motion and exercise being always real Embellishments are always apposite and to the purpose What is of greatest importance is that they be plac'd after such a manner as that they seem to be enchac'd in the Narration there to have their design'd effect that is to say that they be conducive to give the subject matter a certain Alacrity when of it self it becomes dry and unpleasant XXV The Sentiments which ought to be conspicuous and predominant in History THere are some Sentiments which are fit for the Theatre and are not so for History in regard that Poesy speaks things as they ought to be and History as they are Accordingly those Historians who give their Hero's such exquisite Sentiments are not always the most judicious and whatever is not grounded upon sound Sence how plausible soever it may otherwise be is not always the best So that Quintus Curtius is not altogether in the right when he represents Alexander as a person so admirable He never makes him take the most prudent course that might be taken but the most heroick and the most hazardous He looks upon danger as what has something of Charm in it and he does not so much love Conquests as the Glory of Conquering He may surprize Darius by attacquing him in the night-time and by that means conceal his own weakness the Enemy's Army being twice the number of his But that great man whose thoughts are less bent upon conquering than upon having his Valour admir'd engages the King of Persia in the day-time resolv'd rather to perish gloriously than to overcome by surprizes Darius after his Defeat proffers to divide Asia with him and proposes to him an Intermarriage with his Daughter but Alexander would rather make his way to Fame through danger than to gain preheminence with tranquillity He hearkens not to those Proposals and would not have any thing but what is extraordinary 'T is true his Historian does him much honour but in that great acquest of Glory is there not some defect in point of Verisimilitude Does he not make his Hero more daring than prudent and represent him rather as an hazardous Adventurer than a person of great Ambition No doubt he thought that the more plausible way but he has thereby given us occasion to doubt whether it be 〈◊〉 Romance or a History he hath left us so far has he overshot himself as to that point Of so great concern is it that an Author keep close in all things to Reason which ought to regulate his Sentiments and follow rather the nature of the things than the charming Idea's of his own imagination Let not History therefore by any means countenance those ridiculous projects for the acquest of an imaginary same which occasion unsettled minds to commit so many miscarriages inasmuch as most of them go but blindly in the pursuit of true honour because they know not what it is Let it not inspire a solid man with the Sentiments of a Palladin or Knight Errant nor attribute the Vertues of a Romantick Hero to a true Courter of Honour Great persons are apt to frame to themselves Idea's of Reputation according to their own Fancies and answerably to the bent of their own Vanity But the Publick Interest ought to be more dear to him who governs than his own Fame and the true Honour of a great Prince is that he be lov'd rather than fear'd These are the Sentiments which ought to be most predominant in History that so it may be a Lecture of Clemency to Princes and a Rule of Reason and sound Instruction to all people Let not the Historian therefore be mistaken let him in the first place be able to distinguish between true and counterfeit Honour in the Maxims of Life that so he may not commend any thing but what is commendable Let him undeceive people of their Errors without becoming himself a Slave to popular Sentiments Let him not suffer them to judge of things by their events without reascending to the sources that he may acquaint them with the Principles thereof Let him be careful to do justice to true and false merit that so he may not impose any thing upon Posterity which is apt to credit what is said without examining it and to keep to the literal sence of what it meets withall Let him never make a discovery of great Emergencies without some advertisement of their Causes and without laying open the secret Contrivances and Ressorts by which they were compass'd That many times is something very inconsiderable but men take a pleasure to see great effects arising from small principles as Dionysius Halicarnassâ—uâ— informs us in the fifth Book of his History upon occasion of the Revolution of the Regal Government at Rome caus'd by the insolence of young Tarquin and the haughty deportment of his Father And this is the Spirit which ought to be predominant in History and these the Maxims which the Historian ought to observe We come now to see what kind of genius he ought to have XXVI What Genius the Historian ought to be of IT is not to be imagin'd that any thing considerable can be written in History without a Genius this is that which does all in all in this Art as well as in the others and it is onely by this that some Historians may be distinguish'd from others A mean Genius shall make but a small matter of a great Subject and he who has a great Genius shall make great things of a small subject He therefore who would write History well ought to have an universal and comprehensive Spirit and such as is capable of great Idea's that he frame to himself a great Draught and Design of what he intends to do History says Cicero is a work of great importance and not to be attempted but by a person above the common rate of men And when Lucian who was one of the greatest Wits of his Age which produc'd so many celebrated men acknowledges that his Genius was too weak for History and not able to reach that Perfection which it requires he puts me into some astonishment and raises in me a very great Idea of the difficulty there is for a man to acquit himself well of that charge For if that Author who has not written any thing but what is admirable and who gives Rules for the writing of History so senceful and instructive ingeniously confesses that he is not himself capable of supporting the weight of so great an undertaking what are we to think of those persons who become Historians on a sudden without ever having any knowledge of what is essential to History As it happen'd says he in that War of Armenia mention'd by him which begat so many Authors who out of a pure itâ—h of writing would needs be dabbling upon that subject That will not do the work says he for there is nothing more difficult than for a man to labour for Eternity as Thucydides has done For what vigour of Mind
