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A46646 Eikon aklastos The image vnbroaken : a perspective of the impudence, falshood, vanitie, and prophannes, published in a libell entitled Eikonoklastēe [sic] against Eikon basilikē, or, The pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in his solitudes and sufferings. Jane, Joseph, fl. 1600-1660. 1651 (1651) Wing J451; ESTC R2475 252,075 288

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world may be informed how their cause hath been maintained They pretend to meete reason in any field but are resolved to contradict it and the Author will reproach and despise truth and reason as his Masters have fought against it and since their impietie cannot be denyed it must be avowed They glory in their victories in the field as theeves in their booties and boast that they can doe mischeife their victories being no other then the poysons and knives of Assassins that have destroyed Princes and successe is the evidence of their faith and reason He proceedes to say that he who at the Barr stood excepting against the forme and manner of his Iudicature and complained that he was not heard neither he nor his friends shall have that cause now to finde fault being mett and debated with in this Monumentall Court of his owne erectinge and not only heard but answeared But still he is vnwillingly heard and they which tooke his blood without hearing are loath to heare the cry of it and they endeavoured the same course with his booke they had taken with him to condemne it vnheard and as this worke was not chosen nor affected by Iconoclastes so was not the occasion acceptable to his Masters It hath been reported of some high way robbers that they vse a forme of Judicature vpon the Traveller when they take him and condemne him solemnely to lose his purse and Iconoclastes holds it strange he should stand excepting at the forme and manner of their Judicature It was the prodigie of insolence that Rebells presumed to bring their King to the Barr and the Prodigie of impudence in this libeller that imagines an expectation of the Kings submission to a Tribunall of Traytours But with Traytours where strength can act right and Justice are ridiculous considerations otherwise those Monsters that made themselves Judges without the least colour of authoritie the lower howse being not able to puinsh a wandring Rogue which the law allowes a Conestable would not so presumptuously sit in Judgment vpon a King and not only their own but of another Kingdome and professe wonder that any should thinke that they cannot bring any King to the blocke that they get into their hands Who may not defend the sins of intemperance to satisfie lust aswell as those of crueltie to satisfie ambition and why might not Ric 3 defame his mother and Kill his nephewes to secure his Tyrany aswell as theis men reproach and Kill their King doe outward solemnities legitimate Murthers and is a profest villanie innocent a secret only Cryminall Though those Murtherers before whome he stood at the Barr excepting had resolved that neither feare of God nor reverence to their lawfull king nor importunitie that moves such as the other respects doe not should prevaile with them yet he promises afaire debate though he justifies them and performes it with the same falshood offring clamorous reproaches and shamles vntruths instead of answeares erecting a Monument for him selfe wherein the defence of impietie and scorne of truth have engraven his infamy in everlasting Characters Which he sajes to do effectually if it be necessary that to his booke nothing the more respect be had for being his they of his owne partie can have no just reason to exclaime Truly his owne partie had reason to expect that from resolved Traytours his booke would have lesse respect for being his for having suffered greater crueltie in his person for being a King could they thinke his booke would have more respect for being his The Rebells themselves have published it a rule that a man borne in Scotland while the Kingdomes stood divided was not subject to their Judicature and therefore they vrged against Duke Hamilton that he was naturalized and yet they subjected the King to their will whome they could not pretend to have had that Ceremony and by the law of these miscreants the King must be more subject to them then any of his subjects of that nation and the Author might have spared the paines to seeke a reason for his impudent language for his Majest partie know it was for the interest of his Trayterous cause and a necessary effect of a Rebellious disposition The booke of any Author ought to finde respect according to its owne merit and its folly or injury to sleight or reproach it for the Authors sake and the like of a person for his office sake but they that reproach an office instituted by God or the person that beares that office for the office sake will hate a booke for the good that it conteynes and the Kings partie will never exclaime for the Authors detraction of the booke which they expected from him but they have just reason to detest his insolent language and impious assertions It were too vnreasonable that he because dead should have libertie to speake all evill of the Parliament and they because living or any for them have lesse Freedome It s too vnreasonable to bely the dead and to affirme his Majest to speake all evill of the Parliament when he well knowes that his Majest speakes nothing of them but what this breaker confesses to be true and if his Majest had spoken evill of a faction in Parliament it s too vnreasonable for him to censure it who not only speakes evill of a faction in Parliament but is the Advocate of those that not only speake evill of them but have destroyed them What if his Majest had spoken evill of the Lords house have this Authors Masters done lesse that have taken it away What if he had spoken evill of a part of the lower house have they done lesse that have imprisoned expelled the Members And if the King reprehend or reprove his subjects in the capacitie of Parliament or otherwise it is not only vnreasonable but damnable for them to censure and reproach him and most detestable for every licentious Pamphletter to traduce vilifie him Rebells vse not only feirce arrogancie but impudent petulancie and it makes for their designe that the scum of the people cast of all reverence and mention of superiours Have not the present Traytours reproacht and condemned the Parliament for their professions of loyaltie and dutie to the King Have they not made that the highest Cryme which the Parliament judged their necessary dutie to serve their King And may not the King complaine of their dealing with him as well as this Author with his new Masters can Iconoclastes reprove the Parliaments vote that it was Treason for the Army to overaw the Parliament which he doth in being Advocate for the Army against them And is it a Cryme in his Majest to represent their evill Actions against him The Parliament voted a Treatie with the King and voted his concessions to be a sufficient ground for peace the libeller taxes that vote for folly and falshood The Army remove that Parliament and call some Creatures of their owne the Parliament and they togeather take the person of
and saint him to befoole the people the lattine Motto which they vnderstand not leaves him as it were a politique contriver The lattine being taken in the right sense what roome had there been for this curious observation And if they which set foorth his Majest booke had been curiously or stupidly negligent the Author had detracted nothing from his Majest It is not the picture but the crueltie exercised vpon him that made him a Martir and these miscreants are enraged to see their owne Actions in picture which they shamed not to commit in the face the world The picture is farr short of the measure of his Majest pietie and sufferings and wee may expect hard measure vpon the booke when a picture in the front cannot escape the Image breaker This Author its likely wrote from them that vnderstood not lattine that seekes to make the front and lattine in the end so different when the front hath a picture in the posture of prayer and the lattine in the end is applied to the efficacy of prayer If he had expected to worke on such as vnderstood lattine he would not have obtruded such an insignificant observation of misconstrued lattine Doth the commendatious of a mans devotions shew him a politique contriver They that published his Majest booke are heerein free from that negligent curiositie the Author would have seene by contriving a sense which himselfe will not affirme to be theirs which vsed the words but his owne by a libertie of choice where are different senses to be made but the Author shewes himselfe an vnpolitique contriver of detraction when he inserts the detection of it in the relation Quaint Emblems and devices begg'd from the old Pageantry of some twelf nights entertainment at white hall will doe but ill to make a saint or Martir The Traytours are loath to see the Emblems of their owne inhumane crueltie and how insteed of harmeles Pageantry they erected the Theatre of their Barbarous villanie at white hall The wickednes of those that Martired his Majest may be shadowed by Emblems but neither art nor wit can fully expresse it Bloody Massacres are the Pageantry of Tyrants and the scritches of Martirs their Musique If the people resolve to take him sainted at the rate of such a Cannonizing I shall he sayes suspect their Calender more then the Gregorian He is very Kinde that will suspect their Calender no more then the Gregorian for that Calender which hath nothing peculiar or notable but the new account of the yeare is received by a greate part of the world for the truest and if the Author have no greater aversion from the Calender he supposes he is likely very neere the beleife of it it seemes he had a minde to make a conceite from the word Calender therefore produceth the Gregorian Calender of computation insteed of the Calender of saints The Authors Pageantry playing with a picture is not the way to vncannoinze a saint The peoples opinion of his Majest sanctitie is not wrought by a picture and if they have any esteeme of such representations of his sufferings their just passion condemnes this Authors malitious detractions The Memoriall of the just shal be blessed in despight of the malice and scorne of men God lookes on their sufferings puts all their teares into his bottle and their death is right deare in his sight And if we looke vpon the eminencie of the Sufferer the pride and crueltie of the persecutors the true causes on the part of the sufferer or the pretended causes of suffering on the part of the persecutors we shall finde few Parallells in Calenders among saints to that of his late Majest and its memorable in his story that his persecutors their expressions so much resemble the cursed Jewes that crucified our blessed saviour This man would make his Majest after death a politique contriver the Jewes our blessed saviour adeceiver This Author pretends a plot to worke by this booke published after his Majest death that revenge which he could not obteine in his life the cursed Jewes pretended the beleife of our saviours resurrection of greater danger then his Miracles in his life time Such as preserve the Memory of the sufferings of holy men in Calenders have Zeale for their warrant and it was an ancient practice in the Church of God and such as deride that Custome to cast reproach vpon the persons they have persecuted will have their memories rott as they have their faces hardned and their consciences seared We may see what answeare this Author intends to his Majest booke that makes such observations vpon the Claspe frontispice Is it the way to confute a booke to revile the printer Iconoclastes hath an indignation at any holy meditations in his Majest booke and tells men there is danger of a Designe and to keepe men from reading it gives Caveatts against the outside In one thing he must commend his opennesse who gave the Title to this booke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say the Kings Image by the shrine he dresses out for him certeinly would have the people come and worshipp Was man made to be worshipt because the Scripture tells vs he was created in the Image of god And is this author so greate a stranger to the expressions of such as writ the lives Actions of woorthy persons who terme some men patternes or Images of Kings Captaines Judges and the like and when his Majest booke conteyned such Kingly meditations was it improperly named Icon-basilice Such sorry Jests shew more will then witt to speake some what and the confidence of his slanders are the same with his conceites that binds this trivial scoffe with a certenly For which reason this answeare is intitled Iconoclastes the famous surname of many Greeke Emperours who in their zeale to the commaund of god after long tradition of Idolatrie in the Church tooke courage brake al supperstitious Images to peices And the end of this answeare is to breake all good Emperours aswell as Kings to peices and the Author made an improper choice of the famous surname of good Emperours that reproaches their calling and justifies the violence done them for that very worthy Act of theirs in breaking superstitious Images for if the people may judge their Kings for their Actions in Church or State how will this Author exempt the good Emperour Leo from the Justice of the peoples violence against him for breaking downe of Images for he must confesse their power to vse violence if he will erect a Tribunall in the people over their Kings as he doth over his owne Poets have fancied transformations and men turned into Beasts noe age hath produced more Monsters in opinion touching Religion and moralitie then this of ours that glory in their defacing of the Image of God in man by Creation and in Kings and governours by institution and if every man may vse violence against his King vpon his owne authoritie and the murther
