without any garrison the Earle of Leicester by deceipt and force made them subiect by drawing in an English garrison against their willes It is manifestly false also that S r VVilliam was made knight by the Earle of Leicester as these men heere most fondly affirme for that he had his knighthood by S r VVilliam Drury deputy of Ireland long before the Earle of Leicester had charge in Holland neyther can he be said to haue falsified his faith to her Maiestie as these caluÌ„niators obiect for so much as he was not sworne to her Maiestie in that gouernment as hath byn shewed holding not the towne for her but for the States whome knowing in his conscience to be rebels and most wrongfully to detayne from ther true Lord and lawful king that and other townes the good religious knight thought himselfe bound vnder paine of greuous sinne as indeed he was by all true diuinity to make restitution therof to the true owner when it lay in his hand no lesse then when a theefe hauing robbed or spoyled any honest man and put the booty in pawne or deposition in another mans hand he is bound knowing the truth not to keep it for the theefe nor to restore it to him againe but to the true owner and this we thinke our brethren in their diuinity wil not dare to deny as nether this case following suppose any Spaniard Italian or other subiect of the King of Spayne should hold any towne at this day in Ireland of the Earle of Tyron and vnder his pay and becoming a Protestant should therwith thinke it iust and reason and himself bound in conscience to yeld the same freely and frankely without reward or couenant to her Maiestie as to the true owner would our men trow you cry out heere of treachery and breach of faith against the King of Spaine And yet yf they be Catholiks as they pretend they must needs confesse the case to be no lesse fauorable on S r VVilliams side yf not much more both in respect of his great zeale in Catholike religion and rare piety of lyfe shewed euer synce wherin would God the wryters of these books being priests as they say had any resemblance or would follow him as also for that as we are certainly enformed besides the former warrant of conscience and iustice he had also for safegard of his honour a particular Patent from his General the Earle of Leicester when he returned into England with expresse licence
of all other seeketh most to do them good yf they had vnpassionate eyes to see it VVherfore we shal runne ouer breefly some few more that concerne him especially and so make an end hauing receyued from him and others particular information of the truth and falshood of the matters obiected VVherfore to touch them briefely as theyâ—ly in this their book of Important Considerations for we wil omit eyther all or the most part of those that are in their other libel tearmed their Relation of wisbich wherin there are so many heaped togeather in a certayne mad and furious innectiue of VV. VV. prefixed in name of the rest before the said bookâ— as these only with the spiteful maner of vttering the same are sufficieÌ„t to make them knowne and to discreedit not only the wryter but all his ayders and approuers with all honest and sober men of what religion soeuer For first they affirme heere that F. Persons hath seâ—t sundry of his subiects into Ireland already in the behalf of the Spaniard and that that warre was plotted and sollicited by him and his that he hath intituled the K. of Spayne to all the 3. kingdomes of England Scotland and Fraunce and the lady Infanta to the same kingdomes that he did constrayne the students of the Semynaryes in Spayne to subscribe to her interest forcing them to promise that when they should returne into England they would aduance her title to their vttermost abillity power and poyse of words that for not applauding to this Spanish pretence of the Infanta the L. Dacres was dryuen out of Spayne and all other Spanish dominions being slaundered to be a spy for England and to haue intended to haue set the Spanish fleet on fyre That F. Persons hath caused diuers of our countrey to be vtterly disgraced discredited yea and to leese their lyues in Spayne for not yeilding to his desyre therin That after he came in post to Rome and would needs haue the book of Tytles read in the Refectory of the Colledge yf it had not byn resysted and that for hatred to the secular Seminary priests he gaue out that book of Tytles to haue byn made by M. Dolman a secular priest c. These and a great multitude more of like accusations and calumniations which for breuity and lothsomnesse we omit are heaped togeather in this place and sprinkeled againe throughout the whole book as occasion is offered And albeit the most of these are so euidently false and ridiculous as theyneed no answere yet wil we say somwhat to each of them in order and first of that of hauing sent diuers of his subiects already into Ireland to set forward that warre all men knowe that F. Persons hath authority ouer none but only English Iesuits wherof yf any one can be proued to haue byn sent hitherto into Ireland or any one to be there at this day or any one priest of those Seminaryes to haue byn directed by him that way for diuerse yeares then may these slaunders haue some shew or pretence of this their malicious sycophancy but none being at all it maketh them more in excusable Moreouer weâ— adâ— that we haue seene a letter lately wrytten out of Spay ne by a man o credit about the protestation of two worshipful and honorable gentlemen Sir VVilliam Stanley and M. Thomas Fitzherbert concerning this affaire of Ireland wherin they bothe affirme and protest vpon their soules and coÌ„sciences that to their knowledge neyther they nor any one English-man els was euer so much as asked his opinion in this late affayre of Ireland nor any one hitherto of our nation imployed or sent in that action And M. Thomas Fitzherbert nameth in that letter one Hewghe Boye an Irish-man Agent for the Earle of Tyron in the court of Spayne who residing there many monethes to deale in this matter and seing M. Fitzherbert euery day as lying in the same court neuer yet broke the matter with him nor was willing that any English-man at all should be priuy thervnto as whome both he and other Irishmen treating therabout presumed to be contrary to their desires and designments therin And this can and wil the said Boye testifie seing since that tyme he is passed from the said Earle of Tyrone to her Maiesties seruice And further more the said two gentlemen do protest in like maner vpon occasion offered that both they F. Persons and F. Creswel who haue had hitherto most dealings with the spanish King and counsel did neuer treat in their lyues nor consent that the said king should haue any temporal interest in the crowne of England for himselfe and much lesse that any such conquest of our countrey should be made or attempted as these folish malitious people do faygne and giue out And further they protest by the same asseueration that neyther the old king now dead nor his sonne now raigning did euer pretend the same in word or deed but alwayes assured the contrary to wit that their only meaning and desire was and is by their warres against England that the Catholiks might be releeued from their most greeuous pressures and oppressions for religion and themselues deliuered from continual molestations which in Flanders Indies and other places they receyued from England hauing a desire in themselues to lyue in peace and loue with that crowne aboue all other forraine nations as in former tymes they did when the State was Catholike This and diuers other such poynts do the foresaid two worthie gentlemen auow in manner aforesaid is testified by the foresaid letter which we haue seene dated in Madrid the first of October last past 1601. By this then most of the foresaid calumniations against F. Persons are discouered concerning his dealing with and for the king of Spayne which is greatly confirmed and made euident by a certaine letter wrytten by the said Father himselfe in great confidence and cyphar also as his aduersaryes say to F. Holt in Flaunders from Genua vpon the 15. of March 1597. when the said father arryued there towards Rome which letter or the copy therof being stolne afterward as it seemeth from F. Holt and giuen to his aduersaryes which in some places they haue shewed and is like to be that which heere they brag of saying that his owne books handwrytings wil be brought out as witnesses against him But hitherto they are not brought or alleadged and it semeth that this in particular wherof we haue the copie serueth not their turnes so much as they dare to alleadge it finding more sincerity religion wisdome and grauity conteyned therin though wrytten in secret and confidence where he might vtter himselfe boldly than their malignant enuy wil suffer them to be glad to see which yet we be inforced in this place through their malignity not to thinke amisse to acquaint somwhat the Reader therwith The superscription was thus To the Reuerend Father F. VVilliam Holt c. And then
was honorably vsed from whence he passed to Rome and there had 60. Crownes a moneth in gold payed him by the Spanish Embassador which after some tyme misliking his abode there he left to returne into Flaunders where it may be that he fel into some discontentements as banished men are wont to do but this could not be by any reason or probability with F. Persons seing he neuer dealt with him after his departure from Spaine and is presumed to haue had the forsaid prouision in Rome by his special comeÌ„dation VVherfore to say heere as these men do that he was held for a spy and suspected that he would burne the K. fleete wherof we neuer heard before is open calumniation laid vpon the good noble man himselfe towards whome we vnderstand by very certaine and sure meanes that the said Father is and alwayes was very wel affected in respect both of his religion and house whatsoeuer this seditious wryter and make-bate goeth about to persuade to the contrary As for the other that F. Persons hath caused diuers of our nation to be vtterly disgraced discredited yea and to leese their lyues in Spaine for being contrary to his designes is so manifest a slaunder as we are ashamed to repeat For what one example can these men alleadge for sauing their credit and honestie heerin It is wel knowne that he hath saued the lyues of diuers both by deliuering them out of the gallyes as also out of the inquisition as diuers can beare witnesse that are now in England deliuered by him And more it is to be noted that from the tyme of F. Persons comming into Spaine in the yeare 1588. vntil his departure from thence in the yeare 1596. no one EnglishmaÌ„ in any of the Tribunals of all those kingdomes was publikely punished or put to death during those 8. yeares wheras before many had accustomed to be And this change is knowne to haue come principally by the information and intreaty of F. Persons with those Ecclesiastical Iudges letting them vnderstand first and aboue all other things the true state of men in England touching religion at this tyme to wit that very few especially of the yonger sort how earnest protestants soeuer they shew themselues are to be accounted heretiks properly and in rigour of the Canons as they appoynt punishments vnto them for that they lack sufficient knowledge of the Cath. faith or at leastwise instructions hauing neuer byn actually Catholiks And albeit this were not so yet other circumstances there are of great moment to mitigate the ordinary proceeding of Canonical lawes and punishmeÌ„t towards them seing that by experience it was found that the most part of such mâ—n being prest vpon the suddayne or at their first apprehension were ordinarily so proud and wilful as they would rather burne or abide any other punishment then leaue or renounce their fancyes but geuing them tyme and instructing them by reason and good arguments they were easily conuerted and so it was seene by experience that in all the foresaid tyme euer synce there haue not byn found perhaps two Englishmen which being taken or otherwise comming to confereÌ„ce haue not byn turned and made Catholiks albeit some of them afterward againe for â—emporal respects may haue perhaps relented at there arriual in England wherof also many haue stood constant And this is and hath byn the manner of F. Persons proceeding with Englishmen in Spayne while he was there quite contrary to the malitious fictions lying detractions vsed heere against him for procuring the ruine death of his countrey men c. And finally where these accusants obiect against F. Persons that he caused the book of succession to be set forth in the name of one Dolman a secular priest and this for hatred of that order we are informed that it is no lesse false then a malitious cauillation that the author of the booke neyther knew any priest to be named Dolman when he wrote that book nor so much as thought on him but alluding to the word of the scripture vir dolorum he called himselfe Dole-man in respect of the greife and sorrow he bore in his hart for the affliction and calamity of his Countrey Afterward it fel out that there was a priest in England called Dolman who being drawne by these men to fauour their faction as it seemeth was persuaded also to coÌ„plaine that he was made to be the author of the book which no man yet we think that knoweth him and hath read the book wil easily beleeue or accuse him of his talent being knowen to be farre inferior to such a labour and consequently their complaint in this is both fond and ridiculous There ensueth in the said Epistle that F. Persons in Greenewat made the case cleere that difference in religion or matters of faith neyther ought nor could by the law of God of nature of nations or custome euer hard of in any natioâ— depriue any one inferior subiect much lesse said he in the same place any Soueraigne from the right of inheritance or lawful succession by byrth or bloud to any thing they had right vnto otherwise c. Heere now hearing them to name a perticular place and to auow a matter so stoutly yow may perchance thinke with your selfe gentle Reader whether all or some part of this may be true or no but doubt not therof For we assure yow vpon most certayne information had from the originalles themselues that all is most false F. Persons protesting by his letters that he remembreth not any such place called Greenewat that euer he was in in his lyfe nor knoweth what nor where it is And for the doctrine heere ascribed to him he detesteth it as fond absurd and tasting both of heresy and atheisme though allowed heere as it seemeth by our people he being not ignoraÌ„t that both ciuil lawes and Church Canons doe depriue heretiks of inheritances as our men ought to know also And yf the foresaid book of Titles or succession alleadged by them were wrytten by F. Persons as they affirme then is there proofe inough therin to shew him to be contrary to this doctrine seing that the whole drift of the first book especially the 6. 7. 8. and 9. Chapters is principally directed against this doctrine taught as there is said by one Belloy a French man and whome the said first book of titles reâ—uteth by many arguments so as these men by running headlong vpon F. Persons do breake their owne hornes and see not their folly But heare yet another calumniation more absurd then this against the same man There is say they a letter of F. Persons owne wryting wherein is set downe in playne tearmes to this effect scilicet How the Iesuits are the most infest enemyes both to the Cath. Church and common welth that are this day in the world to be found c. But heere againe we require the letter and aske
