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A65012 The travels of Sig. Pietro della Valle, a noble Roman, into East-India and Arabia Deserta in which, the several countries, together with the customs, manners, traffique, and rites both religious and civil, of those Oriental princes and nations, are faithfully described : in familiar letters to his friend Signior Mario Schipano : whereunto is added a relation of Sir Thomas Roe's Voyage into the East-Indies.; Viaggi. Part 3. English Della Valle, Pietro, 1586-1652.; Roe, Thomas, Sir, 1581?-1644.; Havers, G. (George) 1665 (1665) Wing V47; ESTC R7903 493,251 479

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attain'd to and then he is call'd a spiritual Man and accounted of a nature above humane with promise of a thousand strange things which for brevities sake I pass over Thus doth the Devil abuse this miserable people As for any thing more concerning these Gioghi I refer you to what I have formerly written of them and the Samì who are another sort of Religious Indians who wear Clothes as I saw them in Bender of Combrù And of the Sciences of the Gioghi and their spiritual exercises especially of a curious way rather superstitious then natural of Divining by the breathing of a Man wherein they have indeed many curious and subtle observations which I upon tryal have found true If any would know more I refer him to the Book above mention'd which I intend to carry with me for a Rarity into Italy and if I shall find convenience I shall one day gratifie the Curious with a sight of it in a Translation On the fourth of March I went out of Cambaia to a Town two miles off call'd Hagrà to see a famous Temple built of old by the Race of the Banions and belongs to them but yet the Brachmans possess it and have care of it as if it were descended to them This Temple is dedicated to Brahmà who as I said before they hold to be the same with Pythagoras although of the origine of Bramà and how he was produc'd of the first Cause or else of the first Matter and how they take this for one of the Elements and a thousand other extravagances they tell long Fables which do not agree to Pythagoras a meer man but for all this they confound the two Names and 't is no great matter to reconcile them herein after the same manner that our ancient Gentiles agreed in their Jupiter taken sometimes for one of the Elements and sometimes historically for an ancient King one of Saturn's Sons and in divers other like names in reference to History and Philsophy they had double allegorical and mysterious significations Concerning the Genealogy of Bramà and the other fabulous Indian Gods and what belongs to their vain Theology I refer the Reader to the Books of Father Francesco Negrone or Negraore as the Portugals call him who writes fully thereof in his Chronicles of the things done by those of his Order in India written in the Portugal Language and I think he is the first and perhaps the onely Modern Writer who hath given account of this matter in Europe The said Father having been assisted therein for information by most fit and sufficient Interpreters namely the Fathers of his own Religion good Divines skill'd in the Indian Tongue and perfectly intelligent of these matters who also read and interpreted the very Books of the Indians to him and were likewise his interpreters in the discourses which he had often with the learned Indians concerning their Religion as himself frequently told me Besides which he wanted not other helps because being appointed Historiographer to his Order he was abundantly supply'd with what was needful to that Office he convers'd long in the Kingdom of Bisnaga where the Religion and Sciences of the Indians have their Principal Seat as also in the Island of Zeilan which many take to be the ancient Tabrobana and in other Countries for this very purpose He made many peregrinations expresly to see places and things conducing thereunto and was assisted by the Vice-Roys themselves and Governours of Provinces subject to the Portugals who sent him into all places accompany'd oftentimes with whole bands of Souldiers where the wayes were not secure in brief without sparing cost pains or diligence he professedly intended this business for many years together with all kind of convenience and authority Lastly he was some years since sent by his Order into Europe in Order to print his Works and in the year 1619 as I came through Persia I saw him at Sphahàn and during his short abode there by means of a Friend got a sight of his Papers but had not time to read them as I desir'd He went thence directly to Rome whither I gave him some Letters to certain Friends and Relations of mine to be civil to him there as I know they were and after some years sojourning at Rome whilst I was at Bender of Combrù I heard that he was coming from Rome towards Turkie in order to return to India where I hope to see him again and if he bring his Books printed with him I shall read them and what I find remarkable therein which may be serviceable to these writings of mine I shall make mention of the same in its proper place Father Joam de Lucena a Jesuit in his History of the Life of San Francesco