of subsidies but voted that the Bill should not come into the house till their greivances were answeared His Majest sent them there vpon severall Messages to hasten them to present the greivances which nothing wrought on them but without any reason after long expectatiō they denyed to have the bil of subsidies brought into the house It s wel known that no Kingdome had lesse greivances then that of England vnder his late Majest And the people were perswaded into an opinion of greivances not by sence of Suffering but the disputes of Pragmaticall Incendiaries and they would have rested quiet had they not been seduced by such Craftsmen and there is no on thing that this breaker can name for a greivance which his Masters that now Lord it do not encrease The first he broke of at his coming to the Crowne for no other cause then to protect the Duke of Buckingham against them who had accused him besides other hainous Crymes of no lesse then poysoning the deceased King his Father This Author takes himselfe not concerned in speaking Truth for the publike Records of the Kingdome and some late declarations of the pretended Parliament would have held his hand from this false assertion if he had valued Truth at the rate of perusing them for the Duke of Buckingham was not at all accused by the first Parliament of the King nor in any Parliament for poysoning the deceased King He might have found that in the second Parliament of the King Among other Articles against the Duke of Buckingham he was accused for a Transcendent Presumption and of dangerous consequence touching Phisicke applyed to the deceased King but the malice of such as hated the Duke of Duckingham did not extend to an accusation of poysoning the deceased King yet the venome of Treason in this Author makes him madd and say that a fact of presumption and of dangerous consequence was a poysoning If such were the wisedome of a house of Parliament to call poysoning of a King a presumption of dangerous consequence neither King nor people neede be troubled to want their Councell This is the first instance though not the first falshood of Iconoclastes but to the matter of what he sajes in that second Parliament wherein in Duke of Buckingham was accused his Majest by Message to the lower house told them he was well pleased they should proceede against the Duke of Buckingham they did accordingly give vp their Articles to the Lords the Duke of Buckingham made his answeare which was sent down to the Commons who being vnable to reply to it such as then swayed the house contrary to the Councell of a greate number of the most experienced amongst them resolved to hinder al proceedings and necessitate the King to a Dissolution of the Parliament This is no secret the journall bookes of that house sufficiently evince it Still the latter breaking was with more affront and indignitie put vpon the house and her worthyest members then the former This appeares not by his subsequent reason but if this breaker had thought either the dissolving of Parliaments or indignitie and affront to members and offence why does he take on him the defence of those that have Ignominiously excluded the whole house of Lords and so many of the Commons and among them some whome he termes the worthiest persons in the Parliament he speakes of but his reasons and narrations are of the same stuffe And if any man compare the affronts and indiginties offered his Majest by some persons in parliament and his proceedings against them he will judge that their provacations exceeded his passion and their owne sufferings In so much that in the fifth yeare of his Raigne in a Proclamation he seemes offended at the very Rumour of a Parliament divulg'd among the people as if he had taken it for a kinde of slander that men should thinke him that way exorable much lesse inclined What strawes this man pickes vp If the King did seeme offended at a factious Rumour doth it follow that he held it a Scandall to act that which was Rumoured Because a King doth forbid Rumours of his intended Actions doth he not therefore intend them And must his Councells be the subject of common Rumour It is a factious practice to spreade a Rumour of a parliament before the King please to declare it and tends to the precipitation of his Councells by sedition But as his premisses are he seemes so his conclusions are as if and men may aswell beleive him on his bare word as such inferences he appearing inexorable to speake Truth or forbeare slander And forbidds it as a presumption to prescribe him any time for Parliaments that is to say eyther by perswasion or petition or so much as the reporting of such a Rumour for other manner of Prescribing was at that time not suspected His Majest therein forbad no more then the law forbidds and accounts it a presumption to Prescribe him any time for Parliaments But such as have destroyed King and Parliament would have it esteemed strange that they should not prescribe what they lift and the breaker that would have the King Prescribed will allow non to Prescribe his now masters His explanation signifies nothing for doth he thinke that the King ought to be petitioned or perswaded by every on that will or that the spreading of a Rumour is a fit meanes to induce him to call a Parliament He endeavours to defame the King for restrayning popular licence and Sedition and when he seekes to confirme the Tyranny of his Masters he reproaches the people with Levitie and violence And the wayes of Prescribing by him mentioned were vnorderly and by him particularised as Plausible not sound other manner of Prescribing was then not Suspected he intends the force of a scotts Army and though he commend that way of Prescribing and attribute the calling of the Parliament to it and accuse the King for resisting it yet he will charge the King with beginning the warr By which feirce Edict the people forbidden to complaine as well as forced to suffer began from thence foorth to despaire of Parliaments The people have now greater cause to dispaire of Parliaments then ever they had in the time of his late Majest for if these men prevaile they are sure never to have more for they professe to introduce a new form of Government which hath nothing of the Parliament of England however the people by seditious practices or false apprehensions despaired of Parliaments that proves nothing of his Majest inclination or aversenes to Parliaments How an edict can be called feirce where no punishment of the breach of it appeares to be denounced nor any severitie ensuing it cannot be imagined but it s well knowne what Titles this Author wil give to any of his Majest Actions respecting only the reproachfullnes of the Termes nor their proportion or congruitie to what they are applyed and whoever lookes on the time while Parliaments were intermitted the
though experience hath confirmed that if a greate part of the people of England had not followed them with a more blinde and obstinate beleife then ever Romish laitie did their Pope they could never have been ridden and jaded as now they are And Iconoclastes could never presume the beleife of his extravagant assertions if he thought not his readers of worse then naturall sottishnes to be abused for while they lye groveling vnder the Tyrany of their present oppressours and lament the losse of their happines vnder the Kingly Government this man will perswade them out of their sense and memory While in the judgment of wisemen by laying the foundation of his defence on the avouchment of that which is so manifestly vntrue he hath given a worse foyle to his own cause then when his whole forces were at any time overthrowne Surely there wisemē shewed as little reason in judging an assertion as knowledge in military affaires that made by comparison of this period to the defeat of an army If his Maj have given so greate a foyle to his cause by the first period of his booke whence comes the danger that Iconoclastes would prevent Was this first period vnintelligible without his comment and what is it to the Kings cause whether he called the Parliament of his owne choice or not It s very likely his wife men heere are the same with his wel principled men he mentioned els where their principles or impiety being the same with his their judgment is as corrupt as their conscience and as farr from wisedome as the libeller from modestie and if any had such a judgment they might soone finde their errour which all others descerne and such a judgment were a greater foyle to their wisedome then to his Majest cause They therefore who thinke such greate service done to the Kings affaires in publishing this booke will finde themselves in the end mistaken of sense right minde or but any mediocritie of knowledge and remembrance hath not quite forsaken men They will finde themselves no whit mistaken if sense right minde and mediocritie of knowledge and remenbrance have not quite forsaken men but the libeller will finde himselfe very much mistaken if he expect that his sense shal be so received against apparent truth as to give a greater foyle then the defeate of Arimes and vnderstanding must have left the world where the Author of such a comparison findes credit He comes now to prosecute his Majest discourse in pursucance of that period and first to what his Majest affirmes of Parliaments to have allwayes thought the right way of them most safe to his Crowne and best pleasing to his people he sayes we felt from his Actions what he thought of Parliaments or of pleasing his people The people feele now that which makes them confesse that they had just cause by what they felt from his Majest Actions to be well pleased with them to beleive what he affirmes heere to be his judgment of Parliaments and if any people were pleased with the ill way of Parliaments they have seene their errour by the evill consequents and now thinke the right way of them only most safe for the Crowne them and that nothing but ruine to the Kingdome can be expected from disorderly Parliaments He goes on to that which his Majest adds that the cause of forbearing to Conveene Parliaments was the sparkes which some mens distempers there studied to kindle To this the libeller sayes they were not temperd to his temper for it neither was the law nor Rule by which all other tempers were to be tryed but they were chosen for fittest men in their Counties to quench those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed Is the choice in Counties the law and rule whereby tempers are to be tryed And would the libeller have it beleived that all such as are chosen in the Counties are of better temper then the King If choice be the law of temper why doth he justifie those men which have affronted scorn'd and punished such as have been chosen by the Counties If all are so well temperds why are some so ill handled and excluded And if there may be distempers as he must confesse in despight of impudence why was it not a just reason of his Majest forebearance if he found it We know what fires small sparkes kindle in greate Assemblies and we have felt the flame of them like the sudden eruption of burning Mountaines when all was quiet and there were men that studyed to turne the Parliament into confusion having not the temper to quench but to enflame Were these men that were of the two Parliaments in the first yeare of his Majest Raigne The first called within two moneths after he begun the second within twelue chosen to allay those distempers which his inordinate doings had inflamed what were these inordinate doings that could inflame so suddenly We neede not argue this Authors credit from one vntruth but he would obtaine some credit if one entire truth could be found in him If that were his refusing to conveene till those men had been quallified to his will wee may easily conjecture what hope there was of Parliaments had not feare and his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth constrained him His Majest might with reason exspect that many who through errour had caused distempers might returne to a right minde seeing his temper and their little reason to desire such Parliaments as make it their whole worke to divide the peoples affections from the King and follow the Councells of such as are malecontents for want of preferment and if men had been quallified to his Majest will Parliaments would have had happier successe and the people pleased with their agreement that now groane vnder the miseries of their division But whence his insatiate povertie in the middest of his excessive wealth should constraine him is not vnderstood wants and wealth are inconsistent This libeller hath greate povertie of sense in the middest of his excessive expressions He goes an ill way to prove that the King was so vninclined to Parliaments and that povertie compelled him if he had wealth certainly that would have kept him from hazarding a course so disliked He shal be rich and poore that some may contemne his povertie others may grudge his wealth The King hoped by his Freedome and their moderation to prevent misvnderstandings To this sayes Iconoclastes wherefore not by their Freedome and his moderation The Champion cannot fuffer a King to passe without signifying to him that there is no difference betweene King and subject The King had resolved to vse Freedome in his concessions and hoped they would vse moderation in their demaunds This man would have him say that they should vse Freedome in their demaunds he would vse moderation in his concessions hath he not made it a proper speech Will his wise and well principled men thinke him a fit Champion to breake