why it is not alleadged with the date and place and then consider moreouer good Reader how likely it is that F. Persons except he were mad should wryte these words of himself and of his whole order and whethet these men may be iudged to be in their right senses and fiue wits that wryte and put such things in print though wee haue heard of a certayne letter deuised amongst some of them to be printed as writen by him which yet others of the sayd company not so mad as the rest dissuaded them from as a thing that would easily be discouered yet haue they here another assertiō within a few leaues after as bold and ridiculous as this saying F. Persons so laboured himself and others in England about matters of state how he might set her Ma. crowne vpon anothers head as appered by a letter of his owne to a certayne Earle that the Catholiks themselues threatned to deliuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate except he desisted from such kynd of practises c. And heere also we would aske why they do not expresse this letter more particularly set downe the words therof For yf they meane a letter of his wrytten to the Earle of Anguise in Scotland and intercepted heere in Englād concerning his dutiful affection and good merits towards the K. of Scotlād there is no such woord ther in sense nor meaning if they haue any other which we assure our selues they haue not why do they not cite it as plaine dealing men ought to do as we haue done towards them and theirs in our Apologie VVhy also do they slaunder the Catholiques of England with so base and absurd a cogitation as to deliuer vp F. Persons to the ciuil magistrate which we assure ourselues neuer passed through their imaginations esteeming his discret and feruent labours for them and their common cause a hundred tymes more then all these vnprofitable wrangling people ioyned togeather And now hauing byn much more longer in this matter then we purposed at the beginning we would gladly end pretermitting infinite other such like stuffe of the same kind as in these books are euery wheare found yet must we not passe ouer one narration of theirs for that it toucheth great personages The story is this that when their two legats M. Bishop and M. Charnock came to Rome in the end of the yeare 1598. they went as heere is said first to the frēch Embasador residing there requesting his help to procure thē audiēce of the Pope who enquiring if they had brought the K. his masters letter in their fauour perceauing they had not told thē that albeit he would with the said letter if they had brought it more willingly enter into the said action with them yet without it also would he speake to his Hol. in their fauour and so he did making a speech which heere in their book they take vpon them to set downe and the very words he vsed wherby he obtayned ful promise of their audience with fauour at his Hol. hands VVhich the Spanish Embassadour vnderstanding of went presently to the Pope and made another speech in the behalfe of his maister to whome the Pope promised that they should not haue audience which being vnderstood by the french Embassadour he returned to his Hol. againe and renewed his oration and petitiō for their audience more earnestly then before and it was resolutely graunted him which being brought to the Spanish Embassadour he went to the Pope with great vehemency the second tyme and as it were threatning him from his king made him recal the second tyme his former promise Lo heere a sharp combat framed in the ayre neuer thought of by the partyes as we are informed from Rome it selfe And first it is to be considered how bold a deuise this is and how iniurious to his Hol. himselfe who is made heere like a doore opened by one and shut by another and geuing a creake to each one that moueth it which contumely how farre it is from the wisdome maturity and knowen constancy of his Hol. in his resolutions all men do know who haue dealt with him and it is extreame audacity for these to deuise such absurd and ridiculous matters of him as to say and vnsay fower tymes one thing to so great personages And thus much of his Holines person But now for the matter it selfe concerning the narration how or whether the two messengers went to the French Embassador in Rome whether the matter be wholy fayned or no we cannot precisely affirme but great probability there is that they were neuer with him seing that their arriual in Rome being about the 11. of December as in our Apologie we haue declared at what tyme the said Embassador was not there but in Ferrara with the Pope or in his way towards Rome his Holines entred not the citty but some 2. or 3. dayes before the floud which happened on Christmas eue and so empestred the citty as there was no going vp and downe and much lesse negotiating from that tyme to S. Thomas of Canterbury his day Decemb. 29. when they were restrayned and committed to ward by his Holines order and therby had no tyme afterward to go to the said Embassador But howsoeuer this was we are acertayned by due information taken at Rome both from Cardinal Burghesius Vice-protector of England priuy to all the whole negotiation and of the Duke of Sessa and Vayena the King of Spaynes Embassador whome our brethren appoint for cheef actor and orator of pleading this cause for of the other two Cardinal Caëtan the Protector and Monsieur Syllarie the king of France his Embassador the one is dead and the other gone from Rome these two great men we say do affirme that all this matter to their knowledge is a meere fiction and that his Hol. when he shal know it as before this it is likely he hath done cannot but laugh and yet be much offended with such audacity to be published in print And of the said Duke of Sessa Embassador of Spayne they write from Rome that he laughed hartily when he heard the Story saying wel then they make me at least the better orator of the two who finally preuayled with his Hol. But after his laughter past he asked seriously But is it possible that English Catholike priests should haue so litle shame conscience as to vtter such deuises of their owne in print and father them vpon vs heere who neuer thought nor dreamed therof what may be expected of them for the tyme to come These men said he wil not stick to fayne letters wrytings and speeches to wreake their wrath against any man To whome it was answered that this indeed was doubted against some and F. Persons by name whose letters they threaten in many places to bring forth and yet alleadge none hitherto for that perhaps they are not yet made or deuised VVel then there were
no end yf we should prosecute all they say and rayle against F. Persons as before we haue noted but especially about the restraynt of their forsaid two Embassadors a pittiful case of whome they conclude their former narration thus By this meanes say they they were excluded from doing their message cast into prison cruelly handled iustice violated all lawes broken of God and man the Popes Holines nor any other competent iudge vnder him neuer as yet hearing of the matter nor of the egregious coggery preiudice blasphemy against the Sea Apostolike and the sacred Maiestie of our Soueraigne and all other Princes and Prelates abused by these men Heere now yow may see as many impertinent follyes and open falsityes as almost there are words for we may go back againe denying truly euery parte percel as they are heere set downe For how were they excluded from doing their message who were heard for 3. monethes space togeather both by word and wryting How can they be said to haue byn cast into prison and cruelly handled that were retyred only vnto two good chambers of the college and as tenderly cared for and treated as the best in the house VVith what probability can they say that iustice was violated and all lawes both of God and man broken by this their restraint seing it is an ordinary thing daylie vsed vpon lesse occasions then this to farre better and greater men then they with what shame can they auouch that nether his Hol. nor any competēt iudge vnder him hard their cause seing two principal Cardinals and his Hol. Fiscal both heard examined and determined the same after three monethes hearing conferring all first with the Pope himself as appeareth by publike records VVe let passe their immodesty in calling this act of so temperate iustice coggery preiudice and blasphemy against the Sea Apostolike and the sacred Ma. of our Soueraigne And we would only aske them how they ioyne these two togeather and how the selfe same thing of restrayning a coople of priests may be blasphemy both to the Sea Apostolike and to her Ma◠and wherin this blasphemy consisteth VVe might follow this vayne of our passionate and inconsiderate brethren their folly and falshood yf we would to the making vp of a whole volume but we find ourselues so wearyed and glutted with these being so grosse as they are as we are ashamed further to discouer their infirmityes in this behalf for there is nether end nor measure in their fond rayling against F. Persons yea though they be forced to say things to his praise and comendations as before hath byn noted But let vs heare one example more yf yow please VVhen they speak of his iorney into Spayne in the yeare 1588. and his doyngs there they wryte thus He departed from Rome went into Spayne and became a courteour to attend K. Philippe wher by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes he grew shortly into so great estimation not for any goodnesse in him towards this Realme yow may be sure but rather in respect of his deadly hatred against it that he procured a Seminary to be erected in Vallidolid 1589. Consider these words gentle Reader and weigh the exceeding folly and malice of the wryters He went to Spayne to be a courteour got great estimation and yet hath gotten nothing for himself in all these dozen yeares by al his fauour and estimation but only to erect some Semynaries for our nation what courting is this or what courteour followeth this course to get nothing for himself but for others yea for those that professe themselues his enemyes as secular priests do yf we may beleeue these men affirming it euery wheare These are meere insulsityes Againe they say that he got his credit in Spaine by Mendoza his fellow Iesuits meanes c. But we haue shewed before that Don Bernardino de mendoza was neuer Iesuite but a lay nobleman He was not in Spaine when F. Persons went thither nor for diuers yeares after for that he resided in Paris as Embassador for his king where he had much more frendship and correspondence with M. Charles Paget and M. Tho. Morgan men of the opposite party as is knowen then with F. Persons betweene whome and him we haue vnderstood for certayne that no one letter or message passed for many yeares togeather to wit after the most disastrous affayre of Ballard Babington c. whervnto he being drawen perhaps to intermedle more then was expedient by the forsaid men and others though we cannot accuse him therin and perceauing both Card. Allen and F. Persons then in Rome greatly to haue misliked and complayned therof as a matter so highly preiudicial to the life and states of many good Catholiks in England and of the Q. of Scotland her self he neuer had any great confidence afterward with the said two men and when he returned after some yeares to Madrid where F. Persons was we vnderstand that there passed greate expostulations betwene them two about that some other such matters wherin the said Embassador had byn thought to haue byn ouermuch misled by the foresaid men their mates By this then yow may see in part how likely it is that F. Persons should get his estimation and credit in Spaine by Don Bernardino de Mendoza his meanes and much more how probable it is that the said Father procured a Seminary for English priests and students in Vallidolid not for any goodnes in him towards this realme but for his deadly hatred against it c. who could imagine such fond malice to be in men And yet if we would enlarge our selues vpon this poynt we should neuer make an end for against this man it semeth their vvhole conspiracy lighteth And he may wel say out of the psalme opprobria exprobrantium ceciderunt super me read the Catalogue of slaunders set before the preface of our Apologie and the 12. Chapter of our said book that treateth of this man in particular and then lay them with these which we say heere and that we haue related in the first Chapter of this book and yow wil see sufficient store and yet more wil ensue after for that no one part can be touched by them without his particular impugnation whome they imagine to stand more in their way for letting their seditious designments then many others ioyned togeather And so consequently they are forced by their owne folly and passion to assayle him euery where and this we feare to their owne confusion in the end God graunt it be not And so inough of this OF THEIR GREAT FOLLY and malignant spirit in obiecting certayne books to F. Persons which yf they be his cannot but giue him much credit commendation with a brief confutation of a fond pamphlet set forth in answere to the book of succession CAP. V. TRuly it is said that enuy and emulation are two blynd guides and that anger and passion do oftentymes wound more deeply the