of all the Greâ—k Historians Xenophon is pure in his Language natural and pleasant in his Composition He has a freedom and facility of Spirit a Mind fertile and full of many learned Discoveries his Imagination is clear and his Periods are of a just Intertexture The decorum of Morality is not always exactly observ'd in his History wherein he makes ignorant persons and Barbarians speak like Philosophers Cicero tells us that Scipio could not give over reading him when he had once got him into his hands Longinus gives him a Character of Spirit by which he makes him a fortunate Reflecter on things He is all consider'd a very accomplish'd Historian and 't was by the reading of his History that Scipio and Lucullus became such great Chieftains Polybius is an excellent Discourser he has a fair stock of good and noble things but that stock is not so well husbanded as that of the others before mentioned He is however esteemable by the Idea which Brutus had of him who in the greatest perplexity of his Affairs pass'd away whole nights in the reading and study of him His design was not so much to write a History as an Instruction for the good Government of a State as he declares himself at the end of his first Book and so he recedes somewhat from the Character of an Historian which obliges him at the beginning of the ninth Book to make a kind of Apology for his way of writing History His Style is chargeable with somewhat of negligence Dionysius Halicarnassaus in his Book of Roman Antiquities discovers a great Sence fulness of Expression much Science and Ratiocination which is not common He is exact diligent judicious of greater Veracity than Livy and very ponderous Diodorus Siculus is a great Character but one that comprehends too much matter being consider'd as a Compilator out of Philistus Timaeus Calisthenes Theopompus and others Philo and Josephus have some Touches of a very extraordinary Eloquence They are two Jews who were over-desirous to please and humour the Pagans by servilely accommodating themselves to their gust and sentiments Arrian is but a Copyer of Xenophon and an affected Imitator of his ways He has made seven Books of the Conquests of Alexander as Xenophon had done of the Conquests of Cyrus Appian sponges upon all the Greeks and out of that intermixture he has fram'd to himself a Style which does not resemble any of the others Scaliger calls him The thievish Drone of other Historians He has taken out of Plutarch what was excellent in him but after all he is a great Magazine or Stock of Matters Dion Cassius has lost credit with many by the extraordinary things which he relates without any discerning Precaution for he is so far from keeping close to the truth that he is at a distance from the likelyhood of it as in that passage of the sixty sixth Book of his History where he affirms that Vespasâ—â— healed a blind man by spitting upon his eyes Procopius is exact in what he advances because he accompanied Bâ—lizarius in his Wars and was a Witness of his noble Actions but he is somewhat too dry in his History of Persia which has the Air rather of a Journal than of a History He satisfied his passion in the writing of his Secret History but he hearkned to his Moderation in suppressing it for after his death some took occasion to publish what he had carefully conceal'd during his life wherein he is not wholly in excusable Most of those who have written the Byzantine History have either copied one out of another as Agathias Cedrenus Joannes Cuâ—opalates or are not very exact and they have nothing that approaches the Dignity the Excellency the Discernment and the Fidelity of the ancient Greekâ— Amongst the Latines Salust is conspicuous for the Grandeur of his Air the Steddiness of his Thoughts and his admirable Sence No man has better express'd the senceful accurate and austere Style of Thucydides He is sometimes harsh in his Expressions but yet he is not faint or flat His Conciseness takes off somewhat of his Perspicuity He has nothing that is counterfeit in his Procedure and he gives weight to whatever he says His Sentiments are always excellent though his Morality was not good for he perpetually rails against Vice and always speaks well of Vertue I find him ever dissatisfied with his Countrey and one that is apt to think ill of his Neighbour All else consider'd he is a very great person Julius Caesar had the noblest talent of expressing himself of any man The Pedants have reason to admire him for the inimitable purity of his Style but I admire him much more for the exact comprehensiveness of his Sence for no man ever writ more prudently He is the onely Author amongst them all who does not speak any Impertinencies He speaks of himself but as of an indifferent person and there is nothing but what is suitable to the wise he has taken upon himself 'T is true he is not absolutely an Historian but it is true withall that he is a great Model for the writing of History 'T is a great repute to that admirable Author that Henry IV and Lewis XIV of 〈◊〉 imploveâ— themselves in the â—ranslation of his History of the Gaulish War Livy is the most accomplish'd of all for he has aâ—l the great parts and perfeâ—â—ions of an Historian the Imagination excellent the Expression noble the Sence exact the Eloquence admirable His Mind will not admit of any but great Idea's he fills the Imagination of his Reader by what he says 't is by that he makes his way to the Heart and moves the very Soul And he is the greatest Genius for History and one of the greatest Masters of Eloquence that ever was I do not comprehend what Asinius Pollio means when he attributes to him a Provincial Air and such as hath a little smack of Lombardy His great talent lies in making what he says to be felt by making those who â—ead him to participate of his own Sentiments by inspiring them with his Fears and Hopes and by communicating to them all his Passions by the Art he has to put all the most secret reâ—â—orâ—â— of mens hearts into motion Tacitus describes things after a way different from all others but he confines himself too much to great Affairs that he may avoid condefcending to small ones which yet ought not to be neglected He thinks well but he is not always happy in expressing himself clearly He plays too much the Philosopher His Decisions of things are high and daring had he the Destinies of men in his hands he would not speak otherwise and he always moralizes on the Extravagances of others sparing none and speaking ill of all Mankind How many Minds has he spoil'd by the fancy of studying Politicks which he inspires into so many people and which is the vainest Study of all 'T is upon this rock that so many Spaniards as