But such as make Psalmastrie a word of contempt relish not the Zeale of the sweete singer of Israell and their deedes are odious to all good men that seeke matter of reproach vpon the devotions of others and make their malitious surmises positive truths The instances of Tyrants counterfeiting Religion are frequent and that hipocrisie is inseperable from Tyrants by vsurpation such as this libellers Masters whose want of right seekes protection from dissembled vertue but this seldome happens to Kings by just Title whose power wants not that support His comparing his late Majest to knowne vsurpers that confirmed their Crownes gained by robbery and kept with falshood blood shewes his odious shamelessnes in the dissimititude whoever observes the prophane assumption of the Titles of pietie by these Monsters their hipocriticall professions to maske their wicked ends shall finde that Andronicus Comnenus and our English Rich. 3. Came short of them not only in counterfeiting Religion and conscience but in falshood and crueltie Insteede of shake speares scene of Rich. 3. The libeller may take the Parliaments declaration of the 29. May where their words are The providing for the publique peace and prosperitie of his Majest and all his Realmes we protest in the presence of the all-seeing Deitie to have been and still to be the only end of all our Councells endeavours wherein wee have resolved to continue freed and enlarged from all private aimes personall respects or passions whatsoever and againe in their petition of the second of June they tell him that they have nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteeme next to the honour and immediate service of God then the just and faithfull performance of their dutie to his Majest and the libeller will not finde in historie or poet words of a deeper hipocrisie in the mouth of a villaine nor more contradicted by their Actions That which he adds from his Testimony out of shakespeare of the imagined vehemence of Rich. the 3. In his dissembled professions holds noe proportion with theis hipocrisies really acted not fancyed by a poet and this libeller hath learnt to act a part out of shakespeare and with Rich. 3. accusing loyaltie and innocency for high Crymes and crying out against their wickednes that sought to restore the disposessed heires of the Crowne to their right and amplifying their offence as the highest against God and man and wherein comes the libeller short of his patterne in this scene He sayes heerein the worst of Kings professing Christianisme have by farr exceeded him and he gives his reason for that the King hath as it were vnhallowed and vnchristned by borrowing to a Christian vse prayers offred to a heathen God And doth saint Paul exceede the worst of Kings professing Christianisme by borrowing to a Christian vse the words of an heathen Philosopher and poet did he thereby vnhallow and vnchristen Scripture His meaning is as followes afterward that the King vsed a prayer taken out of S. Philip Sydnies Arcadia After the first Edition of his Majest booke the Printers finding the greate vent of them in the following Editions Printed prayers and other things in the Kings name not belonging to the booke Among these prayers there is a prayer taken out of the Arcadia That prayer is neither made by a heathen woman nor to a heathen God but is composed by the Author a Christian without reference to any heathen Deitie and the Author is not thought to vnchristen prayer by it the libeller himselfe saying the booke in its kinde is full of worth and wit but as his outcry hath noe cause from the matter so heere is no evidence of the fact that his Majest made vse of that prayer or popt into the Bishopps hands as a relique of his exercise though he might warrantably have vsed it and professed it But he goes on to shew what he can say vpon this occasion Who would have imagined so little feare in him of the true alseeing Deitie so litle reverence of the holy Ghost whose office is to dictate and presens our Christian prayers so litle care of truth in his last words or honour to himselfe or to his friends or sense of his afflictions or of that sad hower which was vpon him as immediately before his death to pop into the hand of that grave Bishopps who attended him as a speciall relique of his saintly exercises a prayer stolne c. All men that have observed this Authors practice hitherto rest assured that he hath so litle feare or reverence of the all seeing Deitie so litle care of truth or honour as he stickes not to charge his Majest with facts neverdone and innocent Actions with transcendent guilt If his Majest had vsed the prayer or delivered it as he imagines no man of Christian sobrietie could charge the fact with Cryme what one word or sentence is there in that prayer which a Christian may not vse but the Image breaker hath a greate quarrel to al formes of prayer and by the reason he produces that the office of the holy Ghost is to dictate and present our Christian prayers all set prayers want reverence to the holy Ghost so tender is he of the best reformed Churchs of whome he so often makes a propertie And whence concludes he no care of truth in his last words when the King never spake of it He aggravates this fact by the person of the grave Bishopp who had been a Prelaticall leiturgist had it not been to paint a slander The laughter which he conceives is caused by the thought of this that he which acted so Tragically should have such a ridiculous exit might rather strike horrour in the libeller for his malitious opposition to truth that will so contrary to his owne knowledge charge him to act tragically that had governed so mildly and to have a ridiculous exit that left the world with so greate pietie and such vniversall greife of the people for his sufferings but desperate wretches laugh at the wickednes they act His Majest friends have had good experience that his Enemies who have spared no paines to traduce him would not for beare any occasion of detraction His Majest enduring afflictions with admired patience his fuffering death with Christian fortitude his vertuous life holy Martyrdome cannot be blasted by an Atheists scorne nor a Rebells malice His conclusion in the begging of the question that it is cleere the King was not induced but constrained to call the last Parliament which by his owne shewing is apparently false for if there had been such a constraint the Lords in vaine petitioned and all the necessities that he hath supposed may concurr with the Kings inclination to call a Parliament and if necessitie had constrained him to call a Parliament what should hinder but he might avouch in the eares of God that he did it with an vpright intention to his glory and his peoples good If necessitie of his peoples
delivered from such madnes and yet this libeller sayes that the king praying to be delivered from the Tumults prayeth to be delivered from the people and blasphemously concludes God save the people from such intercessours And we cannot beleive that God is in his thoughts whose mouth soe often abuseth his name Vpon the Bill for TRIENNIALL PARLIAMENTS and for setling this c. HE sayes the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments was a good Bill and the other for setling this at that time very expedient And this he sayes in the Kings owne words was noe more then what the world was full confirmed he might in Iustice reason honour and conscience graunt them for to that end he affirmes to have done it This man hath a confirmed enmitie against truth cannot make a right recitall The Kings words are that the world might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first to contribute what in Iustice reason honour and conscience I could to the happy succes of this Parliament I willingly past the Bill for Trienniall Parliaments The greatenes of the trust which his Majest put vpon the people by passing that Bill was a strong Argument that he would deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he might graunt not that the world was confirmed he might graunt that Bill in reason honour and conscience in respect of the matter of it for a greate part of the world was of opinion he might with better reason have denyed it had not his desire to shew his purposes of contributing what he could to the happy successe of the Parliament moved him And they might be confirmed thereby of his purposes to deny nothing which in Justice reason honour and conscience he could contribute to the happy successe of the Parliament It is the Kings manner to make vertues of his necessities and that neither prayse nor thankes are due to him for these beneficiall Acts. It cannot be expected that Rebells will retaine gratitude that have cast of loyaltie but let vs looke on his reasons and the first is that this first Bill graunts much lesse then two former statutes yet in force by Edw. the 3. that a Parliament should be called every yeare or oftner if neede were Either the libeller is vaine in producing this instance or in commending the Bill that gave much lesse then two former lawes in force and he must make the Parliament very inconsiderate that would soe much Importune a law soe farr short of what former lawes had enacted His ancient law booke called the mirror and his late Treatise that Parliaments by our old lawes were to be twice a yeare at London carry as litle Authoritie as cleerenes what those Parliaments were they mention but neither the statutes nor law bookes did ever affirme the right of calling Parliaments in any other then the King or that he might not deferr the calling of them if he saw cause and these statutes were made to declare the subjects dutie to attend the King in his Parliament once a yeare or oftner if neede were and there was noe reason why oftner should have been inserted into the law if any obligation were intended thereby vpon the King And its contrary vnto the writt whereby Parliaments are called that the time of Parliaments should be defined for it is recited to be an Act of Councell to call a Parliament which needed not if it were necessary at a prefixed time The second Bill he sayes was soe necessary that nothing in the power of man more seemed to be the stay of all things from ruine then that Act. We are sure that nothing did more confirme the designes of the Traytours nor hasten that ruine of the Kingdome they have wrought then that Act. All men descerne the fraudulent artifices vsed to gaine that Bill by pretending publique debts which seditious faction had contracted and intended to encrease for the carrying on of their Rebellion and his Majest in graunting that Bill hoped to take of those occasions of it the Reports which they cast out among the people of his vnwillingnes to rayse money for discharge of the Armyes These charges were occasioned by the Kings ill stewardshipp but the world satisfied it was from a trayterous conspiracie of the guides of this Rebellion He alleadges his needeles raysing of two Armies to withstand the Scotts which noe man but a profest Rebell can soe call for should he have raysed noe Army but left all to the mercy of the invader next he had beggerd both himselfe the publique When by this libellers owne confession the King had received noe supplies from the publique for raysing those Armies and these shameles Traytours blush not to talke of the Kings beggering of the people when the greate plentie his Government had enriched them with is soe visible in those vast leavies which the Rebells have since made vpon them The King left vs vpon the score of his needy Enemies If they had not been too much friends to the traytours of England there had been noe score to them for all men know whatever they received from England was by the contrivance of the Trayterous faction in Parliament to accomplish their ends To disengage him greate summs were borrowed Which its well knowne was not to disengage the King but to advance the designes of the Traytours who dealt vnder hand with some of the Scotts to protract the Treatie that the charges might be encreast The errours of his Government had brought the Kingdomes to such extreames as were incapable of recovery without the absolute continuance of this Parliament They never did one act after that Bill but in order to the Kingdomes confusion and all men saw there were noe extreames to be recovered at the time of passing that Bill but the returne of the Scotts and the disbanding the faction in Parliament and the only recovery had been by setting an end to the Parliament which they that made it their propertie could not endure The King past these Acts vnwillingly It cannot be doubted but the King foresaw the danger of both and the libeller might have seene in the first section of this Chapter that his Maj was not without doubt that what he intended for a remedy might prove a disease beyound all remedy and though to avoyde a Civill warr he made some concessions in hope to bring the people to see their owne good which might turne to his and their greater mischeife if by them ill applyed yet his Majest deserves prayse and thankes for such Acts of grace and the necessitie which this libeller soe impudently vrges to take of his Majest just thankes was the danger of a Civill warr which his Majest sought by these Act to prevent and might have entred into with lesse hazard before the passing of these Bills then after The libeller only encreases the infamy of the Rebells ingratitude and his owne impudence by obtruding necessities to take of the Kings grace in passing those Bills and it had not the