assaylant then the assayled Yow haue heard how boysterously not to say furiously these passionate people haue runne euery where vpon F. Persons dentibus ensibus to vse their owne phrase and surely if we did not know F. Persons and his merits towards our common cause and them in particular as we do yet knowing them as we may by these their books and libels and beholding their outragious dealing with him we must needs think the better of him for it and that there is some great good thing in him for which they enuy him so exceedingly and discouer such rancor and malice against him as they seeme to be content we meane of the principal that wryte these books to put out both their owne eyes according to the prouerb so they might put out one of his But this is the nature of enuy Let vs now examine some more particulars of their proceedings with him Besides all their former rayling and calumniation against F. Persons wherof we haue treated hitherto they obiect now further to leaue nothing vntouched the wryting of certayne books foure in number wherof 3. are extant in print and one only in wrytten hand The first is in latyn vnder the name of Philopater conteyning an answere to the English Edict and most rigorous law set forth against Catholiks in the yeare 1591. The second is in English named a VVardword to the VVatchword of Sir F. Hastings by N. D. which two books these men do inueigh against by name and yet in the first of them their owne cause if they be Catholike priests as also the Seminaries and English martirs are so diligently deâ—ended especially in the 3. 4. and 5. sections as if enuy had not vtterly extinguished in these people the sense and feeling not only of vertue and gratitude but of humanity also and ciuility they would neuer so enueigh against this book wrytten in their behalfes as neyther against the second to wit the VVardword which is wholy to the same effect and to defend the most innocent Catholike recusants of our countrey against the bloudy slaunders and imputations of that cruel mynded knight The 3. and fourth books obiected by them are the conference about Succession or Titles as they cal it and the high counsel of Reformation for so they fondly terme it of which two books we shal speake somwhat more in this place but most of the last for that it is not in print as all the other three are and so may be vewed and examined by the Reader himself to whome we giue only this aduertisment that none of the forsaid three haue F. Persons name vnto it and consequently are no otherwise knowne to be of his making but only by their owne coniectures albeit all three are such as be they his or no they yeild litle matter of aduantage to these poore men but much rather of greef and enuy as by reading them will appeare And as for the third of Succession we shal discusse some points therof afterwards beeing vrged therunto by their often carping therat and a childish answere set forth against it in print Now we wil begin with the fourth wherof they write thus This Polypragman Persons say they set out a booke intituled The high counsel of Reformation of England c. wherin he wil haue the old Roman Agrarian law so firmely established in this land no fee simple of inheritance shal be left for any English from the Prince to the freeholder to possesse enjoy and leaue by succession of birth and bloud to his posterity as to his next heyres further then as the Spanish Iesuitical court counsel and gouernors shal appoint for them Lo heere a great and heynous charge and if any one senteÌ„ce therof be true or sincerely set downe then shal we be content to beleeue them in all the rest and if we proue them to be all and euery one of them meerly false then yow know what to think of them First then we graunt that vpoÌ„ search made we haue found that the said Father not altogeather vntruly called heere Polypragmon for the multitude of his cares and labors in our publique cause hauing had occasion aboue others for more then xx yeares not only to know the State of matters in England but also of many forraine nations and Catholike kingdomes abroad hath vsed like diligence from tyme to tyme to obserue and note to himselfe certayne excelleÌ„t things found in other places which are not so much in vse among vs in England nor were when it was Catholike VVhich obseruations he hauing imparted somtymes with certayne confident freÌ„ds they seemed to them of so great importaÌ„ce for the tyme to come as they intreated him earnestly to put them at least in wryting for himselfe and for others after him to publike good when tyme might serue to vse them if now he would not make them common as he signified in no wiâ—e he would Herevpon he then being at Siuil in the yeare 1596. and receyuing letters from his Superiors to returne to Rome for appeasing the tumults there he was more earnestly intreated that before his departure he would performe the same and so he did calling it A memorial or Remembrance for them that shal lyue when Catholike religion shal be restored into England wherin he proposeth with all indifferency such matters as he hath obserued and noted to be thought and considered of at that tyme and eyther to be taken or reiected limited chaunged or altered as they should think best all which appeareth by his owne Preface to that treatese which for more satisfaction of the Reader and fuller declaration of his intent and purpose we shal heere set downe word for word as we find it in the said book wherof we haue procured a true copy out of the original though with great difficulty for that no copyes are giuen abroad but only to some few confident frends to haue a sight therof and giue their iudgement of the matter But yet before we set downe the said Preface we may note the falsity of these first words of our brethren affirming the book to be intituled The high counsel of Reformation for England c. wheras it is only intituled A memorial for Reformation c. conteyning certaine notes and aduertisments c. gathered and set downe by R P. 1596. Secondly it is not nor euer was set out or published as these men falsly affirme but is kept in secret to the author and his nearest frends only to the end aforesaid Thirdly the whole calumniation that follovveth of the old Romaine Agrarian lawes pretended therby to be so firmely established as no fee simple of Inheritance shal be left for any English c. All this we say is so notoriously false as the plaine contrary is therin to be found First for that nothing proposed in this Memorial is firmely established or set downe by way of resolution but only suggested to be considered of secondly
art inexcusable that iudgest another condemning thy selfe by iudging him seing thow doest the selfe same thinges wherwith thow findest fault in him The wryter of the Conference putteth downe his name R. Doleman and whether it be his true name or no it little importeth the reason therof is before by vs declared in the next precedent Chapter This other pamphleter cometh forth without any name at all and yet quarreleth with the other for not putting a name is not heere more then S. Paules condemnation against so impudent a cauiller But let vs passe from a vayne and idle Preface to the barren bulke of the worke it selfe which is more ridiculous and absurd then the preamble what do yow thinke that this discouerer hath performed in his whole little barking pamphlet against the forsaid book Hath he answered think yow any one reason argument example or discourse therin set downe throughout those nynteene large Chapters coÌ„teyned in the conference No truly nor hath so much as gone about to do it And wherin then doth he spend his tyme and paper in this discouery yow shal heare breefely and therby know the man First he sheweth himselfe very angry at the common opinion of men about the estimation and credit of this book generally wherat also VV. VV. doth storme exceedingly in his epistle to the Important Considerations The author saith he is so extolled for sharpnes of wit plenty of much reading cunning in conueyance aboundance of eloquence and other graces as none can find any want or default c. Do yow not see heere enuy accuse and condemne her selfe Secondly he taketh in hand and this in diuers parts of his Discouery to shew that the setting forth of this book could not be with the priuity of the K. of Spaine that is now dead or he that now raigneth nor pleasing to eyther of them for that it hurteth his cause a very wise and pertinent argument and that other betrer meanes might haue byn deuised yf he forsooth and his fellowes had byn called to counsel for the aduauncment of the K. honorable designes seruices and offices for so are his words Marry saith he in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras and more then this I am sure quoth he so good a king wil not require c. Do yow se how careful this discouerer is to hold good opinion with the K. of Spaine how desyrous to further his honorable designes and seruices in ordine ad Deum vsque ad aras shal we thinke this to come from M. Paget VVe can hardly beleeue it Thirdly he taketh in hand to giue many graue notes vpon the reasoning of the two lawyers in the book of Conference and first of all he complaineth that the speakers in the dialogue or conference about succession as also the place named by the author are counterfait as in the title of his answere yow haue heard him auouch which is so egregious a foolery as nothing can be more for with this substantial reason he may refute euery thing wherin fayned persons are brought in to speake and consequently condemne and reiect for counterfet things all Plato and Tullyes works wrytten in dialogue maner affirming that those their conferences and persons therin named were for the most part fayned and counterfetted And is not this also a point of great wisdome Fourthly he findeth great fault with this book for that therin two lawyers should be brought in to reason and be iudges of so great and weightie a controuersy about the succession not law it self But what a iest is this As though law is not best vttered by lawyers or as though to determine weightie controuersyes the rediest way were to bring many law bookes into the place without lawyers to expound them VVho seeth not the cauilling vanity of this man Fifthly he misliketh and comâ—layneth greeuously that the ciuil lawyer should speak first and before the temporal lawyer in this Conference wherof he inferreth that the intention of the wryter is when tyme shal serue in England to haue the ciuil law of Caesar for so his words are preferred before the auncient municipal lawes of our Country which municipal lawes he affirmeth Pope Eleutherius to haue appoynted to Lucius king saith he of all the great Britany and to haue commanded this at the request of the Brytish nobâ—lity and people aboue 1400. yeares past that Caesars ciuil lawes should be Abolished c. Mark heere we beseech yow the learned discourse of our wise Doctor because the ciuilian speaketh first more largely in the first book of the Conference and contrary wise in the second and for that the said first book is before the second book therfore he inferreth that the wryter had a purpose to preferre the ciuil law before the temporal Is he not worthie a doctorship trow yow that so reasoneth As for the second point about Eleutherius the Pope that he appointed K. Lucius to banish Caesars ciuil lawes and to plant municipal lawes or that these municipal lawes that now are in England brought in principally by the Conqueâ—oun and increased synce by acts of ParliameÌ„t as all men know were in Britany in Pope Eleutherius his tyme or that K. Lucius was king of all the great Britany as heere is aâ—ouched vnto vs or that the said K. Lucius or his nobility did demaund these municipal lawes at the Popes hand as this wise discouerer affirmeth these things we say being such strange noueltyes as they are required some proof at least at the Doctors hand yf he wil not be held ridiculous as most of these things are alleadged by him but citing none at all euery man wil iudge of him accordingly In the sixt place after much coÌ„plaint as hath byn touched that the Ciuilian lawyer in the first book speaketh more then the temporal he saith thus The temporal lawyer for his part must follow an eccho not betweene two hilles vpon stoppage of breath for modesty and feare but in playne fields not subiect to rebounds boldly without blushing to correspond c. Consider heere a very graue complaint for that the temporal lawyer is made to answere and allow the Ciuilians speech But heare yet a much grauer and earnest against the trauellers which being present at the speech do speake also themselues sometimes for varietyes sake telling the lawyers what seemeth best to them which thing greatly misliketh this wise discouerer for which cause he wryteth thus against it Furthermore saith he the trauailers for their parts must help the credit of these lawyers by a coople of od shifts els all wilnot go straight for by the meanes of their ranging throughout diuers countreys we must haue a common opinion settled eurey where that all is true which these two haue said and agreeable to the lawes of nature and consequently the common â—ame of their horrible blasts mustâ—course both ayre and earth c. This is his complanit for that poynt
them and not matter of religion Their persons in that they make them the true authors and occasioners of all their owne troubles vexations and damages by their owne indiscreet and temerarious actions as hath byn said They iustifie also the cause of the persecutors do lay the fault vpon the presecuted what greater iniuryes can be offered then these Moreouer by these their later books and libels they discouering notoriously their passion venome of stomake indiscretion intemperance lack of conscience modesty shame and other such poynts as are euident to those that read their said books this cannot but worke in all Catholiks whose mynds are holylie bent and indued with the contrary vertues a great disreputation and auersion from them VVe passe ouer their follysh speches vsed comoÌ„ly against all Catholiks whome they thinke not to fauour them which are in effect all calling them mad dogges set on by Iesuits to barke and byte deuour their deare ghostly Fathers c. And then againe a litle after in the same place VVheras deare Catholiks many of yow do account vs disobedient true it is that we are so and would to God that yow were so likewise Yow inferre heervpon that we are factious seditious rebellious malecontents schismatiks c. marke how good opinion Catholiks haue of them by their owne confession but therin yow do bely vs by false suggestions put into yowr greene ignorant passionate affectionate indiscretly zealous heads Lo what Epythetons they giue them And in other place they cal them fancyful fellowes of the new fashion infected with the Spanish pip iniesuitated and the like But it litle importeth what names or coÌ„tumelious speeches they vse towards them in respect of the thinges themselues and crimes obiected and vrged against theÌ„ as before hath byn said wherby they seeme to labour to ouerthrow directly so much as in them lyeth the whole merit and honor of the Cath. cause and of Cath. mens sufferings making them not to be for conscience but for practise against the Prince and state a most wicked and iniurioÌ„s deuise practised principally by Constantius the Arrian heretik and Iultan the Apostata as Ecclesiastical historyes do recount And this is held for the principal point wherin these vnfortunate men are thought to be hyred by the publike aduersary in religion to ioyne with them in this Capital slaunder against their owne brethren and cause confirming herin the reports of our heretikes in forraine countreys who tel staungers that no man is troubled in England for matters of conscience but all that are punished are chastised for other delicts then which vnworthy reproch all men of iudgement do see that nothing can be more falsely sâ—aunderously or iniuriously laid vpon our publike cause For auoyding of which our late good Card. stryued so much in his learned book against the libel of English iustice as all men know and these men iest at and impugne This then being the effect