is true there is further requisite a certain manner of Expression to speak it well and that is called the Style Let us now see which is the most convenient to History X. The Style proper to History THe Style is the Form of the Discourse and the Manner after which a man writes the most proper to every one is that which is most conformable to his Genius and he ought to follow it without any violence So that a Style having an intermixture of several Styles is always vicious This is a defect of Strada in his History of Flanders who by the excellency of his Imagination and by his great Reading had fraught his mind with different Characters And that intermixture which is observable in his manner of writing how pleasant soever it may be abates somewhat of its perfection Mariana a person of the same Society has more substance and is more even in his Style But the most proper Style for an Historian is that which hath most the Character of Truth and wherein that natural Lustre of Sincerity which ordinarily attends Truth is more conspicuous for what has that Air is easily credited The Style of History says Lucian ought to be clear and natural in as much as clearness is the rule of what it ought to speak as truth is the rule of what it ought to think The Discourse of it ought to be free though it seem to be restrain'd and it does not so much require Numerousness as a rotundity of Style that it may have that unconcernment which renders it natural But in regard the Historian ought to read the ancient Authors in order to the framing of a Style according to his Genius we shall give him here what he shall find observable in that Study for his framing to himself a Method proper to his Design The Style of Herodotus is gentle evenly flowing and pleasant That of Thucydides is more noble and implies more Grandeur but it is not so natural nay he has some harshnesses which render him obscure and he is less remarkable for Numerousness and Rotundity than Herodotus Xenophon writes with an insinuating and milde Air his Discourse which may be likened to a pure and clear Water has nothing comparable to it in Antiquity unless it be the Style of Caesar for there has not been any thing writ in the Latine Tongue of greater purity The Observation of a modern Critick who takes notice of a difference of Style in the Books of the Civil Wars which he pretends are not written so purely as the War of the Gauls is a delicacy beyond my apprehension I am not so subtilly observant as to find it so and I appeal to the Sentiment of Suetonius who makes no distinction between them I must acknowledge that I am extremely taken with the Elegance and Simplicity of that Author no person ever had the Talent of writing more clearly But the Transcendency of Livy's Discourse puts me into an Ecstacy it is near two thousand years that that Historian has been heard with respect by all people upon the score of that Majestical Tone wherewith he speaks which has been the admiration of all Ages Nor is my mind taken up with any thing so much as that admirable choice of words always proportionate to his Sentiments and that Expression of Sentiment always conformable to the things whereof he speaks In fine he of all the Authors has best pitch'd upon the Style which Cicero advises of History and he is that great Model which Buchanan Mariana Paulus Aemilius Paulus Jovius and all those who have out-lasted their own Ages have propos'd to themselves as to the manner wherein History ought to be written Tacitus is not so proper for that purpose for he by reason of his startling and surprising Sallies may be compar'd to Lightning which does not so much lighten as dazle Paterculus and Florus have made a kind of intermixture of the florid delicate and divertive Air with the meaner sort of writing The Authors of the History of Augustus as Ammianus Marcellinus Lampridius Spartianus Julius Capitolinus Vopiscus and the rest have degenerated into the frigid and impure Style which has not any thing of that noble Simplicity of the precedent Ages Salust has somewhat of Grandeur and Sublimity in his way of writing in which respect Quintilian compares him to Thucydides Quintus Curtius is conspicuous and florid And upon these two ways which are in a manner the two onely rational ones that a man can make use of he may examine which of the two is the most proper for History and that question is the most important of any that can be made upon this subject XI Whether the Noble Style or the Florid be more proper for History IN a question of such consequence as this which is not yet well decided it will be sufficient to allege the Reasons which may serve for the decision of it when a man has not the Authority to decide it himself Salust has a certain Grandeur in his Style but he has some harsh Expressions which render him dry in some places because he had derived that unpolishedness from the original Expressions of Cato which gives a Seriousness to his Discourse and that has the Air of Severity On the contrary there is not any thing more polite than Quintus Curtius it is a flower of admirable Expression which extremely pleases the Virtuosi But the business now in hand is to examine whether the harsh Style of Salust how harsh soe're it may be is not more sound and more proper for History it giving as indeed it does Weight Vigour and Grandeur to the Discourse Has it not even its Beauties and Excellencies Is it not in that harshness of Style that we sometimes find those fierce and daring Graces which Demetrius Phalereus says that Homer has so well express'd in the Adventure of Polyphemus in the Odissey whereof he is the first Author as Demetrius pretends in his Treatise of Elocution that is to say those Graces which have nothing of softness or effeminacy and which please without any affected and superfluous dress The same Author cites several Examples of them taken out of Xenophon who has the art of making those things pleasant which have not ought intrinsecally â—o recommend them In this does properly consist that austere Style which Hermogenes prefers before the soft Style when he says that an absolutely simple Narration has many times more force and vigour than that which is adorn'd and florid inasmuch as the severe Style may have Grandeur and the milde Style cannot ascend above Mediocrity and for this reason does he place sound Sence how much soever it may admit of negligence amongst the qualities of the noble and elevated Style This says he was the Character of Pericles whom Demosthenes propos'd to himself in the Acquest of that vigorous and vehement Eloquence wherein he has excell'd Hyperides says he elsewhere