Xavier written in the Portugal Tongue makes mention likewise of the Religion and Customs of the Indian-Gentiles and seems to speak thereof with good grounds although in some few particulars if I mistake not he is capable of a little correction Yet that which troubles me most is that it clearly appears by his Book that he knew much more of the Customs of the Indians then he hath written which perhaps he would not write either because they were obscene and impious or pertain'd not to his purpose I saw Father Negrone since at Goa but he brought not his Book printed either because his Fathers as some say would not have it printed or Yet he saith he hath sent it to be printed in Portugal in that Language and expects it by the next Ship if it comes I shall see it But having in Goa discours'd with him more largely then I did in Persia I find him very little vers'd in matters of ancient History and Geography as generally the Fryars of Spain and especially Portugal are not addicting themselves little to other Studies besides what serves to Preaching wherefore without good skill in ancient History Geography and other Humane Learning I know not how 't is possible to write Histories well particularly concerning the Customs of the Indians of which also he hath had no other information but by interpreters in which way I have by experience found that many errors are frequently committed Nevertheless we shall see what light may be had from Lucena's Book although it be short concerning the Religion of the Indians In the mean time returning to my purpose I shall tell you that in the Temple dedicated to Brahmà in the Town of Naghrà which is little considerable for building but in great Veneration for ancient Religion there are many Idols of white Marble The biggest is the Chief and hath the worthiest place In the middle is the Statue of Brahma or Pythagoras with many Arms and Faces as they ordinarily pourtray him namely three Faces for I could not see whether there were a fourth or more behind 't is naked with a long picked Beard but ill cut as well as the rest of the figure which for its bigness hath a very great Belly I
order'd both Curriers to depart and also a Brachman call'd Mangasa together with the Currier to the King of Banghel sending likewise with them a Christian of Barselòr nam'd Lorenzo Pessoa who was at Ikkerì with Montegro that he might either in Mangalòr Banghel or other places thereabouts procure Mariners for a Ship remaining at Barselòr unprovided of Men giving the said Pessoa a Licence to hire some which he had obtain'd of the Ministers of Venk-tapà Naieka to levy them in his Territories if need were Being by this time sufficiently inform'd of remarkable things in Ikkerì I am desirous of divers others especially to see the person of the Queen of Olaza whose History and many valiant exploits I read when I was in Persia for which I have a fair opportunity by accompanying these Men sent from the Ambassador of whom when I have taken leave I shall God willing depart to morrow LETTER VI. From Mangalòr Decemb. 9. 1623. HAving already seen in Ikkerì as much as was there remarkable and being very desirous of seeing Barselòr Mangalòr and also principally the Q. of Olaza whose Dominion and Residence is contiguous to Mangalòr as well for that she is Sovereign of those parts a matter in other Countries not ordinary and a Princess famous in our dayes even in the Indian Histories of the Portugals as because she is a Gentile in Religion as likewise all her Subjects are whence I conceiv'd I might possibly see some considerable curiosity there I lay'd hold of the occasion of going thither in company of these Men who are sent by the Ambassador by whose favour being provided of a good Horse in regard there were no Palanchino's to be hir'd in Ikkerì and a Man to carry my baggage upon his Head I prepar'd to set forth the next Morning November the three and twentieth Before my departure from Ikkerì I was presented from Vitulà Sinay of whom I had before taken leave with a little Book written in the Canara-Language which is the vulgar in Ikkerì and all that State It is made after the custom of the Country not of paper which they seldom use but of Palm-leavs to wit of that Palm which the Portugals call Palmum brama i. e. Wild-palm and is of that sort which produces the Indian Nut for so do those commonly in India where Palms that produce Dates are very rare In the leavs of these Palms they write or rather ingrave the Letters with an Iron style made for the purpose of an uncouth form and that the writing may be more apparent they streak it over with a coal and tye the leavs together to make a Book of them after a manner sufficiently strange I being desirous to have one of these Books to carry as a curiosity to my own Country for ornament of my Library and not finding any to be sold in the City had entreated Vitulà Sinay to help me to one but he not finding any vendible therein caus'd a small one to be purposely transcrib'd for me there being not time enough for a greater and sent it to me as a gift just as I was ready to take Horse What the Book contains I know not but I imagine 't is Verses in their Language and I carry it with