of these mens labors and endeauors and their whole stryse and contentioÌ„ beeing to deuyde disgrace and discreedit both Catholiks and their cause we may immagine what credit they are like to gaine with them by these their doings And so much of this But yet further it shal not be amysse to ponder also what reputation they are like to wyn at length with the very aduersaryes themselues who setting a side the contrariety of religion being many of them very wise and discreet men and of no euil nature and condition especially of those with whome these men are said to deale they wil easily discouer the great and strange passion of these men togeather with their intemperate spirit and that they do not this they do or say for any loue towards them but for reuenge towards vs not of iudgemeÌ„t or affection but of enuy and precipitation and ther vpon it must needs follow that albeit their treason for the tyme he admitted yet must the traytors be contemptible and to this effect haue we a notable story recounted both by Eusebius Zozomenus of Constantius Father to our great Constantine who was gouernour once of England and perhaps the fact it self fel out heer so much the more to be noted by vs. The forsaid two authors do recount that this Constantius being a notable wise man though a heathen at the same tyme when Dioclesian and Maximinian the Emperors to whome he succeded afflicted infinitely Chirstians euery where he though misliking that extreme cruelty yet to seeme also to do somwhat for that he was declared Caesar successor of the Empyre made an edict or proclamation that so many of the Christians about him as would sacrifice to his Gods should not only haue his fauour and enioy honors in his court and common welth but be vsed and trusted also by him aboue other men and such as would not though he meant not to put them to death yet would he exclude them from his frendship and familarity and from all dignityes c. This being done euery man began say the forsaid authors to shew his affection some retyred themselues with greef and sadnes some held their peace some denyed flatly but none of all these had intention to please the Prince in his demaund others there were that thinking by this occasion to wyn the spurres and get themselues credit and authority aboue the rest came fawning to Constantius and his officers offering to do what he would haue them and therby shew their true dutyful affections towards his Ma. and the state with other such like flattering protestations wherof when Constantius heard and had coÌ„sidered wel of the matter he caused them all to be thrust out of his court depriued them of the honors and offices which before they had and the other that had refused of conscience so to do against their owne religion he willed to be called back from exile aduaunced and trusted aboue the rest vsing that notable wise saying as Eusebius recounteth it Quomodo fidem erga Imperatorem saith he seruare poterunâ— inuiolatam qui aduer sus Deum persidi esse manifesto conuincuntur Quapropter hos procul à regali suo domicilio statuit ainandandos illos verò stipatores suos custodes regni constiâ—uit How can they keep their faith inuiolate towards their Emperor saith he that are conuinced to be prefidious toward God and their owne religion For which cause he comaunded these that flattered to be banished farre from his royal pallace and these other that dealt plainly and syncerly though contrary to his wil and comaundements he took them into his owne gard and defence and made them guardians of his kingdome Behold heer a worthy wise example which our English magistrats cannot but remember and think of and our brethren ought not to forget to doubt rather and feare least the like may happen vnto them in tyme. For albeit our aduersaryes be content to vse them for a tyme as for a rod
epistle which discryeth the man sufficiently what is in him in what state he is for thus he beginneth his Epistle VVise was the painter in his amorous conceyt who in portrayting out the porport of Venus drew her picture with so great arte sleight and significant resemblance of her natural blazon as the portrayt of her fore-parts all ouer shadowed with the porch where she entred in posteriora eius on the backe being only seene going into the temple presented an abstract to the behâ—lders of so rare excellency as the type of the protâ—t ypon by signes and symptons semed to say giue back enamorades of ladyes bewtyes seeke not to se the face of the peerlesse content your curious eyes with this which though the meanest part of the delightful obiect yet of that perfection as wherin yow may behould the works of dame nature to be so farre aboue reasons reach as wit and art should skip beyond their skil yf they should attempt to set forth the worthiest parts of this goddesse paragon sance peere And yet was Venus but a very strompet a common queane fitter for Vulcan the blackesmith then for Mars the Captayne and more admired at talked of and followed for her wanton tricks in satiable lust and shape to frame an eye to vice them for any complemental perfection to be found in the purest parts of her filthy carcasse or lineaments of her vading though seming fayre sweet blisful cheeks shrewded in the auriflame of carnation die dropt in euery lyne mathematical with argent and gules milkewhite and scarlet red Now yf yow did not know this fellow before yow may take a scantling of him both in body and soule by this narration and therby make a gesse how poore defectuous and sinful he is in the one and other For as for his body and outward feature yf yow know him yow wil hardly think him a fit creature to talke so much of natural blazons or enamorades of ladyes bewtyes c. or of royal damsels of rare aspect himselfe being so wrong shapen and of so bad blinking aspect as he looketh nyne wayes at once as scarsely he can discerne any thing that toucheth not his eyes which yet we obiect not as natures defect but as representing rather the state of his mynd which seemeth by this filthy description of Venus and her posteriora so often mentioned as also by the wanton imaginations of pleasing obiects and sweet blisful cheeks and other such lasciuions phrases that he is so deeply ouerwhelmed with sensual and venereous apprehensins contemplations and desyres no maruayle though he cry out so hideously against Iesuits that are sworne enemies to the very thoughts therof and we know both by experience and otherwise that there is no other motiue of enmity greater then this set downe by the holy Ghost contrarius est operibus nostris Iesuits are of contrary life spirit iudgment wil works and maners to him and what maruayle then is there if he professe himselfe so mortal an enemy to them Yet we do know and can testifie that the tyme hath byn when this sinful and wretched poore fellow being in extreme necessity both of body and soule and in other sort of suddes then he now threatneth to leaue Iesuites in had his cheefest releefe by some of ther meanes though now most vngratfully he forget the same paying them euil for good as honest men are wont to be paid from such as he is But a iudgement day wil come to iustifie all and for that this lost lad and true stayne of his religion and order as falsly and wickedly he calleth the Iesuits is permitted by God and vsed by the diuel at this tyme to so publike a reproch of our profession as all the world seeth by so many infamous bookes as come daily forth from him or through his hands we are forced in this place ful sore against our wil and purpose to discouer the man somwhat further vnto yow to the end yow may see what a pillar and proctor the factious haue chosen to themselues for their bookemaister to defame by his labours their brethren and whole religion this being the especial seruice for which it seemeth M. Bluet so carefully made his peace with the counsel when he wrote to M. Mush as in our Apologie we haue set downe that M. VVatsons peace was made if he would which wil no doubt was to agree to some such good seruice of their side as this is which now he performeth vnder the direction of my L. of London of whome yet we cannot but maruaile being otherwise of that iudgment and temperate nature which some men report him to be that euer he would vse so base and absurd an instrument as this felow is hauing byn taken by them in so many trippes as he hath But yow wil say that to a base worke a base instrument is fittest and we see herin verified that obseruation which Philippus Cominaeus maketh in his story to wit that in tyme of sedition the worst men do grow fastest and he that in a quiet and ordinate state of things should be abiect and nothing esteemed in a troubled state becometh admirable by which meanes VVilliam VVatson for so at length he putteth downe his name in his book of Quodlibets who in tyme of quiet was worth nothing now by broyles is become vpon the suddayne a great maister in Israel amoÌ„g our mutined brethren whose coÌ„mon wealth is no lesse disordered since their rebellioÌ„ against their lawful Superiors then that of the Iewes since they left their obedience due to Christ and his law and for that we shal haue occasion after to mencion often this book maister of theirs or prefect rather of their print we are forced heere to tel yow breefly somwhat for better knowing him His coming out of England and maner therof we know not in particular nor greatly doth it import only we know that he came to the English Seminary of Rhemes in France a poore litle begging boy where being taken of charity his first allowance was for a good tyme pottage only and licking the dishes which other men had emptied before him after this he was admitted to serue at the table and carry away dishes after that againe he was admitted to make beddes swepe chambers and other like offices belonging thervnto in which kynd he serued especially one M. Boast a good priest and a holy martyr since which if he had knowne then or suspected that the squint eyed boy for so he called him would haue prooued so wicked a man he should neuer haue comen no doubt within his chamber dore And yet further yow must note that all this while VVil. VVats besides his poore estate vvas the most contemptible and ridiculous thing in all that house for many yeares for that his grace was in tumbling and making sport to others for which his body if yow know him was fitly made and so he passed by the
matter as these wicked companions haue deuised And if there were no other argumeÌ„t but that neyther F. Persons himselfe nor any frend of his had neuer any doubt or least scruple therof hitherto as may appeare by that neyther in his entring into religion nor holy orders of priesthood any dispensation was required or sought for this we say were sufficient to any honest man that is tymerous of God and measureth other meÌ„s consciences by their owne to conuince this exorbitant malice of these coÌ„sciencelesse rayling people that make no scruple to publish so false a matter impossible to be knowen to them for a thing most certayne wheras in true conscience by Christian Cath. diuinity it is knowne to be a heynoÌ„s deadly synne to publish such a matter of infamy though it had bin true if it were otherwise secret and not knowen before but much more to deuise and spread the same of malice or being deuised or brought in suspition by others to auouch and diuulge it as in all their bookes they do wherin we can say no more considering there desperat course but remember with feare the saying of the scripture impius cùm in profundum venerit contemnit The wicked maÌ„ coÌ„temneth all when he is once ouer the eares in synne God help them out if it be his holy wil but yet in the meane space we are forced to admonish them that this other such slaunders must needs ly heauily vpon the consciences of the deuisers or publishers and be a daungerous chirographum against them at the day of iudgemeÌ„t except they repent and make due satisfaction heere which eyther willing or vnwilling once they must do est enim qui quaerit indicat God grant they do it in this lyfe wherunto we haue shewed before that their ghostly fathers are bound to oblige them if they wil remayne free theÌ„selues from the participation of so great iniquity And thus much we haue thought good to ad about this scurrilous obiection so often repeated and â—o odiously brought in by them in all their later books and as for the rest though in euery new book they tel againe the very same things which before they inuented and by often telling do seeme at length as it were to beleeue them for so it falleth out often in coyning aâ—d frequent repeating of lyes yet for that our former answers be such as do euidently demonstrate the falshood and folly of the said calumniations and calumniators especially about F. Persons departure from Oxford going into Italy entring the Society mission to England and returne thence into France with other his publike and priuate actions since we meane not to wryte againe here that which there we wrote but to remit the Reader to our said Apologie and only heere to ad a woord or two about certayne new fresh cauillations framed since the wryting of their two first libels among which one is this which followeth To wit that F. Persons within these later three yeares brought D. Bagshaw and some others for his sake in daunger of his life about the stratageâ—e vndertaken by one Squiar that was hanged c. But how meere and malitious a cauil this is all men may easily see For D. Bagshaw was neuer in daunger that we know but in special fauour with the state and so both his vsage at home and his late going ouer Sea do testifie The same doth witnesse also his authority with the keeper in VVisbich while he was there his frendly calling vp to London and vsage in the tower his power to draw thither from VVisbich whome he liâ—ted of his aduersaryes and other like circumstances which agree not to a man suspected and brought in question of so heynous a cryme as poysning her Maiestie and neuer quit by any trial which we know Secondly this fiction of Squiars attempt is sufficiently discouered already and prooued to be a meere fiction in deed and so it appeared by the miserable fellow at his death and hath otherwise byn declared by euident demonstrations of Catholike bookes and no man but a counterfeite or cauilling Catholike would for shame make â—â—â—ention therof againe But howsoeuer that matter were F. Persons cannot with any probability be presumed to haue had any part therin he being at that tyme in Rome and the thing fayned to be done in Spayne So aâ— heere is nothing els but malignity with folly and improbability shewed Another cauil is about F. Persons speech with one Iames Clark in London before his departure ouer the Sea to whome he should say that he meant to go to Padua to study phisick and not euer to be a papist offering also to sweare the same But this seemeth aâ—â—ale of a tubbe neyther probable not importaÌ„t for nether do they say that he swore in deed and if they did yet wil yow easily see how farre they were to be beleeued against F. Persons who are ready of pure malice and swelling enuy to conspire and sweare against him euery where if therby they might hurt him But whatsoeuer talk he might haue with M. Iames Clark 28. yeares past before his departure out of England about being a papist for the tyme to come which woord yow know is odious in England and was at that tyme and not a terme professed by vs and whatsoeuer M. Iames Clarke might report therof which yet if he be the man whome we imagine it is not like he would report iniuriously of his old frend yet God be thanked F. Persons proued after a good Catholike and if he had not it is very probable and morally also sure that many hundreds who are now such had not byn so at this day in which number we may recon diuers also of them that wryte these pestilent books so ingrateful are they to God and his instruments for their so great and singular benefits That which followeth of Cardinal Allens opinion of F. Persons violent nature is a violently or slander raysed against the one and the other and refuted before both by the testimony of the Cardinals owne letters yet extant as also of such as liued neerest him and knew best his intrinsecal iudgment affections and censure of men others also that know the said Father and conuerse daylie with him and do consider his actions euen towards these violent and virulent people that striue so desperately against him do both 〈◊〉 and some also reprehend the contrary disposition in him There ensueth another long reprehension of F. Persons for dealing in Sir Thomas Stukeley his action for Ireland and setting it forward in the yeare 1578. which only cauil if there were nothing els doth euidently conuince that these libellers haue neyther wit not honesty to see or care what maketh for or against them For first as hath byn touched F. Persons at that tyme had not byn aboue 2. or 3. yeares at most in the Society and was a student of diuinity in Rome and not yet priest and
