render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and quantum possum or quantum in me est by which others render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But Maimonides may make the difference evident Let us see how He tells us of one proceeding in discourses tending to the humiliation of the people according to his ability until he humble their hearts and they return perfectly It is supposed that if Justin Martyr had been to express this he would have used the phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rambams Preacher making use of his own abilities and expressions in his Discourses which the former phrase it seems may include but not the latter Well but J. Martyr in this very Apology hath a passage just parallel to this where he Apol. 2. p. 157. speaks of the discourses the Christians used tending to the Conversion of the Heathen and they proceeded therein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Therefore both by the word and the figure of him that appeared we exhorting you as we are able know we are unaccountable for the future although you believe not So Justin Martyrs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is no other then our Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in him prayed just as he in Maimonides preached using his own abilities invention expressions in praying as the other did in preaching And thus much our Author must yield if he will stand to Justin Martyrs or his own Discourse And others in reason will be content that the Eminent Martyr shall shew us his own meaning The Christians in those Discourses he mentions whereby they endeavoured to bring the Heathen to the Faith of Christ used their judgment their invention and certainly their own expressions They imployed all their abilities in this work and this was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by which we may understand if we will admit him to explain himself what he means by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And how well they represent his meaning who will have him to intend hereby neither less nor more then earnestness in praying Hereby I suppose it clear enough notwithstanding all endeavours to obscure it that the principal Prayer in the most solemn part of publick Worship in those times was no prescribed Form. Nor was it any such Form Two Hundred Years after as appears by that of Basil who tells us plainly in the latter end of the fourth Age that no words of such a Prayer were left in writing by any Holy Men. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Thus rendered by Erasmus Invocationis verba cum conficitur panis Eucharistiae poculum benedictionis quis Sanctorum in scripto nobis reliquit Which of the Holy Men have left us in Writing the words of a prayer at the Consecration of the Eucharistical Bread and the Cup of Blessing e Bishop Jewels Apâ—logy p. 60. Basil besought God that he might celebrate with Prayers of his own making By this it is evident they were so far from having any prescribed Forms in Consecrating the Eucharist as they had not so much as the words of any such Form in Writing to his time who lived according to Petavius till 379. It will be easily granted by the Zealots for prescribed administrations that there never was any Liturgy wherein there was not a Form for Consecration since they think any part of a Liturgy may be more tolerably omitted then this and those that officiate had better be left at liberty any where then here and they will shew us such a Form in all Liturgies extant Modern or Antient or pretended to be Antient therefore they cannot reasonably deny while there were no such Forms in Writing there were no such Liturgies and so none in Basils time By this also we may discern what sentence ought to be passed upon those Liturgies which go under the names of Peter Mark James Clemens and Basil himself too In them the mysteries are clearly described which he sayes the Ancients thought themselves highly concerned to keep secret And there we have as a most necessary part of them the Form of Consecration in Writing which he sayes no Holy Man ever left in Writing In that ascribed to him the forgery is more impudent He having declared his high approbation of the Antients practice in not committing any such thing to Writing and upon such reasons as obliged himself as much as any not to run counter to them herein He with them thought the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reverence due to these mysteries hereby secured and another course the way to render them despicable 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as is evident by his discourse in the place alleadged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Their Prayers at the Eucharist were long ordinarily so in Justin Martyrs time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apol 2. p. 162. Not like those of the Monks in Egypt Pauli 300 a day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 forheads Soz. 397. Moytiâ— 50. p. 396. So in Chrysostom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De Sacerd. orat 3. p. 16. And elsewhere he says it required a greater confidence then Moses and Helias had to pray in this ministration 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 46. And why such boldness was needful if they had the Prayer in a Book before them I apprehend not However those that were usually large in this Prayer were sometimes brief when there was occasion and performed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is a clear evidence they were not tyed to a set Form but were left to use their discretion and ordered their Praâ—er over the Elements so as to be briefer or more inlarged therein according as they were disposed and as occasion required Marcion imitated the Christians herein 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Irenaeus l. 1. c. 9. in Epipha l. 1. tom 3. Hier. 34. This Prayer of old consisted much of Thanksgiving Chrysostom gives an account of some particulars for which they gave thanks And having mentioned as many or more then are to be found in any Eucharistical Form either in the Mass Book or our Service Book adds cum his caeteris hujusmodi gratiarum actionibus accedimus in 1 ad Corinth Homil. 24. implying they were not confined to those specified but inlarged themselves in such like particulars according to discretion But I insist not on this the former evidence is sufficient 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 396. After he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gregory Bishop of Nazianzen Father of Gregory called the Divine having been much weakened by a Feaver but very desirous to partake of the Lords Supper by the help of his Maid he gets to Church Narrat Nazianzenus Patrem suum Sacerdotem ardentissima diuturna febri exhaustum ab ancilla aliquando Synaxis tempore deductum manu in coetum ecclesiasticum in quo pro more caenam sed paucissimis quibus tum per morbum potuit verbis consecratam aliis distribuerit ex ea participarit
at Rome till an 1014. when Berno Augiensis lib. de miss relates he being at Rome cum Romani Presbyteri ab eo interrogorertur Cur post evangelium ut in aliis ecclâ—siis siebat symbolum non canerent they gave him a reason such a one as it is and adds Imperatorem Henric. 1. Benedicto Papae persuasisse ut ad publicam mâ—ssâ—m symbolum decantarent in Spond ad an 1014. n. 3. He gives several accounts of the rule of Faith de Veland Virg. which neither agree with what is given by others in mode of expression neither with one another there being no coincidence in any one phrase observable through the whole And is it probable that they who left themselves and others so much liberty about formulas of Creeds would deprive others of it or be bereaved of it themselves in Forms of Prayer in Baptism or elsewhere where there is much more reason for more liberty How incredible is it That their Prayers were limited to a set of Words when the regula fidei which more required it had no such confinement Sure if they had judged any such limits requisite in any thing of this nature they would have given them to that rule of Faith. No Prayers Supplications Lauds Litanies c. could in their judgment require such strict and precise and unalterable bounds as that which they counted and stiled immobilem irreformabilem The Apostles Creed may be objected but is sufficiently removed by the premisses Those who can believe what pleaseth them may receive the story of Ruffinus concerning it but his faithfulness and credit is not so much with others as to advance it above a Fable And it seems incredible that there should be such a Form among Christians of the Apostles composing and yet the Ancients for above Three hundred Years take no notice of it yea take the boldness to vary from it and which is more to prefer those of their own conception before it on the solemnest occasions Or if there were such a Form of the Apostles and the Ancients would not confine themselves to it as it is apparent they did not much less would they be confined to Forms of Prayer composed by ordinary Persons In the constitutions ascribed to the Apostles the Creed to be used in Baptism is exceeding f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Athanas contr Sabell orat tom 1. p. 513. different from that called the Apostles not only in Words Phrases Order but in the omission of divers Articles and the addition of others vid. l. 7. c. 42. Moreover Basil g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Spir. Sanct. c. 27. p. 274. tells us The Confession of Faith is conformable to the delivery of Baptism and the Doxology conformable to the Confession of Faith That they are all three much alike That they Baptized as they had received and believed accordingly as they Baptized and gave glory just as they believed that there was a necessary and inviolable coherence betwixt these and that an innovation in any of these would destroy the whole 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. de Sp. Sanct. cap. 27. p. 274. But he does not think the change of Phrase and Words therein is such an innovation if it remain the same in sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for he himself used the Doxology very variously and would not be bound up to one Form in the expressing of but four or five Words And by what liberty he took in this shews what might be taken in the rest Two days before the writing of this Book in Prayer with the People 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he used the Doxology two ways both differing from that which is usual as he tells us cap. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Glory to God and the Father adding sometimes with the Son together with the Holy Ghost sometimes by the Son in the Holy Ghost but this is but a taste of his variety He that will observe how it is used in this Book and in the end of his Homilies may find it diversified near forty several ways and run almost into so many Changes as so few words are capable of One may think they are put to hard shifts for proof of the prescribed Forms in question who are glad to make the antient Use of the Doxology one of their Arguments We see it would not serve their turn if it could be proved that they were as much limited to Forms of Prayer in Baptism as they thought themselves confined to the words of Christ delivering the Form of Baptizing Those that thought a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a conformity in sense sufficient where Christ gives the direction might with much reason judge this enough or too much when men only prescribe and in cases too where a greater Latitude is safer Their practice in the severals premised shew they knew no such prescriptions nor would have honoured them with any more observance or so much To proceed There was a mode of Renunciation generally used in Baptism and a general agreement to use the same in sense and yet as to Words and Syllables a strange variety When as here if any where a common rule injoining uniformity in Words might have been expected and in such a Case if in any would have been observed I have taken notice of more than twenty h Origenes Quid denunciaverit diabolo non se usurum pompis ejus voluptatibus pariturum in ep ad Rom. Universis denique aliis Diis Dominis Homil. 8. in Exod. Constantius de se Renuncians Satanae Pompis operibus ejus universis idolis manu factis credere me in Deum professus sum in Edict ad Sylvest Cyril Hierosolym Catech. 1. Myster 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 228 229. Ephrem Syrus Abrenuncio tibi Satan cunctis operibus tuis l. de poenit c. 5. Basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de Spir. Sanc. cap. 27. no prescription for it Cyril Alexandrin Ibi deposuerimus tenebras a mente nostra doemoniorum turbis valedixerimus omnemque ipsorum pompam cultum prudentissime respuerimus consitemur fidem in Patrem lib. 7. contra Julian Salvian Massiliens Abrenuncio inquis Diabolo Pompis spectaculis operibus ejus de provid lib. 6. p. 197. Quae est enim in baptismo salutari Christianorum prima confessio nisi ut renunciare se Diabolo ac pompis ejus atque spectaculis operibus protestentur p. 198. Dionysius Areop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eccles Hierarch The repeating of it singular Clemens Constit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 41. Justinian 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c .... l. 33. §. 1. de Episcop Audient Tertullian Sed aliquanto prius in Ecclesia sub Antistitis manu contestamur nos renunciare Diabolo Pompae Angelis ejus de Coron Milit. c. 3. Optatus Milevit Contra nos peccatores ut vultis interrogemus alterum Gentilem an renunciet Diabolo credat Deo c. dicat
pectore oramus hath been pleaded by others and not without reason Bishop Hall in Answering it when he was concern'd to be most reserved and cautious so as to yield nothing but what the words would extort grants The mode of Praying was not then under any superiour injunction and so not prescribed Bishop Bilson concluded from this passage before it came into debate by the differing parties that extemporary Praying was used in Tertullian's time Christian Subject Part 4. p. 617. rendering it without any x Sine monitore not being urged by any superiour injunction Prompter as coming from the free motion of our own Hearts and ascribing it to the extraordinary gift of Prayer then continued How reasonably may be considered elsewhere and this shews it is not for want of evidence in the expression that this sense of it is since rejected by his followers but from something else I doubt not but if it would have been serviceable another way there would be no question but this was Septimius's meaning the Christians did Pray without any such Prompter as the Heathen because their hearts were their Prompters or as Bishop Bilson because they Pray as their hearts move them Prayers suggested to the Heathen by their Monitors were suggested to the Christians by their own hearts they had not their Petitions out of a writing but out of their own Breasts The Gentiles Monitor as Rigaltius on the place observes did praeire preces de scripto Amongst the Greeks their Prayers were read out of a Book as appears by Apuleius describing a great solemnity amongst them where their Monitor whom they called y Tunc ex his unus quem cuncti Grammaâ—ea dicebant pro foribus assistens coetu Pastophorum quod sacrosancti collegii nomen est velut in concionem vocato indidem de sublimi suggestu de libro de literis fausta vota praesatus Apuleius metamorph l. 11. p. 204. Grammatea from a high Pulpit de libro fausta vota precatus Prayed out of a Book Amongst the Persians Pausanias representing the rites of their Pyretheia as they were used in Hierocaesarea and Hypaepae brings in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 z 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Hesychius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Phavorinus who was a Priest a Sacred person amongst them thus Praying a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Pausan lib. 1. Eliacor Ammianus Marcellinus Hist l. 23. c. 8. The Magus by a set Form of Prayer He coming into a place in the Temple and having laid Wood on the Altar first puts on his Sacred Habit and then Prays to some God and this Prayer he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of a Book For the Romans Livy tells us Numa gave them in writing all that belonged to their Worship eique viz. to Marcus the Chief Priest omnia sacra exscripta exsignataque attribuit Dec. 1. l. 1. p. 16. Upon special occasions the Decemviri transcribed their Prayers out of the Sibyls Books their extraordinary Ritual Dec. 5. l. 1. p. 15. Pacem Deorum peti precationibus quae editae ex fatalibus libris essent When they were distressed by Hannibal sending Fabius's Picture to b Q. Fabius Pictor Legatus a Delphis Romam rediit responsumque ex scripto recitavit Divi quoque in eo erant quibus quoque modo supplicaretur Dec. 3. l. 3. p. 64. Delphos Apollo Pythius prescribed them a Liturgy in Writing which he returning recited out of that Writing in which was contained what Gods they should supplicate and in what mode and the Senate injoyned an accurate observance of it When Scipio Aemilianus was c Qui Censor cum lustrum auderet inque solito fieri sacrificio scriba ex publicis tabulis solenne ei precationis carmen praeiret quo Dii immortales ut populi Romani res meliores amplioresque facerent rogabantur satis inquit bonae ac magnae sunt itaque precor ut eas perpetuo incolumes servent Ac protinus in publicis tabulis ad hunc modum carmen emendari jussit Valer. Max. lib. 4. c. 1. p. 191. Censor the Scribe their Prompter at a Lustration reads the usual Prayer Ex publicis tabulis Scipio misliking an expression therein alters it and orders the alteration to be made in the publick Writing out of which it was to be read and so reforms their Common Prayer Book Thus were the Devotions of the Heathen regulated but the Christians says Tertullian describing them in opposition to the Gentiles had no such Monitor did need no such Prompter their Prayers are not de Scripto but de Pectore In Answer to this thus much is granted That the Christians in those times prayed without Book and so it is acknowledged that those who read their publick Prayers out of a Book are therein nothing like the Antient Christians but more resemble the Pagans in that mode of Praying for which Tertullian here derides them This cannot be denied it seems yet which is the only shift left them de Pectore they will have to be no more than saying their Prayers by heart But this is not to Pray de Pectore but de Memoria not as their heart moves and prompts them but as their memory serves them And this supposes that in those times they had written Liturgies and were wont to get their Prayers by heart for which they should produce some expression or intimation or shew of proof from some credible Author of that Age before they take it for granted I have yet seen no proof of it and I am confident never shall Certainly it was a hard task and required so good a memory as all cannot be supposed to have had who were imployed therein to get all the Prayers they then used by heart Since the Christians then continued and principally in Prayer sometimes Nine hours and this twice every Week in their d Jam horum conventuum proprius ac praecipuus finis erat oratio atque deprecatio unde factum ut stationes dicerentur quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statio Hebraeis sit oratio Dall de jejuniis l. 4. cap. 5. ex J. Capell They began at Sun-rising Statim ab exortu solis Rigalt obs ad Tertull. id orat p. 43. Their Stations were continued till 3 Afternoon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiph. expos fid p. 110. others longer arguunt nos quod stationes plerumque in vesperam producamus Tertull. de jejun c. 14. Their Fasts till 6 Afternoon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil de jejun 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 133. Diebus atque noctibus jugiter instanter oramus propitiantes Deum Cypr. insistamus per totam diem precibus oremus Idem Stations sometimes Twelve hours as at their Fasts besides what were usual at their Vigils Festivals and Lords-days Assemblies at their Baptizings Ordinations reconciling Penitents and other occasions all requiring variety of Prayers And who can believe their Pastors were then limited to written Forms