me as I do also to shew to the curious divers leavs not written and a style or Iron Pen such as they use together with one leaf containing a Letter Missive after their manner which was written by I know not who to our Ambassador of whom taking leave with many complements as also of Sig Carvaglio the Chaplain Montegro and all the company I departed from Ikkerì a little before noon going out at the same Gate whereat I had enter'd and having no other company but a Veturino or Hackney-man and a Pulià who carry'd my luggage without any other servant for as for Galàl the Persian aliàs Cacciatùr I was constrain'd to dismiss him for some uncommendable actions and send him back from Ikkerì to Goa I will not omit to tell you that this my brave God-son whom I had brought so carefully out of Persia and trusted so much and who alone of all my ancient servants remain'd with me one day cunningly open'd a light box or basket Canestri the Portugals call them wherein I kept my Clothes and which after the fashion of the Country was not of wood but of hoops lin'd with leather and clos'd with little Pad-locks like those which are us'd at Rome for Plate and they are thus contriv'd that they may be of little weight because in these parts carriages and baggages for travel are more frequently transported upon Mens shoulders then upon beasts backs and one of these baskets or Canestri is just a Man's load Now the good Cacciatùr having open'd mine without hurting the lock or medling with the linnen which he found therein took out onely all the little mony which I then had and had put into it to avoid carrying its weight about me it was in one of those long leathern purses which are made to wear round the waste like a girdle and was full of Spanish Rialls a Coyn in these parts and almost in all the world current enough His intention I conceive was to leave me as they say naked in the Mountains in the center of India and peradventure to go into some Territory of the Gentiles or Mahometans there to pass a jovial life upon my expence But it pleas'd God the theft being done in my Chamber where none but he resorted we had vehement suspition of him and therefore the Ambassador making use of his Authority caus'd him to be laid hold on and we found the theft in his breeches ty'd to his naked flesh and thus I recover'd my money I was unwilling any hurt should be done to him and withall to keep him longer nevertheless that he might not go into the Infidel-Countries lest thereby he should lose his Religion and turn to his native errors I sent him away with some trusty persons to Goa giving him Letters also to Signora Maria but such as whereby they might know that I had dismis'd him and that he was not to be entertain'd there though otherwise indempnifi'd By this Story you may see how much a Man may be deceiv'd in his trusting how little benefits prevail upon an unworthy nature and withall you may consider to what misfortunes a Stranger is subject in strange Countries so that if I had had nothing else being thus depriv'd of all I should have been left to perish miserably amongst Barbarians But leaving him to his Voyage I departed from Ikkerì and having pass'd the Town Badrapor I left the road of Ahinelì and by another way more towards the left hand went to dine under certain Trees near a small Village of four Houses which they call Bamanen coppa After dinner we continu'd our way and foarded a River call'd Irihalè not without being wet by reason of the smallness of my Horse and having travell'd near two Gau's
and lodg'd by a water near the Tents of some Arabian Beguin shepherds who were there July the nine and twentieth Setting forth early we saw some number of Horse cross the way before us at a good distance and finding the place a Plain inclos'd with Hills and consequently fit for Ambuscades and Treacheries we suspected that they were Thieves and that they went to wait at some Pass to assault us Wherefore we put our selves in order and march'd a good while on foot with our Arms ready to defend our selves by fight But at length these suspitions vanish'd and we met no body and peradventure they were people that were afraid of us and fled Such encounters we frequently had in the Desart and many times betook our selves to our Arms some times too in the night we were visited by Pilferers who attempted to steal something clandestinely but God be thanked no mischief ever befell us and the Thieves finding us upon our guard went away always frustrated and sometimes too either hurt or terrify'd by our Arms. On this occasion I will not omit now we are near the end of this journey that the Desart between Bassora and Aleppo is a great Plain with very few inequalities and some of the soil is dry some saltish and full of other Minerals little stony and less moorish with Reeds but the greatest part was green with grass at the time of my passing through it yet with grass most commonly thorney and good onely for Camels to eat The heat even in these Summer-months was alwayes supportable and provided a Man were shelter'd from the Sun the wind was continually so great and constant that it caus'd coolness though sometimes it molested us with the dust The nights were