Ordinary Accesses at Court And to come frequeâ—tly into the Queens Eye who would often grace him with private and free Communication Not onely about Matters of his Profession or Businesse in Law But also about the Arduous Affairs of Estate From whom she received from time to time great Satisfaction Neverthelesse though she cheered him much with the Bounty of her Countenance yet she never cheered him with the Bounty of her Hand Having never conferred upon him any Ordinary Place or Means of Honour or Profit Save onely one dry Reversion of the Registers Office in the Star-Chamber worth about 1600 l. per Annum For which he waited in Expectation either fully or near 20. years Of which his Lordship would say in Queen Elizabeths Time That it was like another Mans Ground buttalling upon his House which might mend his Prospect but it did not fill his Barn Neverthelesse in the time of King James it fell unto him Which might be imputed Not so much to her Majesties Aversenesse or Disaffection towards him As to the Arts and Policy of a Great Statesman â—hen who laboured by all Industrious and secret Means to suppresse and keep him down Lest if he had riseâ— he might have obscured his Glory But though he stood long at a stay in the Dayes of his Mistresse Queen Elizabeth Yet after the change and Comming in of his New Master King James he made a great Progresse By whom he was much comforted in Places of Trust Honour and Revenue I have seen a Letter of his Lordships to King James wherein he makes Acknowledgement That He was that Master to him that had raysed and advanced him nine times Thrice in Dignity and Sixe times in Office His Offices as I conceive were Counsell Learned Extraordinary to his Majesty as he had been to Queen Elizabeth Kings Solliciter Generall His Majesties Atturney Generall Counseller of Estate being yet but Atturney Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England Lastly Lord Chanceller Which two last Places though they be the same in Auâ—hority and Power yet they differ in Patent Heigth and Favour of the Prince Since whose time none of his Successours did ever bear the Title of Lord Chanceller His Dignities were first Knight Then Baron of Verulam Lastly Viscount Saint Alban Besides other good Gifts and Bounties of the Hand which his Majesty gave him Both out of the Broad Seal And out of the Alienation Office Towards his Rising years not before he entred into a married Estate And took to Wife Alice one of the Daughters and Co-Heires of Benedict Barnham Esquire and Alderman of London with whom He received a sufficiently ample and liberall Portion in Marriage Children he had none which though they be the Means to perpetuate our Names after our Deaths yet he had other Issues to perpetuate his Name The Issues of his Brain In which he was ever happy and admired As Jupiter was in the production of Pallas Neither did the want of Children detract from his good usage of his Consort during the Intermarriage whom he prosecuted with much Conjugall Love and Respect with many Rich Gifts and Enâ—owments Besides a Roab of Honour which he invested her withall which she wore untill her Dying Day Being twenty years and more after his Death The last five years of his Life being with-drawn from Civill Affaires and from an Active Life he employed wholy in Contemplation and Studies A Thing whereof his Lordshâ—p would often speak during his Active Life As if he affected to dye in the Shadow and not in the Light which also may be found in severall Passages of his Works In which time he composed the greatest Part of his Books and Writings Both in English and Latin Which I will enumerate as near as I can in the just Order wherein they were written The History of the Reign of King Henry the Seventh Abecedarium Naturae or A Metaphysicall Piece which is lost Historia Ventorum Historia vitae Mortis Historia Densi Rari not yet Printed Historia Gravis Levis which is also lost A Discourse of a War with Spain A Dialogue touching an Holy War The Fable of the New Atlantis A Preface to a Digest of the Lawes of England The Beginning of the History of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth De Augmentis Scientiarum Or the Advanccment of Learning put into Latin with severall Enrichments and Enlargements Counsells Civill and Morall Or his Book of Essayes likewise Enriched and enlarged The Conversion of certain Psalms into English Verse The Translation into Latin of the History of King Henry the Seventh of the Counsells Civill and Morall of the Dialogue of the Holy War of the Fable of the New Atlantis For the Benefit of other Nations His Revising of his Book De Sapientià Veterum Inquisitio de Magnete Topica Inquisitionis de Luce Lumine Both these not yet Printed Lastly Sylva Sylvarum or the Naturall History These were the â—ruits and Productions of his last five years His Lordship also designed upon the Motion and Invitation of his late Majesty To have written the Reign of King Henry the Eighth But that Work Perished in the Designationâ— meerly God not lending him Life to proceed further upon it then onely in one Mornings Work Whereof there is Extant An Ex Ungue Leonem already Printed in his Lordships Miscellany Works There is a Commemoration due As well to his Abilities and Vertues as to the Course of his Life Those Abilities which commonly goe single in other Men though of prime and Observable Parts were all conjoyned and met in Him Those are Sharpnesâ— of Wit Memory Judgement and Elocution For the Former Three his Books doe abundantly speak them which with what Sufficiency he wrote let the World judge But with what Celerity he wrote them I can best testifie But for the Fourth his Elocution I will onely set down what I heard Sir Walter Rauleigh once speak of him by way of Comparison whose Iudgement may well be trusted That the Earl of Salisbury was an excellent Speaker but no good Pen-man That the Earl of Northampton the Lord Henry Howard was an excellent Pen-man but no good Speaker But that Sir Francis Bacon was Eminent in Both. I have been enduced to think That if there were a Beame of Knowledge derived from God upon any Man in these Modern Times it was upon Him For though he was a great Reader of Books yet he had not his Knowledge from Books But from some Grounds and Notions from within Himself Which notwithstanding he vented with great Caution and Circumspection His Book of Instauratio Magna which in his own Account was the chiefest of his works was no Slight Imagination or Fancy of his Brain But a Setled and Concocted Notion The Production of many years Labour and Travell I my Self have seen at the least Twelve Coppies of the Instauration Revised year by year one after another And every year altred and amended in the Frame thereof Till
Countrey and in his own House Concerning which I will give you a Tast onely out of a Letter â—ritten from Italy The Store-House of Refined Witts to the late Earle of Devonshire Then the Lord Candish I will expect the New Essayes of my Lord Chancellâ—r Bacon As also his History with a great deal of Desire And whatsoever else he shall compose But in Particular of his History I promise my Self a Thing perfect and Singular especially in Henry the Seventh Where he may exercise the Talent of his Divine Understanding This Lord is more and more known And his Books here more and more delighted in And those Men that have more than ordinary Knowledge in Humane Affaires esteem him one of the most capable Spirits of this Age And he is truly such Now his Fame doth not decrease with Dayes since but rather encrease Divers of his Works have been anciently and yet lately translated into other Tongues both Learned and Modern by Forraign Pens Severall Persons of Quality during his Lordships Life crossed the Seas on purpose to gain an Opportunity of Seeing him and Discoursing with himâ— whereof one carried his Lordships Picture from Head to Foot over with Him into France As a Thing which he foresaw would be much desired there That so they might enjoy the Image of his Person As well as the Images of his Brain his Books Amongst the rest Marquis Fiat A French Nobleman who came Ambassadour into England in the Beginning of Queen Mary Wife to Charlesâ— was taken with an extraordinary Desire of Seeing him For which he made way by a Friend And when he came to him being then through weaknesse confined to his Bed The Marquis saluted him with this High Expression That his Lordship had been ever to Him like the Angels of whom he had often heard And read much of them in Books But he never saw them After which they contracted an intimate Acquaintance And the Marquis did so much revere him That besides his Frequent visits They wrote Letters one to the other under the Titles and Appellations of Father and Son As for his many Salutations by Letters from Forraign Worthies devoted to Learning I forbear to mention them Because that is a Thing common to other Men of Learning or Note together with him But yet in this Matter of his Fame I speak in the Comparative onely and not in the Exclusive For his Reputation is great in his own Nation also Especially amongst those that are of a more Acute and sharper Iudgement Which I will exemplifie but with two Testimonies and no more The Former When his History of King Henry the Seventh was to come forth It was delivered to the old Lord Brooke to be perused by him who when he had dispatched it returned it to the Authour with this Eulogy Commend me to my Lord And bid him take care to get good Paper Inke For the Work is Incomparable The other shall be that of Doctor Samuel Collins late Provost of Kings Colledge in Cambridge A Man of no vulgar Wit who affirmed unto me That when he had read the Book of the Advancement of Learning He found Himself in a case to begin his Studies a new And that he had lost all the Time of his â—tudying before It hath been desired That something should be signified touching his Diet And the Regiment of his Health Of which in regard of his Universall Insight into Nature he may perhaps be to some an Example For his Diet It was rather a plentifull and liberall Diet as his Stomack would bear it then a Restrained Which he also commended in his Book of the History of Life and Death In his younger years he was much given to the Finer and Lighter sort of Meats As of Fowles and such like But afterward when he grew more Iudicious He preferred the stronger Meats such as the Shambles afforded As those Meats which bred the more firm and substantiall Juyces of the Body And lesse Dissipable upon whiâ—h he would often make his Meal Though he had other Meats upon the Table You may be sure He would not neglect that Himself which He so much extolled in his Writings And that was the Vse of Nitre Whereof he took in the Quantity of about three Grains in thin warm Broath every Morning for thirty years together next before his Death And for Physick he did indeed live Physically but not miserably For he took onely a Maceration of Rhubarb Infused into a Draught of White Wine and Beer mingled together for the Space of half an Hour Once in six or seven Dayes Immediately before his Meal whether Dinner or Supper that it might dry the Body lesse which as he said did carry away frequently the Grosser Humours of the Body And not diminish or carry away any of the Spirits As Sweating doth And this was no Grievous Thing to take As for other Physick in an ordinary way