consequently cannot be presumed to haue had any hand in such publike affayres secondly it is notorious to all men that M. Doctor Lewis afterward Bishop of Cassano Archdeacon at that tyme of Cambray and Referendarie to his Holines being the principal Ecclesiastical person of our nation in Rome was the cheef and only man that set the action of Sir Thomas Stukeley forward with Pope Gregory the .xiij. procuring the said Sukeley to be made Marquesse and to haue the forces he carryed with him and vpon that point had he the controuersy with Sir Richard Shelley Lord Prior of England which these lying people do mencion heere and lay to F. Persons charge which matter both Doctor Fagon and other Irish men yet in Rome as we are informed wil testifie against our Appellants when they come thither against these their shamelesse bookes if they deny them not as no doubt but they wil which Irish men were taken by violence out of their beddes at midnight to be carryed away with Stukely as was also M. Myuers an Englishman and M. Thomas Clement should haue byn if he had not saued himselfe in a Card. house which he wil testifie to this day being aliue in Flanders and that he conferred first his whole affayre with F. Persons who disliked vtterly such hard proceeding both with him others and had some disgust with D. Lewes about the same which Doctor notwithstanding thâ—se false libellers do neuer once so much as name in all this matter he being the cheef doer as hath byn said and this for that they wil haue men thinke that he was of their faction against the Card. and Iesuits All that which followeth for diuers pages against F. Persons if it be against him and not much more against themselues us that by practises and factious disposition he came to be made Prouincial of the Iesuits that were to be sent into England a good disposition yow must think to get credit amongst such men that he entred with two subiects only Campian and Câ—tam that M. Blackwel bewayled his coming in as an vnfit man to be sent and that it was an indiscreet fact of Doctor Allen to send him that the Catholikes also misliked it and told him plainly that if he desisted not from his courses they would deliuer him into the hands of the ciuil magistrate that F. Heywood and he striued about superiority that he made great collections of money pretending therwith to releeue prisoners but hauing once fingered the money fled therwith into France c. These we say and a huge heape of other such wilful calumniations as do follow in this book we find to be so false hauing informed our selues of the truth as if they can prooue but any one of all these points to be true but only the first that he was made superior of the mission of England and sent in with F. Campian another but not Cottam if they can prooue we say but one point only of these and many other which they name we shal say they are honest men in the rest and if they can proue none of the former nor of a hundred more besides set downe by them in this and other their bookes for truthes we shal yet be more liberal with them and giue them another to prooue which followeth immediately in their fabulous Lucianical narration which is so famous aâ—ly as it may deserue a crowne to be paynted in the margent as some learned men did to some of Luthers wrytten no doubt by the same spirit of spite and lack of shame that this is and consequently if our libellers wil saue their honesty let them bring forth some proof of this tale which is that F. Persons coming to Paris in the yeare 1584. and desyring to exempt himself from the subiection of the Prouincial and other Superiors of his order there for alwayes these good Christian men do ascribe some naughty meaning to all his actions he persuaded them that the Q. of England and her counsel did pursue him with such diligence as they had sent ouer already two men to murder him in Paris for which cause it was not conuenient for any one of the Society to go abroad with him but that he might go alone to make the matter more probable he hyred a couple of Englishmen with no smal some of money accoÌ„pagned with a flemming to come 〈◊〉 the Colledge late as night and to enquire for him wher with the Fathers being sumwhat terâ—ified suffered him to depart to Rome c. This is their tale which being deuised by one of them is auouched and printed againe and againe in all their later bookes with some addition alwayes by him that commeth after the rest and how probable this tale is that F. Persons liuing in Paris in his habit which cannot be denyed should seek to go out alone without a companion therby to be the more safe from violence or that he should procure to be deliuered from the subiection of the Prouincial Superior there by such a stratageme as they cal it and with so much cost seing it was in his owne hand to stay or not stay with them being not their subiect this we say is easy for euery man that hath common sense to iudge but much more for that we vnderstand that he went not to Rome immediatly from thence as these men giue out but aboue a yeare afterward with D. Allen from the Spaw where the said D. had byn extreme sick in the yeare 1585. And finally hauing informed our selues thorowly of this fact we find that there was neuer any such thing eyther done spoken or thought of by the said Father or his Superiors vntil this ridiculously so many others came abroad in print the infamy wherof we leaue vnto the relators and meane to passe no further in this matter hauing byn longer therin then otherwise we meant to the end to satisfie such obiections as follow in the other bookes also of which it seemeth that this is a compendious abstract conteyning a fardel of lyes packt vp close togeather which in the other libels are somwhat more delated though in substance the same c. And surely if impudency her self with neuer so brasen or iron a face should step forth to scold against all truth honesty modesty other vertues at once she could not behaue her selfe more desperately then these fellowes do in this their book For if yow would haue a list only of loud lyes most lewdly and desperatly faced out in this libel and hitherto not so much as named or touched by vs yow may vew ouer the pages following to wit pag. 30. the whole story of D. Gyfford his conuention before the Nuntio in Flaunders for slaundering the Society and styrring sedition in the colledge of Rome that F. Baldwyn did first aske him pardon in name of the Society c. The quite contrary wherof is euident both by the order
of the action it selfe the Doctor being conuented and nor conuenting as also by the Nuntio his expresse letters yet extant about that matter Page 31. that Robert Fisher who spread their infamous libel against the Society was sent from Rome to the gallyes of Naples and remayneth there a galley slaue others ad he was slayne wheras the contrary appeareth by his owne letters wrytten to Rome from Viterbo a quite contrary way to Naples after his departure from thence this doth testifie the whole company of English schollers then in Rome who both saw his good treaty there and read his letters afterward Page 32. The whole tale about D. Lewes being their General Visitour as they say and namely his procuring to hush a notorious fraud of the Iesuits for alluring a gentlewoman in the City of Perugia to giue theÌ„ a rich chayne of pearle without her husbands priuity c. whervpon they say the Society should haue byn expelled from thence All this we find vpon search to be so notorious a ly as that neyther the bishop of Cassano was euer General Visitour ouer the Iesuits in his lyfe but only was ioyned for coÌ„panion to the Bishop of Montreale for visiting seculars and some certayne religious in Rome and that his authority neuer extended to Perugia though it be within the State of the Church and that neuer any such thing happened in Perugia concerning the Iesuits as the fact and chayne heere mention and consequeÌ„tly neuer any such hush needful c. The like monstrousâ—ly in the same page is that deuised prayer of the Iesuits against the B. of Cassano Vel Turâ—a vel mors vel daemon cum cripiat à nobis And almost as impudent is the other that followeth page 34. that F. Hieronimo Fâ—orauanto Rector of the Colledge would not suffer the studeÌ„ts to visit Card. Allen vpon his death-bed himself desyring it wheras all that liue now in Rome of the Card. kinred and family do testifie the contrary that they weare all there at 2. or 3. tymes No lesse shamelesse and yet more insolent is their speech of Card. Bellarmyne page 37. and iterated so often in their other bookes to disgrace him to wit about his speech that Pope Syxtus 5. was damned c. but more impious are the suspitions cast out by them in the same places about the poysoning of the said Syxtus 5 and of Pius 5. before him as also Card. Allen the B. of Cassano and others by the Iesuits c. which we are sure the diuel himself wil not obiect for that he knoweth the contrary The sending also of F. Haywood for pennance into Calabria where he neuer was in his lyfe set downe pag. 49. and the dealing with the Duke of Guise to haue intelligence with the Queene of Scotland the Earle of Northumberland and others in England anno 1583. layd by them to F. Persons but proued before to haue byn done by Mope or Charles Paget their cheef pillar sent into England for that purpose Their accusing also of F. Persons for Parry his fact sent into England as himself confessed by Thomas Morgan that crew The accusing and deprauing the institution of the Seminaryes in Spayne pag. 53. and that Card. Allen wept for sorrow in Rome when he saw the oration made by an English scholler in Vallidolid to the King at his comming to the English Colledge for thanks geuing in the yeare 1592. and that this oration is left out in the printed book set forth about that matter as they affirme pag. 54. These we say and a hundred other assertions as wyld mad and insolent as these are set downe without any proof at all but their owne words and so recounted as though they were without all controuersy true This desperate course we say is such as seemeth rather to be of franticke and possessed men then of moderate and wel coÌ„scienced Christians and therfore we leaue further to refute the same remitting them to that which we haue said before VVherfore to conclude seing that this whole libel is nothing els but a connexion of monstrous lyes absurd prophanityes malitious fictions and conscienceles calumniations we wil follow them no further eyther in defence of the whole Society or of F. Persons in particular whose actioÌ„ns are so opeÌ„ly knowne by apparant publike facts to the general good of our countrey as these wretched and miserable mens harts that wryte so dispitefully against them may sooner breake with enuy and rancor then any least discredit come vnto them by these furious barkings in the sight of wise and indifferent Reader And heere now the very multitude of these outragious libeâ—s with the immensity of hatred hellish spirit poysoned entrals discouered therin do force vs against our former purpose to cut of and stay all further passage and proceeding in this horrible puddle of lyes slaunderous inuectiues diuelish detraction for that the very looking them ouer doth weary the hart of any true Christian and consequently wheras before we had determined with our selues to giue yow some tastes or examples out of them all yet now finding the multitude to be without end and the quality so base vile and malitious as the venome of any lost or loose tongue armed with audacity and defended with impudency stirred vp with enuy and enraged with fury and bounded no way by any limits of conscience piety or feare of God can vomit or cast out to defame their brethren finding this we say we haue thought good to cease heere without further styrring the lothsome ragges of so filthie a donghil Of the libel intituled A Dialogue betwixt a secular priest and a lay gentleman c. §. 2. HAuing ben ouerlong in examining the former libels we shal be so much the shorter in this that followeth The title is as yow haue heard A Dialogue c. and the author therof is esteemed by many to be M. Mush one of the cheef AppellaÌ„ts gone to Rome and for the litle substance therof it may be wel inough though we doubt not but he wil deny it when he coÌ„meth thether the inuention of the book is a deuised talk had bewixt a secular priest and a lay gentlemen before which treatese VV. VV. to wit whyly VVat tumbler before mencioned hath put as wise a preface as he is wont to the other bookes of his fellowes that come forth through his handes And as this worthy worke deserueth bestowing 7. or 8. pages to proue by all lawes and lawmakers diuine and humane reasons and authorities that mans nature is so weakned by the fal of our first parents as Iesuits may synne also and consequently are no better then other men which is like to the discourses made in the beginning of K. Edward his dayes to allure old priests to marry by telling them and proouing that concupiscence doth remayne after baptisme and consequently all must needs haue wyues or do worse though indeed the discourse of VV.