always sufficiently cool and to avoid catching cold it was requisite to be very well cover'd But to return to my purpose on the day above-said a good while before noon we stay'd to rest in a little Village of Arabians not subject to the Emir but Vassals of Aleppo call'd Ludehi lying in a fertile Valley irrigated with a running water From hence I dispatch'd my Servant Giovanni Rubehh with a Camelier to Aleppo which was about a League off and I writ Letters by him to the most Illustrious Sig Aluyse da Ca the Venetian Consul in that City and also to Doctor Luigi Ramiro his Physitian a Roman both by Birth and Education upon which account I hop'd that though I was unknown by sight he would nevertheless be favourable to me giving them account of my coming and desiring the Doctor to provide me a convenient residence for my self and the Women with me The Consul sent some of his servants to introduce us into the City without disturbance from the Turks or Custom-Officers which to me in regard of the Coffin wherein I carry'd the Body of Sitti Maani was a great happiness for if it had been seen I might have found much trouble from the Turks as also by reason of the Books which I had in their Language some about matters of Religion which as it had hapned to some others at Aleppo 't is likely would have been taken from me After my Servant was gone we follow'd him till within a mile of Aleppo where we stay'd his return in a Meschita or Sepulchre upon the way of one Sceich Saadi venerated for a Saint and because either the Consul's Servants miss'd of me and took another way or else my Servant arriv'd there late therefore hearing of no Answer we remain'd in this place all night July the thirtieth In the Morning I writ again to the Consul and to Sig Giovan Maria de Bona his chief Interpreter and my ancient Friend to whom I had not written the day before because I beliv'd him dead as was falsely reported at Bassora but understanding in the said Meschita by certain Women that he was alive and well I would not omit to write to him also I gave account both to the Consul and to him where I was and desir'd of both the same favours of being met and provided of a habitation as I had done the day before As soon as my Letters arriv'd at Aleppo the Consul sent several persons to fetch me who the Evening before had sought me a good while but in vain and went to look for me at the Town of Ludehi whence I sent the first advice There came from the Consul's House Sig Andrea Buonanimi his Factor some Janizaries and other servants with whom came also some Officers of the Doganier or Chief-Customer Abedik an Armenian Christian the Consul intending by their means to render my entrance more facile and less suspected All of them conducted us to the Consul's House where by all means he would have me lodg having invited me so to do by a most courteous Letter which he had written the day before and his Factor presented to me before my entrance with many good Reasons now urging the same whereunto I knew not in civility how to gain-say The Customers came to search my Goods and to see whether we had any jewels conceal'd which they did civilly enough As for the Chest wherein the Body of Sitti Maani was and the Books partly by the authority of the Consul and the good management of my Friend Sig Giovan Maria de Bona his Interpreter and partly by a Present to the Doganier Abedick of fifty Piasters and a vestment of Damask worth thirty Piasters more to the Searcher who onely open'd the outward Chest wherein the Coffin lay under many Indian medicinal Herbs and saw nothing else but them and above thirty Piasters to several other Officers it was brought about that the Turks knew not what it was and nothing was spoken of it The Consul at first intended to receive my Women into his House but afterwards being told that it was not convenient by reason of the churlishness of the Turks who were now become more exorbitant than ever he thought to lodg them in another decent place but Sig Giovan Maria de Bona was pleas'd to take them to his House where-with I was very well contented because they could not go to a better place whilst separated from me They were receiv'd there and treated by the Women of Sig Giovan Maria with very great kindness F. Orsino and I remain'd in the Consul's House being entertain'd with the greatest Love and Courtesie imaginable And indeed he hath been extreamly obliging to me not onely in this particular but in all other matters occurring about my departure from Aleppo which we have determin'd to be shortly in some of the Dutch or French Ships which are now in the Port of Alexandretta ready to set sail upon the next fair wind and perhaps together in consort which in regard of the many Pirates now infesting the Medeterranean would be the securest way LETTER XII From a Ship-board in the Port of Della Saline of Cyprus Sept. 6. 1625. DUring my stay at Aleppo from whence I writ my last to you on the