best to leave free and imperiously prescribing their own weak inventions or others weaker and worse than their own when the Apostles Divinely Inspired did not so much as advise the use of their supposed Forms But if they do not know nor really believe as the premisses perswade me they do not that those Forms and Prayers or any of them are the Apostles Is it ingenuous to offer that for proof which they do not themselves believe Let us then leave them to those who can believe them which I shall wonder if any can but those who have a Faith at Command when it will serve a turn wide enough to swallow a Jacobus de Voragine without mincing If I have stayed the longer here they will I hope bear with me who tender the honour of the Apostles and of the Divine and Infallible Spirit to whose inspirations we owe all their writings and would not have them lie under the unsufferable reproach of having such deformed Brats fathered on them which indeed were the issue of darkness and degeneracy and the Ages wherein those prevailed but borrowed those great and sacred names to hide their shame and gain them reputation in a World much under the power of delusion where alone it was to be hoped for Thus we have cleared the first Three hundred Years after Christ from all suspicion of Worshipping God publickly in the way under debate having examined all that is alledged either for prescribed or arbitrary Forms and finding nothing of weight therein to sway a disinteressed person to believe there was any such thing or to procure the assent of any but those who are disposed to yield it without proof And since that is not found to have been the way of the Three First Ages of Christianity it is not very considerable nor scarce worth the inquiry in what times else this may be found a way of worshipping God in publick Assemblies for which there is nothing in the Apostles writings or practice or in the practice of the First Churches and those after them for Three hundred Years and so neither rule nor reason nor example in the best and most imitable Ages where also their way of Worshipping is deserted who served God most regularly and acceptably If it find any thing to excuse it it will have nothing to commend it to any unless we will admit those of such Palates to be our Tasters who like a Puddle better than either the Spring or the Streams while they run any thing clear In the two next Ages 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 things grew worse and worse Chrys in 1 Cor. Hom. p. 277. as he tells us who resolutely set himself against the Stream of the then prevailing corruptions but found it too violent for him and warned others by what besel him that to strive against it was the way to be sunk Those who have no great affection for these Liturgies will not envy them the honour of having their rise in such degeneracy as the best Writers of those days saw so much cause to lament The chief if not the only ornament of those times were those great persons who had such reason to complain thereof And many there were excellently accomplished in the Fourth Age and some till about the middle of the Fifth It may seem something for the credit of these Liturgies if they can be found in the Church while there was any thing of such eminency in it let us therefore view what is produced as a discovery thereof The Eighteenth Canon of the Council of Laodicea is alledged for prescribed Liturgies p. 374. Titulus in Crab. de Orationibus quotidianis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That the same ministration of Prayers ought to be both at Evening and at the Ninth hour viz. Three in the Afternoon Hence it is argued The same Prayers are to be used both at Nones and Vespers therefore Forms of Prayer are imposed But this is a very lame inference for neither is the Consequence good neither is the Antecedent true The inconsequence is apparent since the same Prayers may be used often and yet not the words thereof prescribed or imposed We have instances enough to clear this in our Pulpits where many before their Sermons and after use the same Prayers Morning and Evening whereas none prescribe the words or impose those Forms on them but themselves And so we might dismiss this Canon as making nothing for prescribed Forms If this Synod would have had the same Prayers used yet here 's not a Syllable for prescribing the words thereof or injoyning what Forms should be used But indeed here 's nothing to signifie that it was the intent of the Synod to have the same Prayers used at the times specified neither the whole phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor any word in it imports such a thing and they make the Fathers absurd who fix such a sense on their Decree 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 will not serve the turn for it does not here as in later times signifie a Book or Model of prescribed and stinted Forms of Prayer and other Administrations Indeed as some Papists where they meet with this word conclude they have found their Mass so others when they find it may fancy they have discovered a service-Service-Book But both ridiculously to those who understand the Antient use of the word For no instance hath yet been produced nor can be wherein it is used in this sense by any of the Antients before this Council or long after And therefore none will believe it is so taken here but such whose desire to have it so will serve for reason enough to believe it But c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suidas Lex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen contr Cels l. 8. p. 428. Theodoret Hist l. 2. c. 24. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to the Notation and Antient known use of the word denotes sometimes a publick Function or Office most commonly the Exercise and Administration of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exercise of their Function Synod Epist Nic. in Theodoret. l. 1. c. 9. vid. Con. Antioch can in cod 97. and then it is not the Forms of Action but the Action it self the publick use imployment exercise or ministration of that to which it is applyed Civil or Religious applyed to Worship it is not the Forms of Worship but the Ministration of it so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Theodoret is not a model of prescribed Hymns but the singing of Hymns so 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Anth. Collot 2. Tit. 3. cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is in the Code 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id ibid. Prayers and Liturgy are sometimes contradistinct as when privatae domus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sed non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Novel 58. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 distinct Cod. lib. 1. tit 3. de Epist Cler. p. 51. Episcopum aleatorum aut
to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Phavorinus a boldness to express ones self freely Epist 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 186. No freedom is left him who must only read what is prescribed him Vid. in Eph. hom ult p. 892. where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. D. H. N. T. 319. 1. Idem tam commode orationes legit ut hoc solum didicisse videatur Plin. ep 19. l. 5. If the Antient Churches had no written Liturgies no Books of publick Prayers they could have no prescribed no imposed no nor any common Liturgies viz. the same in many several Congregations though not imposed And if there had been any such Service Books it is not imaginable but there would have been some notice of them in some of the Writers of those Ages yet for this both we and those who are most concerned to find it are still to seek We meet not with any mention of such Books upon such occasions where it might be expected they would be mentioned if any where and where we might justly look to find them if they had been to be found Those who give a particular account of the Books Vessels and several Utensils which were to be found in the Church make no mention of any such thing as this Vid. Dall de objecto cultus Amongst other things wherewith Athanasius was falsely charged by the Arrian faction to make way for his condemnation Macarius with reflection upon that great Person who imployed him is accused to have leapt upon the Altar overthrown the Table broke the Communion Cup burnt the Bible 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socr. Hist l. 1. c. 20. p. 539. Now it may well be presumed that Ischyras the false accuser incouraged with hopes of a Bishoprick which was his reward afterward and so concerned to swell the charge as big and render it as odious as he could would have added to the rest some indignity offered to the Sacred Liturgy This had been as easily alleadged as the rest if the subject had been extant and might have been as hainously resented if there had been such Liturgies or such opinion of them as in our times When Gregorius the Arrian Bishop came to take possession of the Bishoprick of Alexandria and entered a Church by force of what abuses were offered to all things therein Athanasius gives a particular account the Table 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Font 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wine the Oyl the Doors and latticed Partitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Candlesticks the Tapers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ad Africanos ep tom 1. p. 729. But not a word of a Service Book no more then of a Book of Homilies When the multitude of Christians so increased at Constantinople that it was thought necessary to dispose of them in several Churches Constantine takes care that those Churches should be respectively furnished with Bibles and writes to Eusebius of Caesarea to have them prepared accordingly Now let those that are for prescribed Liturgies be Judges would it not have been requisite that those Churches should have been also furnished with Service Books and care taken that these should have been likewise writ out for them if any such had been then in use Would Constantine have omitted this if he had been of their mind or would not Eusebius who overlooks nothing of that nature have added this in commendation of him if he had made any such provision Does it not hence appear that Churches were then thought sufficiently provided with Books necessary for Divine Service when they were furnished with Bibles And can it be supposed that Constantine whose generousness towards the Church is known to have run out in many superfluities would have been deficient in things accounted in any degree necessary Euseb de vit Constant l. 4. c. 34. ' O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and cap. 36. p. 401. where we have that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the fourth Council of Carthage it is provided when the Bishop is ordained the Book of the Gospels shall be held over his head teneat Evangelioâ—um codicem super caput cervicem ejus c. 2. When the Exorcist is ordained a Book of Exorcisms is to be given him accipiat de manu Episcopi libellum in quo scripti sâ—nt exorcismi c. 7. When the Reader is ordained the Bible out of which he is to read is to be delivered him can 8. tradet ei codicem de quo lecturus est dicens ad eum accipe esto lector verbi Dei. But no Book of publick Prayers either used or delivered or mentioned in the Ordination of Bishop Presbyter or Deacon the only persons who ministred in the Prayers of the Church or any other Officer Yet here if any where we might reasonably have expected to have met with a Service Book if there had been any at that time One of the first Books for publick Service which I meet with is the Libellus officialis in Conc. Tol. 4. Can. 25. an 633. which seems rather but a short Directory then a compleat Liturgy given to every Presbyter at his Ordination to instruct him how to administer the Sacraments least through ignorance of his Duty herein he should offend Quando Presbyteri in Parochiis ordinantur libellum officialem a suo Sacerdote accipiant ut ad Ecclesias sibi deputatas instructi accedant ne per ignorantiam etiam in ipsis divinis Sacramentis Christum offendant And many of the Canons of that Council had been needless if those Churches had been before furnished with such a Liturgy since that would have provided sufficiently for the severals there decreed Can. 2. 