whatsoever hath been vulgarly spoken he took not His Receit for the Gout which did constantly ease him of his Pain within two Hours Is already set down in the End of the Naturall History It may seem the Moon had some Principall Place in the Figure of his Nativity For the Moon was never in her Passion or Eclipsed but he was surprized with a sudden Fit of Fainting And that though he observed not nor took any previous Knowledge of the Eclipse thereof And assoon as the Eclipse ceased he was restored to his former strength again He died on the 9th Day of Aprill in the year 1626â— In the early Morning of the Day then celebrated for our Saviours Resurrection In the 66th year of his Age At the Earle of Arundells House in High-gate near London To which Place he casually repaired about a week before God so ordaining that he should dye there Of a Gentle Feaver accidentally accompanied with a great Cold whereby the Defluxion of Rheume fell so plentifully upon his Breast that he died by Suffocation And was buried in Saint Michaels Church at Saint Albans Being the Place designed for his Buriall by his last Will and Testament Both because the Body of his Mother was interred there And because it was the onely Church then remaining within the Precincts of old Verulam Where he hath a Monument erected for him of White Marble By the Care and Gratitude of Sir Thomas Meautys Knight formerly his Lordships Secretary Afterwards Clark of the Kings Honourable Privy Counsell under two Kings Representing his full Pourtraiture in the Posture of studying with an Inscription composed by that Accomplisht Gentleman and Rare Wit Sir Henry Wotton But howsoever his Body was Mortall yet no doubt his Memory and Works will live And will in all probability last as long as the World lasteth In order to which I have endeavoured after my poor Ability to do this Honour to his Lordship by way of conducing to the same SPEECHES IN Parliament STAR-CHAMBER Kings Bench CHANCERY AND OTHER-WHERE Of the Right Honourable FRANCIS BACON
strait-way think with himself Doth this Man beleeve what he saith Or not beleeving it doth he think it possible to make us beleeve it Surely in my conceit neither of both But his End no doubt was to round the Pope and the King of Spain in the Eare by seeming to tell a Tale to the People of England For such Bookes are ever wont to be translated into diverse Languages And no doubt the Man was not so simple as to think he could perswade the People of England the Contrary of what they tast and feele But he thought he might better abuse the States abroad if he directed his Speech to them who could best convict him and disprove him if he said untrue So that as Livy saith in the like case AEtolos magis coram quibus verba facerent quam ad quos pensi habere That the Aaetolians in their Tale did more respect those which did over-hear them then those to whom they directed their Speech So in this matter this Fellow cared not to be counted a Lier by all English upon Price of Deceiving of Spain and Italy For it must be understood that it hath been the generall Practise of this kind of Men many years of the one side to abuse the forraine Estates by making them believe that all is out of Joynt and Ruinous here in England And that there is a great part ready to joyn with the Invader And on the other side to make the Evill Subjects of England believe of great Preparations abroad and in great readinesse to be put in Act And so to deceive on both sides And this I take to be his Principall Drift So again it is an extravagant and incredible Conceit to Imagine that all the Conclusions and Actions of Estate which have passed during her Majesties Raign should be ascribed to one Counseller alone And to such an one as was never noted for an Imperious or Over-ruling Man And to say that though He carried them not by Violence yet he compassed them by Devise There is no Man of Iudgement that looketh into the Nature of these Times but will easily descry that the Wits of these Dayes are too much refined for any Man to walk Invisible Or to make all the World his Instruments And therefore no not in this point assuredly the Libeller spake as he thought But this he foresaw That the Imputation of Cunning doth breed Suspicion And the Imputation of Greatnesse and Sway doth breed Envy And therefore finding where he was most wrung and by whose pollicyâ— and Experience their plots were most crossed the mark he shot at was to see whether he could heave at his Lordships Authority by making him suspected to the Queen or generally odious to the Realm Knowing well enough for the one point that there are not only Iealousies but certain Revolutions in Princes Minds So that it is a rare Vertue in the Rarest Princes to continue constant to the End in their Favours and Employments And knowing for the other point that Envy ever accompanieth Greatness though never so well deserved And that his Lordship hath alwaies marched a Round and a Reall Course in service And as he hath not moved Envy by Pomp and Ostentation so hath he never extinguished it by any Popular or Insinuâ—tive Carriage of Himself And this no doubt was his Second Driâ—t A Third Drift was to assay if he could supplant and weaken by this violent kind of Libelling and turning the whole Imputation upon his Lordship his Resolution and Courage And to make him proceedâ— more cautelously and not so throughly and strongly against them Knowing his Lordship to be a Politick Man and one that hath a great Stake to leese Lastly least while I discover Cunning and Art of this Fellow I should make him wiser then he was I think a great part of this Book was Passion Difficile est tacere cùm doleas The Humours of these Men being of themselves eager and Fierce have by the Abort and Blasting of their Hopes been blinded and enraged And surely this Book is of all that Sort that have been written of the meanest work-man-ship Being fraughted with sundry base Scoffs and cold Amplifications and other Characters of Despite But void of all Iudgement or Ornament 2. Of the presents Estate of this Realm of England whether it may be truly avouched to be prosperous or Afflicted THe Benefits of Almighty God upon this Land since the time that in his singular providence he led as it were by the hand and placed in the Kingdome his Servant our Queen Elizabeth are such as not in Boasting or in Confidence of our selves but in praise of his Holy Name are worthy to be both considered and confessed yea and registred in perpetuall Memory Notwithstanding I mean not after the manner of a Panegyrique to Extoll the present Time It shall suffice onely that those Men that through the Gall and Bitterness of their own Heart have lost their Tast and Iudgement And would deprive God of his Glory and us of our sences in affirming our Condition to be Miserable and â—ull of Tokens of the Wrath and Indignation of God be reproved If then it be true that Nemo est Miser aut Felix nisi comparatus Whether we shall keeping our selves within the Compasse of our own Island look into the Memories of Times past Or at this present time take a view of other States abroad in Europe We shall â—ind that we need not give place to the Happinesse either of Ancestours or Neighboursâ— For if a Man weigh well all the Parts of State and Religion Lawes Aministration of Iustice Pollicy of Government Manners Civility Learning and Liberall Sciences Industry and Manuall Arts Armes and Provisions of Wars for Sea and Land Treasure Traffique Improvement of the Soyle Population Honour and Reputation It will appear that taking one part with Another the State of this Nation was never more Flourishing It is easie to call to Remembrance out of Histories the Kings of England which have in more ancient times enjoyed greatest Happinesse Besides her Majesties Father and Grand father that raigned in rare Felicity as is fresh in Memory They have been K. Henry 1. K Hen 2. K. Hen. 3. King Edw the 1. K. Edw. the 3. K. Henry the 5. All which have been Princes of Royall Vertue Great Felicity and Famous Memory But it may be truly affirmed without derogation to any of these worthy Princes that whatsoever we find in Libels there is not to be found in the English Chronicles a King that hath in all respects laid together raigned with such Felicity as her Majesty hath done For as for the First 3. Henries The First came in too soon after a Conquest The Second too soon after an Vsurpation And the Third too soon after a League or Barons War To raign with Security and Contentation King H. 1. also had unnaturall Wars with his Brother Robert wherein much Nobility was consumed He had therewithall tedious Wars in Wales
Stiles Esquire of the Inner Temple 120. The Saints Comfort in Evil times 120. Gods Revenge against Murther in thirty Tragical Histories by I. Reynolds in Fol. the third Edition Whereunto is newly added the Sculptures Pictures of the Chief Persons â—entioned in every Histoâ—y graven in Copper-plates and fixed before each History With a Satisfactory Epistle of the Stationer Sylva Sylvarum or a Natural History in ten Centuries Whereunto is newly added The History of Life and Death or the Prolongation of Life Both written by the Right Honorable Francis Lord Verulam In Foâ—io 1651. The Magnetique cure of Wounds The Nativity of Tartar in Wine The Image of God in Man Also another Treatise of the Errors oâ— Physicians concerning Defluxions both published in Englishâ— 40. 1650. With The Darkness of Aâ—heism dispelled by the light of Nature All published by Dr. Charleton Physician to the late King 40. 165â— A Discourse conceâ—ning the King of Spâ—ins surprizing of the Valtoline Translated by the Renowned Sir Thomas Râ—e many times Embassador in Forein parts 40 The Roman Foot and Denaries from whence as from two principles the measure and weights may be deduced by Iohn Greaves of Oxford â—0 1647. A Treatise of the Court Written in French by that great Counâ—ellour De Refuges many times Embassador for the two laâ—t French Kings Englished by Iohn Râ—â—â—â—ld â—0 The Hebrew Commonwealth Translated out of Petrus Cunâ—us in 120. 1653. Hugo Grotius his two Treatises Of God and his Providence and Of Christ and his Miracles together with the said Authors judgement of sundry Points controverted in 120. Both Translated by Clem. Barksdal Certamen Relâ—giosum or a Conference between the late King of England and the late Lord Marquess of Worcester concerning Religion 40â— 1652. The Battel of Agencourt fought by Henry the 5th The Miseries of Queen Margareâ— with other Poems by Mic. Drayton Esq 80. The Odes of Horace Selected and Translated by Sir Thomas Hawkins in 120. The Spanish Gallant instructing men in their Carriage to be beloved of the People Youths Behaviour or Decency in Conversation amongst men with new Additions of a Discourse of Powdring of Hair of black Patches and naked Breasts 80. 