bedeckt and adorned with Jewels he continually wears for the fashion of the Habit in which he is here presented it is for the fashion the Habit of that whole vast Empire so that he who strictly views this may see the dress of the Men throughout that whole great Monarchy After this I have set up the Royal Standard of the Great Mogol which is a couchant Lyon shadowing part of the Body of the Sun And after that I have caused his Imperial Signet or Great Seal to be laid down before my Reader 's Eyes where in nine rounds or Circles are the Names and Titles of Tamberlane and his lineal successors in Persian words which I shall make presently to speak English and as I conceive no more in English than what is fully expressed in those original words This Seal as it is here made in Persian words the Great Mogol either in a large or lesser figure causeth to be put unto all Firmaunes or Letters Patents the present Kings Title put in the middle and larger Circle that is surrounded with the rest the impression whereof is not made in any kind of Wax but Ink the Seal put in the middle of the Paper and the writing about it which Paper there is made very large and smooth and good and in divers colours besides white and all to write on And the words on the Mogol's Seal being imboss'd are put upon both sides of his Silver and Gold Coin for there is no Image upon any of it And the like little Signets or Seals are used by the great Men of that Country and so by others of inferiour rank having their Names at length engraven on them with which they make impressions or subscriptions by by Ink put on them to all their acts and deeds which round Circle is their Hand and Seal too For Timur lang or Tamberlane he was famous about the year of Christ 1398. in the last year of the Reign of Richard the Second King of England And he the first of the Race of those great Monarchs hath a Title which speaks thus 1. Amir Timur Saheb Cera● that is the great Conqueror or Emperor Timur or Tamberlain Lord possessor of the Corners or of the four Corners of the World 2. The second his Son was called Mirath-Sha the King and Inheritor of Conquests or the Inheritor of his Fathers Conquests 3. The third his Son was called Mirza Sultan Mahomeds The Prince and Commander for Mahomet or The Defender of the Mahometan Religion For this King as it should seem was the first Indostan Emperor that professed Mahometism which Tamberlane his Grand-father was a great Enemy to and therefore ever strongly opposed it But this third Monarch of that Line and all his Successors since have been Mahometans 4. The fourth his Son was called Sultan Abusaid The Prince and Father or Fountain of Beneficence 5. The fifth his Son was called Mirzee Amir Scheick The Imperial Princely Lord. 6. The sixth his Son was called Baba Padsha The King the Father or The King the Father of his Country 7. The seventh his Son was called Hamasaon Padsha The King Invincible 8. The eighth his Son was called Achabar Padsha The great King or Emperour that is most mighty or The King most mighty 9. The ninth his Son was called Almozaphar Noor Dein Gehangeir Padsha Gaze The most warlike and most victorious King the Light of Religion and the Conquerour of the World Here are very high Titles taken by Tamberlane and his Successors and the lower we go the greater still they are but the last of them swells biggest of all calling himself amongst other Phantsies The Conquerour of the World and so he conceits himself to be As they write of Thrasyllus the Athenian who believed that all the Ships on the Sea were his own and therefore he would call them My Ships when ever he saw them floating on the waters and thus the great Mogol imagines all the Kings Nations and People of the World to be his Slaves and Vassals And therefore when the Grand Signiour or Great Turk sent an Ambassador to the Great Mogol who came unto him attended with a great train and retinue and after when he was ready to take his leave desired of the Mogol to know what he should say to his Master when he was returned Tell thy Master said the Mogol that he is my Slave for my Ancestor conquered him The Mogol feeds and feasts himself with this conceit that he is Conquerour of the World and therefore I conceive that he was troubled upon a time when my Lord Ambassador having business with him and upon those terms there is no coming unto that King empty-handed without some Present or other of which more afterward and having at that time nothing left which he thought fit to give him presented him with Mercators great Book of Cosmography which the Ambassador had brought thither for his own use telling the Mogol that that Book described the four parts of the World and all several Countries in them contained The Mogol at the first seem'd to be much taken with it desiring presently to see his own Territories which were immediately shewen unto him he asked which were those Countries about them he was told Tartaria and Persia as the names of the rest which confine with him and then causing the Book to be turn'd all over and finding no more to fall to his share but what at first he saw and he calling himself the Conquerour of the World and having no greater share in it seemed to be a little troubled yet civilly told the Ambassador that neither himself nor any of his People did understand the Language in which that Book was written and because so he further told him that he would not rob him of such a Jewel and