5 6 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17. To ascend a little higher in the times of the Churches Persecution in the beginning of the fourth Age if there had been such Service Books why did not their Persecutors call for the delivery of them as they did not only for the Bible but for other Church Utensils Vid. Conc. Arelat Can. 13. in Caranz p. 65. Why hear we of no traditores upon this account It was not the Christians belief contained in the Scripture concerning the true God or the Gentiles false Gods that did more exasperate the Heathen against them then their Worship The Jews whose belief was as opposite to theirs had a toleration many times when the Christians were destroyed And Origen l Neque de Diis non recte sentire crederentur eum non fuisse verum sevitiae causam ex â—o probat Origines quod Epicureis aliisque Philosophis omnem omnino divinam providentiam tollentibus parcebatur Grot. observes that they were not wont to persecute any for their Opinions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adv Celâ— l. 2. p. 68. There were opinions amongst their persecutors concerning God as scandalous to the Heathen as those which the Scripture taught the Christians The Epicureans wholly denying Divine Providence m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Quando audis Sacerdotem Dei ad altare c. Ep. 107. p. 567. And the same Petitions he afterwards sets down in other words which signifies he had them not out of any prescribed or written Liturgy for then they would they must have been the same Pro incredulis ut eos Deus convertat ad fidem but p. 577. Vt incredulas Gentes ad fidem suam venire compellat Pro fidelibus ut in eo quod esse ceperunt munere suo perseverent and p. 578. Vt proficiant in eo quod esse ceperunt Augustine mentions the publick Prayers against Pelagians but no otherwise then as he might have alleadged the extemporary petitions of such who seeking the same things that Christians usually do use not the same words and agreeing in the subject vary other ways in the expressions without any intimation that they were prescribed or in variable Forms And elsewhere with some note of uncertainty whether they did so pray or whether those were their words in publick whereas if they had been in a common written Liturgy he would have known it and might have been positive or some intimation of liberty they had to use those words or not those or others si voluerimus Finally it cannot with any reason be supposed but if there had been such Liturgies they would have been made use of against the Errours and for deciding the Controversies wherewith the Church was exercised in the Ages we are concerned in To wave others there were two especially as to which they might have been this way apparently serviceable viz. That concerning the Godhead of Christ opposed in the first second third and fourth Age especially And that concerning the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the faithful and other errors with which Pelagius and his adherents troubled the Churches in the beginning of the fifth Age and afterwards His Tenet see August contr 2 ep Pelag. l. 4. c. 2. p. 239. None will fancy a Christian Liturgy wherein there is not some acknowledgment of or some address to Christ as God or wherein there is not some confession of sin or some petition for pardon in Prayers proper to the faithful something equivalent to petition in the Lords Prayer forgive us our Trespasses and so no Liturgies wherein there was not evidence enough against both those errours and others also of the Pelagians inconsistent with the necessity of the grace of God. And it will be granted that if those who were judicious had the managing of those Controversies if they thought it requisite to make use of Humane Testimony they would make choice of that which is most cogent and convictive Now they did make use of Humane Testimony as we find both that unnamed Author in Eusebius l. 5. c. â—â— p. 145. who confuting Artemons error who maintained Christ was only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alleadges Justin Martyr Miltiades Tatian Clemens Irenaeus Melito and the Hymns composed by the Brethren of old 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but not a word of any Prayers antient or written by Brethren or Fathers which yet by one who as it is apparent industriously sought out all sorts of confirmations would not have been omitted as tending as much if there had been some written of old but contributing much more to the confirming of that truth if there had been any injoyned to be publickly and generally used Also Athanasius against the Arrians and Augustine against the Pelagians * Athanas Syn. niâ— contr Haerâ—s Arrian decret tom 1. p. 240. quotes Theognostus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Also Dionys of Alexand. and of Rome with Origen Elsewhere Ignatius two of the most judicious Writers that those Ages afforded make use of the Testimonies of their Predecessors and Contemporaries but alledge not one passage out of a service-Service-Book or any Prayers written or so as to give us occasion to think there were any such used publickly and authorized whereas they could not but apprehend as well as we that one clear allegation out of an antient and commonly received Liturgy would have been more cogent and convictive then any or all the particular Testimonies they produce since the judgment of whole Churches in several Ages too is far more considerable then of many particular persons Augustine and others alleadge against the Pelagians divers things which were frequently prayed for in publick but without signifying in the least wise that the Prayers were written or antient which he in Eusebius thought it requisite to express concerning the Hymns he mentions or that they were generally received or the same Form or authorized for the publick Service or prescribed to be invariably used Yet in these particulars lay the force and the advantage of such an allegation and that which would render it most considerable and of far more weight then the Testimony of single Writers And therefore undoubtedly would have been insisted on if there had been any such thing to urge by any who knew how to manage an Argument or to make use of a very obvious advantage So that we may conclude either the greatest wits and judgments of those times were not wise enough to discern the best advantages they had from Humane Testimony such as were obvious to every eye and either could not manage them as those of ordinary capacities amongst us can do or would not improve them as the interest of the truth they contended for and their faithfulness to it required and so were either injudicious or unfaithful or else that they had no such advantages to make use of and so no such Liturgies Further if there were such Liturgies how comes it to pass that we meet with no intelligence of any changing of them or alterations made in them upon such occasions as we may well conceive would necessarily draw on such changes and in all probability bring us some account thereof Quisquis unquam says one Religionem mutavit orandi rationem mutavit nulla unquam Haeresis fuit quae non continuo suas essinxerit preces Mald. in Luc. 11. This being so we may expect to meet with frequent mention of rejecting old Liturgies and composing new of altering or correcting them if the antient mode of Praying was by prescribed Liturgies But I have not yet met with any mention thereof no not in those circumstances wherein if any where it might be expected The Heresie of Artemon holding that Christ was a meer Terrene Creature having siezed on Paulus Samosatenus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bishop of Antioch the Fathers of the Council held there upon that occasion tell us in their circular Epistle that he prohibited the use of the Psalms sung in the honour of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 7. cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 24. And would he have tolerated a Liturgy whose contents were as much for the honour of Christ Or can there be supposed a Liturgy which had nothing in it for the honour of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And if he had
were no such orders confineing them to any unvariable form in that administration but that they might and did vary in their expressions as there was occasion This will yet further appear by Epiphanius's answer Noli nos in tantum putare Rusticos ut hoc tam aperte dicere poterimus c. He takes no notice that what was objected was inconsistent with the custom and practice of that Church and so groundlesly suggested He appeales not to the known form to which they were precisely confined refers him not to their Service Book for his satisfaction which yet if there had been any such thing a duller person then Epiphanius would have discovered to have been the best way to stop the mouth of his Accuser He denyes not but they ordered their Prayers according to such occasions but only tells him they were not so rustical as to do it so bluntly We have in the English Service Book a Prayer for the whole state of Christs Church pretended to be answerable to this Prayer we are upon and indeed the only Prayer in the Book that can pretend to any footsteps of Antiquity so high as the fourth Age. Now suppose the Bishop of L. should be accused in that prayer to prefer such a petition for the Primate of Ireland Domine praesta I. ut recte credat what course would the Bishop take to clear himself of this accusation Would not the dullest of his Chaplains appeal to the prayer it self being invariably used as the best way to demonstrate the charge was false which yet the Bishop of Cyprus supposed to be just in the same circumstances did not offer at Nay he denies not c. ut supra But let us proceed with his answer quando autem complemus orationem secundum ritum mysteriorum pro omnibus pro te quoque dicimus custodi illum qui praedicat veritatem Vel certe ita tii praesta Domine custodi ut ille verbum praedicet veritatis sicut occasio Sermonis se tulerit habuerit oratio consequentiam He sayes they prayed for all Pastors all that preached which shews it to be the general prayer wherein they were wont 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. Const l. 2. c. 51. vid. Lest 190 and for him also but in what expressions they did it he is doubtful It is but one article of this prayer he gives an account of It is the same thing preaching the truth and the same persons those that preached he is telling us they prayed for And they prayed but for the same persons and things once in the same prayer and yet he cannot tell determinately what words they used as appears evidently by his disjunction vel Now Epiphanius celebrated the Eucharist himself thrice a week as he thought by Apostolical order so he tells us expos fidei p. 110. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Albas And if he had celebrated it in a set form could he have been to seek for the words he used so often since if either his Memory or the prayer-Prayer-Book would have helped him and one of them would have helpt him to the precise words if they had then confined themselves to any and had had their Prayers either by heart or in a book he would never have writ so doubtfully of them when his business was to satisfie a captious Adversary Would there be any need for one who has the prayer for all states by heart or has the Service-Book before him to express by a distinction what is there desired for Bishops Pastors and Curates No more would Epiphanius if the same mode of praying had been then in use To this prayer we may refer what we find of Jerom who complains that in his time the oblations a As M. Th. observes it is called an Oblation viz. the Elements or the Offerings out of which they were chosen according to the stile of the most antient Church Writers not as consecrated but as presented and offered whether by the people as the custom was to him that ministred or by him that ministred to God to be consecrated Serv p. 379. were publickly mentioned by the Deacon and the names of the offerers recited yea and the quantity of what they offered and also of what they promised to offer in Ezek l. 6. c. 18. Publice in ecclesia Diaconus recitat Offerentium nomina tantum offert ille tantum ille pollicitus est Which he sharply censures Placent sibi ad plausum Populi torquente eos Conscientia they delight in the applause of the people whiles their Conscience torments them The like complaint he makes in Jer. c. 11. Nunc publice recitantur offerentium nomina Redemptio peccatorum recitatur in laudem Now who can believe that a practice worthy of so sharp a rebuke was publickly prescribed or if it had been prescribed for common use would have been so severely censured And therefore what can be thought but that those who officiated were left to their liberty to use what expressions they thought fit If there had been a rule or prescription limiting them to any thing better he would have taken notice of it and of this usage as a transgression of the established order Pertinent to which is this passage of Augustine August de Civit. l. 22. c. 8. Vir Tribunitius Hesperius qui apud nos est habet in territorio Fussulensi fùndum Zabedi appellatum ubi cum afflictione animalium servorum suorum domum suam Spirituum malignorum vim noxiam perpeti comperisset rogavit nostros me absente Presbyteros ut aliquis eorum illo pergeret cujus orationibus cederent Perrexit un◠obtulit ibi sacrificium corporis Christi orans quantum potuit ut cessaret illa vexatio Deo protinus miserante cessavit Bl. 286. Vid. in Aug. tom 2. p. 686. As also what Chrysostome saith viz. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys in 1 Cor. hom 41. p. 524. And elsewhere 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrys in Hebr. hom 15. p. 515. Those who had liberty when they were offering supplications and praises in the celebration of the Eucharist to pray as occasion was offered and to put up such Petitions as they thought fit upon particular emergencies were not confined to set forms in that administration Cyprians occasional Praises and Prayers in sacrificiis upon Lucius return from banishment Hic quoque in sacrificiis atque orationibus nostris non cessantes Deo Patri Christo filio ejus Domino nostro gratias agere orare pariter petere ut qui Perfectus est atque proficiens custodiat persiciat in vobis confessionis vestrae gloriosam Coronam qui ad hoc vos fortasse revocavit ne gloria esset occulta si foris essent confessionis vestrae consummata martyria Cypr. epist l. 3. ep 1. p. 53. Add to this what may be observed in Ambrose Epist 33. Ad Marcellinam sororem He whiles he was celebrating
ipse quoque Reversum vero ad lectum ciboque parumper ac somno refectum melius statim habuisse c. Orat. in funere patris cent 4. p. 421. and there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 f Naz. orat in laudem Patris Gregor p. 305. Afterwards uttering the words of Thanksgiving as was usual and Blessing the People lifting up his feeble hands in Prayer he chearfully celebrates the mysteries with and for the people with very few words such as his weakness would admit but as seems to me with a most vigorous soul and afterwards 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. And this he had from the Holy Ghost perceived by him but not discerned by those that were present Where if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 refer to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which seems most congruous he tells us those few words wherewith he celebrated were suggested to him by the Holy Ghost and so neither by a Book nor by his Memory But I need not insist on that By the former expression it is evident that he was briefer and used fewer words in his Prayers at this time before the administration then he was wont to do when in Health Now they that in celebrating this Ordinance and Blessing the Elements do pray sometimes longer sometimes shorter as their strength will serve them are far from confinement to a certain number of words which is the thraldom of prescribed Forms For further evidence that these and other parts of the Eucharistical administration were not under the restraint of prescribed orders in the beginning of the fifth Age let that be observed which we meet with in the Epistle of Innocent the 1. to Decentius written an 416. to satisfie him who was Bishop of Eugubium concerning many severals which were then it seems not determined but under consultation and inquiry so c. 8. Sanâ— quia de hoc sicuti de caeteris consulere voluit dilectio tua Particularly it was inquired what place in the Eucharistical office should be assigned to the osculum pacis whether ante or post confecta mysteria before or after the Consecration of the Elements Which Innocent satisfies not by wondering that he took no notice of the prescribed order though since he was a Bishop in his Precinct and calls Decentius Clergy Clericos nostros c. 8. he might justly have wondered at it if there had been any such prescript But by reason cap. 1. Pacis osculum dandum est post confecta mysteria ut constat populum ad omnia quae in mysteriis aguntur atque in ecclesia celebrantur praebuisse consensum ac finita esse pacis concludentis signaculo demonstrantur It was also matter of consultation and inquiry whether the names of the Offerers should be recited before or after Prayer made over the oblation cap. 2. Whereby it appears there was not then so much as any common authorized direction for the order and method of their Eucharistical administration much less any prescribed Forms or Modes for if they had not so much as a directory how far were they from such a Liturgy as is now contended for If Decentius had known any such established order his enquiry had been needless and so had Innocents determination been He might have referred him to the prescribed order as our Prelates would have done in the like case and said to him as he does to two other Bishops ep 5. in Crab. 410. concerning the Canons of the Church Ecclesiasticorum Canonum norma nulli debet esse incognita Sacerdoti quia nesciri haec a Pontifice satis est indecorum maxime quia a Laicis religiosis viris sciatur custodienda esse ducatur Yea and judged him unworthy to be a Prelate in his Province who would make a question of that which the Wisdom and Authority of the Church had already determined But there is neither mention of nor reference to any such order nor any resentment of his calling it in question He tells him indeed it was superfluous not because it was already determined but because his own prudence might discern what was most convenient to be done in the case quod superfluum sit ipse per tuam prudentiam recognoscis In the conclusion he hopes that in these and other such like particulars which if determined amount to no more then the directive part or Rubrick of a Liturgy Decentius may instruct and give some order to others which they may imitate not strictly conform to Erit autem Domini potentia id procurare ut tuam ecclesiam Clericos nostros qui sub tuo Pontisicio divinis famulantur officiis bene instituas aliis formam tribuas quam debeant imitari Where it is observable 1. At this time there was no setled Form or Order in that Church 2. The Order he hopes for if it comprize all the particulars in the Epistle comes to no more then a Direction or Rubrick And 3. This designed for imitation not for strict Conformity And what liberty there was in those times and how far they were from uniformity appears by the beginning of that Epistle Si instituta Ecclesiastica â—t sunt a beatis Apostolis tradita integra vellent servare Domini Sacerdotes nulla diversitas nulla varietas in ipsis ordinibus consecrationibus haberetur Sed dum unusquisque non quod traditum est sed quod sibi visum fuerit hoc aestimat esse tenendum inde diversa in diversis locis vel ecclesiis aut teneri aut celebrari videntur in Crab tom 1. p. 452. While every one judges that is to be kept not which is delivered but which seems good to him here are seen various tenets and modes of Celebrating in the several places or Churches He speaks as if there were as many ways of Celebrating An. 416 when this Epistle was writ as there were places or Churches and this variety in Ordinibus Consecrationibus which are his words immediately before and is if I understand him both in Ordering their Worship and Consecrating the Mysteries It seems this pleased not Innocent the character given him by Erasmus makes that no wonder Saevus potius quam eruditus ad damnandum potius quam docendum instructior in Epist 96. in 2 tom August Those of least worth when they get power are usually most narrow spirited and imperious As for the traditum est which he opposes if he mean by it any Apostolical Tradition he alleadges it with the same fidelity as he mentions Antient Tradition for the Roman Supremacy Epist 91. to the African Fathers and as his next Successors Zosimus Boniface Caelestine alleadged a Canon of Nice to a Council at Carthage for the same purpose Object You take notice of traditum est which was something that ought to have been observed and would have left no such liberty Answer Whatever be meant by his traditum est it was no authoritative general order injoyning all to use the same words