description of the Parthian King's Vest and of the Roman Emperour's Buckler whilest he is describing the Engagement Others says he not minding essential things spend their thoughts on what makes nothing to their purpose as he who having said a word or two of the Battel which he was to give an account of falls into a description of the most extravagant Adventures of a Moorish Knight that could be imagined Thus does Procopius in his Secret History forget to circumstance what is important and is very careful in circumstancing what is not so A man ought therefore in the relation of a Matter of Fact of consequence to know how to set off to the best advantage the Circumstances which are most proper to clear it up and to heighten it by distinguishing that which is essential from that which is not The most complete Model we have in History of a great Action related in all the Circumstances capable of giving it weight and grandeur is Hannibal's March into Italy described in the 21. Book of Livy's Annals It is in my Judgment the most accomplish'd passage of his History and there are few things of that force in Antiquity Never did greater Design enter into a Soul more extraordinary and never was any thing executed with more confidence or more resolution His business was to come out of Africa to pass through all Spain to climb over the Pyrenaean Mountains to cross the River Rhone which is so large and so rapid near its falling into the Sea and whereof the Shores on each side were planted with so many Enemies to open a way through the Alps where none had ever passed before to march all along upon Precipices to dispute every foot of Ground he was to go with People posted every where in continual Ambuscado's amidst Snow Ice Rain Torrents to defie Tempests and Thunder to engage against the Heavens the Earth and all the Elements to have at his heels an Army of an hundred thousand men of different Nations but all dissatisfied with a Captain whose Courage they could not imitate There is a Consternation in the hearts of the Souldiery Hannibal is the onely person undisturb'd the danger which surrounds him on all sides raises a trouble in the hearts of the whole Army but he is not mov'd thereat All is set down in a minute Particularization of dreadful Circumstances the image of the danger is expressed in every word of the Historian and never was there any Representation more complete in History nor any touch'd with stronger colours or more lively Nor is there any thing better circumstanc'd in Tacitus than the Entertainment which the Empress Messalina made for Silius her Gallant and Favourite 'T was a kind of Vintage in all the Ceremonies the season of Autumn being favourable thereto Joy Pleasure Effeminacy Lasciviousness Impudence Debauchery all is describ'd with an exquisite delicacy and elegance and all is particulariz'd succinctly sencefully and related in a smart and lively manner and there is not any thing more judiciously plac'd to render by so frolicksom a Pourtraiture the Death of Messalina which follows soon after more tragical and more full of horrour In fine there are some happy Circumstances which give a Grace to whatever they are applied to they must be known ere they can be imploy'd Sometimes things become greater by their Circumstances than they are in themselves Let us seek out those Circumstances which are joyntly capable of pleasing and instructing and so prevent the Reader 's being wearied out Let us imitate D'avila who so excites Attention by the art he has of Circumstancing what he says And yet excessive Particularizations tire the Mind let us therefore make a distinction between important and necessary Circumstances and those that are not such Let us consult Lucian and his Discourse upon History he is a great Master in it But to make a Narration complete we are to joyn to the Circumstances of the things which it says the Motives of the Actions which it relates for the Motives well couch'd down render a Narration as curious as the Circumstances render it probable XV. Motives TO relate the Actions of Men without speaking of their Motives is not to be accounted writing of History Who does so demeans himself as a Gazetteer who thinks it enough to deliver the Events of things without advancing to their Source As Caesar who simply gives an account of his Marches and his Encampings without acquainting us with the Motives thereof all in his Narration is too simple and too superficial and true it is that he writes onely Memoirs It is therefore by this Particularization of the Motives which put men upon Action that History becomes it self curious and that it keeps it self up especially in important Affairs He therefore minds onely the Superficiality of things who relates how they pass'd without going to their principle Reason requires says Cicero that as in great affairs the designs should precede the execution so the Historian should give an account not onely of the events but also of the motives and that reporting what has been done he should explicate how and by what means it was done Tacitus says somewhat much to the same purpose that the Historian is concern'd not onely to relate the Events of things but also to discover the Ground-work and Principles thereof and to give some account of the Motives 'T is by this that an Historian distinguishes himself and becomes considerable and nothing is more divertive in a Narration than the decyphering of what is secret and of importance in the designs and intentions of those whose Actions it divulges and as History has not any thing curious comparably to that so are there not any Historians of any fame who have not endeavoured to signalize themselves upon that score For nothing does more excite the Curiosity of men than when they have discover'd to them what is most conceal'd in the Heart of man that is to say the secret Springs and Resorts which make him act in the Enterprizes which are ordinary to him It is therefore by this Re-ascension to the Cause that we discover the genius of those persons who are spoken of that we find out the predominant humour which puts them into action what things they are capable of and that we light on the truth by diving into their intentions But with how many Falshoods are Histories fraught upon this plausible pretence And into how many errors have fallen and do daily fall unjust unfaithful and interessed Historians who carried on with the Career of their own Conjectures communicate their own Visions to the publick in explicating the Designs of those whom they discourse of As for example that Pericles occasioned the Peloponnesian War upon the score of his Amours to the Curtezan Aspasia That Xerxes carried into Greece that dreadful Army of which Historians give us an account onely out of a design to eat Figs there That Anthony lost the Empire onely to avoid losing Cleopatra