Common right What needed written Acts when as it was anciently esteemed part of his Corwne oath His Crowne oath is well knowne and may not be tryed by estimation but inspection The libellers estimation hath as litle proofe as authoritie He referrs the lawerlie mooting of this point to a booke called the rights of the Kingdome written it seemes by some Author of as much fidelitie in his quotations as this libeller in his narrations and to other law Tracts being neither his Element nor proper worke since the booke which he hath to answeare pretends to reason not to Authoritie And he holds reason to be the best Arbitratour and the law of law it selfe And it appeares by his writings that reason is neither his Element nor worke heere for had he vse of reason he would not referr vs to bookes that are onely of Authoritie to prove the ignorance and boldnes of the writer neither could reason judge it a law that a king should not dissolve a Parliament till all particular greivances were considered though the setting of it might prove an incurable greivance but his reason would have the Parliament defend the Kingdome with their votes as the Roman Senatours their Capitall with their robes against the Gaules The King must not be at such distance from the people in judging what is better and what worse That the people are not the best judges of what is better and what is worse the libeller himselfe acknowledges saying they are excessive in all their motions and is it not reason that the King then should be at such distance in judging but the libeller seekes to be at greate distance with truth that sayes the Kings owne words condemned him that he had not knowne as well with moderation to vse as with tarnestnes to desire his owne advantages Where as the King spake not of himselfe but others his words were If some men had knowne as well with moderation to vse as with earnestnes to desire advantages of doing good or evill Doth this man thinke reason the law of law or falshood the Master of both law and reason that soe palpably belyes the booke before him The King sayes a continuael Parliament he thought would keepe the Commonwealth in tune To this sayes to Libeller Iudge Commonwealth what proofes he gave that this boasted profession was ever in his thought The king doubtles thought not that every Parliament would keepe the Commonwealth in tune but a Parliament that preferred publique good before private faction The King saith as he relates him some gave out that I repented me of that setling Act. The Libeller sayes his owne Actions gave it out beyound all supposition for be went about soe soone after to abrogate it by the sword Heere the Libeller omitts a materiall word which the King vsed which was soone for the Kings words are that I soone repented It is well knowne that the wicked vse which the Traytours made of that setling Act might give the king just cause to repent him of it but as the king vsed not the sword till many Moneths after the passing of that Bill soe the cause of his Armes were the violent and Trayterous Actions of a faction not the abrogation of that Bill The King calls those Acts which he confesses tended to their good noe more Princely then friendly contributions as if sayes the Libeller to doe his dutie were of Courtesie and the giving backe of our Liberties stood at the mercy of his contribution He would have it beleived that Parents can doe nothing for their childrens good out of favour all is of dutie and noe thankes belongs to them from their children nor any from subjects to their Soveraignes or rulers for the greatest benefitts they receive by good Government and all the vigilance watchfullnes pietie of Princes for the peoples good is not at all thankes worthy theis are the Maximes of Rebells and if Kings will not yeelde vp their power they may be compelled and the quitting of Government for which Kings must give account to God is by theis mens Divinitie the giving backe of liberties being noe other then to give licence to all wickednes and beare the sword in vaine The kings sayes he doubts not but the affections of his people will compensate his sufferings for those Acts of confidence To this sayes the libeller not his confidence but his distrust brought him to his sufferings and he trusted nere the sooner for what he tells of their pietie and Religious strictnes but rather hated them as Puritans whome he allwayes sought to extirpate The libeller himselfe cannot deny but that if the king had not had confidence that those Acts of his would not have beē abused he would not have graunted them for if the had not been so confident it had been much more eligible for him to hav run the peril of a war without graunting them and wee have seene by experience that many as well as the king were deceived in those that profest pietie and Religious strictnes and though the king had just cause to hate the faction of the hipocriticall Puritan yet he thought that there could not soe much impietie lurke in many vnder such profession of pietie and Religious strictnes as hath since exceeded the most blasphemous Atheist and had the king sooner distrusted he had in humane reason prevented much of the Calamitie that hath befallen himselfe and his kingdome That those Acts of the Kings did not argue that he meant peace knowing that what he graunted out of feare he might assoone repeale by force It is noe argument that he would doe it because he might doe it but it is one of the libellers vsuall Arguments to conclude from the possibilitie to the being and there cannot be a greater Argument of a mans desire of peace then to part with his right to prevent a warr and by this rule of the libeller there must never be peace nor end of Rebellion but by the destruction of the king because their guilt is still vnsecure That the Tumults threatned to abuse all acts of grace and turne them into wantonesse This sayes the libeller is abusing of Scripture not becomming such a saint to adulterate sacred words from the grace of God to the acts of his owne grace And is it an abuse of Scripture to say the King did Acts of grace and whence then comes it to be an abuse of Scripture to say the people abused the Kings grace or turned it into wantonesse was it not a sin of wantonesse in the people and may it not be soe exprest without any abuse of Scripture Scripture is abused when it is applyed to a prophane ludicrous sense but the words heere are not transferred from a right signification There are diverse words that signifie both divine and humane Actions there is noe abuse of them in either sense And the libeller having excepted to the vse of an expression of Scripture presently makes bold with Scripture saying that
low condition themselves were in and the power of the Rebells But the Libeller would prove that the Protestants there were on the winning hand because they kept their owne not withstanding the misse of those forces which were landed in walls and Cheshire who without difficultie Mastered a greate part of these Countreyes The Protestants keeping of their owne was by the benifitt of that cessation without which they hoped not to keepe it and those Countreyes of walls and Cheshire were not mastered by those forces as the Libeller supposes but protected by them against the Tyrany of the Rebellion then entring vpon them The Declaration which he vouches for proofe is an infamy to the Authors conteyning neither colour of proofe nor soundnes of Argument and of as litle creditt as his owne assertions In the meane time those forces of the Protestants which the king gott by that cessation declare to the world that the Irish Rebellion crossed his ends and advanced those of the English Rebells The way-laying of provisions was contradicted by such apparent proofes in his Majest answeares that vntill they make some reply to those particulars their clamours will signifie nothing but want of matter The forces he called over stood him in noe small steede against our maine forces That noe way hinders but that they might be termed handfulls in respect of the numerous Rebells both in Ireland England The reasons of the cessation besides the knowne evidence of truth and weight have an addition of Authoritie from the Libellers calling them false and frivolous without the least shew of reason it being his custome to stile truth and reason by such Titles He reprehends the king for likening his punishments to Iobs Tryalls before he saw them have Iobs endings And vpon the same reason he will not allow the Tryalls of the Martirs to have a likenes to Jobs because the end in respect of Temporall felicitie was not the same The king sayes he hath not leisure to make prolix Apologies from whence the libeller concludes those long declarations and Remonstrances which he calls Pamphletts set out in his name were none of his And is not on of the cruell designes of the Traytours had noe leisure to make prolix Apologies therefore the declarations and Remonstrances published by him while he was at libertie were none of his The king hath given sufficient Testimony to stopp the mouth af a destractour that noe writings published in his name were above his abilitie If his declarations were weightie and just why are they Pamphletts if not why will not the Libeller believe him the Author whome he seeks to vilifie but the world knowes the declarations in the name of Parliament were none of theirs but voted vpon the word of a junto by such as had not capacitie to vnderstand them That though the Common saying that it is Kingly to doe well and heare ill be sometimes true yet more frequently to doe ill and heare well by the multitude of flatterers that deifie the name of Kings It can hardly be proved that ever evill king had soe many flatterers as the best kings have detractours and himselfe produces instances how the multitude deified Simon Mountford and such popular brovillions against their kings For the peace in Ireland the Justice of it is now apparent and he that pardons Rebells to save the effusion of the blood of his good subjects shewes greater tendernes to the good then they that by endeavouring to exclude all from mercy expose them promiscuously to mutuall slaughter and may justly be judged to looke vpon both with an indifferent eye and that neither Justice nor pittie but greedy and rapacious disires carry them to that crueltie The King prayes at large for the Irish Rebells It seemes Charitie for Enemies is held a sin by these miscreants otherwise he would not have censured a prayer soe becoming a Christian that God would not give over the whole stocke of that seduced nation to the wrath of those whose covetuousnes makes them cruell nor to their anger which is too feirce and therefore justly cursed The King deprecates the Rebellion of Ireland and in his prayer concludes his innocence and that if he had not studied the composing of the differences sayes let thy hand be vpon me my fathers house And this the Libeller calls a solemne Curse which is his judgment of the Cryme and the assertion of his innocence Though God afflict his servants his hand is not against them in wrath as this wretch presumes to say and lookes not on that curse which God denounces against bloody and deceitefull men that pretend his service in the destruction of his servants Vpon the calling in of the SCOTTS and their COMMINGE HE that observes how greate a part of this Libellers booke his invectives against Monarchy take vp how frequently and impertinently he offers his exceptions against Kingly Government in excuse of falshood and Rebellion may well wonder at his exceptions to pretended repetitions in the Kings booke he enters vpon this Chapter with his opinion of the originall of Kings to be servants of the publique And yet the people were subjects to them and how farr Kings mistake the nature of their office that thinke they are Masters of the people And yet God gave nations to serve them Though their power is for publique good yet they have a peculiar proprietie in that power and Estate as private men in their private fortunes its more for the peoples good to be subject though to an evill King then to fall to confusion And if rulers may not retaine their power because factious multitudes say that they are but intrusted for the peoples good that it is for the peoples good that they yeilde vp the sword they bare it in vaine Such a wooden sword have the Rebells provided for all Rulers but themselves for when they get power by their swords of steele or mines of powder the people may not thinke that they shall finde such Lords of straw as they pretend governours of the people ought to be We are taught by Scripture that the people are commaunded to hearken and obey not teach commaund and though his supposition that Government is in the people and that they ordained Kings be vaine and false by the examples of Scripture and of most Authenticke histories yet were it admitted that a King came in by the peoples consent they are not after such submission Judges of their owne obedience or their Kings power It were vaine to follow the Libeller in his exceptions to the words of favour and gratification as sounding pride and Lordly vsurpation as if kings only had nothing in their power to oblidge men with all these are the spleenetique vapours of Rebellious distemper For the Kings concessions to the Scotts either touching Episcopacie or the Militia wee shall heare his answeare in due time howsoever the king was not bound to the same Actions where Circumstances varied nor after a fuller