in both For the former Pythagoras who himself was obliged to be circumcised that he might procure admission to the Aegyptian secrets Clem. Alexandr strom 1. had some hearers who learnt in secret such things as were not fit for profane Ears nor yet purified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. contr Cels p. 7. And for the latter he sayes all the mysteries every where both in Greece and amongst the barbarous were not blamed for being kept secret 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 8. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Basil de Spiritu Sancto c. 27. p. 273. And Seneca before him mentions both where he will have Lucilius observe the difference between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praeceptum ep 95. Idem dicere de praeceptis possum aperta sunt decreta vero sapientiae in abdito sicut sanctiora sacrorum tantum initiati sciant ita in philosophia arcana illa admissis receptisque in sacra ostenduntur at praecepta alia hujusmodi profanis quoque not a sunt p. 794. None were admitted to the sight of their Mystical Rites but the initiated others were warned to withdraw t So Prudentius in Apoth represents the Heathen excluding Christians from their mysteries Lotus procul esse unctus Procul o procul ite profani Conclamat vates totoque absistite luco Virg. Aen. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And if they would venture to be present it was at their peril u Tempore initiorum duo Juvenes Acarnanes qui non initiati erant Athenas venerant in Sacrarium Cereris cum aliis popularibus suis intraverunt ob hoc tanquam nefas summum caesi sunt flor epit As Pentheus in Pausanias w Pentheam aiunt ut foeminarum operta sacra specularetur in arborem ascendisse atque inde omnia conspicatum quod cum Bacchae animadvertissent impetu facto viventem eum lacerasse ac membratim discerpsisse Pausan l. 2. Livy dec 4. l. 1. p. 7. vid. sig infra and those of Acarnania in Livy found it Nero durst not venture eleusiniis sacris quorum initiatione impii scelerati voce praeconis submoverentur interesse non ausus est Sueton. ner c. 34. They would not speak of them in the hearing of others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He is impious that speaks of the mysteries to those that are not initiated sayes Chrysippus in Laertius This was part of Alcibiades crime mysteria Cereris enuntiavisse x Alciblades absens Athenis insimulatur mysteria Cereris initiorum sacra nullo magis quam silentio solemnia enuntiavisse Justin Hist l. 5. c. 1. Vid. Cornel. nepos in Alcibiad And Augustus when he was to hear a Cause wherein these mysteries were touched would not let it be opened till the Company was dismissed y Athenis initiatus cum postea Romae pro tribunali de privilegio Sacerdotum Atticae Cereris cognosceret quaedam secretiora proponerentur dimisso Conciâ—io corona circumstantium solus audiit disceptantes Sueton. Octav. August cap. 93. p. 103. Pausanias of the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baeoticis vid. Dionys Halicarnassens infra They would not commit them to Writing And so we may observe that when the Antient Writers have occasion to deliver any thing particularly concerning them they wave it with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So Apollonius of the Samothracian mysteries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 1. Argon Numenius z Numenio denique inter Philosophos occultorum curiosiori offensam numinum quod Eleusina sacra interpretando vulgaverit somnia prodiderunt Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 2. p. 25. Tarquinius autem Rex M. Tâ—llium Duumvirum quod librum secreta civilium sacrorum continentem custodiae suae commissum corruptus Petronio Sabino describendum dedisset culeo insutum in mare abjici jussit idque supplicii genus multo post parricidis lege irrogatum est Val. Max. l. 1. c. 1. p. 8. venturing to write of them understood by a Dream he had incurred offensam numinum as Macrobius tells us But M. Atelius fared worse suffering as a Parricide for permitting the Sibylls Books in his custody containing secreta civilium sacrorum and used by the Romans as their extraordinary Ritual to be transcribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarnass l. 4. If they trusted them to Writing it was in secret Character such as could not be understood by those from whom they were to be concealed a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Baâ—is de Spiritu Sancto c. p. 273. And Leo Philosophus Laws were not to be writ obscurely because they were not mysteries 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Novel 77. Literis ignorabilibus as Apuleius of the Rites of Isis b Summus Sacerdos de opertis adytis praefert quosdam libros literis ignorabilibus praenotatos partim figuris cujuscemodi animalium concepti Sermonis compendiosa verba suggerentes partim nodosis in modum rotae tortuosis capreolatimque condensis apicibus a curiositate profanorum lectione munita Indidem mihi praedicat quae forent ad usum teletae necessario praeparanda Metamorph. lib. 11. p. 208. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dionys Halicarnass lib. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Synes infra Cyril Catech. 6. p. 60. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Osiridis historia sacris sermonibios mysteriisque celebris est ita ut periculosum sit eam monimentis narrationibus commendari Synes de Providentia p. 123. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. Sect. 1. p. 115. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 monimentis intacta 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 124. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ibid. l. 4. p. 144. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. epist 162. l. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. Synes de Provid 1â—4 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. 125. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 128. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. de insomniis The Council of Laodicea setting down the place and order of those Prayers shews us they were made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 adv Judaeos Ipsa mysteria figurarum cuniculis operiuntur sayes Macrobius figuris defendentibus a vilitate secretum Somn. Scip. l. 1. c. 2. p. 23. Such were the Egyptian Hieroglyphicks and used on purpose for such concealment they could not be understood without a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to interpret them and he explained them not but in secret and there but to some few select Hearers as the Author of the Quaest ad Orthod tells us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 146. I will not say the Christians imitated the Gentiles herein especially if the practice began so early as Tertullian which some suppose because he waves the mention of the Sacrament when he had occasion to give the Heathen an account thereof in such circumstances as Justin Martyr before him had plainly described it For there is a great zeal visible in his Writings
concluding Ex quibus vel caecus videt qua ista accepta erant Traditionem Basilium non quibusdam sed quibusvis non canonicis sed omnibus omnino libris opponere ibid. Written which is utterly exclusive of and inconsistent with any such Rules or Prescriptions and so quite clears the Church for all such prescribed Forms in Baptism in all Ages till that day And clear of them it was long after for The Impostor k Ob. Cook p. 123. And others deny the latter part of this Book to be Basil's Ans The generality of Protestant writers do not question it Chamier Casaubon Dalleus Mr. Cook thinks it was writ by one living after Meletius who survived Basil and so after Basil's time The later he lived the less Antient will prescribed Forms appear to be by his Testimony which in this cannot be suspected who will think him so impudent to affirm what every one knew to be false B. Usher inclines to think the interpolations of the six Antient Epistles ascribed to Ignatius with the six latter and also Clemens Constitutions did ex eadem officina prodire and yet the former not extant before the sixth Age and therefore the Constitutions are elder in Dallaeus de supposit Ign. l. 2. c. 2. p. 237. cum 232 233. After the Prayers in Baptism in reference to the Oyl and Water and Chrism c. 43 44 45. l. 7. having said c. 43. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he adds c. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haec atque alia his consentanea dicat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For the Catechumens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some such hujusmodi benedictione l. 8. c. 16. med For the penitents 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in some such manner in hunc modum cap. 8. fin In the blessing of Water and Oyl 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 29. l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 26. pro primitiis collatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 39. pro mortuis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 41. post sumptionem Eucharistiae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 27. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 7. c. 28. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pro Eucharistia quidem in hunc modum l. 7. c. 26. And by these instances when he calls for Prayer or Praise with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the like we have warrant to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that such liberty is allowed who forged these Constitutions under the name of Clemens many Hundred years after the Apostles and one Age atleast after Basil tho' he set down Prayers for the Baptismal Office yet he ties none to those Forms no not when he pretends they were of the Apostles composing nor to any other but leaves all at liberty to Pray as they saw good only to the same effect he would have them Pray He requires not that they should use those Prayers of his but such Prayers with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his words are l. 7. c. 45. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For if some such Prayer be not made by the Godly Minister at each of these he that is to be Baptized goes into the Water only as the Jews and parts with only the Impurity of the Body not the Impurity of the Soul. By which we may discern what was the freedom as to Prayer at Baptism and consequently elsewhere in those times when he writ probably about the latter end of the fifth or the beginning of the sixth Age when Forms through necessity were growing more common Prayers to the same effect would then serve the turn as they now serve the Reformed Churches He that appeared to the World about that time in the vizard of Apostolical l Where he presumes to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 l. 8. c. 15. Authority would not by vertue thereof presume to tie any in administring Baptism strictly to one Form any one Form of Words No not to those Words which he would have them believe were formed by the Apostles themselves The Apostles as he personates them gave liberty to wave their own supposed Forms and think it well enough if Prayers to the same purpose be used instead thereof In all probability if this Actor had laid his Scene in places and times where more restraint had been tolerable he would have represented it otherwise But there needs no other evidence for this liberty in Baptismal Prayers to any who are willing to see than that in Augustin de Bapt. contra Donat. l. 6. c. 25. where examining the Allegations of the several Bishops in the Council under Cyprian to Sedatus of Tuburbis who pleads thus for the Rebaptizing of those Baptized by Hereticks in quantum aqua sacerdotis prece in ecclesia sanctificata abluit peccata in tantum Haeretico sermone velut cancere infecta cumulat peccata As the Water by the Prayer of the Priest in the Church is