without Figure destitute of all ornament Not but that a figurative Expression seasonably made does sometimes please more than the proper words in regard it creates Images that are more lively and pleasant to the Mind and gives a vigour and generosity to the Discourse and there is a wise and judicious confidence of Style which is allowable in those places where there should be an excitation of the Spirits But it is requisite that the Figures to be well imployed should affect Shamefac'dness and Modesty not assuming to themselves the liberty of those Sallies of Poesy or the nobler sort of Eloquence Let them not says Lucian be too splendid nor too far fetch'd unless it be in the description of a Battel or in an Harangue wherein the Historian says he may unfurle the Sails of his Eloquence yet without spreading them too far XVII Passions THe Passions are also one of the great Beauties of Narration when they are seasonably intermingled and judiciously treated therein Nor do they indeed require that heat which ought to attend them upon the Theatre they ought to appear in another Air for they are not represented by way of action but onely related An Historian may give his Discourse a dress of Passion but he ought not to be in any himself Thus does he study Man with all possible disquisition to discover in his heart the most secret Motions which Passion is capable of exciting therein to the end he may express the trouble and discomposure of it This partly and pathetically done is a great divertisement in a Narration Thucydides has treated that part better than Herodotus for he is more eloquent and more pathetical according to the Sentiment of Dionysius Halicarnassaeus though Herodotus does sometimes betray a greater vivacity Hermogenes proposes an admirable Model of a tender affectionate Narration in the death of Penthea Queen of Susiana which is related in the seventh Book of Xenophon's Cyrus 'T is one of the most excellent passages of that Author all is related therein with a great tenderness and insinuation Quintilian pretends that of all the Historians Livy has most signallized himself by those tender and delicate ways of Expression wherein he has treated of the gentlest Motions of the Soul the violent carrying away of the Sabine Virgins those Tendernesses which they made appear to disarm the Romans their Husbands and the Sabines who were their Fathers the death of Lucretia and her body expos'd to the publick to stir up the people to a Revolt from the Tarquins Vetturia at the feet of her Son Cariolanus who was come to besiege Rome to appease him Virginia stabb'd with a Dagger by her own Father the Consternation of Rome after the Battel at Cannae and a thousand other passages of that kind set down in his History with the most delicate Airs and the most pathetical Expressions that can be imagin'd are excellent Examples of it And it is in this Historian that a man ought to study the Air of treating the Passions as they ought to be treated in History for he animates himself onely in those places where there is a necessity of heat and fervour Tacitus minds not the husbanding of his fire he is always animated nay the Colours he makes use of are always too strong and in regard he is many times too expressive in certain things and does not make a natural Representation he moves not the Reader I say nothing of the other Historians most of whom understood not the Passions nor the manner they ought to be treated 'T is a singular kind of Rhetorick which requires a great Sencefulness and a very exact knowledge of Moral Philosophy But if we would please let us be sure to avoid those dry Narrations which do not excite any tenderness by those passionate Airs which Nature requires XVIII Descriptions THe Affectation which most Historians seem to have for Descriptions has somewhat decry'd the use of them amongst the Judicious nor is there any thing so childish as an over-gawdy Description in a serious History An Author cannot be too circumspect in the use which ought to be made of them The Principle which ought to be therein observ'd is that there 's no more requisite than what is necessary to create a clearer apprehension of the things the knowledge whereof is essential to that which a man writes Such is the Description of the Island of Capreae in the fourth Book of Tacitus his Annals for it specifies the Reasons which Tiberius had to retire thither towards the end of his days which makes it necessary and being short elegant polite as it is having nothing superfluous it may be said that it is as it should be The description of the place where Jugurtha was defeated by Metellus in Salust contributes to the better comprehension of the Fight We find there an account of the Gallantry of the Romans as also of the Experience of the King of Numidia by the advantage he had taken in posting himself in the upper Grounds and the whole Relation of the Battel is better understood by that Representation of the place which the Historian sets before our eys as he does also the Description of the place where Hannibal attacqued Minutius in the 22. Book of Livy's Annals which is a passage very well couch'd Descriptions may also be allow'd in a great History to render the Narration more divertive provided they be to the purpose and without that superfluity wherewith they are ordinarily attended in young Historians the affectation they have to make an Ostentation of their Abilities that way occasioning sometimes their falling into Childishness which are to be pitied Nay Lucian quarrels at the over-tedeous Description which Thuâ—ydides makes of the Plague of Athens in the second Book of his History and it is possible he may have some Reason for it for that Author as wise as he is gives too minute a Particularization of that Distemper But it is with much more ground that the same Critick exclaims against the impertinent Historian of his time who took so great a pleasure in making great Descriptions of Mountains Cities Battels which 〈…〉 all the Snow and 〈…〉 North. Nor indeed is there any thing so frigid as a Description too far-setch'd The Military Machines of Caesar are describ'd in his Commentaries with too great a particularity of Circumstances in a subject so mechanick as that is It would seem that great Commander whose Reputation in the management of Military Affairs is well established had a desire also of acquiring that of an excellent Engineer wherein there appears too great an Air of Affectation in a person so judicious as he was The Description of Africk in Salust's Jugurthâ—ne War is over-circumstanced there needed not so much to have been said to set out the Limits of the Kingdoms of Adherbal and Jugurtha which was the business then in hand What occasion was there of describing that whole Countrey and distinguishing the Manners of the