company where they were sure and thrust him back sitting downe before him telling him in playne tearmes that the case was altered that albeit he had winked at his arrogancy before yet now for the honor of priesthood he must make him know his duty giue place to his better c. To the third which was a gentleman priest vnderstanding that he had boasted of this gentility noble alliance that therfore he was to be preferred before any other secular priest that was not a gentleman of equal calling with him they iumping iust togeather vpon a tyme at dynner he put him back and after the table was drawne taking him a side he said Sir I vnderstand yow boast much of your gentility preferring it before your priesthood it is a foule byrd that defiles his owne nest a base mynded ignorant and vnworthie priest that knowes not whether he takes his place according to his dignity calling or noe as worthy to haue his skyn razed cut of fleaed both from head and hand so degraded as an abuser of noblenes and gentry deserues to haue his colours reuersed his armes pulled downe his coat pulled ouer his eares so degentred for euer after Know yow therfore Sir c. Mark heer the spirit of humility and meeknesse in these men and to what case they are come that dare not only do these things and commit these insolencies but brag of them also in wryting Heer is fulfilled the saying of the holy Ghoste gloriātur cū malè fecerint exultant in rebus pessimis They do glory in doing euil and triumph in the greatest wickednesse which they commit VVe might heer consider of many other things as vayne false and wicked as these infarced throughout this book without all conscience modesty or respect of christianity if tyme did permit vs and that we were not ouercloyed with these VVe might set yow downe how wickedly many gentlewomen and noble personages are heere discouered discryed and dishonored some by name some by signes and letters and other like most perfidious detections VVe might lay open vnto yow how seditiously the author of this book goeth about to set rancor malice and sedition betweene the noble houses of Arundel Howards Dacres and others How he threatneth Catholiks with new persecution if they abandon not the Archpriest with the rest of his clergie and Fathers o◠the Society against whome he threatneth that he and his companions like angry sleeping dogges vnwillingly awaked by them wil now both bark byte leap in their faces c. all which sheweth the quality of their spirits But no one thing sheweth the same so much as often we haue noted as their most impudent deuised and forged lyes both against the Society in general as page 311. That the King of Polonia is defeated of the kingdome of Suetia only by their treacherous ambitious tampering aspyres a thing notoriously false as is moste euident as also against F. Persons in particular without number or limitation As for example that he wrote a letter to the Marques Huntley of Scotland about that kinges title to whome we vnderstand he neuer wrote letter in his lyfe that he sent a Iesuite preist to the late Earle of Essex to haue him take a pension of the king of Spaine a meere forgery as we are acertayned that the said Father vnder benedicite be it spoken saith he cosened a very reuerend priest and auncient gentleman old M. Midleton of three hundred pounds at least and that he dealt with him about the succession of the lady Infanta to England her marriage there These we say and infinite such other bold assertions being altogeather knowne to be false and vttered without all remorse of conscience do plainly discouer the spirit of Sathan delighted principally with lying For as for this Midleton amōg the rest which often is mentioned by these companions we haue informed our selues of graue men that were in Ciuil when he came thither and know all that passed there in his affayres and do auouch that this Middleton whome he calleth old being of some forty yeares of age coming out of England into Spayne with some store of money hidden about him though not halfe so much perhaps as heer is mentioned about the yeare 1594. bringing with him a youth that was his brothers sonne and arriuing first at the English Colledge of Vallidolid and hearing that F. Persons was at Ciuil he resolued to go thither but yet in such miserable poore sort as though he had byn a very beggar in deed in respect wherof he did not only take the almes of the said Colledge of Vallidolid but of all other houses also of the Iesuits in the way which is 300. myles offering to ly in their stables and hayloftes amongst their seruants when they had no roome within the house as at Cordu◠by name where he got 30. spanish ryals of almes which had byn gathered in the Church at a sermon for a poore Italian this man making his necessity to be greater then his and then comming to Ciuil he so assaulted F. Persons with weeping and teares and by intercession of D. Stillington and M. Martin Aray his countrey men and others as he took his nephew for scholler into the house and himself also for commoner through their infinite importunity but yet so as he offered to pay his owne commons and somwhat also at the beginning for his nephew who being a very proper youth died soone after and that greatly occasioned as he said by his vncles vntemperate dealing with him and after P. Persons was departed from Ciuil to Madrid his said vncle the old Midleton was remoued also by the Rector out of the Colledge for his intolerable passionate and vnruly behauiour which yet the Father returning to Ciuil did seek to remedy most charitably and being importuned by his continual sollicitations with teares and cryes yeilded also at length to haue him made priest by priuiledg of the Seminary which he once hauing obtayned F. Persons departed thence againe he fel out with the Rector againe and with M. Martin Aray and other friendes and so went he away from Ciuil insalutato hospite and going thence to Madrid he found F. Persons there who offered againe to prouide for him in the Seminary or residence of Lisbone but he refusing to go stole away secretly from Madrid also and went towards Rome in the yeare 1596. and in the way falling into the company of a Spanish gentleman that loued greatly F. Persons he made himself his dearest frend and scholler and therby got the most part of his charges but when he came to Rome he ioyned againe which the troublesome there where F. Persons arriuing soone after he excused the matter and asked him pardon by whome he was very courteously vsed and often tymes inuited to the Colledge and being afterward taken in a certayne
that was so highly honoured and admyred by straungers before and haue alienated so many mens harts from vs and giuen so much matter of ioy and laughter to our enemyes at home yf we examine what hath byn the foundation of all this we shal fynd no other by their owne confession but for that an ecclesiastical Superiour was put ouer them without their asking or consent But was this a sufficient cause trow yow to make so great broyles in such a tyme and place as this is Suppose he had byn an euil man that was so appoynted as no moderate Cathol or ProtestaÌ„t we think wil affirme that know him had it not byn more modesty meeknes and prudence also to obay as the rest of the Cleargie did being twenty to one of them and their faction then to haue made these scandalous broyles for which their soules must one day answere to almighty God And yet further when afterward vpon their first tumultuation that litle treatese of schisme was wrytten with diuers sharper words then some could haue wished but yet takeÌ„ out of the Canons themselues and suppose it had byn ouersharply and vnaduisedly done yet seing it was neuer printed nor passed furrher then the hands of particular men at home can this be an excuse to such multitudes of horrible sclaunderous bookes and libels published fynce for reuenge both in English and latyn to the vtter infamy of our cause and Nation No heretike or Archeretike that euer was wanted some probable shew of offence or expostulation at the first breach as may be shewed in euery one of them and yf we beleeue the wryters of our tyme Martyn Luther had no smal occasion giuen him by the Dominicans for depriuing him and his order of the preminence to publish the Popes Bulles Iohn Caluyn also had a great exasperation by the Bishop of Noyon in France that burned him in the back But was this inough think yow to iustifie or excuse the scandals that after ensued by their seeking of reuenge One thing is certayne in this our case not vnlike to theirs especially to that of Luther that as he knowing wel his superiors mynd and iudgment to be against him and not daring openly to contradict them gaue fayre words and promises for a good space but euer did the contrary and passed from worse to worse so our trouble some people knowing from the first beginning of the institution of the Archpriest yea before he was appoynted that his Hol. iudgment and affection was wholy against them in this contention and emulation against the Fathers of the Society for he had told diuers of them so by his owne mouth in Rome before they came from thence and this with very sharp speech as in the Apologie is shewed yet went they forward in protesting in their first bookes that their quarrel was only against Card. Caiâ—tans letters and the credit therof and that any least word of his Hol owne wryting should quiet them and end all controuersyes and yet now after two Apostolical Breues wrytten to content and satisfie them and diuers other letters both of the Card. Caiâ—tan and Burghesius and others to the same effect to testifie his Hol. wil desyre iudgment resolution determination and commandement therin yet are they more troublesome and lesse satisfied then before and do break to further scandals euery day more then other as yow see Yf any man wil maruayle at this and aske the true causes we can answere no otherwayes but that this is Gods iudgmeÌ„t against them for breaking vnion and vnity so highly comended and earnestly commaunded by Christ in his worke But if we wil seeke for some other causes also a parterei there want not diuers especially that of ambition liberty of lyfe and their promises and obligation to their new patrons my L. of London and orhers All which being considered no man ought to maruay le if they hold out with great obstinacy in she contraspem as M. Bluet sayth in his letter to M. Mush euen against the remorse of their owne consciences God send them his holy grace to see the daunger wherunto they runne And with this we end this whole treatese FINIS Plut. iâ— Syâ—pos Cassian col 18 Cap. 17. Hier. 2. 〈◊〉 2. Proâ— 22. Secundum 70. Into Math. 5. Luc. 14. Luc. 11. 2. Tim. 3. Hebr. â— The first booke The second booke His Hol. second Breue 17. Ang. 1601 The Apology Tvvo others libels The AppeÌ„dix to the Apologie A third payâ—e of libels The relation of VVisbich Regular and retyred lyfe called donatisme Most Improbable infereÌ„ces and asserâ—â—â—â—â— The vse and vtility of spiritual coÌ„gregations Galumniating of inteÌ„tion vvhen vvords and vvorks caÌ„not be touched Iob. 1. 2. Ibid. * Cap. 6. VertuoÌ„s speches reproche fully alleadged Pag. 9. Pag. Ibid. Grosse speches on the contrary side The true state of the controuersy in VVisbicâ— 2. Tim. 3. The second argument of their relatioÌ„ conteyning intollerable slaunders against Iesuits Conscienceles dealing Relat. pag. 68. About R. Fishers memorial Ibid. pag. 69 Ibidem Foolish exâ—ggerations Most iniurious calumniations vttered by Ch. P. and VV. G. reuiued and published by these meÌ„ * Art 22. See the treatese intituled Act a seditâ—osa C. P. G. G. c. Roma annâ— 1596. 97. contra Patres Societatâ—s Out of a letter of F. P. to VV. G. 20. of DeceÌ„b. 1597. Desyre of peace and quiâ—tnes in the Fathers A manifest falshood deceipt Relat. pag. 76 An absurd coÌ„â—umelious speech Art 6. Art 7. Art 9. pag. 77 Art 20. * Cap. 4. Art 23. Art 24 Art 25. Art 13. Art 10. Art 12. Intemperate scolding against good men Art 1â— Very seditious informations Art 19. Art 17. The second general braÌ„d of calumniacions Art 1. Art â— Art 5. Art 7. â— Cor. 6. Art 11. A notable ridiculous exaggeration Legacies of Englishmen refused by Iesuits Relat. pag. â— The sedition of the English colledg defended Great modesty in the request of F. Garnet Pag. 23. The great patience of the Fathers in beating so intollerable iniures The daâ—ngerous and lamentable case of them that slaunder others Cod. lib. 9. tit de â—am lâ—bell lege Vnica Decret causa 5. q. 1. cap. 1. Qui in alterius In decres de paint dâ—st â— Cap. Sacerdâ—s num 5. deinceps The speech of Nauarre to be marked a Nauar. in sâ—m cap. 27. num 109. * S. Antonin 3. part tit 2â— c. 7â— Caet in sâ—â—m vâ—â—â— excommâ—â—â—â—â—â— Iacob de Grâ—â—â—is lib. 2. cay 137. num 1â— The booke of important coÌ„sideratioÌ„s and argumeÌ„t therof The first point of the argument Tit. 2. D Sand. de visib mon. l. 7. de schismate D. Alâ—eÌ„ Card. In Apol cont Iustit Britan. D. Bristovv in his motiues D. Staplet in Didimo verid alibi Philopat against the ProclamatioÌ„ Pernius against â—â—e same The second cheefe point of the subiect Epist. pag. 14 The booke of Quodlibets * Cap. 2. About
the lavv of Premunire Policron lib. 7. c. 44. Tho. VValsingh ab an 1343. vsque ad an 1376. ex arâ—hiuis Reg. stat impressis Registrum Symonis Islepij Nicol Harpes feld in hist. Eccles. Angl. saeculo 14. Cap. 5. Sander de Schismaâ—e li. 1. Iohn Stovv anno 1530. The â— point of the argument Pag. 19. Ibidem * Deuines D. Th. 22. qu. 40. artic 2. q. 12 art 2. Caetan in Apol. â—om 1. Opâ—se tract 2. l. 13. ad â— 22. qu 43. Th. VValdeÌ„sis l. 2. doct fidei artic 3. cap. 67. 77. 78. Franc. de Victor â—elect 1. de pieâ—ate Eccles q. penultima cum relect de Indis Insulanis p. 1. Paludanus l. de pietate Eccles. Soâ— iâ— 4. sent dist 25. q. 2. art 1. Dominic Baunes in commeÌ„t 22. q. 12. artic 2. Molina 22. tract 2. disput 29. art 3. Bellarm. Car. to 1. coÌ„tâ—ou Ibi. 5. ca 6. 7. 8. Greg de Valent 22. disp 1. qu. 12. puncto 2. Canonists S. Anton. 3. p. tit 22 l. 5. §. 2. Siluester de verbo Papa q. 7. à qu. 10. vsque ad 14. verbo legitimus q. 4. Ioan Paris de pietate regla papali in principio c. 11. Nauar. I nono de indicijs notab 3. alij Greg. NaziaÌ„z in orat ad populum trepidatem Imper comotuÌ„ The 4 point of their argument Ibid. The fifth point of their argument Pag. 17. Aposing of the iumultuons The sixt point of their argument Pag. 5. Pag. Ibid. The 7 poyâ—â—â— of the subiect Pag 4â— Ibid. 4â— The extreme passionate proceeding of the seditious A ridiculous beginning or entrance Epistle to Important Considerations c. Pag. 1â— Pag. 19. Malitions speeches of VV. VV. An example of folly and malice ioyned to geather Praef Relat. VVisbich Pag. 1. The Archpriests mild and fatherly speech proudly censured by his subiects Another kynd of straÌ„g folly and medres Pag. 17. F. VVest religious vvords malitiously interpreted * Cap. 6. Pag. 23. Pag. Ibid. Note this obseruation Iob. 1. â— Pag. 44. Ibid. â—al 6. Pag. 46. Apol. cap. â— 9. Great folly passion not to see vvhat maketh for theÌ„ or against them Apol. c. 6. Seauen articles giuen vp by the quiet part for reformation of the rest Pag. 25. Care of keepinge peace and charitie * Loe these men also admit not equivocation incase of lavvful tryal Care of modesty Great confidence Ponder this Pag. 26. Pag. Ibid. Pag. 26 Satisfaction required formatters past A threat to all accusers A mere eâ—asion A confession vvith a Prouiso Shifts and cautions to â— anoyd all coÌ„petent vvay of ending matters Very grosse folly in relatinge their ovvne perticulies abuses Their highest foly Most intollerable railing sueches of these distracted priests against their Superior Pref. to relat Epist. before Impert Consid Ibid. Epist. Ibid. Ibid. pag. 49. Relat. pa 57. 5â— 65. â— Epist. relat pag. 5. Against Iesuits relat pag. 42. Epist. relat pag. â—â— Import Considerat pa. 14. Epist. pag. 9. Epist. relat pag. 10. Ibid. pag 34. 35. c. Epist. Import pag 4 5. Ibid. pag. 3â— Relat. pag. 3. 4. 7. 23. Ibid pag 22. 23. 30. c. Import Consid pag. 55. Ibid. pag. 36. 43 53. Epist. Important pag. 20. 22. 23. Extreme foolish vvanton speache Relat pa. 46. A great preiudice against the contentious parte in V Visbich The argumeÌ„t of the sixt booke inti ruled Import 〈◊〉 The AppeÌ„dis of the Apologie in ansvvere of the 3. and. 4. libels Luc 9. A fond applicatioÌ„ of scripture to defend their dealing vvith the aduersary Hope of peace pag. 13. 14. Appendix fol. 14. Epi. Import Conâ—id A most absurd aâ—â—ertioÌ„ about the synnes of a Cath. man Ibid. pag 3. A 〈◊〉 catioÌ„ 〈◊〉 Intolerable spyte and malice against Iesuits Ibid. pag. 5. 2. Tim. 3. Luc. 10. Rom. 13. Their vvarre vvith M. Blackvvel the Archpriest About their appeale from the Archpriest Se the Apologie capâ—â— Their abusing of the Iesuits Inconsiderate exasperating the K. of Spaine Epist. p 67. Ibid. Epist. pag. 2. Ibid. 41. A deep vvouÌ„d giuen to the publike cause by these passionate people Psal 73. Insolent dealing against his Hol. and diuers his Predecessors Against Pius quintus Pag. 9. ibid. Against Gregory the xiij Pag 14. Against Syxtus quintus Pag. 27. * Supra ca 1. Pag. 39. Pag. 40. There dealinge vvith Clem. viij Se the Apologic cap. 3. 4. 11. Apol. cap. 11. AppeÌ„d Pa. 10. Epist. to Import Consid. pag. 15. Their aduersaryes in VV isbich Sc Apol. ca. 6. M. Barlovv M. Pond * M. Bagshavv * M. Bluet Se the Apology cap. 6. M. ChaÌ„pney M. Barnaby Apol. ca. 6. Cardinal Allen and Doctor sanders ther aduersaryes Pag. 7. Pag. 12. Against M. D. Sanders Pag. 13. Pag. 14. Their speches against D. Allen Card. D. AlleÌ„s ansvvere to iustit Britannica Reproches against the Card. Pag. 24. pag. 25. Page 26. 27. Pag. â— Their vvarre against F. Persons Apol. ca. 12. * Cap 6. Apol. ca. 9. An example of defence out of Cicero Orat. Pro Milone Ca pag. 6. Their vvarre vvith the martyrs of England Pag. 16. 17. CoÌ„tradicting them selues Pag. 15. Pag 1â— CaluÌ„niatioÌ„s against M. Shervrin Pag. 20. CalumniarioÌ„ against F. Campion his felovv Martyrs grouÌ„ded vppon ignorance Pag. 27. Pag. 28. Declaratio Motuum Pag. â— Amere caluÌ„niation Cypr. de mortalitate versus finem Bragging designed martyrs â— Baronius Rom. 9. Cyprian Ibi. Pagâ— 35. Vntruthes before detected and refuted Import consid Pag. 14. Ibid. pag. 24. Their slaunders conuinced to be false by many particulers Slaunders against Iesuites after their coming in t England The ouer throvv of M. Fr. Throgmorton by the factious About D. Parry In the booke intituled a true â—layne declaration of vvilliam Parry his treasons at London by C. B. 1584 pag. â—3 14. Import Consid Pag. 23. About M. Arden M. Someruile The Earle of Northumberland M. Shelley Ibid. Very great falshood and malignity in these factious priests Discouery of the treasons c. by FraÌ„cis ThrogmortoÌ„ c. 1584. Import Consid Pag. 23. About the matter of Babington and his fellovves * F. Southvvel Ant. Ty. G. G. c. Euident reproof of thâ—â— falshood Import CoÌ„siderat Pag. 24. About Sir VVilliaÌ„ Stanleyes reÌ„dring of Dauentry An example clerely conuincing the caluÌ„niators The fact of Sr. VVillem Stanley examined by Cath. diuinity Ep. to Import Consid. Pag. 1. The first point about restitution The 2. poynt about restitution of goods vvroÌ„gfully beteyned The 3. poynt about him that svveareth not to restore S. VVilliam incurred no dishonor by restoring but rather the contrary Card. Allen greatly abused by them Pag. 25. The letter of S. Frauncis Inglefeld to M. Hopkins in Paris anno 1588. Import Consid Pag. 25. About this point they bely M. VVinstade Epist. Pag. 7. Vntruthes vttered against F Persons Se the 12 Chap. of the Apol. Epist. to Import Consid. Pag. 7. 8. 9. 10.