Sanctified to the washing away of sin so by an Heretical Prayer as by a Cancer it is infected to the increasing of sin Augustin Answers Si non sanctificatur aqua cum aliqua erroris verba per imperitiam precator effundit multi non solum mali set etiam boni fratres in ecclesia non sanctificant aquam If the Water be not Sanctified when he that Prayes through unskilfullness utters some erroneous words then not only many evil but good Brethren in the Church do not sanctifie the Water Multorum enim preces emendantur quotidie si doctioribus fuerint recitatae multa in iis reperiuntur contra Catholicam fidem For the Prayers of many are daily amended if they be recited to the more Learned and many things are found in them contrary to the Catholick Faith they were vitiosae preces in quibus aliquid perversum as he afterwards Now such prayers cannot be supposed to have been any common Forms commanded or used much less prescribed by the Church The course taken to redress this was not a total prohibition of the Prayers they had chosen nor the tying of such Ministers to the use of any common Form no nor the commending of any such to their use But what divers Synods of which before had decreed the Prayers which such indiscreet persons made choice of being recited to the more learned were by them amended and the errors being left out they are left to use them still for the amending of them cannot be otherwise interpreted than in order to future use And this course as it is inconsistent with the imposition of any set Forms so it argues forcibly the Churches then had not in the administration of Baptism so much as any common Form in free use otherwise instead of daily trouble to others and themselves about correcting their very faulty Prayers Why are not persons so intolerably indiscreet who could not discern when a Prayer was
another Mans Sermons and was his power in Praying no more than his reading another Mans Prayers One would think it could denote no less than that he had a more powerful way or faculty in Preaching and Praying And if it be said that this lay only in his more devout or earnest reading c. Ans If the disinteressed can be satisfied that his powerful faculty in Preaching was but his fervency in reading other mens Sermons I shall not contend but that his powerful faculty in Praying might be no more than his devout reading of other mens Prayers Athanasius himself shews us that Prayers were not then had from Prayer-Books and prescribed Forms when he tells us mens orationis fons est following Basil in the beginning of his Tract de Spiritu Sancto tells Amphilochius that he lately Praying with the People and concluding his Prayers Hook. pol. l. 5. §. 42. with a Doxology used variety of expressions therein sometimes to the Father with the Son together with the Holy Ghost sometimes by the Son in the Holy Ghost and that offence was taken at one mode of his expressing it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 1. p. 248. Hence it appears Basil was not would not be limited to the same words in any the least part of publick Prayers not in one clause so short a clause not in the conclusion of a Prayer where those who vary in other parts many times agree not in a Doxology where those that are for more liberty elsewhere can be content with less He varies in this once and again in several Prayers and none of his variations fall in with the usual mode to the Father and the Son aend the Holy Ghost nor did the fear of offence restrain him from using this liberty Now if in such circumstances he would not be confined in the part of a Prayer to the invariable use of so short a clause as the half of the Doxology now used would he be confined g Qui loquendi arte caeteris hominibus excellere videntur but not to be reckoned inter illos doctissimos quorum mens magnarum rerum est exercitata quaestionibus Discant non contemnere quos cognoverint morum vitia quam verborum amplius devitare id ibid. p. 329. His enim maxime utile est nosse ita esse praeponendas verbis sententias ut praeponitur animus corpori id p. 330. Basil In Praying publickly used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 strange or unusual expressions which could not be the words of a Common-Prayer Book of ordinary tho' free use much less of one prescribed and injoyned to be constantly and unvariably used If there had been any such you will not think but Basil would have been confined to them but he is far from it he would not be limited to the same words himself or confine others to the invariable use of whole Prayers No it is hereby evident his times knew no such bonds he used expressions as to his Auditory seemed strange and unusual which the words of a Common-Prayer Book could not have been Augustin giving directions how the Catechumens are to be instructed adviseth the Catechists Deo gratias particularly to accomodate themselves to their several capacities and when they are to deal with those of some learning and eloquence to let them understand that God minds not so much the expressions as the inward affection ita enim non irridebunt si aliquos Antistites ministros ecclesiae forte animadverterint vel cum barbarismis soloecismis Deum invocare de Catechiz rudib cap. 9. p. 330. Tom. 4. pars poster So they will not jeer if perhaps they take notice that some Bishops and Ministers of the Church do invocate God with Barbarisms and Solecisms Prayers wherein there were Barbarisms and Solecisms none will imagin them to have been prescribed by the Church yet such were the Prayers both of Bishops and Ministers in Austin's time Socrates who lived in the middle of the Fifth Century h Antâ—nius of Valentia a Dominican in the Council of Trent said that it was plain by all History that antiently every Church had her particular Ritual of the Mass brought in by use and upon occasion rather than by deliberation and decree and that the small Church did follow the Metropolitan and the greater which were near The Roman rite hath been to gratifie the Pope received in many Provinces tho' the Rites of many Churches are still most different from it c. And that of Rome also hath had great alterations and the true Roman rite not that which is now observed by the Priests in that City c. Hist. of the Counc of Trent l. 6. p. 548 549. Prayers in end of Antient Councils not premeditated but as the Spirit did excite some Bishops In Trent not giving way to the extemporary Spirit of any but repeating it out of a paper ibid. p. 813. Fid. Augustini retractat l. 2. c. 20. of varieties in Sacraments â—â—c tamen commemorari omnia potuerunt and whose History reaches an 439. gives us an account of the variety then used in Prayers altogether inconsistent with any common prescribed Liturgy l. 5. c. 21. p. 698. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Generally in any place whatsoever and amongst all the sorts of Worshippers there cannot two be sound agreeing to use the same Prayers Now where there was diversity of Prayers every where How could there be the use of one common Liturgy where there was no 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 no agreement or concurrence in using the same Prayers in any place How could there be one prescribed model when there could not be found two any where using the same Prayers Where were they to be found that used the same Service-Book For the West we may understand by Innocent's Epistle to Decentius formerly alledged how far they were in the same Age from being confined to one Form of Church-Service when he tells us every one celebrated as pleased him And long after this something of the Antient liberty is discernable in the several Countries which was retained in some of them even after the imposing Spirit was rouzed and active And by the remaining ruins we may guess what it was when it stood intire At the time when the Fourth Council of Toledo was held an 633. the Spanish Churches were not subject tho' forwarder for such subjection than others to imposed orders for one Form of Worship no not in the Sacraments Even these in the said Churches were celebrated Crab. Tom. 2. p. 196. in various modes and in some of them unduely as is expressed in the Preface to that Synod In sacramentis divinis quae diverso atque illicito modo in Hispaniarum Ecclesiis celebrantur In France i Percipiens de omnibus civitatibus Franciae Magistros Scholae antiphonarios eis ad corrigendum tradere ab iis discere cantare correcti sunt ergo Antiphonarii Francorum quos unusquisque pro arbitrio
sua vitiaverat vel addens vel minuens omnes Franciae cantores didicerunt formam Roâ—anam Chron. Engolismense in Morn de miss l. 1. c. 8. p. 224. they had Books for publick Service in the Eighth Century yet were they used at the discretion of those that officiated who added or left out what they thought fit till Charlemaine in the beginning of the Ninth Age would have them reformed after the Roman guise unusquisque pro arbitrio suo vitiaverat vel addens vel minuens And in Germany long after Boniface had been stickling to reduce it to the Roman uniformity the whole Country was so far from submitting to any one prescribed order of Service that in one k Decret Greg. 3. q. tit 31. de offic jud ord cap. 14. Quoniam in plerisque partibus intra eandem Civitatem atque Dioecesim permixti sunt populi diversarum linguarum habentes sub una fide varios ritus mores districte praecipimus ut Pontifices hujusmodi civitatum five Dioecesium provideant viros idoneos qui secundum diversitatem rituum linguarum divina illis officia ceâ—ebrent ecclesiastica sacramenta ministrent Diocess there were various modes of administring particularly in that of Colen And l Rotger vit Brunonis apud Surium Oct. 11. obiit an 965. Bruno Bishop there in the middle of the Tenth Age was indeavouring to reform this as Church-matters in those days were wont to be reformed diversitatem sacra peragendi in sua provincia corrigens ac ut eadem ubique esset ratio constituens And in Ireland with which the Britans and Scots symbolized we shewed before out of the great Vsher That till the Twelfth Century no one general Form of Service was retained but divers rites and manners of Celebration were observed till the Roman use was brought in by the Popes Legates So that all along it is manifest the uniformity aimed at in the common prescribed Liturgies was only the issue and darling of late dark and degenerate times an innovation upon the Churches usages in better times and an invading of her Antient Liberty for which the Bishops of Rome were the greatest Zealots designing therein the subjection of all other Churches to that of Rome and gaining thereby both an acknowledgment of the Papal Authority from those who submitted to this Yoke and an advantage of diffusing the Poyson of her Superstitions through the body of the Western Empire where uniformity in Liturgy and Rituals became a chief part of the uniform Apostasie of the latter times Thus we have gone through the disadvantages of proving a m Parker of Cr. l. 2. p. 125. Cum per rerum naturam factuna negantis probatio nulla