Inhabitants with so much particularity It is requisite therefore that Descriptions should be necessary exact sucâ—inct elegant not sought for and that they have not any thing that clashes nor that there be discover'd a vain desire in the Author of making a greater shew of his Wit than of his Subject that so they may be such as they ought to be and such as those of Livy who is to be the Model which they are to propose to themselves who would make them well XIX Harangues I Find the Sentiments of our Masters much differing as to this point Herodotus Thucydides Xenophon Salust have principally signallized themselves by their Harangues Thucydides has therein excelled the rest the Discourses which he makes the principal Actors of his History deliver as Pericles Nicias Alcibiades Archidamus and whole Nations whom he introduces speaking by their Deputies are admirable Lectures for the Orators of all Ages and it is principally in that School that Demosthenes had his Institution Polybius is more reserved he does not make Scipio speak so much though he might justly have done it as having always accompanied him in his Wars Caesar is yet more reserv'd for he does not in a manner make any of those Harangues pretending they derogate from the truth of History and making it his business onely to write plain Memoirs that so he might be the more simple in his Discourse Dionysius Halicarnassaeus brings in Brutus making a great Exhortation upon the death of Lucretia to animate the people to revenge and the Harangue he introduces Valerius making upon the Form of Government which was most convenient for the State in the seventh Book of his History is of a great length Josephus Appianus Dion Cassius Procopius are great Discoursers as were also Thucydides and Xenophon who had taken that Idea of Haranguing from Homer And indeed if we examine the ground of those Discourses especially of those which are made by chief Commanders to encourage their Souldiers to fight we shall find but little likelyhood in them Trogus with much reason reproaches Salust and Livy with the immoderate excess of Harangues in their Histories Accordingly all those Discourses made by Grandees have an Air of Fiction for upon what Memoirs could they have been taken Besides that it is not likely a Warriour should speak as an accomplish'd Orator So when Pericles in Thucydides commends those Souldiers who had been defeated and killed by the Boeotians his Harangue is supposititious as is also that which Salust makes Catiline speak to the Conspirators which in all probability was secret and not much thought of before hand And this is some part of Beny's Argument in his disapproval of that Abuse Thucydides who was a judicious Author grew sensible of it in his last Books wherein he Harangues much less than in the precedent But it is a Lesson of Nature for there is no account made thereof if they who are concerned therein are not introduc'd to speak them for there is not any thing else does so much animate the Narration which is apt to become frigid by too even a thread of Discourse There is therefore a mean or temperament to be observed A short Discourse pertinently made in an History by an Author fit to make such a one and such as may be conveniently applicable to the person and the subject then concerned may have its peculiar beauty being set in its proper place But those formal Harangues at the head of an Army when they are just ready to engage and those tiresom and prolix Deliberations which are made upon the Affairs whereof they speak are now in a manner obsolete and out of use in well-digested Histories and the wisest Authors chuse rather to introduce the persons concern'd speaking indirectly and saying the things in general without engaging themselves to speak the very woâ—â—â— as Livy has done at the beginning of his History by the Embassadors whom Romulus sends to his Neighbours Most of the Harangues in Salust are always admirable and never pertinent nor to the purpose For nothing can be more excellent than the Discourse of Marius it is a most solid piece of Morality upon the subject of Gallantry all is rational in it and Antiquity has but few Discourses of that vigour in order to the persuasion of Vertue but that is not in its proper place And the Air wherewith he makes Cato and Caesar give their Votes in the Senate is not as great as it is proportionate to the rest of the History For the same reason the great Discourse which Dion Cassius makes in the 56. Book of his History upon the Commendation of Marriage and Celebacy is not very pertinent There is not any thing comparable to the Harangue which Tacitus brings in Tiberius making in the Senate upon the Reformation of Luxury and Riot in the third Book of his Annals never did Historian make a Prince speak with more Dignity The Harangues of Agrippa and Mecaenas to Augustus the one advising him 〈◊〉 quit the Empire and the other to keep it are admirable in Dion Cassius but they are so long that they take up the whole 52. Book In a word to put a period to this Article I am of Cicero's Opinion who speaking of the Discourses of Thucydides wisely says I find them very excellent but I could not do as much my self if I would nor would I do it if I could And this is the best that can be said as to that point for in fine Harangues are always subject to be tedeous And 't is a pleasant humour of Boccalini who makes an ancient man to be condemn'd by way of Penance to read one of Guicciardine's Harangues because he had read a Madrigal in the Parnassus with his Spectacles on XX. The Characters of Persons POurtraitures do very much imbellish an History when they are well done but the Romances have spoil'd us upon that score for we make too many of them and such as are not like any thing We amuse our selves in representing at random the external Accomplishments of the person which is not the business to be done Of what concern is it to me to know whether Hannibal had a fair Sett of Teeth provided his Historian discover to me the Grandeur of his Genius provided he give me the Representation of a bold restless Spirit of a Person of vast Projects of an undaunted Courage and all that animated by an uncontrollable Ambition but kept up by a robust Constitution as Livy has describ'd him Thus does Salust create in me a great Opinion of Catiline by the Pourtraiture he makes of him at the entrance of his History And when I see that resolute Souldier raising Armies in his Closet going to the Senat in a silence which denotes Resolution to affront the Consul slighting and scorning his Invectives putting Rome into an Alarm making Italy tremble in fine daring that which no private person ever durst I am not surpriz'd after the