them Though Armyes have been defeated a good cause can never and though he would have his Trayterous faction beleive them that followed the king a defeated partie yet it seemes by his jealosie him selfe doth not Tyrants cannot sleepe while lawfull heires survive and the guilt of their consciences and vsurped power make their Enemies as terrible after they have lost Armyes as before When Rebells prevaile they declaime against Treason and in contempt of God and their consciences reproach such with their Crymes that most oppose them in their first Actions they made vse of the Kings name and authoritie their declarations cannot be retracted wherein they profest to be for King and Parliament that they fought not against the king but his evil councell The Cryme of fighting against the king was a Treason so knowne that shame as well as feare would have lessened their partie had they not made vse of the kings name pretended his authoritie and vnles they thinke that their assertions of apparent vntruths will have the same power over the reasons of men as their Armes have gotten over their persons they would not patch vp discourses with such incongruities objecting that the kings partie vsed his name and authoritie which vndoudtedly they had and which those men professe to destroy and which had been vseles to any had it not been the acknowledged power of the kingdome and a confessed Cryme to oppose it and which those Traytours would never have pretended had not the evidence of its right been so apparent nor have destroyed after so much vse of it had they not exceeded all former Traytours as farr as he did his Predecessours of whom the spirit of God saies there was none like him that sold himselfe to worke wickednes It s the drift of the Rebell partie to confirme and continue their power by the same Arts they have gained it deny justice to the memory of his Majest as before obedience to his Government Those whose power hath been gottē by the peoples credulitie would willingly deprive them of reason whereby they might see their errour which is the cause that the Rebells having misted many into the present mischeyfe by Calumnies of insufficiencie in his Majest and disaffection to the established Religion account any proofe published to the contrary the plot of a faction against their Rebell Common-wealth and although their often accesses to him and debates with him during his restraint and the observation of his devotion gave such proofe of both as diverse of their followers were vndeceived both in him and the cause they had prosecuted yet this they would have an effect of faction any relation of his Maj afflictions a designe His Maj actions neede no defence the Rebells impious actions against him are incapable of any this Author hath some reason to coniecture that all mention of the sufferings of his late Maj tends to the ruine of the Rebell power True narrations of the horrid Actions of Traytours though they recount the greatenes glory of theyr triumphs sting them with an expectation of vengeance destruction of their power There are a great number that since they have seene that booke thinke it had been agreat losse to the world if it had perished yet they are farr from designe by it and if it were published with any designe it was an innocent one to publish what a murthered King had left written of himselfe for the reason of his Actions and cleering of mistakes The designe is now the third time to corrupt the people to the dishonour of the present Government retarde a generall peace so needeful to this afflicted nation They cannot say any were corrupted that followed their King vnles the lawes their legall oaths and Scripture it selfe corrupted them for theis were the guides they followed and the Rebells may rest assured that if there were not these bonds vpon the loyall English humane Treatises though never so excellent would little move them to the losse of life and fortunes For the dishonour of that which he calls the present Government themselves have written enough though the King and his partie were silent Their power was gotten by often repeated propositions protestations of affection and loyaltie to his late Majest which they never meant to performe many false pretences to the people to defend the King and estabilshed lawes and Religion breach of oaths murther of the King and of theis nothing can be denyed by themselves and there is nothing can be said of any to dishonour beyound swearing and fore swearing Treason and Murther And can they thinke their peace is retarded by the Kings partie when themselves have so often sworne by the name af God in hipocrisie to deceive made Religion the Maske of sacriledge and murther and pretend pittie to the afflicted nation while they afflict it continue the same wickednes where by they brought the miserie vpon it They may be sure though they destroy the King and his partie God will raise them Enemies they thinke not of and prepare destroyers they feare not It s a Good deede he sajes to the living by remembring men of the truth of what they know to he misaffirmed to keepe them from entring into warr But it is wickednes to oppose truth and offer that to be beleived by men which they know to be false If this Author would remember men only of truth he would finde no adversary and if his partie would act accordingly there would be no neede of a new warr for then they would restore King and lawes but this Author by falsifying of Actions att corrupting of principles endeavours to draw men into a state of Rebellion against God and their King and make the warr endles the people helpeles and his pretended Charitie is more odious then the Hipocrites Almes this respecting only selfe glory that of this Author a snare to destroy others As to moment of soliditie he sayes in the booke it selfe stuft with nought els but the Common grounds of Tyranny and Poperie suguered a little over or any neede of answearing in respect of stayed and well principled men I take it on me as a worke assigned rather then by me chosen or affected He would have it thought there was no moment of soliditie because he hath none in this Iconoclastes stuft full of the common grounds of Rebellion confusion which are only of Moment to the support of vsurpation the measure of his well principeld men to whome a rayling libell is more convincing then a Logicall Argument That the booke is stuft with nought els but grounds of Tyrany and Popery when the most part of his exceptions comprehended not those heads is an Hiperbole vnbefitting any but such as had sacrificed shame and conscience to a wicked cause If the publishing of his Majest booke as he sajes conteyning nothing but grounds of Tyrany and Popery were a designe of his partie surely it must concurre with the Authors ends for
and die in such a strok'n blindnes as next to that of Sodom hath not happened to any sort of men more grosse or more misleadinge Wee have found many by hellish impulsion hating his Majest person and authoritie and seeme not to thinke that God hath given them vp to a reprobate sense and strong delusion would be thought to beleive all those that love or honour their King infatuated and thence it is that the Author knowes not by what vnhappines it is that men are so infatuated for he would have it beleived a greate happines to hate and detest his King to reproach not only his person but his office Persecutors endeavour to make them vnhappy on whome they exercise their cruelties and they wonder at those that run not with them to the same degree of wickednes this Author makes it an vnknowne vnhappines that men run not from their protested and sworne Allegiance and loyaltie into so disperate a Rebellion as he maintaines he may well say he knowes not by what vnhappines it comes but it is an vnhappines of greater wonder that soe many should renounce the very names of loyaltie and obedience make Rebellion the most renowned vertue and this after soe many vowes and oaths to the contrary that men who some few yeares since professed the greatest hatred of a Traytour to their King should now thinke no man soe prayse worthy nor any blindnes soe neere to that miraculous stroke of the men of Sodom as that of the opinion of loyaltie If his Majest faults had been as palpable as this Authors falshood it could not diminish his subjects dutie nor excuse the Rebells impietie nor the taunting scurrilitie of this Author but his vertue being soe eminent calls for vengeance on the heads of those that call good evill and evill good this prodigious blindnes is a beginning of his punishment that finding noe man abroade or at home of learning Religion or sobrietie that detest not the courses which he seekes to defend and this soe knowne to him yet he objects blindnes to them all and as those negroes that paint the Devill white will have none free from blindnes but such as Rebell against him that sent that blindnes vpon the men of Sodom while they inhumanely pursued their wikednes and while these men with fury breake downe the fences of humane societie and seeke to turne men into beasts the spirit that rules in the children of disobedience hath blinded their eyes and taken possession of their soules confirming their sin not only without remorse but with augmented impudence their writings being composed of language to outface truth and jeere at pietie If this Author had intended a right information of men as he pretends he would not have played the painter in every period as he hath done in making Chimeraes and goblins to affright men Can he hope that any reading his booke will conceive him rightly relating Actions or cases that tells men they are blinde infatuated with the palpable faults of their Murthered King and doting vpon his deformities Doe not men see he bends his strength to misleade those that see reteyne those in blindnes that were like to recover Some men have by Policie accomplished after death that revenge vpon their Enemies which in life they were not able and instances that the will and legacies of Caesar being read wrought more in the vulgar to the avenging of his death then all the art he could vse to win their favour in his life It s true that the vertue and worth of many injured persons hath appeared more evidently after their death and hath caused greife and repentance in their Enemies moving revenge in those that were seduced to destroy them and the cruelties exercised on his late Majest and his eminent vertues in his sufferings have manifested vnto many how vnhappily they were mislead to the destruction of a King of so greate goodnes and to place their confidence in such false and bloody hipocrites But he sajes those Apologies and meditations are over late It s true they cannot prevent the evill past and the Author holds their strength invincible though he be not confident of mens inclinations without the efficacie of his pen. But would those Apologies and meditations have been more powerfull if sooner knowne Truth will wrest some thing from him vnawares for he must confesse if men that were drawne into this Rebellion against his late Majest by slanders had vnderstood what now they doe by this booke they had stayed long before and it wil be a greate vnhappines to the poore people of his Majest Dominions if they be soe over late vndeceived that they be not able to revenge his blood nor redeemce themselves from the yoke of those Traytours vnder whome they serue This intent he sajes appeares by the conceited portraiture before his booke drawne out to the full measure of a masking scene and set there to catch fooles and sily gazers And are Portraitures of the condition of persons and their sufferings only to catch fooles and silly gazers to what end then is the portraict of the house of Commons with the speaker in his Eminence and the rest set in a serious posture soe frequently published And are the portraitures in M R. ffoxes booke of the Acts and monuments of Martirs only to catch fooles and silly gazers The Authors catching at flies shewes the impotencie of his malice and disorder in his vnderstanding Next this intent appeares by the latine wordes Vota dabunt quae bella negarunt Intimating that what he could not compasse by warr he should atcheive by his meditations for in wordes which admit of various sense the libertie is ours he sajes to chuse that may best minde vs of what our restles Enemies endeavour In words of various sence that interpretation is to be chosen which is most probable to be the Authors meaninge an interpretation for politique ends is vningenuous and iniurious and when it is against the apparent signification odious and the Author shewes with what candor he deales that makes constructions to serve his turne least the truths conteyned in his Majest booke should prevaile with any he will make such a sense as may prevent the right vnderstanding of them His Majest prayers and desires through his whole booke whereto the latine words are referred were directed to God for blessings vpon his Kingdomes and restoring right and Justice to them and all men may hope they will have a gracious acceptance and returne from the Almightie though the warrs procured it not but this Author will referr these wordes to the publishing of the booke because it best mindes them to prevent what their Enemies endeavour and because it may vs her in a conceite which he makes much of For he sayes heere may be well observed the loose and negligent curiositie of those who tooke vpon them to adorne the setting foorth of this booke for though the picture in the front would Martir him