1651. The Tillage of Light A Treatise of The Philosophers Stone 80. The Right of Peace and Warr in 3. Books written in Latine by the Illustrious Hugo Grotius together with the Life of the said Author in English 80. large 1654. A Sermon of the Nature of Faith by Barten Holyday Doctor of Divinity 1654. The Innocent Lady or the Illustrious Innocent written Originally in French by the learned Father de Ceriziers of the Company of Jesus rendred into English by Sir William Lower Knight 1654. A Disputation at Winchcomb in Glocestershire wherein much satisfaction given in many Fundamental Points of Religion in the presence of many Eminent Persons 1654. A brief Discourse of changing Ministers Tithes into Stipends or into another thing 1654. Plutarch's Lives in English with a New Addition of Twenty Lives never before published in English in Fol. 1657. FINIS 1. Part. 2. Part. 3. Part. 4. Part. 1 Contiâ—uance 2 Health 3 Peace 4 Plenâ—y and Wealth 5 Increase oâ— People 6 Reformation in Religion The speciall 〈◊〉 esâ—â—â—lished among uâ— by â—he puâ—ity of Religion Finenesse oâ— Money The Might oâ— the Navâ— Compaâ—ison of the state of England with the stateâ— abroad Afflicted in France Low-Countries Portugall Prosperouâ— as Scotland Poland Sweden Denmark Italy Germany Savoy Spâ—iâ— Câ—â—câ—rning the Conâ—ro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in our Church Concerning the Forrain Enemies of this State Concerning the State of the Nobility Concerning the State oâ— the Common subâ—ect Statutes concerning Scotland and the Scotish Nation Lawes Customes Commissions Offiâ—ersâ— of the Borders or Marches Further Union besides the Removing of Inconvenient and dissenting Lawes and Usages Points wherein the Nations stand already united Soveraignty Line Royall Suâ—jection Obedience Alien Naturalization Religion Church-Government Continent Borders Language Diâ—lect Leagues Confederacies Treaties Externall points of the Separation and Union The Ceremoniall or Mateâ—iall Crowns The Stiles and Names The Seales The Standards and Stamps Moneys Internall Points of Union 1 Parliament 2 Cousellâ— oâ— Estate 3 Offâ—cers of the Crown 4 Nobilities 5 Lawâ—â— 6 Courts of Justice and Administration of Lawes 7 Receits Finances and Patrimonies of the Crown 8 Admiralty Navy and Merchandizing 9 Freedomes and Liberties 〈…〉 These that follow are but indisgested Notes This Constitution of Reporters I obtained of the King after I was Chancellour and there are two appointed with a 100. l. a year a peece sâ—ipend * Thuanus These Letters following I find not in his Lordships register-Register-Book of Letters But I am enduced by the Stile and other Characters to own them to be his VVritten by Mr. Bacon for my Lord of Essex
as Men misled are to be pittied For the First if a Man doth visit the foul and polluted Opinions Customesâ— or Practices of Heathenism Mahometism and Heresie he shall find they do not attain to this Height Take the Examples of damnable Memory amongst the Heathen The Proscriptions in Rome of Sylla And afterwards of the Triumvirs what were they They were but of a finite Number of Persons and those not many that were exposed unto any Mans Sword But what is that to the proscribing of a King and all that shall take his Part And what was the Reward of a Souldier that amongst them killed one of the proscribed A small piece of Money But what is now the reward of one that shall kill a King The Kingdom of Heaven The Custome among the Heathen that was most scandalized was that sometimes the Priest sacrificed Men But yet you sâ—all not read of any Priesthood that sacrificed Kings The Mahometâ—ns make it a part of their Religion to propagate their Sect by the Sword But yet still by Honourable Wars never by Villanies and secret Murthers Nâ—y I find that the Saracen Prinâ—e of whom the Name of the â—ssassins is derived which had divers Votaâ—ies at Commandement which he sent and imployed to the Killing of divers Princes in the East By one of whom Amurath the First was slain And Edward the First of England was wounâ—ed was put down and rooted out by common Consentâ— of the Mahometan Princes The Anabaptists it is true come nearest For they professe the pulling down of Magistrates And they can chaunt the Psalm To bind their Kings in Chaines and their Nobles in fetters of Iron This is the Glory of the Saints mâ—ch like the Temporall Authority that the Pope Challengeth over Princes But this is the difference That that is a Furious and Fanaticall Fury And this is a sad and solemn Mischief He imagineth Mischief as a Law A Law-like Mischief As for the Defence which they do make it doth aggravate the sin And turneth it from a Cruelty towards Man to a Blaâ—phemy towards God For to say that all this is in ordine ad spirituale And to a good End And for the salvation of Soules It is directly to make God Author of Evill And to draw him into the likenesse of the Prince of Darknesse And to say with thoseâ— that Saint Paul speaketh of Let us do Evill that good may come thereof Of whom the Apostle saith dâ—finitively That their damnatioâ— is Iust. For the Destroying of Government universally it is most evident That it is not the Case of Protestant Princes onely But of Catholick Princes likewise As the King hath excellently set forth Nay it is not the Case of Princes onely but of all Subjects and private Persons For touching Princes let History be perused what hath been the Causes of Excommunication And namely this Tumour of it the Deposing of Kings It hath not been for Heresie and Schism alone but for Collation and Investitures of Bishopricks and Benefiâ—es Intruding upon Ecclesiasticall Possessions violating of any Ecclesiasticall Person or Liberty Nay generally they maintain it that it may be for any sin So that the Difference wherein their Doctors vary That some hold That the Pope hath his Temporall power immediatly And others but in ordine ad spiritude is but a Delusion and an Abuse For all commeth to one What is there that may not be made spirituall by Consequence specially when He that giveth the Sentence may make the Case And accordingly hath the miserable Experience followed For this Murthering of Kings hath been put in practise as well against Papist Kings as Protestants Save that it hath pleased God so to guide it by his admirable providence As the Attempts upon Papist Princes have been executed And the Attempts upon Protestant Princes have failed Except that of the Prince Aurange And not that neither untill such time as he had joyned too fast with the Duke of Anjou and the Papists The rest is wanting The Charge of Sir Francis Bacon the Kings Atturney Generall against M. L. S. W. and H. I. for Scandall and Traducing of the Kings Justice in the proceedings against Weston In the Star-Chamber 10. Novemb. 1615. THe Offence wherewith I shall charge the three Offenders at the Bar is a Misdemeanour of a High Nature Tending to the Defacing and Scandall of Iustice in a great Cause Capitall The particular Charge is this The King amongst many his Princely vertues is known to excell in that proper vertue of the Imperiall Throne which is Iustice. It is a Royall Vertue which doth employ the other three Cardinall Vertues in her Service Wisdome to discover and discern Nocent or Innocent Fortitude to prosecute and execute Temperance so to carry Iustice as it be not passionate in the pursuit nor confused in involving persons upon light suspicion Nor precipitate in time For this his Majesties Vertue of Iustice God hath of late raised an occasion and erected as it were a Stage or Theater much to his Honour for him to shew it and act it in the pursuit of the untimely Death of Sir Thomas Overbury And therein cleansing the Land from Bloud For my Lords if Bloud spilt Pure doth cry to Heaven in Gods Eares much more Bloud defiled with Poyson This Great Work of his Majesties Iustice the more excellent it is your Lordships will soon conclude the greater is the Offence of any that have sought to Affront it or Traduce it And therefore before I descend unto the Charge of these Offenders I will set before your Lordships the weight of that which they have sought to impeach Speaking somewhat of the generall Crime of Impoysonment And then of the particular Circumstances of this Fact upon Overbury And thirdly and chiefly of the Kings great and worthy Care and Carriage in this Business This Offence of Impoysonment is most truly figured in that Devise or Description which was made of the Nature of one of the Roman Tyrants That he was Lutum Sanguine maceratum Mire mingled or cymented with Bloud For as it is one of the highest Offencesâ— in Guiltiness So it is the Basest of all others in the Mind of the Offenders Treasons Magnum aliquid spectant They aym at great thingâ—â— But this is vile and base I tell your Lordships what I have noted That in all Gods Book both of the Old and New Testament I find Examples of all other Offences and Offendours in the world but not any one of an Impoyâ—onment or an Impoysoner I find mention of Fear of casuall Impoysonment when the Wild Vine was shred into the Pot they came complaining in a fearfull manner Maister Mors in ollâ And I find mention of Poysons of Beasts and Serpents The Poyson of Aspes is under their Lips But I find no Example in the Book of God of Impoysonment I have sometime thought of the Words in the Psalm Let their Table be made a Snare Which certainly is most True of Impoysonment For
for the Nobility Touching the Oppression of the People he mentioneth four points 1. The Conâ—umption of People in the Wars 2. The Interruption of Traffick 3. The Corruption of Iustice. 4. The Multitude of Taxations Unto all which points there needeth no long Speech For the first thanks be to God the Benediction of Crescite and Multiplicamini is not so weak upon this Realm of â—ngland but The Population thereof may afford such Losse of Men as were sufficient for the Making our late Wars and were in a perpetuity without being seen either in City or Countrey We â—ead that when the Romans did take Cense of their People whereby the Citizens were numbred by the Poll in the beginning of a great War and afterwards again at the ending there sometimes wanted a Third Part of the Number But let our Muster Books be perused those I say that certifie the Number of all Fighting Men in every Shire of vicesimo of the Queen At what time except a Handfull of Souldiers in the Low Countries we expended no Men in the VVars And now again at this present time there will appear small Diminution There be many Tokens in this Realm rather of Presse and Surcharge of People then of Want and Depopulation which were before recited Besides it is a better Condition of Inward Peace to be accompanied with some Exercise of no Dangerous Warr in Forrain parts then to be utterly without Apprentisage of Warr whereby People grow Effeminate and unpractised when Occasion shall be And it is no small strength unto the Realm that in these Warrs of Exercise and not of Perill so many of our People are trained And so many of our Nobility and Gentlemen have been made Excellent Leaders both by Sea and Land As for that he objecteth we have no Provision for Souldiers at their Return Though that Point hath not been altogether neglected yet I wish with all my Heart that it were more Ample then it is Though I have read and heard that in all Estates upon Casheering and Disbanding of Souldiers many have endured Necessity For the Stopping of Traffique as I referred my Self to the Muster-Books for the First So I refer my Self to the Custome-Books upon this which will not lye And do make Demonstration of no Abatement at all in these last years but rather of Rising and Encrease We know of many in London and other places that are within a small time greatly come up and made Rich by Merchandizing And a Man may speak within his Compasse and affirm That our Prizes by Sea have countervailed any Prizes upon us And as to the Iustice of this