c. About the late attempt in Ireland The Protestation of Sr. VV. Stanley and M. Th. Fitzherbert about the affayre of IrlaÌ„d The like protestation for dealing vvith the K of Spayne About a letter of F. Persons intercepted A lettere of F. P. to F. holt 15. of March 1597. F. Persons dealing vvith the Pope about the succession of England A vayne â—â—aunder A â—ond tale of the schollers svvearing in the Spanish Semiâ—â—â—â—yes About the L. Dacres Another impudent calumniation Qentle proceeding vvith english heretikes in Spayne by F. Persons meanes VVhy the Author of the book of succession vvas called Doleman Ezai. 5â— Pag. â— A notoriously of F. P. speech in Greenevvat L Manichaeus l. Arian l. quicunque Cap. ad aboendam Cap. excommunicamus extra de haereticis in 6. de haeret cap. super leo Consil la tera cap 3. de haereticis Ibid. Pag. 14. Import Consid Pag 15. The letter of F. P. to the Earle of Anguise Ian. 24. 1600. Epist. to Import consid Pag. 15. A notorious fiction and contumely to his Hol. Great probabilityes that the vvhole is fayned The speech of the Duke of Sessa about these priests auducity Imp. Consid. Pag. 16. Ep. A heape of folyes Pag. 28. Ibid. About Don Bernardino de mendoza his frendship vvith F. P. 4 bookes specially obiected to F. Persons Philopater contraâ— Edictum 1591. VVardvvord An. 15â—8 Epist pag 12. to Import consid The Treatese intituled A memorial for Reformation vvhen time shal serte Many foule falsities and calumniatioÌ„s vttered togeather Memorial part 3. C. 4. The preface of the Memorial of Reformation The motiues and meaning of gathering these notes of the Memorial Three parts of this Memorial according to the 3. cheef meÌ„bers of our commâ—â—vvelth Tvvo pointâ— of encoragment to the gatherer The first chapter of the first parte of the Memorial Fauours of God F. Persons hope of English priestes The second third and 4. chapter of the 1. part of the Memorial Hovv constant Catholiks are to be dealt vvith all Luc. 17. Schismatikes Heretikes hovv to be dealtâ— vvith MemorCa â— Pag. 37. A publique disputation vvith the heretiks Pag. 51. The second parte of the Memorial Pag. 1â—6 The name ofâ— Cleargie The state of the church in Constantines dayes A consideration for the prince and people Cap 3. part 2. Pag. 1â—7 The third perte of the Memorial Cap. 1. 3. part The distinction of Cleargy and laity Tertul l. de Monog About the Prince and his Counsel Mem pag. â— 227. Pag. 247. Nobility and geÌ„try Mem. Pag. 247. The Innes of Court and study of lavves The communalty Mem. Pag. 283. About the book of Succession Rash â—aucines in greene heads The first booke of succession The 2. book of SuccessioÌ„ A protestatioÌ„ of the Auâ—hor The effectes of the tvvo bookes of succession About M. Pagets ansvvere to the conference about succession A fond title of coÌ„terfeits A foolish preface Rom. 2. Discouery â—ol 1. Enuy against the author of the book of Succession Folly and flattery Many ridiculioâ—s ab iâ—dityes of the discoâ—erer Discou Pag. 10. Most fond complaints lbid Pag. 1â— Discou Pag. 20. Ibid. Pag. 22. Great profession tovvards the K. of Spaine his sâ—ruice Great importaÌ„t points handled in first book of succession Ibid. Pag. 18. Tvvo ridiculoâ—s cauils The 2. cauil more malitious about the K of Scotland Ibid. Pag. 14. â—om 1. The conâ—ideration of forrayne Catholiks vvhat they vvil think and say The late â—orney of the seditious by Flanders Tvvo kind of pasports froÌ„ England The causes vttered of their tumults D. Giff. Their being at Lile and Dovvay Speches and reports in other countreys of these mens negotiation A vayne quarrel about the pamphlet of Schisme VVhat men vvil think sâ—y in Rome The troublesome novv vvere tumultuous beforâ— in Rome Apol. cap. 5. An insolent demaund Card. Seg a invisitat Colleg Angl. Anno. 1596. â— Cap. 25. A modest ansvvere of the Fathers Cap. 25. Cap. 26. Cap 27. Cap. â—8 Cap. 29. Cap. 30. The iudgmeÌ„t and resolutioÌ„ of Card. Sega Visitor Cap. â—1 VVhy the Iesuits are not to be recalled out of England Cap. 32. VVhy the fathers ought not to be remoued from the gournmeÌ„t of the Colledge A ground of the Card for ReformatioÌ„ According to his accustomed clemencie 1. Naughty circuÌ„stance 2. VVicked circumstaÌ„câ— A point to be considered of tumultuous proceeding Lib. Copies of discoutles â—ope of Peace Relat. Pa. 57. Import Consid Pag. 11 Imp. Consid. Pag. 20. 21. 22. Imp. Consid. Pag. 〈◊〉 Their credit vvith Catholiks Epist. to Imp. Consid. Pag. 17. * a pious vvish Epist. Pag. 8. Their discredit vvith the aduersaryes A notable fact of Constantius father to Constantine A iust revvard to flattery Euseb. l. â— de vita Constà tini ca. 4. 1. Zozom li 1. Ca. 6. Eccles. historiae Their credit vvith forraine princes His Maiest of Scotland Propetuis Intolerable speeches against Iesuites in general Epist. Pag. 2. Ibid. Pag. 4. Pag. 5. Pag. 6. 7. Most vvicked speech Pag. 〈◊〉 The sinful soule of vvil vvatson Epist. Pag. 1. A beastly beginning of a book Sap. 2. Epist. to Imp. Considerat The discouery of VVil. vvats Se the lettere of Bl. to Mush Apol. cap. 13. The being of VV. vvatson at Rhemes * Cap. 9. VVatsons coÌ„fession His pernicious pollicy * let him also thinke of his novv VV. VVat abaÌ„doned by all Catholiks He had more need to look to this matter novv This fal of VV. VV. greater then the former In tract super Psal. 63. See VVatsons common vvealth Apol. Cap. â— The substaÌ„ce of the spaâ—ing discouery Sparing discouery Pag. 1. 2. 3. Bernardâ—â— Great vanity and prophanity Notorious rayling against the society in general Pag. 6. 7. Pag. 10. Maike these fellovves drifts to discreedit Catholiks Odious and vvicked questions proposed Pag. 12. Pag. 16. Pag. 17. 18. Apol. Cap. 4. Against the spiritual exercise Most spiteful malitious dealing against F. Persons in particular Ioan. 7. Many calumniations against F. Persons passed ouer as ansvvered before Spar. discoâ— Pag. 1â— A meere and malitious cauil about Squiar D. Bagshavv Pag. 43. VVhether F. Persons furthered S. Tho. Stukley his action Doctor Levves after B. of Cassano Pag. 45. 46. 47. c. A heape of Iyes against F. Persons Pag. 47. Foolish improbabilyties A list of loud lyes A notoriously about R. Fisher. A notable fiction about a chayne of pearle A deuised prayer against the B. of Cassano Most vvicked and impudeÌ„t suspitious Ridiculous vvryting Absurd accusing and defending of theÌ„selues 〈◊〉 a letters of this matter subscribed by diuers handes decemb 16. 1601. Pag. 27. Pag. 40. Pag. 12. Pag. â—3 Pag. â—â— Pag. â—â— Pag. â—â— Pag. â—7 Pag. 102. The examination of R. Fisher in Rome Martij 1â— 1595. D. Griff. D. Giff. D. Giffords letter to Doctor Allen 7. Maij 1516. togeather vvith Sir FraÌ„c VValsin ghaÌ„â— pasport and letter vnto him 14. Maij 1585. The 6. Aâ—â—stants letter of the 2. of Maij 1601. The â—ececordon or book of Quodlibets 1. Cor. 1â— Math. 1â— Of the necessity of scandals 2. Cor. 12. Of the vtility of these scandalous contentions Dâ—ut â—2 â— Cor. 11. Luc. 2. The application of the former places of scripture in our case 2. Tim. 3. Reuelation of 3. sorts of people Math. 3. Luc. 3. VVhat carrage is expedient tovvards the persecutors â— VVhere and vvhen Catholiks must stand immoueable Act. 5. Carriage tovvards the troublesome Difference of spirit vvhat great diuersity and contrariety it maketh 1. Ioan. 4. Rom. 3. Rom. Ibid. â— Tim. 4. 1. Cor. 7. VVho are likest to haue the spirit of Christ in this contention Esay 11. Ibid. The conclusion of VV. VV. epistle to the Decacordon Quodlib Pag. 49. D. Tho. Pag â— Pag. 15. Pag. â— Pag â— Pag. 6. A ridiculous definition of a secular priest Pag. 4. Pag. â—â— Pag. 42. Pag. 61. Pag. 35. Persuading men to Apostacy Pag. 4â— ad marg Bern. Serm. 63. in Cant. S. Bernard iudgments of Apostatas Pag. 28â— Pag. 48. ad marg * This is spoken perhaps for that diuers of that crevv haue byn refused by Gods prouidence and vvisdome of the Fathers that foresavv their conditions Railing at the fathers for vsing choys in admittinge mâ— â— Tim. â— Pag. 236. 237. 238. 239. c. Diuelish â—ayling against F. Persons Ansvvere to diuers calumniations against F. Persons * Apol. Cap. 12. M. George Gilbert * Cap. 4. Three notorious lyes fathered vpon F. Claud. Aquauiua Card. Allen M. Blackvvel A lettere of 〈◊〉 much abused Pag. 128. 129. c. He condemneth detraction and vseth it Pag. 124. Luc. â—9 An abiect quiet sought by the seditious * Cap. 9. Matth. 22. Pag. â—â— A graue complaynt against hostes for sitting at the vpper end of the table Pag. 117. Extreme vanity and folye Prou. 2. Pag. 12. 13. 37. Pag. 3â— 113. Pag. 194. Pag. 25. A notorious spirit of lying Pag. 150. Pag. 306. Confutation of the lyes about Middleton The ingrateful behauiour of M. Midleton tovvards F. Persons About the book or Memorial of Reformation Supra Cap. 5. Memorial of Reform part 1. Cap. 7. About the restoring of religious orders into England Pag. 93. Pag. 94. Pag. 94. Pag. 109. Confession of their ovvne foly maliceâ— 1. Ioan. 2. 1. Cor. 12. Hebr. 5. Some considerations for discerning the spirit of our contentious * Cap. 2. 3. 4. 5. VVho do gather vvho do disperse VVhy our contentious priests haue styrred so much All heresyes haue some shevv of iust cause giuen them at the beginning * Cap. 4. â— Causes of obstinacy
him and is much to be remembred by these our brethren so long as they remaine our brethren which we wish may be euer but following this spirit is not like to be long Besides this they call generally thesaid Iesuits proud NeÌ„rods boisterous hunters Iesâ—nical huâ—â—erists mâ—â—aâ—â—ill ian practisers furious spirits mâ—n without consereâ—â—e 〈◊〉 companions ambitious hipoerits and the like yea they go so farre in rancor and malice against these men as they do allow by name Thomas Bel the heretical Apostata and relapsed priest his shamelesse slaunders and raylings against them And further they tearme all Catholiks that are conioyned with the Archpâ—â—eist and the sayd fathers infected with 〈◊〉 gallants abroad they of the new guyseâ— fanciful c. And as for the 19. or 20. graue men that were of contrary opinion and conuersation to the 〈◊〉 same prison of wisbieh they cal them cuery where the 〈◊〉 oft separation and themselues the priests of the vnity They 〈◊〉 so poore fooles conspiring companions and that the veâ—yer 〈◊〉 this better luck â— VVestoÌ„ they cal yoncker dissembling 〈◊〉 of the Hall 〈◊〉 his cook M. Braâ—ston à reuerend ancient priest an hipocritical parasyte procuring his Agenage amongst the rest with machauillian practises c. Of M. D. Bauyn their iudge they say that he was stesse lyned with Iesuitisme and a halting arburator c. Of three Reuerend priests that were procurators of the Archp. in Rome the one a deane and Doctor of diuinity the other a prouost and the third now an Assistant to the said Archp. they wryte thus Standish that honest man must haue accesse to the Popes Hol. with two runagate priests D. Iâ—addock and M. Martyn Aray c. who like very lying wretches dishonest companions c. Of Father Garnet they say he was a diuelisâ—â— polititian transformed into an Angel of light abase â—assal of F. Persons that be swâ—â—teth by his little honestie c. And as for F. Persons himself whome they make the special obiect as it seemeth of all their malice it would require halfe a book to set downe what they â—could against him and we doubt