prosecution vpon the cleerest evidence that could be produced It is the Method of the false Sectaries to insinuate an opinion of their vertue by rigid censures of others whereby they draw men from observation of their owne lewdenes offensive to sobrietie and thence the libeller calls his Majest guard the spawne and shipwracke of Tavernes Such as were of his Majest guard may no thinke to escape these hipocrites thinke to hide their blood guiltines pride robbery perjury oppression by reproaching their Enemies with Stewes and Tavernes The principall zealotts of this Rebellion were the tags and raggs of the people who were glad to heare voluptuous living and riott objected to the Kings partie that they might compare their beggery and base condition before other mens vices whether true or fayned If the house of Commons declar'd that the comming of those Soudiers Papists and others with the King was to take away some of their members and in case of opposition or denyall to have falne vpon the house in a hostile manner they shewed themselves men of as litle creditt as this Author for the world knowes that they neither had nor pretended proofe of such a purpose their declarations in that kinde are no truer then their professions of loyaltie If the house had denyed their members and opposed was it lesse then Treason He inferrs from the Kings profession if he purposed any violence or oppression against the innocent then let the Enemy persecute my soule treade my life to the ground lay my honour in the dusi that God hath judged and done according to the verdict of his owne mouth The king well knew his Enemy persecuted his soule when he wrote this and that he was in the hands of those that would take away his life but assassination was noe proofe of his guilt nor of Gods judgment of his cause and these words vsed by the prophett and him are not an imprecation for tryall but a deprecation of the offence and it was not to satisfie men but to acknowledge his judgment of the Cryme to God The kings partie are assured that the proceedings against him were odious to God man and this Action touching the members was noe other then necessary Justice and there appeares not any purpose of violence or oppression of the innocent and in vaine doe murderers seeke to shelter themselves from the guilt of their impieties by pretending Gods secret Counsells The sinceritie of his Majest heart is noe lesse manifest because he sell into the hands of wicked men who cannott treade his honour in the dust which outluies their fury and though they murthered him his life is with the Lord and their infamy endles God will bring their wickednes vpon their owne heads in his due time The Kings admirers may see their madnes to mistake this booke But all men see his madnes to traduce the booke and to prophane and prostitute all things sacred to his lewde detractions who sayes it is his doomesday booke not like that of William the Norman his Predecessour Thus making the common appellation of the greate day of the Lord an inducement to vilifie the kingly office which must be a day of wrath to such mockers as aske where is the promise of his comminge which did theis Traytours expect they would not proceede soe presumptuously in their wickednes and compile a booke of it against that day The Admirers of the kings booke are noe white mistaken but they see the breaker very much mistaken in his coufidence that thinkes all men madd because himselfe is soe and they were madd indeede if they received his sense or saw not that only rage art the excellency of the kings Booke not right vnderstanding made him seeke these silly objections and face them with such ostentation Vpon the INSOLENCIE Of the TUMULTS HE must confesse to have heere a neate and well couch'd invective against Tumults which surely ought not to be answeared with a impudent defence of them The misfortunes of Princes are the mirth of Rebells and therefore he sayes Rehoboam the son of Solomon could not have compofed a better It was not only the son of Solomon but his Father David and himselfe too that felt the fury and danger of Rebells and Rehoboams misfortune doth not mittigate the sinfull Revolt of the ten Tribes which the Scripture calls Rebellion and this Author scoffing at his baste to escape their fury shewes how affectionate he is Rebellion That the Tumults at whitchall were not soe dangerous at these at sechem he cannot affirme for those Tumults at whitehall have produced greater impieties and Calamities then those at sechem and those Tumults have since felt the scourge of their violence as those at sechem soone did their revolt being punisht by God who gave them a King in his rage that brought in Idolatry with their Rebellion which after many sore afflictions at last rooted them out of their land and they ceased to be a people He would insinuate that because this is a neate invective therefore the Kings Houshold Rhetorician made it but this hath as litle credit as his exceptions have truth or weight That the matter considerable is whether these were Tumults or noe next if they were whether the King himselfe did not cause them Doubtles he would not have it beleived that there could be any Tumults nor any Rebellion against him for if there could be any he knowes themselves have committed it The knowne lawes allow noe causes of Tumults from provocation for it soe tumults may judge of lawes and law makers as these defended tumults presumed to doe His first cause is the Kings unwillingnes to call the Parliament but theis tumults were after a parliament called His not enduring to be overswayed by them Were this a cause of Tumult or Rebelliō ther would never be cause wanting of such disorders in any kingdome or state when the Councells of kings must be subject to vulgar appeales Tumults must reforme the kings Judgment His often repeated imposture of the Kings tempting the English or scotch Armyes is grossely introduced for a cause of the Tumults when the Tumults preceded these suppositions and we may see what causes this man will have of Tumults that will make subsequent Actions the grounds of them The profering the fower northerne Counties to the scotts was an invention as ridiculous as the Authors commendation of an honest discovery of a thing never acted He formerly spake of Timpanies and Queene Maries cushion which might have caused him to have forborne such a grosse and exploded a forgery That the Parliament or people descerned a malignant partie was no other then the artifice of the conspiratours in Parliament to devise names which the people vnderstood not and suggest terrours to them from things that had not entred into their thoughts and of that nature was this name of malignant-faction brought foorth by the Junto to amuse the people but he might well remember that not
shape of a Masterly brow but gracious aspect in his Majest saying the greatnes of the obligation above their deserts that he had put vpon them by passing the first Bill and the Masterly brow suites not with the following scurrilous conceite that the kings recital of the obligation he had putt vpon them by that Act was as if he had beggd an office to a sort of his desertles groomes and these desertles groomes now Rule the new Republique there being none that had the least desert that would accept such a Trayterous office That the King passed the latter Bill to prevent the encrease of the present disorders not out of consideration of the fittnes of that Bill he neede not spend time to prove and his consent was moved from the reason of the time not the matter and the libeller hath well observed that they had offended him much more after the passing of the former Bill which is not to their creditt but shame It was feare made him passe the Bill least the Parliament and people incensed by his conspiracies should resent his doings if he had added the denyall of this only meanes to secure themselves Either his memory is short or his absurditie vnnaturall that soe lately said the kings feares were pretences and does he thinke that his Majest could feare their resenting more at that time then afterward besides his supposed fantasticall conspiracies were not as much as named or spoken of to Parliament or people at the time of passing that Bill and there cannot be imagined any cause of his Majest passing that Bill but his earnest desire to avoyde a Civil warr and assure his people of his purpose by committing so greate a trust vnto them neither can there be imagined other cause why the passing of that Bill was soe much importun'd by the Rebells but to secure themselves for being conscious of their owne guilt they knew themselves vnsecure vnles they gained a power over King and lawes The libeller cannot excuse neither the ingratitude nor disloyaltie of the Rebel partie in Parliament from the Kings consent to these lawes to present disorders and mischeifes which in themselves had not been fitt for his consent at another time and their insolence in binding him first of all his Predecessours shewes their corruption and guilt that would vse soe much violence disloyaltie to a Prince whose gratious Government had least of all his Predecessours provoked it The King taxes them with vndoing what they found well done The libeller sayes They vndid nothing in the Church but Lord Bishopps Liturgies Ceremonies high Commission judged worthy by all true Protestants to be throwne out of the Church These Protestants which are true only to him will judge the like of all Kings and Rulers of State and all orders of the Church that are not of their Bedlem patterne These false Sectaries talke of Church true Protestants just as they doe of Parliament as long as it consists of their owne limbs it must be obeyed but if it dissent from their Commaunds then they are worse then Ceremonies in Religion Doubtles al true Protestants abhorre this den of Schismatickes that boast of their Rebellious defacing of the Church and hate their societie there having not been yet any true Protestant Church that ever pretended that Lord Bishopps Leiturgies Ceremonies or high Commission were worthy to be throwne out of the Church the greatest part of Protestants retaining the like The vndid nothing in the state but irregular and grinding Courts The Courts they tooke away were judged by al wisemen to have been profitable to the Kingdome and fitt to be continved and the best Governours sometimes graunt that to the peoples irregularities thereby to preserve them from proceeding to their owne ruine which were fitt to deny at another time it s their Zeale to publique safetie not feare and dissimulation as the libeller calls it It was a greater confidence of the people to put into one mans hand a power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments then the King put in the people by the 〈◊〉 of continuance of the Parliament And if the libeller could shew the Act whereby the people put that power in the King he had said some thing But how had they put it into his hands or what confidence was it if they might take it away when they list This man cannot see truth through his owne contradictions while he acknowledges the Kingly power to Summon and dissolve Parliaments forthwith adds that Kings could not dissolve Parliaments till all greivances were redressed and then where was the kings power to dissolve or the peoples confidence This is he sayes not only the assertion of this Parliament a strong proofe but of our ancient lawe bookes that noe man ever read which averr it to be an vnwritten law of Common right soe engraven in the hearts of our Ancestours and by them soe constantly enjoyed and claimed as that it needed not enrolling this is pretty poetry that because a law is no where to be found therefore it was engraven in the hearts of our Aucestours where are those law bookes But how many hundred yeares since was this engraving worne out surely if there had been either such an vnwritten law and soe constantly enjoyed and claimed it would have been often enrolled ere now but the libeller expected applause for his conceite not creditt to his assertion If the Scotts could charge the King with breach of their lawes for breaking vp that Parliament without their consent it were vnreasonable that the wisedome of England should be soe wanting to it selfe as not to provide against the not calling or arbitrary dissolving of Parliaments If they had provided against it where was the confidence he talked of It followes not that because the Scotts charged the King with breaking of the Parliament without their consent that therefore the King offended in it neither was the wisedome of the English nation wanting to it selfe in leaving the calling and dissolving of Parliaments Arbitrary to the King it being a power essentiall to Monarchy and we have seene that the taking away of that power dissolves the Government and drawes confusion and miserie vpon the state and it cannot be avoyded but that from a power erected to affront the soveraigntie there must follow sedition and Civill discord People must depend vpon their Kings grace and goodnes for redresse of their greivances whose power and safetie consists in their welfare not seeke by violence to be their owne Carvers and the people never found soe greate suffering by submission to their Kings as by seeking wayes to oppose them It appeares that if this Bill of not dissolving were an vnparalleld act it was a knowne and Common right That it was an vnparalleld Act he doth not deny that it was a Common right noe where appeares and how can that be an vnparalleld Act that is a Common right He sayes it s not enrolled and how then shall it appeare to be