Realm it is true that Cunning and Wealâ—h have bred many Sutes and Debates in Law But let those Points be considered The Integrity and Sufficiency of those which supply the Iudiciall places in the Queens Courts The good Laweâ— that have been made in her Majesties time against Informers and Promoters And for the bettering of Trialls The Example of Severity which is used in the Star-chamber in oppressing Forces and Fraâ—des The Diligence and Stoutness that is used by Iustices of Assises in Encountring all Countenancing and Bearing of Causes in the Countrey by their Authorities and Wisedome The great Favours that have been used towards Coppy-holders and Customary Tenants which were in ancient times meerly at the Discretion and Mercy of the Lord And are now continually relieved from hard Dealing in Chancery and other Courts of Equity I say let these and many other Points be considered and Men will worthily conceive an Honourable Opinion of the Iustice of England Now to the Points of Levies and Distributions of Money which he calleth Exactions First very coldly he is not abashed to bring in the Gathering for Paules Steeple and the Lottery Trifles Whereof the former being but a Voluntary Collection of that Men were freely disposed to give never grew to so great a Sum as was sufficient to finish the Work for which it was appointed And so I imagine it was converted into some other use like to that Gathering which was for the Fortifications of Paris save that the Gathering for Paris came to a much greater though as I have heard no competent Sum. And for the Lottery it was but a Novelty devised and followed by some particular persons and onely allowed by the State being as a Gain of Hazzard Wherein if any Gain was it was because many Men thought Scorn after they had fallen from their greater hopes to fetch their odd Money Then he mentioneth Loanes and Privy Seales Wherein he sheweth great Ignorance and Indiscretion considering the Payments back again have been very Good and Certain And much for her Majesties Honour Indeed in other Princes Times it was not wont to be so And therefore though the Name be not so pleasant yet the Vse of them in our Times have been with small Grievance He reckoneth also new Customes upon Cloathes and new Impost upon Wines In that of Cloathes he is deceived For the ancient Rate of Custome upon Cloathes was not raised by her Majesty but by Queen Mary a Catholique Queen And hath been commonly continued by her Majesty Except he mean the Computation of the odd yards which in strict Duty was ever answerable Though the Error were but lately looked into or rather the Tolleration taken away And to that of Wines being a Forrain Merchandize and but a Delicacy and of those which might be forborn there hath been some Encrease of Imposition which can rather make the Price of Wine Higher â—hen the Merchant poorer Lastly touching the Number of Subsidies it is true that her Majesty in respect of her great Charges of her Warrs both by Sea and Land against such a Lord of Treasure as is the King of Spain Having for her part no Indies nor Mines And the Revenues of the Crown of England being such as they lesse grate upon the People then the Revenues of any Crown or State in Europe Hath by the Assent of Parliament according to the ancient Customes of this Realm received divers Subsidies of her People which as they have been employed upon the Defence and preservation of the Subject Not upon Excessive Buildings nor upon Immoderate Donatives Nor upon Triumphs and Pleasures Or any the like veines of Dissipation of Treasure which have been Familiar to many Kings So have they been yielded with great good will and cheerfulness As may appear by other kinds of Benevolence presented to her likewise in Parliament which her Majesty neverthelesse hath not put in Ure They have been Taxed also and Asseissed with a very Light and Gentle Hand And they have been spared as much as may be As may appear in that her Majesty now twice to spare the Subject hath sold of her own Lands But he that shall look into other Countries and conâ—ider the Taxes and Tallages and Impositions and Assises and the like that are every where in use Will find that the English Man is the most
a Man that awaketh out of a Fearfull Dream But so it was that not onely the Consent but the Applause and Joy was infinite and not to be expressed thronghout the Realm of England upon this Succession Whereof the Consent no doubt may be truly ascribed to the Clearnesse of the Right But the generall Joy Alacrity and Gratulation were the Effects of differing Causes For Queen Elizabeth although she had the use of many both Vertues and Demonstrations that mought draw and knit unto her the Hearts of her People Yet neverthelesse carrying a Hand Restrained in Gift and strained in Points of Prerogative could not answer the Votes either of Servants or Subjects to a full Contentment especially in her latter Dayes when the Continuance of her Raign which extended to Five and Forty years mought discover in People their Naturall Desire and Inclination towards Change So that a new Court and a new Raign were not to many unwelcome Many were glad and especially those of Setled â—state and Fortunes that the Feares and Incertainties were Over-blown and that the Dye was cast Others that had made their way with the King or offered their Service in the Time of the former Queen thought now the Time was come for which they had prepared And generally all such as had any dependance upon the late Earl of Essex Who had mingled the Secrecyâ— of his own Ends with the Popular pretence of advancing the Kings Title Made account theiâ— Cause was amended Again such as â—ought misdoubt they had given the King any occasion of Distast did continue by their Forwardnesse and Confidence to shew it was but their Fastness to the Former Government And that those Affections ended with the Time The Papists nourished their hopes by collating the Case of the Papists in England and under Queen Elizabeth and the Case of the Papists in Scotland under the King Interpreting that the Condition of them in Scotland was the lesse Grievous And divining of the Kings Government here accordingly Besides the Comforâ— they ministred themselves from the Memory of the Queen his Moâ—her The Ministers and those which stood for the Presbytery thought their Cause had more Sympathy with the Discipline of Scotland then the Hierarchy of England And so took themselves to be a Degree nearer their Desires Thus had every Condition of Persons some Contemplation of Benefit which they promised themselves Over-reaching perhaps according to the Nature of Hope But yet not without some probable Ground of Conjecture At which time also there came sorth in Print the Kings Book entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Containing Matter of Instruction to the Prince his Son touching the Ofâ—ice of a King Which Booke falling into every Mans Hand filled the whole Realm as with a good Perfume or Incense before the Kings comming in For being excellently written and having nothing of Affectation it did not only satisfie better then particular Reports touching the Kings Disposition But far exceeded any formall or curious Edict or Declaration which could have been devised of that Nature wherewith Princes in the beginning of their Raignes do use to grace themselves or at least expresse themselves gracious in the Eyes of their People And this was for the generall the State and Constitution of Mens Minds upon this Change The Actions themselves passed in this Manner c. The Rest is wanting A LETTER AND DISCOURSE TO Sir HENRY SAVILL TOUCHING HELPS FOR THE INTELLECTVAL POWERS SIR COming back from your Invitation at Eton where I had refreshed my Self with Company which I loved I fell into a Consideration of that Part of Policy whereof Philosophy speaketh too muchâ— and Lawes too little And that is of Education of Youth Whereupon fixing my mindâ— a while I found strait wayes and noted even in the Discourses of Philosophers which are so large in this Argument a strange Silence concerning one principall Part of that Subject For as touching the Framing and Seasoning of Youth to Morall Vertue As Tolerance of Labours Continency from Pleasures Obedience Honour and the like They handle it But touching the Improvement and Helping of the Intellectuall Powers As of Conceit Mâ—mory and Iudgement they say nothing Whether it were that they thought it to be a Matter wherein Nature onely prevailed Or that they intended it as referred to the severall and Proper Arts which teach the use of Reason and Speech But â—or â—he former of these two Reasons howsoeveâ— it pleaseth them to distinguish of Habits and Powers The Experience is manifest â—nough that the Motions and Faculties of the Wit and Memory may be not onely governed and guided but also confiâ—med and â—nlarged bâ— Custome and Exercise duly applyed As if a Man exercise shootiâ—g he shall not onely shoot nearer the Mark but also draw a stronger Bow And as for the Latter of Comprehending these precepts within the Arts of Logick Rhetorick If it be rightly considered their Office is distinct altogether from this Point For it is no part of the Doctrine of the Use or Handling of an Instrument to teâ—ch how to Whet or grinde the Instrument to give it a sharp edge Or how to quench it or otherwise whereby to give it a stronger Temper Wherefore finding this part of Knowledge not broken I have but tanquam aliud agens entred into it and salute you with it Dedicating it afâ—er the ancient manner first as to a dear Friend And then as to an Apt Person For as much as you have both place to practise it and Judgement and Leysure to look deeper into it then I have done Herein you must call to mind 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though the Argument be not of great Heigth and Dignity neverthelesse it is of great and universall use And yet I do not see why to consider it rightly That should not be a Learning of Heigth which teacheth to raise the Highest and Worthiest Part of the Mind But howsoever that be if the World take any Light and Useâ— by this Writing I will the Gratulation be to the good Friendship and Acquaintance between us two And so I commend you to Gods Divine Protection A DISCOURSE touching HELPS for the INTELLECTUALL POWERS I did ever hold it for an Insolent and unlucky Saying Faber quisque Fortunae suae except it be uttered onely as an Hortative or Spur to correct Sloth For otherwise if it be believed as it soundeth And that a Man entreth into an high Imagination that he can compass and fathom all Accidents And ascribeth all Successes to his Drifts and Reaches And the contrary to his Errours and Sleepings It is commonly seen that the Evening Fortune of that Man is not so prosperous as of him â—hat without slackning of his Industry attributeth much to Felicity and Providence above him But if the Sentence were turned to this Faber quisque Ingenii sui it were somewhat more True and much more Profitable Because it would teach Men to bend themselves to Reform those Imperfections in themselves which now