when they once appear incredible or extraordinary if a man gives them not an Air of truth or at least a Colour of probability This is done by Thucydides and though he found Herodotus in so great esteem as that some gave his Books the names of the Muses he made it his business to speak onely the truth without minding how he pleas'd I had rather says he displease by speaking the truth than divert by relating fables in regard that by displeasing I may possibly benefit and I may haply prejudice by endeavouring to divert Let therefore this be granted that there is not any thing so excellent in History as what is real and that Truth being the greatest divertisement of it that very Historian who would endeavour to divert ought to advance onely what is true IX That Truth is the onely means whereby History advances towards its end and how it is found TRuth being the onely means whereby History may securely instruct ought also to be the principal rule of it that it may be the ground-work of the publick belief as it ought to be But where is it to be found Is there any thing in the world that lies more conceal'd than Truth For besides the Clouds and Mists whereby it is naturally surrounded and sometimes rendred inaccessible it is also begirt with all the Disguizes which mans Heart is capable of And if the ordinary Ignorance of those who write and are so short sighted as to the prospect they should have before them be an obstacle to the knowledge of Truth their want of Sincerity or voluntary Insincerity is a much greater For how many false Judgments do men make by the false prospects which Passion or Interest gives them and by the preoccupations which Error or Opinion are wont to inspire prepossessed Minds withall In fine Truth being of a nature so unknown to men either by reason of its own obscurity or by the weakness of their abilities or want of attention there is not any thing more difficult than to communicate it to the publick in its purity and without any adulteration And as it is continually corrupted and profan'd by the baseness of Flatterers most Historians being ordinarily Court-Pensioners so a man ought to bid defiance to hope or fear as soon as he has once concern'd himself in writing that he may have the courage to be a constant deliverer of the truth But if it suffices not that a man be willing to speak it he must also be able to do it by searching after it in the purity of its source by seeking it in the most curious Closets and by consulting the Instructions of those who have been concern'd in the Affairs so to unravel what is most mysterious in the most secret Intrigues The Historian above all things must well study Man in general make a discovery of his disposition by the most fantastick and most unexpected passages find out the greatest weaknesses of his heart dive into his true Sentiments that he may not impose false ones upon him and judge of him by those natural and unforeseen motions which he is guilty of when he least thinks of them 'T is by this means that he descries the real Sentiments of the Soul the Heart having not the time to recollect in order to its disguizing of it self for it forces it self as soon as it comes to reflect as Tacitus offers it to our observation in Agrippina and Octavia the Sister of Britannicus For as soon as he was smitten with the Poison which Nero had ordered to be given him at the Banquet wherein he procured his death Octavia was troubled as well as Agrippina there was a visible Consternation in their Countenances but whereas Octavia was in hopes of being married to Nero and that Agrippina his Mother a Woman naturally ambitious was desirous to reign their political Reflection reassur'd them and not to give any disgust to the Emperour who rid out of the way his Rival to the Empire they smother their Sentiments silence their grief and continue the Repast with the same Gayety of Humour as if nothing had happen'd while the Prince gave up his last gasp in the Antichamber Now this must be look'd on as a great piece of Contrivance in an Author who would give us an exact account of those whose History he relates But this is a Consideration not much heeded and is the reason that we have so few Histories There is a Character of Spirit proper for the delivering of things as they are which is not common it is one of the Talents of Thucydides the most faithful and most sincere of all the Historians he has a gusto and liking for the Truth and a discernment to distinguish between that which is true and false together with an Accuracy of Spirit which has gain'd him the approbation and esteem of all Nations Dionysius Halicarnassaeus commends him above all things for his keeping close to the Truth alledging that he never spoke any thing against his Conscience wherein he has surpass'd Herodotus whose design it was onely to please For Strabo affirms that he intermix'd Fables into his History out of a pure frolick to render it divertive The Historians of the lower Class became so great Flatterers that their defect in point of Fidelity diverted Vopiscus from writing the History of his own time but the Governour of the City a Favourite of the Emperour 's in a Discourse he had with him as they walk'd abroad took off that scruple by representing to him that the most considerable Historians had been deceiv'd in many things Pâ—llio affirms that the same thing has happen'd to Caesar in his Commentaries because he took not the leisure to examine what he said Now if the greatest men are subject to these miscarriages what will be the case of the ordinary sort of Writers And if Truth does not always make a discovery of it self in its purity to extraordinary Genius's how shall it expose it self to meâ—ner persons who upon the very score of their Quality cannot deliver any thing without changing the Circumstances thereof either by diminishing or augmenting the Objects For there is not any thing of greater rarity than an exact Character and such as is fit to communicate things as they are they are not said otherwise than as they are conceiv'd they are not conceiv'd but answerably to the frame of the Imagination and of several persons who may have seen the same thing there are not many times two that deliver it after the same manner every one relating what he had seen according to the Idea he has taken thereof and suitably to the frame of his own Apprehension The Talent therefore most requisite in an Historian is that exact and faithful Inclination of declaring the truth in all Circumstances conducive to its making an Impression in and meriting the belief of the publick But it is not yet sufficient to History that it communicate what