in true workes of spirituall edification The repairing and beautifying of the houses of God was the highest commendation of many of his faithfull Servants and the Scripture gives that for the high commendation of the famous Jehojada and we may expect spirituall edification from those whose zeale fervencie carries them to bestow their goods on such Actions nothing but destruction of Church pietie from those that decry such commendable and necessary workes we have found that such men as have pretended to spirituall edification by traducing other mens zeale in the outward service of God have proved at last rotten Carkasses guilded over and painted sepulchers He is sorry that Hotham felt the Iustice of others and fell not rather in to the hands of his mercy The libeller sayes he should have shewed what mercie he had vsed to such as fell into his hands He needed not shew that whereof there are soe many Examples But sayes the Libeller whathever one man might have expected the whole nation found none but had been swallowed vp in blood had not his power failed What neede the King produce Examples of his mercy when his most malicious Enemies offred nothing to the contrary but the warr which they had necessitated him to make There cannot be an Argument more convincing of the want of all justification in these Rebells then their perpetuall recourse to an incredible assertion that the King caused the warr which besides the falsenes of the allegation is not of weight to argue want of mercy when as Princes and states may casually be engaged in a warr and yet be farr from crueltie or designes of revenge and his Majest knowne backwardnes to a warr and moderation in it shew his compassion as eminent to the publique as particular persons The King sayes Clemencie is a debt which he ought to pay to those that crave it since we pay not any thing to God for his mercies but prayers prayses This sayes the Libeller hath sound of gravitie but the significance of nothing pertinent And yet it signifies that we are to forgive others because God forgives vs. But sayes the Libeller we ought by this reason as freely to pay all things to all men Wee ought noe doubt freely to pay what is due to all men but the Scripture more particularly requires Clemencic and forgivenes from vs in regard our selves have most neede of it from God and the Libeller shewes a greate emptines of reason that calls this an emptie sentence and vpon this occasion to repeate the payment of the kings dutie to the kingdome when as he declares that nothing but the giving vp of his Crowne could be a discharge of his dutie soe grave a judge is he of debts and duties The King pitties Hotham but aggravates rather then lessens or conceales his fault Conceale or lessen it he could not aggravate he doth not being a King his pittie ought not to destroy his judgment nor deceive him in the offence of those he pardons If a reiterating judge be worse then a Tormenter a reiterating slanderer deserves Torment The mention of a malefactours offence or repetition of a publique trangsgression is farr from a Triumph and as this Act of Hotham was a groundworke of infinite miserie soe his Majest deepe sense of the mischeife of that fact might reflect on it with serious observation and pittie without any Triumph He is angry that the king sayes after times will dispute whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull or at Tower hill And sayes what knew he of after times and while he sits judging the fate of that vnhappy father and son knew not that the like attended him before his owne Pallace gate and as litle knew whether after times doe not reserve a greater infamy to the story of his life and Raigne The libeller well knew by the booke he seekes to answeare that his Majest well knew the power malice of his Enemies while he wrote this and that he expected they would shew their vtmost crueltie to his honour aswell as his life but he was well assured their injustice dissoyaltie could not effect what their impietie designed and as long as Religion or reason inhabite the world his story cannot be blotted in after times but it seemes the libeller is apprehensive of future infamy though he thinke himselfe assured of present power He would seeme an Enemy to vaine repetitions in prayers but its only of such things as Traytours will not pray for otherwise there is large experience of the vaine babling of sectaries in their prayers He sayes its too presumptious in a written and published prayer to take it as a favour from God before he knew it was intended him He knew God had brought a severe punishment vpon a knowne offence and how could this be presumption to mention it in a published prayer but how can the libeller call it the sacrifie named by Ecclesiastes that practises such particular thankesgivings for successes when as the cause he maintaines and prosecutes is soe notoriously wicked The King sayes Let not thy Iustice prevent the objects and opportunities of my mercy The Libeller sayes To folly or Blasphemy or both shall wee impute this shall the Iustice of God give place serve the mercies of a man all other men who know what they aske desire of God that their doings may tend to his glory And doth not he that prayes he may be able to shew mercy to his Enemies pray that his Actions may tend to Gods glory Is not God glorified in the mercies of men Is not mercy in men a guift of God and can this trifler pretend sin in that prayer which desires of God that his Justice may not prevent their mercie to their Enemies May not men pray for their Enemies pray to have judgments diverted from them pray to have an occasion to shew them mercy But this libeller that esteemes soe litle to Blaspheame is careles how falsely he charge it on others Vpon the listing AND RAYSING ARMIES HE begins with the Kings mention of Tumults the demonstrations he calls them of the peoples love loyaltie to the Parliament Which in their nature more then the kings denomination were demonstrations of disobedience to law hatred of Government disloyaltie to the king Their petitioning was in the Authors owne judgment the height of violence Barbarisme which he compares to the Iron flaile those Armes which he cals defensive were so apparently a Trayterous histolitie that the ends which he assignes for them admit not the least colour for the appellation of defensive The King takes noe notice that those listed about him were the beginners of these Tumults Neither could he of soe strange an imagination The king sayes his recesse gave them confidence that he might be conquered The Libeller sayes other men supposed both that and all things els who knew him neither by nature warlike nor experienced nor fortunate yet such sayes he are readiest to
for our saviour was innocent of that false accusation declaring his kingdome not to be of this world acknowledged Caesars right bidding the people to give vnto Cesar the things that were Cesars but this mans prophanes would have the accusation true and lawfull to invade Cesars right from the false accusation of our saviours and blasphemously avowes invading of the Bishopps rights because one better then cesars for to what other purpose doth he compare the rights of Cesar and the Bishopps vnlesse to justifie their dealinge with the Bishopps And accuse our saviour for intending the lyke to Caesar The right of the Prelate Bishopps was gotten by spirituall vsurpation Could any Jew Turke or Pagan speake more reproach fully against Christiaintie that the calling of those men who were soe eminent for suffering and Martidome and gathering the Christian Church throughout the world was a spirituall vsurpation The objection or to his Majest repeating the arguments from law antiquitie Ancestours prosperitie and the like was very improper from him whose repititions of Tyrany slavery single voyce consent of the kingdome and such like have blotted soe greate a part of his booke and he that would binde the king to follow the Example of other Churches will exclude antiquitie and the primitive Church and authorise the schisme of innovating Sectaries because Papists have vsed Arguments against them The king sayes had he two houses sued out their livery from the wardship of Tumults he could sooner have beleived them But sayes the Libeller it concerned them first to sue out their livery from his encroaching Prerogative The law allowes noe livery from Royall Prerogative but judges them Rebells that seeke it The Character sett on them that hunt after faction with their hounds the Tumults the Libeller hath justified by his defence It s noe shame for a King to be a pupill to the Bishopps whose calling it is to give him spirituall Councell but it were madnes to be a laquay to such mē who take vpon them to judge of the callings in the Church of God which have noe calling to it much more to a rabble whome the Libeller himselfe holds extravagant That nimrod was the first that hunted after faction could never be told by the Bishopps much lesse that he was the first that founded Monarchy The Bishopps could have named a more ancient foundation in Adam and Noah They finde the hunters after faction by Tumults of a latter dale Corah and his Company that Rebelled against Moses and Sheba that spake to the Tumults what part have we in David or portion in the sonne of Jesse and they finde them in the cursed Jewes that hunted by the Tumults against our Saviour In Demetrious and his Craftsmen against the Apostles and in Alexander the Copper Smith against St. Paul and that 's the game which Rebells in all times hollowed to and the Mungrell sort never faile them and these that hunt with such hounds preserve beasts of prey to devoure the quiett profitable Certainly Parliaments made lawes before Kings were in being which must have better authoritie then his reason to prove We finde kings making lawes before ever we reade of Parliaments in Commonwealths we finde their law makers were single men as Licurgus Solon and diverse others The kings holding his Crowne by law doth not imply another law maker then the king who first made that law wherevnto the whole people were subject but he that soe lately blamed repetitions vnseasonably falls into his old rode of disputing against Monarchy which he pretends to decline It hath been anciently interpreted the presaging signe of a future Tyrant to dreame of copulation with his Mother Heere is a conceite pluckt in by head and shoulders Whereof was it a signe in Junious Brutus that was directed by the oracle to kisse his Mother his succeeding act was the expulsion of the kings and change of the Government was that lesse then Tyrany or not soe presaged by the oracle aswel as a dreame Parliaments can be noe Mothers to kings that are created by kings The king is by the law of England Father of the Countrey the life and soule of the law but the Libeller will finde out a step Mother an Athalia to destroy the seede Royall and sett her meestuous broode vpon the throne for these dreames were the delusions of some prime Rebells and could not allude vnto just Title but conceites are growne low when such dreames must be fetcht in for reasons And from his dreames it is not strange he should fancie allusions which himselfe sayes are ordinary of the King to the sun of force to swell vp Caligula to thinke himselfe a God And because these Rebells can not be Gods they will be Devills The King sayes these propositions are not the joint and free desires of both houses next that the choise of many members was carried by faction He sayes Charles the fifth against the Protestants in Germany laid the fault vpon some few And what is that to the faction in England If they be not the joint desires of both houses as it was not ought the King to take it for the advice of Parliament and forbeare to shew the fraude because Charles the fifth said the like vpon another occasion The Court was wont to tamper with Elections and he sayes noe faction was then more potent And yet he affirmes they prevayled not where then was their potencie Because the king sayes he cannot swallow such Camells of sacriledge and Injustice as others doe The Libeller sayes he is the Pharisee up and downe is not as other men are Is it Pharisaisme to professe with the Prophett David the dislike of them that follow superstitious vainties Because the Pharisee swallowed Camells be such men Pharisees that professe they will not because the Sectaries pretended conscience of Ceremonies like the Pharisees washing the outside while they devoure the Estates of other men without remorse are they not Pharisees and are they only that professe they cannot swallow such Camells Pharisees this is a new found Pharisee The three Realmes all most perished for want of Parliaments Wee have seene how neere perishing they are by a Parliament which hath committed more Injustice since it began then all our stories have remembred for five hundred yeares before The Libeller hath found out a new kinde of sacriledge for he endures not to have Church robbing called sacriledge and that is to bereave a Christian conscience of libertie for the narrownes of his owne conscience And by what Engine is this sacriledge committed doth he that abstaines for conscience sake bereave another mans conscienc of libertie He thinkes to take away superfluous wealth from the Clergie is not sacriledge for that serves as an excuse for their theft in taking from others what they pretend ill vsed wee may see the love these Sectaries have vnto the goods of the Church that extenuate their impietie by pretending that such men most oppose that