to Particulars And sure I am there are more Doubts that rise upon our Statutes which are a Text Law then upon the Common Law which is no Text Law But howsoever that Question be determined I dare not advise to cast the Law into a new Mould The work which I propoundâ— tendeth to proyning and Grafting the Law And not to Plow up and Planting it again for such a Remove I should hold indeed for a perillous Innovation Obj. 5. It will turn the Iudges Counsellors of Law and Students of Law to schoole again And make them to seek what they shall hold and advise for Law And it will impose a new charge upon all Lawyers to furnish themselves with new Bookes of Law Resp. For the Former of those â—ouching the new Labour It is true it would follow if the Law were new moulded into a Text Law For then Men must be new to begin And that is one of the Reasons for which I disallow that Course But in the way that I shall now propound the entire Body and Substance of Law shall remain Onely discharged of Idle and Unprofitable or Hurtfull Matter and Illustrated by Order and other Helps towards the better Understanding of it and Judgement thereupon For the Latter touching the new charge it is not worth the speaking of in a matter of so high importance It mought have been used of the New Translation of the Bible and such like Workes Bookes must follow Sciences and not Sciences Bookes The Work it Self And the Way to Reduce And Recompile the Lawes of England THIS Work is to be done to use some few words which is the Language of Action and Effect in this manner It consisteth of two parts The Digest or Recompiling of the Common Lawes And that of the Statutes In the first of these Three Things are to be done 1. The Compiling of a Booke De Antiquitatibus Iuris 2. The Reducing or Perfecting of the Course or Corps of the Common Lawes 3. The Composing of certain Introductive and Auxiliary Bookes touching the Study of the Lawes For the first of these All Auncient Records in your Tower or else where Containing Acts of Parliament Lords Patents Commissions and Iudgements and the like are to be Searched Perused and Weighed And out of these are to be selected those that are of most Worth and Weight And in order of Time not of Titles for the more Conformity with the Yeare-Bookes to be set Down and Registred Rarely in haec Verba But summed with Judgement not omitting any materiall part These are to be used for Reverend Presidents but not for Binding Authorities For the Second which is the Maine There is to be made a perfect Course of the Law in Serie Temporis or Yeare-Bookes As we call them from Edward the First to this Day In the Compiling of this Course of Law or Yeare-Bookes The points following are to be observed First all Cases which are at this Day clearely no Law but constantly ruled to the contrary are to be left out They do but fill the Volumes and season the Wits of Students in a contrary sense of Law And so likewise all Cases wherein that is solemnly and long debated whereof there is now no Question at all are to be entred as Iudgements only and Resolutions But without the Arguments which are now become but frivolous Yet for the Observation of the deeper sort of Lawyers that they may see how the Law hath altered out of which they may pick sometimes good use I do advise That upon the first in time of those Obsolete Cases there were a Memorandum set That at that time the Law was thus taken untill such a time c. Secondly â—omonymiae as Iustinian calleth them That is Cases meerly of Iteration and Repetition are to be purged away And the Cases of Identity which are best Reported and Argued to be retained instead of the Rest The Iudgements neverthelesse to be set down every one in time as they are But with a Quotation or Reference to the Case where the Point is argued at large but if the Case consist part of Repetition part of new Matter The Repetition is onely to be omitted Thirdly as to the Antinomiae Cases Judged to the Contrary It were too great a trust to refer to the Judgement of the Composers of this work to decide the Law either way except there be a currant stream of Judgements of later times and then I reckon the Contrary Cases amongst Cases Obsolete of which I have spoken before Neverthelesse this diligence would be used that such Cases of Contradiction be specially noted and collâ—cted to the end those Doubts that have been so long Militant May either by assembling All the Iudges in the Exchequer Chamber or by Parliament be put into certainty For to do it by bringing them in question under fained parties is to be disliked Nil habeat Forum ex scenâ Fourthly All Idle Quaeries which are but Seminaries of Doubts and Incertainties are to be left out and omitted and no Quaeries set down but of great Doubts well debated and left undecided for difficulty But no doubting or upstarting Quaeries Which though they be touched in Argument for Explanation yet were better to die then to be put into the Bookes Lastly Cases Reported with too great prolixity would be drawn into a more Compendious Report Not in the Nature of an Abridgement but Tautoligies and Impertinences to be cut off As for Misprinting and Insensible Reporting which many times confound the Students that will be Obiter amended But more principally if there be any thing in the Report which is is not well warranted by the Record that is also to be rectified The Course being thus Compiled Then it resteth but for your Majestyâ— to appoint some grave and sound Lawyers with some honourable stipend to be Reporters for the Time to come And then this is setled for all times FOR the Auxiliary Books that Conduce to the Study and Science of the Law they are three Institutions A Treatise de Regulis Iuris And a better Book De verborum significationibus or Terms of the Law For the Institutions I know well there be Books of Introductions wherewith Students begin of good worth Specially Littleton and Fitzherbert Natura Brevium But â—hey aâ—e no wayes of the Nature of an Institutions The Office whereof is to be a Key and generall preparation to the Reading of the Course And principally it ought to have â—wo Properties The one a perspicuous and clear Order oâ— Method And the other an Vniversall Latitude or Comprehension That the Students may have a little Prae-Notion of every Thing Like a Modell towards a great Building For the Treatise de Regulis Iuris I hold it of all other Things the most important to the Health as I may term it and good Institutions of any Laws It is indeed like the ballast of a Ship to keep all upright and stable But I have seen little in this kind
either in our Law or other Lawes that satisfieth me The naked Rule or Maxime doth not the Effect It must be made usefull by good Differences Ampliations and Limitations warranted by good Authorities And this not by Raising up of Quotations and References but by Discourse and Deducement in a Iust Tractate In this I have travelled my â—elf at the first more cursorily since with more Diligence And will go on with it if God and your Majesty will give me leave And I do assure your Majesty I am in good hope that when Sir Edward Cookes Reports and my Rules and Decisions shall come to Posterity there will be whatsoever is now thought Question who was the greater Lawyer For the Bookes of the Termes of the Law There is a poore oneâ— But I wish a Diligent one wherein should be comprised not onely the Exposition of the Termes of Law but of the Words of all auncient Records and Presidents For the Abridgements I could wish if it were possible that none mought use them but such as had read the Course First that they mought serve for Repertories to Learned Lawyers and not to make a Lawyer in hast But since that cannot be I wish there were a good Abridgement composed of the Two that are exstant and in better order So much for the Common Law Statute Law FOR the Reforming and Recompiling of the Statute Law It consisteth of Foure parts 1. The First to discharge the Bookes of those Statutes where as the Case by Alteration of time is vanished As Lombardâ— Iewes Gauls halfe Pence c. Those may neverthelesse remaine in the Libraries for Antiquities but no Reprinting of them The like of Statutes long since expired and clearly repealed For if the Repeale be doubtfull it must be so propounded to the Parliament 2. The next is to repeale all Statutes which are Sleeping and not of use but yet snaring and in Force In some of those it will perhaps be requisite to substitute some more Reasonable Law instead of them agreeable to the time In others a simple Repeale may suffice 3. The Third that the Grievousnesse of the Penalty in many Statutes be mitigated though the Ordinance stand 4. The last is the Reducing of Concurrent Statutes heaped one upon another to one clear and uniform Law Towards thiâ— there hath been already upon my motion and your Majesties Direction a great deal of good paines taken My Lord Hoâ—ert My Self Sergant Finch Mr. Hennage Finch Mr. Noye Mr. Hackwell and others Whose Labours being of a great bulk it is not fit now to trouble your Majesty with any further particularity therein Onely by this you may perceive the Worke is already advanced But because this part of the Worke which concerneth the Statute Lawes must of necessity come to Parliament And the Houses will best like that which themselves guide And the Persons that themselves imploy The way were to Imitate the president of the Commissioners for the Canon Lawes in 27. Hen. 8. and 4. Edw. 6. And the Commissioners for the Vnion of the two Realmes Primo of your Majesty And so to have the Commissioners named by both Houses but not with a precedent power to Conclude But only to prepare and propound to Paâ—liament This is the best way I conceive to accomplish this Excellent Worke of Honour to your Majesties Times and of Good to all Times Which I submit to your Majesties better Judgement A FRAGMENT OF AN ESSAY OF FAME THe Poets make Fame a Monster They describe her in Part finely and elegantly and in part gravely and sententiously They say look how many Feathers she hath so many Eyes she hath underneath So many Tongues So many Voyces She pricks up so many Ears This is a flourish There follow excellent Parables As that she gathereth strength in going That she goeth upon the ground and yet hideth her head in the Clouds That in the day time she sitteth in a Watch Tower and flyeth most by night That she mingleth Things done with things not done And that she is a Terrour to great Citties But that which passeth all the rest is They do recount that the Earth Mother of the Gyants that made War against Iupiter and were by him destroyed thereupon in an anger brought forth Fame For certain it is That Rebels figured by the Gyants and Seditious Fames and Libels are but Brothers and Sisters Masculine and Feminine But now if a Man can tame this Monster and bring her to feed at the hand and govern her and with her fly other ravening Fowle and kill themâ— it is somewhat worth But we are infected with the stile of the Poets To speak now in a sad and serious manner There is not in all the Politiques a Place lesse handled and more worthy to be handled then this of Fame We will therefore speak of these points What are false Fames And what are true Fames And how they may be best discerned How Fames may be sown and raised How they may be spread and multiplyed And how they may be checked and layed dead And other Things concâ—rning the Nature of â—ame Fame is of that force as there is scarcely any great Action wherein it hath not a great part Especiâ—lly in the War Mucianus undid Vitellius by a Fame that he scattered That Vitellius had in purpose to remove the Legions of Syria into Germany And the Legions of Germany into Syria whereupon the Legions of Syria were infinitely inflamed Iulius Câ—sar took â—ompey unprovided and layed asleep his industry and preparations by a Fame that he cunningly gave out How Caesars own Souldiers loved him not And being wearied with the Waâ—s and Laden with the spoyles of Gaul would forsake him as soon as he came into Italy Livia setled all thingsâ— for the Succession of her Son Tiberius by continuall giving out that her husband Augustus was upon Recovery and amendmeâ—t And it is an usuall thing with the Basshawes to conceale the Deaâ—h of the great Turk from the Iannizaries and men of War to save the Sacking of Constantinople and other Towns as their Manner iâ— Themistocles made Zerxes King of Persia poasr a pace out of â—râ—cia by giving out that the Graecians had a purpose to break his Bridge of Ships which he had made athwart Hellespont There be a thousand such like Examples And the more they are the lesse they need to be repeated Because a Man meeteth with them every where Therefore let all Wise Governers have as great a watch and care over Fames as they have of the Actions and Designes themselves The rest was not Finished Faults Escaped in the Printing PAg. 16. linea 4. â—or Gulcis lege Dulcis Pag. 3â— lin 34. mâ—st lege most p. 37. l. 30â— fit l. fiat p 54. l. 18. vel l. Duel p. 55. l. ult Thnnaus l. Thuanus p. 118. l. 10. deen l. been Eadem l. 23. Ordinary l. more then Ordinary p. 132. l 34. peasure l. pleasure p. 137. l. 38. ferraine l. forraine