Antonio Perez and so many Italians as Maâ—hiavel and Ammirato have split themselves 'T is onely by the Lustre of his Style that this last so much pleases the higher sort of Wits and so little those that affect what is Natural for by the subtilty of his Ratiocinations and Reflections he tires them He is so obscure in his Expressions that a man must be well exercised in his Style ere he shall be able to unravel his thoughts His way of Criticizing is delicate of it self but it becomes Rustical by the desire he has to criticize upon every thing His perpetual assuming of great Sentiments must introduce somewhat that is sublime 't is by this onely that he imposes and 't is not so much to please and to instruct that he writes as to raise Admiration There is in him some what that is great and extraordinary which excuses most of his Deâ—ects But there are so many things to be said upon this Author as well to his advantage as disadvantage that there would be no end of them 'T is a kind of humour that is of no use but onely for Ostentation and it contributes but little to the ordinary Conversation of men Quintus Curtius is commendable for his sincerity he tells the good and ill of Alexander without suffering himself to be preoccupated by the Merit of his Hero If there be any exception to be made against his History 't is onely that of its being too polite but yet he has excell'd in this particular that he describes mens manners with a delightful and natural Air. This Character of Perfection which is remarkable in these great men was not to be found in the subsequent Ages Justin who becomes a Compiler out of a desire to raise himself to an Historian gives but a transient account of matters He knows much he delivers things sencefully enough and he has amass'd many Occurrences which without him might have been lost Most of the Authors of the History of Augustus have confin'd themselves to the writing of Lives as Plutarcâ— anâ— Herodian did amongst the Greâ—ks and Suetonius and Corâ—elius Nepos amongst the Laâ—â—â—e and by that means have degenerated from the Character of Historians Who came after them were but simple Chronicleâ—s Copiers Abbreviators and Compilers who had no Reputation but what they deriv'd from the gross knowledge they gave of their Age wherein the Star of History was not â—orunate as having nothing that 's delicate or inâ—eed rational Nor was there much Sincerity found amongst the modern Greeks who must needs introduce Visions and extraordinary Adventures to satisfie their Genius The love of Learning which has reflourish'd in the last Ages hath raised up together with the revival of senceful writing a flight of Historians who by the Study of the Ancients whom they took for their Models made a greater noise than their Predecessors Amongst those who have most signalized themselves may come in Comâ—es and what is singular in him is that he writes sencefully and is sincere Paulus Amilius speaks purely but he is superficial Paulus Jovius follows onely his own Passion and his Interest Machiavel is exact enough in his History of Florence in the rest his Wit has the predominancy over his Judgment He does not absolutely do justice to Casâ—ruccio Castrucci whom he treats as an Enemy to his Countrey Mariana in his History of Spain has not been surpass'd by any modern Author either as to the Grandeur of his Design or the Excellency of the Style Buchanan is too servile an Imitator of Livy whatere is good in him he has filch'd from the Ancients He writes sencefully but has no great Elevation in his Sentiments His long Citations of the third Book do not generally please no more than do the Particularities he brings in in the second Book of the notion of the Country whereof he speaks The Germans have vast Projects upon their History but nothing reduc'd within the natural order which an exact Design would require We find is most of the Spaniards a Spirit of Partiality for their Countrey which renders them very suspicious The Italians are well furnish'd with particular Histories of the different States whereof Italy consists but they have no complete Body of History There begin now to appear amongst us some rays of hope that some accomplish'd Historian will rise up by the Approbation which the Publick gives those who write at this time FINIS Pulchrum imprimis videtur non pati occidere quibus aeternitas debeatur Plin. l. 5. epist genus hoc scribendi incitatum atque elatum esse debere quis ignorat Cic. ad fam epist 7. l. 6. Addidit Historiae majorem sonum vocis Antipater caeteri non â—xornatores rerum sed tantummodo narratores fuerunt Cic. de Orat. l. 2. Magna non nimia sublimis non abrupta fortis non temeraria severa non tristis gravis non tarda laetâ— non luxuriosa plena non tumida Fab. l. 12. c. 10. Delectus verborum habendus pondera singulorum examinanda Fab. l. 10. c. 3. Lucian de conscrib Hist Historico sermoni decus conciliet perspicuitas proprietásque verborum Ben. de Hist l. 1. Quid tam necessarium quà m rect locutio Fab. l. 1. Curae magna sentiendi loquendi sed dissimulatio curae praecipua L. 9. c. 4. Nihil est in Historia pura illustri brevitate dulcius Cic. ad Brut. In sententia nihil absurdum aut alienum aut subinsulsum in verbis nihil inquinaetum abjectum non aptum durum longè petitum Cic. de opt gen Orat. Non debet quisquam ubi maxima rerum momentae versantur solicitus esse de verbis Fab. l. 8. c. 3. Vt monilibus margaritis quae sunt ornaementa foeminarum deformantur viri nec habitus triumphalis quo nihil augustius foeminas decet Fab. l. 11. c. 1. Ornatus omnis non tam suâ quà ns rei cui adhibetur conditionâ— constat Ibid. Si oratio perderet gratiam simplicis inaffectati coloris perderet fidem Fab. l. 9. c. 4. In judicio de Thucyd. Homerus brevem quidem cum animi jucunditate propriam carentem superfluis eloquentiam Menelao dedit quae sunt virtutes generis primi Fab. l. 12. c. 10. Exponere simpliciter sine ulla exornâ—atione Cic. de Invent. l. 2 Nor. dicere ornatiùs quà m simplex ratio veritatis ferat Cic. de Orat. l. 1. Xenophonâ—is illam jucunditatem inaffectatam quam nullae affectatâ—â— consequi possit ut ipsae sermonem Gratia finicissè videantur Faâ— l. 10. c. 1. Plutarch Herm. de Idaeis l. 2. In rebus magnis memoriâque dignis historiam versari Cic. de Orat. l. 2. Historiam assuetam discurrere per negotiorum celsitudines non humilium minutias indagare causarum Ammian Marcell l. 26. Equidem non affirmare sustineo de quibus dubito nec subducere quae accepi Curt. l. 9 Apud Herodotum sunt innumerabiles fabulae De Leg.