therefore returned it unto him again And the Truth is that the Great Mogol might very well bring his Action against Mercator and others who describe the World but streighten him very much in their Maps not allowing him to be Lord and Commander of those Provinces which properly belong unto him But it is true likewise that he who hath the greatest share on the face of the Earth if it be compared with the whole World appears not great As it was said of the Lands of Alcibiades that compared with the Globe of the whole Earth they did not appear bigger then a small tittle The Mogol's Territories are more apparent large and visible as one may take notice who strictly views this affixed Map which is a true representation of that great Empire in its large dimensions So that although the Mogol be not Master of the whole World yet hath he a great share in it if we consider his very large Territories and his abundant riches as will after more appear whose wealth and strength makes him so potent as that he is able whensoever he pleaseth to make inroades upon and to do much mischief unto any of his Neighbours but I
without the Nieche hung a Bell as 't is the custom in all their Temples which as I said before all those who come to make their prayers ring at their first entrance Within this and the other Nieches on the sides were one or two lighted Candles In the other sides of the Temple something higher then the pavement were in the wall certain little Nieches in each of which stood an Idolet or little Idol some in the shape of Men others of Women One there was which had many Arms on a side and many Faces and this they said was call'd Brachma one of their chief false Deities Another had the head of an Elephant and was call'd Ganescio They say he is the Son of Mahadeu who finding him one day with Parveti his Wife but his own Mother and not knowing who he was kill'd him out of jealousie cutting off his Head but afterwards understanding that he was his own Son he repented him of his error and resolv'd to bring him to life again Wherefore meeting with an Elephant as he had purpos'd to do with what he first happen'd upon he cut off his Head and plac'd it on his dead Son's Shoulders Whereupon Ganescio reviv'd and thenceforward liv'd immortal with an Elephants Head But behold another delusion One there is with the Head I know not whether of a Tyger or Lyon probably 't is that Narosinha which I formerly writ that I saw in Combru in the maritine parts of Persia. Some of these Idolets sate upon sundry Animals as Tygers and the like and even upon Rats of which things the foolish and ignorant Indians relate ridiculous stories But I doubt not that under the veil of these Fables their ancient Sages most parsimonious of the Sciences as all Barbarians ever were have hid from the vulgar many secrets either of Natural or Moral Philosophy and perhaps also of History And I hold for certain that all these so monstrous figures have secretly some more rational significations though express'd in this uncouth manner As we know in ancient time among the Gentiles of our Countries there was in the figures of quadrifronted Janus of Jupiter Ammon with the Head of a Ram of Anubis with the Head of a Dog and many other extravagances not onely of the Grecians and Aegyptians but also of the Romans The Sieling Pillars and Walls of this Temple were adorn'd with Painting especially red which how dear 't is to the Indians I formerly intimated The doors of their Houses namely the Posts Architraves and Barrs that fasten it are all colour'd so adding some mixture of white limes to the red for of white too they are so enamour'd that all Men are generally cloth'd with it A custom peradventure deriv'd to them from Aegypt where it was in use as Herodotus writes and whence perhaps Pythagoras himself learnt it who went cloth'd in white as we find noted by Aelian and others And I observe that in many particulars the manners of the present Indians much resemble those of the ancient Aegptians but since the Aegyptians who descended from Cham the Son of Noah were a very ancient people I rather believe that the Indians learnt from the Aegyptians then the Aegyptians from the Indians and 't is known that from Aegypt there was always Navigation and Commerce into India by the Southern Ocean The red colour amongst these Indians is besides by the Women worn also by the Sami who are a kind of religious persons with red the Gioghi who live like Hermits and go about begging sometimes paint their bodies in many parts and also with red blended with yellow that is with some parcel of Sanders or Saffron almost all the Indian Gentiles dye their fore-heads and sometimes their garments accordingly as Strabo reports from the testimony of Onesicritus they did likewise in the time of Alexander the Great Lastly they wear red Turbants upon their Heads and their Girdles are oftner wrought with red then any other colour After having seen the Temple of Mahavir we went to visit an old Brachman accounted very learned amongst them with whom we discours'd as well as we could by an interpreter because he understood no other Language but the Indian We found him amongst many Scholars to whom he was giving