but rather disperseth and weaveth them through the whole Narrative And as for the Proper place of Commemoration which is in the Period of Life I pray God I may never live to write it Tâ—irdly that the reason why I presumed to think of this Oblation was because whatsoever my Disability be yet I shall have that Advantage which almost no Writer of History hath had In that I shall write of Times not onely since I could Remember but since I could observe And lastly that it is onely for your Majesties Reading A Letter to the Earl of Salisbury upon sending of him one of his Books of Advancement of Learning IT may please your good Lordship I present your Lordship with a Work of my vacant time which if it had been more the Work had been better It appertaineth to your Lordship besides my particular respects in some Propriety In regard you are a great Governer in a Province of Learning And that which is more you have added to your Place Affection towards Learning And to your Affection Judgement Of which the last I could be content were for the time less that you might the less exquisitely Censure that which I offer unto you But sure I am the Argument is good if it had lighted upon a good Author But I shall content my self to awake better Spirits Like a Bell-ringer which is first up to call others to Church So with my humble Desire of your Lordships good Acceptation I remain A Letter to the Lord Treasurer Buckhurst upon the like Argument MAy it please your good Lordship I have finish'd a Work touching the Advancement or Setting forward of Learning which I have dedicated to his Majesty the most learned of a Soveraign or Temporal Prince that Time hath known And upon reaâ—on not unlike I humbly present one of the Books to your Lordship Not onely as a Chanceller of an Vniversity but as one that was excellently bred in all Learning which I have ever noted to shine in all your Speeches and Behaviours And therefore your Lordship will yield a gracious Aspect to your first Love And take pleasure in the Adorning of that wherewith your self are so much adorned And so humbly desiring your favourable Acceptation therof with Signification of humble Duty I remain A Letter of the like Argument to the LORD CHANCELLER MAy it please your good Lordship I humbly present your Lordship with a Work wherein as you have much Commandement over the Authour So your Lordship hath also great Interest in thâ— Argument For to speak without Flattery few have like use of Learning or like Judgement in Learning as I have observed in your Lordship And again your Lordship hath been a great Planter of Learning Not onely in those places in the Church which have been in your own Gift But also in your Commendatory Vote no man hath more constantly held Detur Digniori And therefore both your Lordship is beholding to Learning and Learning beholding to you Which maketh me presume with good Assurance that your Lordship will accept well of these my Labours The rather because your Lordship in private Speech hath often begun to me in expressing your Admiration of his Majesties learning to whom I have dedicated this Workâ— And whose Vertue and Perfection in that kinde did chiefly move me to a Work of this Nature And so with Signification of my most humble Duty and Affection to your Lordship I remain A Letter of like Argument to the Earl of Northampton with request to Present the Book to his Majesty It may please your good Lordship HAving finished a Work touching the Advancement of Learning and dedicated the same to his Sacred Majesty whom I dare avouch if the Records of Time err not to be the learnedest King that hath reigned I was desirous in a kinde of Congruity to present it by the learnedest Counsellor in this Kingdom To the end that so good an Argument lighting upon so bad an Author might receive some Reputation by the Hands into which and by which it should be delivered And therefore I make it my humble Sâ—tâ— to your Lordship to present this mean but well meant Writing to his Majesty and with it my humble and zealous Duty And also my like humble request of Pardon if I have too often taken his name in Vain Not onely in the Dedication but in the Voucher of the Authority of his Speeches and Writings And so I remain A Letter of Request to Dr. Playfer to Translate the Book of Advancement of Learning into Latine Mr. Dr. Playfer A Great Desire will take a small Occasion to hope and put in Trial that which is desired It pleased you a good while since to express unto me the good Liking which you conceived of my Book of the Advancement of Learning and that more Significantly as it seem'd to me than out of Curtesie or Civil Respect My Self as I then took Contentment in your Approbation thereof So I should esteem and acknowledge not onely my Contentment encreased but my Labours aduanced if I might obtain your help in that nature which I desire Wherein before I set down in plain Terms my request unto you I will open my Self what it was which I chiefly sought and propounded to my Self in that Work That you may perceive that which I now desire to be pursuant thereupon If I doe not much erre For any Judgement that a Man maketh of his own Doings had need be spoken with a Si nunquam fallit Imago I have this Opinion that if I had sought mine own Commendation it had been a much fitter Course â—or me to have done as Gardeners used to doe by taking their Seed and Slipps and rearing them first into Plants and so uttering them in Pots whâ—n they are in Flower and in their best State But for as much as my End was Merit of the State of Learning to my Power and not Glory And because my purpose was rather to Excite other Mens Wits than to magnify mine own I was desirous to prevent the uncertainness of mine own Life Times by uttering rather Seeds than Plants Nay and further as the Proverb is by sowing with the Basket rather than with the Hand Wherefore since I have only taken upon me to ring a Bell to call other wits together which is the meanest Office it cannot but be consonant to my Desire to have that Bell heard as farr as can be And since they are but Sparks which can work but upon Matter prepared I have the more reason to wish that those Sparks may fly abroad That they may the better find and light upon those Minds and Spirits which are apt to be kindled And therefore the Privateness of the Language considered wherein it is written excluding so many Readers As on the other side the Obscurity of the Argument in many parts of it excludeth many others I must accompt it a Second Birth of that Work if it might be translated into Latine without manifest
loss of the Sense and Matter For this purpose I could not represent to my Self any Man into whose hands I doe more earnestly desire that Work should fall than your Self For by that I have heard and read I know no Man a greater Master in Commanding Words to serve Matter Nevertheless I am not ignorant of the worth of your Labours Whether such as your Place and Profession imposeth Or such as your own Vertue may upon your Voluntary Election take in hand But I can lay before you no other perswasions than either the Work it Self may affect you with Or the Honour of his Majesty to whom it is dedicated Or your Particular Inclination to my Self who as I never took so much comfort in any Labours of mine own so I shall never acknowledge my Self more obliged in any thing to the Labour of another than in that which shall assist it Which your labour if I can by my Place Profession Means Friends Travel Work Deed requite unto you I shall â—steem my Self so streightly bound thereunto as I shall be ever most ready both to take and seek occasion of Thankfulness So leaving it nevertheless Salvâ— amicitiâ as reason is to your own good Liking I remain A Letter to Sir Thomas Bodley upon sending of him his Book of Advancement of Learning I Think no Man may more truly say with the Psalm Multùm Incola fuit Anima mea than my Self For I doe confesse since I was of any Understanding my Minde hath in Effect been absent from that I have done And in Absence are many Errours which I doe willingly acknowledge And amongst the rest this great one that ledd the rest That knowing my Self by inward Calling to be fitter to hold a Book than to play a part I have led my life in Civil Causes For which I was not very fit by Nature and more unfit by the preoccupation of my Minde Therefore calling my Self home I have now for a time enjoyed my Self whereof likewise I desire to make the World partaker My Labours if I may so term that which was the Comfort of my other Labours I have Dedicated to the King Desirous if there be any Good in them it may be as the Fat of a Sacrifice incensed to his Honour And the second Copy I have sent unto you Not onely in good Affection but in a kinde of Congruity in regard of your great and rare desert of Learning For Bocks are the Shrines where the Saint is or is beleeved to be And you having built an Ark to save Learning from Deluge deserve Propriety in any new Instrument or Engine whereby Learning should be improved or advanced A Letter to the Bishop of Ely upon sending his Writing entituled Cogitata Visa MY very good Lord Now your Lordship hath been so long in the Church and the Palace disputing between Kings and Popes Methinks you should take pleasure To look into the Field and refresh your minde with some Matter of Philosophy Though that Science be now through Age waxed a Childe again and left to Boyes and young men And because you were wont to make me beleeve you took liking to my Writings I send you some of this Vacations Fruits And thus much more of my minde and purpose I hasten not to Publish perishing I would prevent And I am forced to respect as well my Times as the Matter For with me it is thus and I think with all Men in my Case If I bind my Self to an Argument it loadeth my Minde But if I rid my Mind of the present Cogitation