not but that it wil be no smal part of his great merits in setting forward gods cause to beare with patience as we heare he doth such insolent and intemperate raylings at these mens hands who haue byn so greatly many wayes beholding vnto him and diuers of them brought vp by him wherby their notorious ingratitude is so much the more hateful both to God and man Now then we would end this Chapter of their folly in handling their affayre but that we thinke good to end with some more pleasant phrases of theirs as we began then are these bitter gauling and venemous speches now last rehearsed Heare then how they protest and conclude Neuer shal any royal lady of the court mayd of honour or daâ—â—sel of rare aspect qualities indowments or graces distil the accents of their sorrowes in the heceades of cares carks and greeses be led away as wyues or concubynes to base villaynes swaggering mishapen sâ—addes c. Neuer shal the angels faces the flowre of Englands youth the beauty of Britaynes ocean be appald empared ouer-clowded with a steep downe showre of stormy sorrowes c. Neuer shal the vermillian â—iush of English virgins the womanly modest look of marryed wyues or the ancient matronlike countenance of any widdow with in the Isle of Albion be made common to the abortiues of the hote Spanish Clime by our doyngs c. Neuer shal any tender mother nourse or sweet babe weep or any hand wring or hart hurle out volleyes of sighes and teares c. Neuer shal any mans or womans angel be offended or Saynt greeued nor soule punished or passe to purgatory much lesse to hel by our meanes c. Heere now may we see and note diuers extreemes of the self same spirit as first in bitternes of rayling spiteful and venemous slaundering and defaming and then soft and delicate nicenesse in words for womeÌ„ and if those of their partie in the Castle of VVisbich were of this later spirit no maruaile though those of the other side were forced to seeke for rules and no maruayle though their last iudges and arbitrators in that contention who yet were knowne to be their frends and fauorits M. Mush we meane and M. Dudley hauing brought both sides to liue togeather agayne as in our Apologie we haue shewed did yet ordayne and leaue in wryting also vnder their hands as in this relation is confessed with the quiet party that they might separate themselues againe afterward if they should think it conuenient that is to say yf these other amended not their former lyfe and conuersation but should fal to the same scandalous behauiour againe which is likely they would neuer haue done except they had seene in their consciences the great causes of the former separation and some Feare also and likelyhood that the same enormytes and disorders might come in vre againe by which wryting in deed they iustified the former separation to haue byn made vpon iust and vrgent causes and do giue testimony of great disorders on the other side c. consequently this also was not a point of wisdome in our discontented brethren to publish the same in print And 〈◊〉 now or the most part is about the matters of VVisbich as yow haue seene and little hath byn spoken about the second booke their sixt in order intituled Important Considerations c. whose argument yow haue heard in the former Chap. to haue byn the iustifying of the proceeding persecution of heretiâ—s and other aduersaryes against vs and the whole Cath. cause laying the fault where it is and ought to be as they say to wit on Catholikes themselues which subiect or argument being such as it is yow must imagine is handled by them with no lesse passion and consequently with no more wisdome reason or temperance theÌ„ the former seing that wheras passion entreth reason flyeth as euery man knoweth wherof also insueth that wheras the Philosopher saith Prudentia consistie maximè in eligendis medijs wisdome consisteth most in choosing fit and apt meanes to bring our ends to passe These men being al-togeather in the fury of passion no maruaile though they do erre in choosing those meanes both of words and deeds wherby they should effectuate wel their designments yf they were good And this we haue ashewed swel in our Apologie vpon euery occasion offered as also much more in our litle Appendix to their other two books The hope of peace and Relatio Turbarum c. wherin they growing more into passion then before for that this tempest alwayes groweth when the dore is once opened vnto it they tooke to themselues quyte opposite meanes to their owne ends as there we haue shewed nothing being more contrary to peace with their Superior which in the title of the former book
tbey precend then the words themselues of the same title to wit that this hope of peace was by laying open manifest vntruthes against their said Superior the Archpriest theÌ„ which attempt nothing could be more effectual to continue warre as euery one wil confesse and in the second book of pretending to relate compendiously the troubles contentions past in England and to iustifie themselues therin they take the meanes which are quite contrary therunto which is to set downe both the Card. Protectors letters and viceprotectors against them with the Popes Breue also and other authentical wrytings of most authority to condemne them and what blyndnes or obscurity of passion this was all men that are out of passion may easily descerne and this is their wisdome in eligendis medijs Moreouer their principal end being in that book which they cal the pope of peace to excuse themselues from dealing with my L. of London and other aduersaryes in religion against their owne brethren both in VVisbich and abroad and against the Fathers of the Society and other Reuerend priests vnited with their Superior the Archpriest they take this medium to do it by authority of scripture telling the Readeâ— that wheras Christes disciples saw at a certayne ryme one casting out diuels in his name who yet did not follow on with them they forbad him but Christ willed them to let him allone saying He that is not against yow is with yow wherwith they seeme to persuade themselues to haue defended wel their owne fact by this example imagining my L. of London his pursuiuants and others persecutors to represent that man that did cast out diuels themselues to be the Apostles and disciples following Christ that looked on misliked the same vntil Christ said vnto them let them alone The diuels cast out must needs be heere the Archpriest and all other good priests ioyned with him to geather with the Fathers of the society And thus farre the comparison seemeth to ruÌ„ne with them roundly but now with what piety these men may be accompted diuels by them that are their brethren and of the same religion and how they may be said to be cast out in the name of Iesus by protestants that persecute them and how my L. of London his casting theÌ„ out may further or aduaunce the cause of Christ as the other did in casting out diuels in Christs name though perhaps he was no Christian all these poynts we say our men must accomodate themselues for we cannot ty them to-geather with any conuenience of reason wit religion or piety and yet notwithstanding we see them so delighted with this proof of theirs and so resolute in the matter it selfe as they dare auouch a litle after that if any of their ecclesiastical Catholike superiors should stand against them in this they would hold them for Principes tenebrarum Princes of darknes c. Thus they proceed in that book and do thinke this their dealing with the heretiks a good meaues to pacific matters the very like or rather worse course do they hold in this book of Important Considerations by excepting first against the Popes authority spiritual vnder the pretence of the law of Premunue and then by protesting to oppose themselues openly in the field against him if he should vse any power temporal and thirdly by condemning whatsoeuer hath byn said or done hitherto in that affayre by Catholiks to the contrary bringing their bloud vpon their owne heads such as haue byn put to death and finally defaming them with all the world for practisioners vnquiet people vnfaithful and traytors indeed to their prince countrey ioyning heerin with the greatest and most bloudy enemyes that euer our cause or brethren had in our Countrey And is this also a good meanes think yow to make themselues grateful to Catholiks eyther at home or abroad And wil they go to Rome as they pretend with this good cause of pacification in their hands VVho doth not see the folly of this proceeding But yet ere we leaue this matter we would haue yow consider what a kind of Preface these people do make to there treatese wherin they meane to accuse and make odious all Catholiks that are against them to the state and gouernmeÌ„t and they speak it by way of interrogation to the Catholiks themselues making them their owne iudges and condemners for thus they say Is there any synne deare catholiks rysing vpon in fâ—rmyrie and frailty of man committed by an Apostatâ— an infidel an heretike a schisamaâ—ke an Atheist cast out of the sauour of God and accussed out of his church but a catholike may and often hath fallen into the same and yes remayned constant in his religion to death Questionles there is nor Thus they say and we say the contrary questionles there are many things for that an infidel denyeth God an heretik contemneth his Churche a soâ—ismatike seperareth himselfe from his head aâ— Atheist beleâ—ueth nothingâ— all which synnes Catholike remayning constant in his religion can do But we do ghesse at the fond which the wryter may haue in this place though his intent be impious to lay this absurd foundation to all that they are to say afterwards against any sort of Catholiks especially the Fathers of the Society against who â—e they are to rail their fil and do not dissemble it eueÌ„ at the first entraÌ„ce for thus they wryte The intent of this discours is in the name of secular priests in general not to impeach any one perticular person of the cathâ—laity of matter of treason and state c. nor yet to accuse excuse nor any way call in question our common adsuersary togeather with the present state as a point very impertinent to the purpose c. for that to medle with such edge-tooles as the very bandling of them roughly would rent vs quite in peeces our frownd on state considered were a very preposterous course for men in afflaction c. This they say of that they wil not do and then after a long treatese of this negatiue they signify to the reader what they meane to do which is to ioyne with the said comon aduersary in defacing of Iesuits and their frends by name with Thomas Bel the heretical and relapsed Apostata who they say hath touched the Iesuits with pryde ambition intrusion vsurpatton incrochment ouer the secular priests affectation of soueraygnty and the like which they wel allow of and approoue his spirit therin and then they make a certaine obiection to themselues as coÌ„ming from some Catholiks how it can stand that Catholike priests may ioyne with heretiks to lay open the defects if any such were of their owne brethren or rather to lay the faults of heretiks vpon them as the persecution of protestants vpon Iesuits their most opposite aduersaryes and for the first part of the obiection they answere it easily affirming that in their diuinity it is not only lawful