sit dâ—cret p. 2. caus 6. q. 5. c. 2. Doth your discretion serve you to put us to prove the Negative you cannot prove they had and that is cause sufficient for us to avouch they had not Bils apud c. 4. p. 351. Negative Let us now see how they acquit themselves upon whom the proof lies affirming That the Liturgies they contend for have been ever from the beginning And here if any where it would be an easie matter to give the World abundant satisfaction that what they assert is true if indeed it were so He that takes notice what clear and full evidence may be easily had from the Writers of some one Country in a part of the last Age for prescribed Liturgies or what convincing and unanswerable proof may be brought for them from the few Writers which were in part of the Eighth or Ninth Centuries when they had got place in the World may justly expect that from that multitude of writings in those many Ages which this question concerns such ample and evident testimony for imposed Forms would be found by those who have laboured for it as would have no place for the least doubt but there were such in use all along if they had been really as is pretended the usage of the Churches from the Apostles times And if no such thing be produced by those whose interest led them to ransack all antiquity for it even this if there were no more will be a convincing argument that the antient Church had no such Custom Let us then view what the learned Advocates for these Liturgies have collected out of the Antients and published for the satisfaction of the World in this point and impartially examin whether it amount to such proof as may be reasonably looked for in those circumstances or whether it came not short of any just and competent proof at all Clemens Alexandrinus is one of the antientest Authors produced for this purpose and he in these words Strom. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus rendred The Congregation addicted to their Prayers having as it were one mind and one voice common to all Now says my Author a Congregation cannot have one voice in their Prayers without a set Form for them to joyn in But this is very strange and mysterious I had thought as others do that the Congregation had one voice in respect of the Minister speaking in their stead one for all and therefore accounted the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mouth of the People in Praying as when he Preaches in the name of Christ he is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Clemens's stile Strom. or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Basil calls Nazianzen Ep. 141. Now who can imagin why he should not be their mouth in uttering a conceived Prayer as well as in reading a Prayer out of a Book He had told us immediately L'Estr allianc of Lit. cap. 1. p. 19. before and it is generally by those of his perswasion acknowledged that while the gift of Prayer lasted viz. in the Apostolical Age there was no Form setled and therefore if the People cannot have one voice in their Prayers without a set Form an Apostle or other primitive Minister Praying with a Congregation since he used no set Form was not their mouth nor did any Church Pray with one voice all that Age. As insufficient for this purpose is that of Tertullian Apol. c. 39. Oramus pro Imperatoribus pro Ministris eorum ac potestatibus pro statu seculi pro rerum quiete pro mora finis And that of Cyprian Epist ad Demetr Pro arcendis hostibus imbribus impetrandis vel auferendis vel temperandis adversis rogamus semper prâ—ces fundimus pro pace ac salute vestra c. And that of Basil Epist 141. which tho' in the Age following we joyn with these because of the same import A friend of his gone to Travel had written to him that he would be mindful of him in his Prayers to whom his Answer is this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. To forget thee in my Prayers is impossible for thou rememberest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that in the Church we make Prayers for all our Brethren that travel for all that are
part of the Law or Prophets and next some part of an Epistle or of the Gospels and afterwards proceeded to the Sermon the same order was observed y Hic ordo psallendi is not qui Psalmi but quot requires not the same but so many Psalms to be used Syn. Turon 2. câ—n 19. in Crab. 14. in Caranza A Council in the same Country with the former an 570. Cyril Catech. Mystag 5. p. 259. Vidistis Diaconum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Postea clamat Sacerdos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 240. Vos deinde respondetis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dicit deinde Sacerdos 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vos dicitis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae in Spiritu Sancto canebat Esaias circumstantia Thronum Dei atque dicentia Sanctus Sanctus Sanctus Dominus Deus Sabaoth sic per ejusmodi Hymnos nos ipsos sanctificames Deum benignissimum oramus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tho' the same Psalms were not always sung nor the same Lesson twice in a Year and the same Sermon never twice Preached So for the Prayers if according to the order specified Con. Laodic Can. 18. first Prayers were made for the Catechumens then for the Penitents after that for the Faithful And if in that office peculiar to the Faithful the Prayers be ordered as Augustin thought the Apostles method was Epist 59. so as first Prayer be made for all sorts then the z Deinde postquam confectum est illud Spirituale Sacrificium ille cultus incruentus super ipsa propitiationis hostia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then follows what Rivet says is interpolated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 primum Patriarcharum 〈◊〉 Apostâ—lorum Martyrum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deinde pro defunctis c. p. 241. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Lord's Prayer which he expounds 242 243. Expleta oratione dicit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sacerdos postea dicit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vos respondetis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deinde audistis psallentem ac ad communionem adhortantem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Accedens ad communionem ostendit quomodo c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Postremo exaltata oratione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 qui te tantis mysteriis divinum reddidit Elements be Consecrated after that the People Blessed and the Elements being distributed all be concluded with Thanksgiving The same order of Prayer is observed tho' the same Prayers be no more used than the same Psalms or Lessons always or the same Sermon more than once And the same is to be understood of the 27. Can. Con. Epam an 517. in Bl. But if I minded not the discovery of the truth more than upholding of my opinion or disproving of yours I would grant that by Ordo is understood a Liturgy with prescribed Prayers and it would be a great disadvantage to your cause to grant it for here 's a plain signification they had no such Liturgy before and the Original hereof from Six Bishops in one Province of France where Fifteen or Seventeen and this not till the latter end of the Fifth Age when all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And this is all which I can find alledged in behalf of these Liturgies for Five hundred Years after Christ that is considerable unless the Hymns Benedicite and Te Deum may be counted worthy of consideration And so perhaps they may be accounted if not otherwise yet in respect of the Persons that so make use of them But the inference is not good from Forms of Hymns to Forms of Prayer much less from arbitrary Forms of Hymns to prescribed Forms of Prayer or Liturgies Hymns are more elaborate require more Art and Ornament than Prayers and therefore those who are not for set Forms of Prayer if they admit Hymns of humane and ordinary composition see reason to have them in Forms and not without premeditation And their Opposites will not deny them here more needful Nor will the Inference hold from prescribed Hymns to prescribed Liturgies from a small part for which there is a different reason to the whole Ex. Gr. If Nicephorus his report were true lib. 14. cap. 46. that Theodosius Junior with his Sister Pulcheria injoyned the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Hymn of six or eight Words to be sung throughout the World which yet he makes questionable by adding such a Legend of its miraculous original could it be inser'd from thence that they injoyned the whole World the same Liturgy Besides Hymns there were prescribed and so used viz. the Psalms of David and others of Divine Inspiration in the Apostles times when all our Liturgists in a manner acknowledge there were no prescribed Liturgies As for those two Hymns alledged there is no evidence that they were imposed or so much as used in any time which will serve to prove the Antiquity of those Liturgies which is pretended or any which is for their reputation That which begins with Te Deum is found by the great a Epist ante diatribam de Symbolo p. 2. Vsher in some Antient Manuscripts ascribed to Nicetius who if it be he of Triers lived till after an 565. He concurs herein with Menardus that it is not mentioned in any Author antienter than the Rules which Benet writ for the Monks of his Order which was about the middle of the Sixth Age as may be collected from Baronius and those Rules had their first publick approbation an 595. How long after this that Hymn came to be used in the Church and when it was thought fit to be imposed is not worth the inquiring The other called the Song of the Three Children I have no where discovered before the Fourth Council of Toledo It is mentioned Can. 13. as used before but then first imposed an 633. Such like Hymns were so far from being generally prescribed in the former Ages that the use of them is forbidden in Publick by Synods both in the Greek and Latin Church Conc. Laod. Can. ult 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that private or uncanonical Psalms ought not to be used in the Church neither Books that are not Canonical but only the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems by the clause following to be opposed to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are by the Apostle 2 Pet. 1. 20 21. opposed to those of Divine Inspiration So that the Fathers of Laodicea as they prohibit any Books but those that were Canonical so do they forbid any Psalms or Hymns save such as were of Divine Inspiration to be used in the Churches and the Canons of this Synod were received by the Church amongst her universal Rules Add hereto Conc. Boncar 1. an 565. can 30. Extra Psalmos veâ—eris Testamenti nihil poetice compositum in Ecclesia psallatur Besides the Psalms of the Old Testament let nothing Poetically compos'd be sung in the Church Thus I have given an account