it is rather a Recreation This hath put me into these Miscellanies which I purpose to suppress if God give me leave to write a just and perfect Volume of Philosophy which I goe on with though slowly I send not your Lordship too much lest it may glutt you Now let me tell you what my Desire is If your Lordship be so good now as when you were the good Dean of Westminster my request to you is That not by Pricks but by Notes you would mark unto me whatsoever shall seem unto you eithâ—r not current in the Stile Or harsh to credit and Opinion Or inconvenient for the Person of the Writer For no Man can be Judge and Party And when our Minds judge by Reflexion of our Selves they are more subject to Error And though for the Matter it self my Judgement be in some things fixed and not Accessible by any Mans Judgement that goeth not my way yet even in those Things the Admonition of a Friend may make me express my Self diâ—versly I would have come to your Lordship but that I am hastening to my House in the Country And so I commend your Lordship to Gods Goodness A Letter to Sir Tho Bodley after he had imparted to him a VVriting entituled Cogitata Visa SIR in respect of my Going down to my House in the Country I shall have misse of my Papers which I pray you therefore â—o return unto me You are I bear you witness Slothfull and you help me nothing So as I am half in conceit that you affect not the Argument For my Self I know well you love and affect I can say no more to you But Non canimns Surdis respondent omnia Sylvae If you be not of the Lodgings chaulked up whereof I speak in my Preface I am but to pass by your Door But if I had you but a Fortnight at Gorhambury I would make you tell me another Tale or else I would add a Cogitation against Libraries and be revenged on you that way I pray send me some good News of Sir Tho Smith And commend me very kindly to him So I rest A Letter to Mr. Matthew upon sending to him a part of Instauratio Magna MR. Matthew I plainly perceive by your affectionate writing touching my Work that one and the same Thing affecteth us both which is the good End to which it is dedicate For as to any Ability of mine it cannot merit that Degree of Approbation For your Caution for Church Men and Church Matters As for any Impediment it might be to the Applause and Celebrity of my Work It moveth me not But as it may hinder the Fruit and Good which may come of a quiet and calm passage to the good Port to which it is bound I hold it a just respect So as to fetch a fair Winde I go not too farr about But the Troth is that I at all have no occasion to meet them in my way Except it be as they will needs confederate themselves with Aristotle who you know is intemperately magnifyed by the School-Men And is also allyed as I take it to the Iesuits by Faber who was a Companion of Loyola and a great Aristotelian I send you at this time the onely part which hath any Harshness And yet I framed to my Self an Opinion that whosoever allowed well of that Preface which you so much commend will not dislike or at least ought not to
dislike this other Speech of Preparation For it is written out of the same Spirit and out of the same Necessity Nay it doth more fully lay open that the Question between me and the Antients is not of the Vertue of the Race but of the Rightness of the Way And to speak truth it is to the other but as Palma to Pagnus part of the same Thing more large You â—onceive a rigâ—t that in this and the other you have Commission to impart and communicate them to others According to your Discretion Other Matters I write not of My self am like the Miller of Grancester that was wont to pray for Peace amongst the Willows For while the winds blew the Wind-mils wrought and the Water-mill was less customed So I see that Conâ—roversies of Religion must hinder the Advancement of Sciences Let me conclude with my perpetual Wish towards your Self That the Approbation of your Self by your own discreet and temperate Cariage may restore you to your Country and your Friends to your Society And so I commend you to Gods Goodness Graies Inn 10 Octob. 1609. A Letter to Mr. Matthew touching Instauratio Magna MR. Matthew I heartily thank you for your Leâ—ter of the 10th of February And am glad to receive from you Matter both of Encouragement and of Advertisement touching my Writings For my part I doe wish that since there is no Lumen-siccum in the World But all Madidum and Maceratum infused in Affections and Blouds or Humours that these Things of mine had those Separations that might make them more acceptable So that they claim not so much Acquaintance of the present times as they be thereby the less apt to last And to shew you that I have some Purpose to new mould them I send you a Leaf or two of the Preface carrying some Figure of the whole Work Wherein I purpose to take that which I count real and â—ffectual of both Writings And chiefly to add a Pledge if not Payment to my Promises I send you also a Memorial of Queen Elizabeâ—h To requite your Elogy of the late Duke of Florences Felicity Of this when you were here I shewed you some Model At what time methought you were more willing to hear Iulius Caesar than Queen Elizabeth commended But this which I send is more full and hath more of the Narrative And further hath one part that I think will not be disagreeable either to you or that Place Being the true Tract of her Proceedings towards the Catholiques which are infinitely mistaken And though I doe not imagine they will pass allowance there yet they will gain upon Excuse I finde Mr. Le-Zure to use you well I mean his Tongue of you which shews you either honest or wise But this I speak merrily For in good faith I doe conceive hope that you will so govern your Self as we may take you as assuredly for a good Subject and Patriot as you take your Self for a good Christianâ— And so we may again enjoy your Company and you your Conscience if it may no other wayes be For my part assure your Self as we say in the Law mutatis mutandis my love and good wishes to you are not diminished And so I remain A Letter to Mr. Matthew imprisoned for RELIGION MR. Matthew Doe not think me forgetfull or altered towards you But if I should say I could doe you any good I should make my Power more than it is I doe hear that which I am right sorry for That you grow more Impatient and Busie than at first which maketh me exceedingly fear the isâ—ue of that which seemeth not to stand at a stay I my Self am out of doubt that you have been miserably abused when you were first seduced But that which I take in Compassion others may take in Severity I pray God that understandeth us all better than we understand one another contain you even as I hope he will at the least within the Bounds of Loyalty to his Majesty and Natural Piety towards your Country And I entreat you much sometimes to meditate upon the extreme Effects of Superstition in this last Powder Treason fit to be tabled and pictured in the Chambers of Meditation as another Hell above the Ground And well justifying the Censure of the Heathen That Superstition is farr worse than Atheism By how much it is less evil to have no Opinion of God at all than such as is impious towards his Divine Majesty and Goodness Good Mr. Matthew receive your Self back from these Courses of Perdition Willing to have written a great deal more I continue A Letter to Mr. Matthew upon sending his Book De Sapientiâ Veterum MR. Matthew I do very heartily thank you for your Letter of the 24. of August from Salamanca And in recompence therâ—of I send you a little Work of mine that hath begun to pass the World They tell me my Latin is turn'd into Silver and become current Had you been here you should have been my Inquisitour before it came forth But I think the greatest Inquisitour in Spain will allow it But one thing you must pardon me if I make no hast to beleeve Tâ—at the World should be grown to such an Ecstasy as to reject Truth in Philosophy because the Author dissenteth in Religion No more than they doe by Aristotle or Averroës My great Work goeth forward And after my manner I alter ever when I add So that nothing is finished till all be finished This I have written in the midst of a Term and Parliament Thinking no time so possessed but that I should talk of these Matters with so good and dear a Friend And so with my wonted Wishes I leave you to Gods Goodness From Graies Inn 27th of Febr. 1610. A Letter of Expostulation to the Atturney General Sir Edward Cook MR. Atturney I thought best once for all to let you know in plainness what I finde of you and what you shall find of me You take to your self a Liberty to disgrace and disable my Law my Experience my Discretion What it pleaseth you I pray think of me I am one that know's both mine own wants and other Mens And it may be perchance that mine mend others stand at a stay And surely I may not endure in publick place to be wronged without repelling the same to my best advantage to right my Self You are great and therefore have the more Enviers which would be glad to have you paid at anothers cost Since the time I missed the Solliciters place the rather I think by your means I cannot expect that you and I shall ever serve as Atturney and Solliciter together But either to serve with another upon your Remove or to step into some other Course So as I am more free than ever I was from any Occasion of unworthy Conforming my Self to you More than general good manners or your particular good Usage shall provoke And if you had not been short sighted in your own Fortune as I
Happiness I rest A Letter to Sir George Carey in France upon sending him his Writing In Felicem Memoriam Elizabethae My very good Lord BEing asked the Question by this Bearer an old Servant of my Brother Anthony Bacons whether I would command him any thing into France And being at better leisure than I would in regard of Sickness I began to remember that neither your Business nor mine though great and continual can be upon an an exact account any just Occasion why so much good will as hath passed between us should be so much discontinued as hath been And therefore because one must begin I thought to provoke your Remembrance of me by a Letter And thinking to fit it with somewhat besides Salutations it came to my Minde that this last Summer Vacation by occasion of a Factious Book that endeavoured to verefy Misera â—emina The Addition of the Popes Bull upon Queen Elizabeth I did write a few Lines in her Memorial which I thought you would be pleased to read both for the Argument And because you were wont to bear Affection to my Penn. Verum ut aliud ex alio if it came handsomly to pass I would be glad the President de Thou who hath written an History as you know of that Fame and Diligence saw it Chiefly because I know not whether it may not serve him for some use in his Story wherein I would be glad he did right to the Truth and to the Memory of that Lady as I perceive by that he hath already written he is well enclined to doe I would be glad also it were some Occasion such as Absence may permit of some Acquaintance or mutual Noticeâ— between us For though he hath many wayes the precedence chiefly in worth yet this is common to us both that we serve our Soâ—eraigns in places of Law eminent And not our Selves onely but our Fathers did so before us And lastly that both of us love Learning and Liberal Sciences