persecution but the libeller will make Martirdome their ambition and wants their Covetuousnes He will have that English Episcopacie hath markes of schisme whether we looke at Apostolicke times or reformed Churches if he had shewed wherein it had deserved an answeare but we see what Apostolicke times he meanes that will not allow any Church of the world from the time of the Apostles til the present age because the Church of England is not vniversall therefore all Sectaries may pretend themselves the Church For the authoritie of Scripture he needed not take paines to prove it The Church of England claimes not power over other Churches but to correct Schismatickes within her selfe The exposition of Scripture may not be received from arrogant Sectaries against the judgment of the vniversall Church the King might very well reject such reasons as they which offered them had soe lately before disavowed and pretended themselves scandalized with the imputation of such opinions The greatest number of these pretended Reformers professed detestation of the opinion of lawfullnes in taking Armes against their Prince of the opinion of the vnlawfullnes of Episcopacy booke of Common prayer and Ceremonies and who now would dispute with such men maintaining these renounced opinions with such bloody vehemencie It is not for the King to defend the Church otherwise then the Church would be defended And what is the Church in the libellers sense nothing but the crew of John of Leydons saints and must the King follow them against the Church these are the Divill 's factours to sett vp an Idoll Religion These deceivers talke of the power of the keyes in whose power holy things are as if the keyes that Christ gave to his Disciples are transmitted to this distempered crew that pretend a power of their owne giving Their Blasphemous pretence of enthusiasmes hath been the wonder and scorne of wise men and that 's the spirit which must not be fettered with a negative voyce But may it not be fettered by the Parliaments negative voyce and why is it more fettered by the kings then theirs That which he calls Tyranicall and presumptuous in the king wich the same breath justifies in the Parliament and yet complaines of Tyrany vpon the conscience Such consciences are senseles of Tyrany aswell as of sin having given themselves vp to the Empire of hell The kings negative voyce could impose nothing yet these desperate hipocrites say they were compelled to implore the aide of Parliament to remove it from their consciences And if the ground of their warr were to take away his negative voyce their pretence of defensive force appeares noe other then violence and persecution which they soe hipocritically complaine of such tender consciences as feele not falshoods and Rebellion must be mercilesse destroyers of Religion and Government as these have proved The King had cause to seeke aide against Rebellion and oppression but that 's noe warrant for Traytours to linke themselves by conspiracies to performe it and the King might justly wonder at their confident boasting of Gods assistance as if they had the certaintie of some Revelation and flying to the Scotts succours while they were soe furnisht with provisions for warr And now after all the Libellers rayling at Episcopacie Copes surplisses he will not permitt Arch Presbiterie Classicall Provinciall and diocesine Presbitery claiming Lordly power and superintendencie to be imposed vpon them Heere 's Babell confounded and they that were linkt in disloyaltie must part for Presbitery and independencie and will not see the evill spiritt that first combined them in Rebellion and now divides them to fight one against another A Determination by the best divines in Christendome in a full and free synod is he sayes an improbable way and every true Church hath wherewithall from heaven to be compleate and perfect within it selfe And why doth he tell vs that no Church denominated by a particular name bindes our faith or obedience and hath any Romanist affirmed more for their infallibilitie then he ascribes to every one of his Parlours and wherefore is English protestant a Schismaticall name as he affirmes and that the whole nation is not to be thought soe raw as to neede the helpe of other nations But what is the whole nation to every conventicle are theis seperaists the whole nation And why would he bind the Kinge to other reformed Churches If the primitive Christians had been of his opinion Generall Councells had been of litle vse the Disciples at Antioch needed not have sent to Jerusalem for advice in a question But these men thus shuffle and pretend the sufficiencie of a nation intend only the perfection of their Parlour congregations and allow noe sufficiencie in Church or nation that submits not to their insolent prescriptions He sayes the King accuses pietie with want of loyaltie because he sayes in vaine doe men hope to builde their pietie on the ruines of loyaltie The King rightly determines that pietie is but pretended where loyaltie is despised as such doe that thinke it safe to renounce all fidelitie to their lawfull King and his family and depend on the faith of perjured villaines vpon pretence of pietie as he perswades the Scotts to doe Vpon the COVENANT HE seemes desirous to be short in this Argument being a point which he is loath to touch till he see the successe of some attempts and he would not willingly be out of hope of the Scotts nor venture to displease them by his glosses To the mention of the Bishopps possession heere since the first plantation of Christianitie in this Island and vniversall prescription since the Apostles till this last centurie he sayes But what availes the most primitive antiquitie against the plaine sense of Scripture which if the last Centurie have best followed it ought in our esteeme to be the first But where is the plaine sense of Scripture against antiquitie It s very plaine that these Sectaries noe more esteeme the present century then the ancient nor more the scripture then either of them but take a libertie to vent their owne fanaticall and arrogant fancies for Scripture and reject all ordinary meanes vpon pretence of a lying spiritt His Majest meant not to oppose antiquitie to Scripture but where the practice of antiquitie is consonant to Scripture It s impious to reject the Communion of the first age All helpes of interpretation are fetters to the proud Schismatickes and this Libeller that so lately obtruded the Example of the reformed Churches in the case of Epicopacie quickely scornes the Classicall Provinciall and diocesine Presbiterie and the last Century hath only seene the ascent of these Locusts and he only likes that part of the last Century wherein they crept soorth and they would willingly have the credit to be a part of other Churches though they are in truth Enemies to them all We may with farr better reason beleive the interpretations and practice of the primitive Church then any moderne
inflicting of just penalties on their bodies and Estates according to the lawes was the dutie of the Magistrate to whome the execution of them belonged although the indulgence they found from his Majest in mitigating the penalties of law was a greate cause of their insolence and that Calamitie they have brought vpon the kingdome and if the lives of these men be sought into their pride impudence calumnie lying perjurie covetuousnes and crueltie declare their lives farr from innocent The man now breakes out into a thankesgiving for the successes of their Rebellion and though these hipocrites despise the thought of a Church and have noe Communion with any Church ancient or moderne yet the resistance of them is warr against the Church Noe Papist could speake more scandalously against reformation then that Episcopacie was the constant practice of all Christian Churches till of late yeares Tumult pride faction and covetuousnes invented new modells vnder the Title of Christ Government It neede not be observed againe how the Libeller is affected to the reformation that despises all but his owne Babell and Tumults factions pride and covetuousnes the causes of some new modells touches not soe many as he supposes there being soe many of the reformed Churches that receive not these new modells but whoever they be that obtrude them as Christs Government Scepter and Religion they will be marked with the same names that are heere mentioned by the greatest number if not all of the reformed Churches The Apostles were not properly Bishopps next Bishopps were not Successours of Apostles in the function of Apostleshipp If the Apostles were not properly Bishopps he should have told how they were improperly Bishopps for by his caution properly he admits they were someway Bishopps and the Bishopps therein their Successours though not in that part of the Apostleshipp which concerned speciall guifts and the Testimonie of Christs conversation on earth whereof they were eye wittnesses If they were Apostles they could not be precisely Bishopps and why not precisely if Bishopps They could not be Apostles his reason is because that of Apostle was vniversall extraordinary and immediate the other ordinary fixed and particular charge and inspection The calling of the seventie disciples was vniversall extraordinarie and immediate and yet they were noe Apostles and because callings were at first extraordinary must not they whose office it was to provide Successours to themselves and others in the Church of God ordaine others into their functions and is it an Argument that because when the Church was gathered men had particular care of certaine Churches therefore they were not of the same calling with others that preceeded them in gathering these Churches and the latitude of territorie in the exercise of a mans calling doth not make difference in the function It is against reason and Charitie to suppose an ignorance and deviation of the ancient Church taught by the Apostles in a point that destroyed the calling of such as were to reproach the gospell and the suddennesse is not imaginable in the introduction of Prelacy vnles by Apostolicall constitution in regard of the vniversalitie and the Author cannot name any manifest corruption so sudden and vniversall after the Apostles though he pretend many The Ecclesiasticall Historie proves it cleerely to be false that noe example since the first age for 1500 yeares can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and congregations which had some Bishopps over them And his proofe is out of Sozomen who he sayes wrote above 1200 yeares agoe and his Testimony that in the Churches of Cyprus and Arabia they had Bishopps in every village what then he sayes what could these be more then Presbiters Yes they were Bishopps for doth any man doubt that Bishopps and Presbiters were not distinct in Sozomens time who soe frequently mentions it and the Libeller complaines of the corruption of introducing them in the ages foregoing there are many Councells before Sozomen which were vniversally received and in them subordinate of Presbiter to Bishopp is the vndeniable practice of the Church and the quantitie or quallitie of Townes or Territories wherein Bishopps were placed noe way proves the lessening of their order neither can it be collected because Bishopps were in small villages that therefore they were noe other then Presbiters but heerein the Libeller shewes his malicious oppsition to truth in abusing Sozomen who having said that Churches had several customes instances that though there were many Citties in Scithia there was one Bishopp only over all and in other Countreyes Bishopps were in villages not every village he might aswell conclude noe Presbiters in Scithia as none but Presbiters in Arabia and Cyprus The same Author tells the like of other nations and that Episcopall Churches did not condemne them Wherefore should they condemne them It s like they would if they had taken vpon them to exercise the calling of Bishopps being but Presbiters for that was long before condemned by the Canons He makes a large leape from sozomen to fower hundred yeares agoe and the he sayes many westerne Churches in France Piedmont and Bohemia admitted not of Episcopacy among them and yet the doctrine and practice of these Churches published by themselves is that they had Bishopps continue them stil this the libeller might see in their own bookes If we might beleive what Papists have written of the Waldenses he findes in a booke written 400 yeares since that those Churches in Piedmont held the same doctrine since the time that Constantine with his mischeivous donations poysened Thus the exploded forgery of constantines donation is made authenticke to reproach the Church Sylvester and the whole Church This is the Schismaticall Charitie to the first Christian Emperour and the whole Church but the man might have remembred that Bishopps by his owne confession were long before the time of Constantine and if we beleive the waldenses themselves they had Bishopps in their Churches who held the same doctrine and Government and the antiquitie of the waldenses proves that they had Bishopps otherwise they had beē condemned by the ancient Church as Aerius was for if there had been any Churches differing from vniversal practice in the time of Constantine it is not imaginable that they had been vnobserved wee finde noe mention of their dissent but from the Papacie and that long after The famous Testimonie of St. Jerome whereto he referrs the rest is farr from declaring openly that Bishopp and Presbiter are the same thing but the contrary is manifest in him for what proofe can there be drawne from saint Jerome that Bishopps Presbiters were the same thing who saies that befor schisme by instigatiō of the devil entred into the Church that one said I am of Paul another of Apollo another of cephas al things were governed by the common counsel of the Presbiters and who will thinke that there were no distinct orders because things were governed by the