which was ever a Bond of Friendship in the greatest Distance of Places But of this I make no further Request than your Occasions and Respects to me unknown may further or limit My Principal Purpose being to salute you and to send you this Token Whereunto I will add my very kinde Commendations to my Lady And so commit you both to Gods Holy Protection A Letter to my Lord Mayour upon a Proceeding in a Private Cause MY very good Lord I did little expect when I left your Lordship last that there would have been a Proceeding against Mr. Barnard to his Overthrow Wherein I must confess my Self to be in a sort Accessary Because he relying upon me for Counsel I advised that Course which he followed Wherein now I begin to question my self whether in preserving my Respects unto your Lordship and the Rest I have not failed in the Duty of my Profession towards my Client For certainly if the words had been hainous and spoken in a malicious fashion and in some publick place and well proved And not a Prattle in a Tavern caught hold of by one who as I hear is a detected Sycophant Standish I mean yet I know not what could have been done more than to impose upon him a grievous Fine And to require the Levying of the same And to Take away his means of Life by his Disfranchisement And to commit him to a Defamed Prison during Christmass In Honour whereof the Prisoners in other Courts doe commonly of grace obtain some Enlargement This Rigor of Proceeding to tell your Lordship and the rest as my good Friends my Opinion plainly tendeth not to strengthen Authority which is best supported by Love and Fear intermixed But rather to make People discontented and Servile especially when such Punishment is inflicted for words not by Rule of Law but by a Iurisdiction of Discretion which would evermore be moderately used And I pray God whereas Mr. Recorder when I was with you did well and wisely put you in mind of the Admonitions you often received from my Lords that you should bridle unruly Tongues That those kind of Speeches and Rumours whereunto those Admonitions doe referr which are concerning the State and Honour thereof doe not pass too licentiously in the City unpunished while these Words which concern your particular are so straightly enquired into and punished with such Extremiy But these Things your own wisdom first or last will best represent unto you My writing unto you at this time is to the end that howsoever I doe take it somewhat unkindly that my Mediation prevailed no more yet I might preserve that further Respect that I am willing to use unto such a State in delivering my Opinion unto you freely before I would be of Counsel or move any thing that should cross your Proceedings which notwithstanding in case my Client can receive no Relief at your hands I must and will doe Continuing nevertheless in other Things my wonted good Affection to your Selves and your Occasions A Letter to my Lord Treasurer Salisbury upon a New-years Tide It may please your good Lordship I Would Entreat the New year to answâ—r for the Old in my humble Thanks to your Lordship Both for many your Favours and chiefly that upon the Occasion of Mr. Atturneys Infirmity I found your Lordship even as I could wish This doth encrease a desire in me to express my Thankfull minde to your Lordship Hoping that though I finde Age and Decayes grow upon me yet I may have a Flash or two of Spirit left to doe you Service And I doe protest before God without Complement or any light Vanity of Minde that if I knew in what Course of Life to doe you best Service I would take it and make my Thoughts which now fly to many Pieces to be reduced to that Center But all this is no more than I am which is not much But yet the Entire of him that is c. A Letter to his Majesty concerning Peachams Cause January 21. 1614. It may please your Excellent Majesty IT grieveth me exceedingly that your Majesty should be so much troubled with this Matter of Peacham whose Raging Devil seemeth to be turn'd into a Dumb Devil But although we are driven to make our way through Questions which I wish were otherwise yet I hope well the End will be good But then every Man must put too his Helping Hand For else I must say to your Majesty in this and the like Cases as St. Paul said to the Centurion when some of the Mariners had an Eye to the Cock-boat Except these stay in the Ship ye cannot be safe I finde in my Lords great and worthy Care of the Business And for my part I hold my Opinion and am strengthned in it by some Records that I have found God preserve your Majesty Your Majesties most humble and devoted Subject and Servant A Letter to the King touching Peachams Cause January 27. 1614. It may please your excellent Majesty THis Day
glory to judge the World That the Sufferings and Merits of Christ as they are sufficient to do away the Sinns of the whole World so they are onely effectuall to those which are Regenerate by the Holy Ghost Who breatheth where he will of Free Grace which Grace as a Seed Incorruptible quickeneth the Spirit of Man and conceiveth him anew a Son of God and Member of Christ So that Christ having Mans Flesh and Man having Christs Spirit there is an open passage and Mutuall Imputation whereby Sin and Wrath was conveyed to Christ from Man And Merit and Life is conveyed to Man from Christ VVhich Seed of the Holy Ghost first figureth in us the Image of Christ slain or crucified through a lively Faith And then reneweth in us the Image of God in Holinesse and Charity though both imperfectly and in degrees farre differing even in Gods Elect As well in regard of the Fire of the Spirit as of the Illumination thereof which is more or lesse in a large proportion As namely in the Church before Christ VVhich yet neverthelesse was partaker of one and the same Salvation with us And of one and the same Means of Salvation with us That the Work of the Spirit though it be not tyed to any Means in Heaven or Earth yet it is ordinarily dispensed by the Preaching of the Word The Administration of the Sacraments The Covenants of the Fathers upon the Children Prayer Reading The Censures of the Church The Society of the Godly the Crosse and Afflictions Gods Benefits His Iudgements upon others Miracles The Contemplation of his Creatures All which though some be more principall God useth as the Means of Vocation aâ—d Conversion of his Elect Not derogating from his power to call immediately by his Grace and at all Howers and Momentâ— of the Day That is of Mans Life according to his good pleasure That the Word of God whereby his Will is revealed continued in Revelation and Tradition untill Moses And that the Scriptures were from Moses Time to the times of the Apostles and Evangelists In whose Age aftâ—r the comming of the Holy Ghost the Teacher of all Truth the Book of the Scriptures was shut and closed so as not to receive any new Addition And that the Church hath no power over the Scriptures to teach or command any Thing contrary to the written Word But is as the Ark wherein the Tables of the First Testament were kept and preserved That is to say the Church hath onely the Custody and Delivery over of the Scriptures committed unto the same Together with the Interpretation of them but such onely as is conceived from themselves That there is an Universall or Catholick Church of God dispersed over the face of the Earth which is Christs Spouse and Christs Body Being gathered of the Fathers of the old World of the Church of the Iewes of the Spirits of the Faithfull Dissolved and the Spirits of the Faithfull Militant and of the Names yet to be born which are already written in the Book of Life That there is also a Visible Church distinguished by the outward VVorks of Gods Covenant and the Receiving of the Holy Doctrine with the Use of the Mysteries of God and the Invocation and Sanctification of his Holy Name That there is also an Holy Succession in the Prophets of the New Testament and Fathers of the Church from the time of the Apostles and Disciples which saw our Saviour in the Flesh unto the Consummation of the Work of the Ministry which persons are called from God by Gift or inward Anointing And the Vocation of God followed by an outward Calling and Ordination of the Church I believe that the Soules of those that dye in the Lord are blessed and rest from their Labours and enjoy the Sight of God yet so as they are in Expectation of a further Revelation of their Glory in the last Day At which time all Flesh of Man shall arise and be changed and shall appear and receive from Iesus Christ his Eternall Iudgement And the Glory of the Saints shall then be full And the Kingdome shall be given up to God the Father From which Time all things shall continue for ever in that Being and State which then they shall receive So as there are three Times if Times they may be called or parts of Eternity The first the Time before beginnings when the Godhead was onely without the Being of any Creature The Second the Time of the Mystery which continueth from the Creation to the Dissolution of the World And the Third the Time of the Revelation of the Sonnes of God which Time is the last and is everlasting without change FINIS A Perfect List of his Lordships true Works both in English and Latin In English AN Apology touching the Earl of Essex The Elâ—ments of the Common Laws of England Advancement of Learning Essayes with the Colours of Good and Evil. Charge against Duels History of the Reign of King Henry the seventh Counsels Civil and Moral Or the Essayes revised and enriched Translation of certain Psalms into Verse The Natural History with the Fable of the New Atlantis Miscellany Works containing A Discourse of a Warr with Spain Miscellany Works containing A Dialogue touching an Holy Warr. Miscellany Works containing A Preface to a Digest of Laws Miscellany Works containing The Beginning of the History of K. Henry the 8. History of Life and Death translated into English De Augmentis Scientiarum translated into English by Doctour Guilbert Watts of Oxford This present Volume with the Particulars contained in the same In Latine DE Sapientiâ Veterum Instauratio Magna Historia Ventorum Historia Vitae Mortis De Augmentis Scientiarum Historia Regni Henrici Septimi Regis Angliae Sermones Fideles sive Interiora Rerum Dialogus de Bello Sacro Nova Atlantis Historia Naturalis versa et evulgata operâ— et curâ Iacobi Gruteri Opera Philosophica et alia nondum sed propediem Deo favente Typis mandanda As for other Pamphlets whereof there are severall put forth under his Lordships Name they are not to be owned for his Books Printed for VVilliam Lee and are to be sold at his shop at the Turks-Head in Fleetstreet ANnotations upon all the New Testament A Systeme or Body of Divinity in 10. Books wherein the Fundamental and main Grounds of Religion are opened in Folio 1654 about 240. Sheets The Saints Encouragement in Evil times in 120. 1651. All written by Edward Leigh Esquire Master of Arts in Magdalen Hall in Oxford An Exposition of the Prophecie of Haggee in fifteen Sermons by that famous Divine Iohn Reynolds D.D. in 40. 1649. An Exposition of the Psalms of Degrees The Young mans Tutor both wriâ— by T. Stint in 80. Herestography or a Description of all the Heresies and Sectaâ—ies of these later times by Eph. Pagit 40. with new Additions 1654. of the Ranters and Quakers Contemplations Sighs and Groans of a Christian published by W.