a Lecture He shew'd us his Books written in an antique Character which is the learned amongst them not common to the vulgar but known onely to the learned and us'd by the Brachmans who in distinction from other vulgar Characters us'd variously in sundry Provinces of India call it Nagheri I have and shall carry with me two small Books of it which I sometimes bought in Lar. This Brachman is call'd Beca Azàrg of which words Beca is his proper Name and Azàrg his Title of Honour Amongst other Books he shew'd us that of their sect in which though it was bound long ways as 't is the fashion of their Books yet the lines were written cross the paper after the manner of some of our Musick-Books He affirm'd to us for certain that it was a work of Pythagoras which well agreeth with what Philostratus saith Jarchas told Apollonius namely that they Indians believ'd the same concerning the Soul which Pythagoras had taught them and they the Aegyptians which is quite contrary to what I said before was my opinion which of these two Nations first taught the other But Diogenes Laertius who writes Pythagoras's Life copiously enough making mention of his going into Aegypt and how he convers'd likewise with the Chaldaeans and Magi yet speaks not a word that ever he went into India or had communication with the Brachmans Wherefore if Pythagoras taught any thing to the Indians as Jarchas said he did it not in person but by his books which possibly were carry'd into India Moreover Beca Azàrg added that their Brachmà esteemed one of the chief amongst their false Gods from whom they are denominated Brachmans is all one with Pythagoras A curious notion indeed and which perhaps would be news to hear in Europe that Pythagoras is foolishly ador'd in India for a God But this with Azàrg's good leave I do not believe Either he did not expresly speak thus and by the fault of the Interpreters we did not understand him aright or if he did affirm it perhaps he came to be mistaken by having heard Pythagoras nam'd by some Europaeans for the Author of that foolish opinion of the Transmigration of Souls Be it as it will I cannot believe that Pythagoras and Brachma are all one because though Pythagoras be very ancient for he flourish'd in the Consulship of Brutus who expell'd the Kings out of Rome yet I hold the Rites and opinions of the Brachmans much more ancient For when Diodorus relates the contest of the two Wives of Ceteus an Indian Captain in the Army of Eumenes each of whom would be burnt with her Husband slain in battel speaking of the Laws Customs and Rites of the Indians he calls them even
but even cheerful and spoke in a such manner as shew'd that she had not the least fear of death She told me also upon my asking her that she did this of her own accord was at her own liberty not forc'd nor perswaded by any one Whereupon I inquiring Whether force were at any time us'd in this matter they told me that ordinarily it was not but onely sometimes amongst Persons of quality when some Widow was left young handsome and so in danger of marrying again which amongst them is very ignominious or committing a worse fault in such Cases the Friends of the deceas'd Husband were very strict and would constrain her to burn her self even against her own will for preventing the disorders possible to happen in case she should live a barbarous indeed and too cruel Law However that neither force nor perswasion was us'd to Giaccamà that she did it of her own free will in which as of a magnanimous action as indeed it was and amongst them of great honor both her Relations and her self much glory'd I ask'd concerning the Ornaments and Flowers she vore and they told me that such was the Custom in token of the Mastì's joy they call the Woman who intends to burn her self for the death of her Husband Mastì in that she was very shortly to go to him and therefore had reason to rejoyce whereas such Widows as will not dye remain in continual sadness and lamentations shave their Heads and live in perpetual mourning for the death of their Husbands At last Giaccamà caus'd one to tell me that she accounted my coming to see her a great good fortune and held her self much honour'd as well by my visit and presence as the Fame which I should carry of her to my own Country and that before she dy'd she would come to visit me at my House and also to ask me as their custom is that I would favour her with some thing by way of Alms towards the buying of fewel for the fire wherewith she was to be burnt I answer'd her that I should much esteem her visit and very willingly give her some thing not for wood and fire wherein to burn her self for her death much displeas'd me and I would gladly have disswaded her from it if I could but to do something else therewith what her self most lik'd and that I promis'd her that so far as my weak pen could contribute her Name should remain immortal in the World Thus I took leave of her more sad for her death then her self cursing the custom of India which is so unmerciful to Women Giaccamà was a Woman of about thirty years of age of a Complexion very brown for an Indian and almost black but of a good aspect tall of stature well shap'd and proportion'd My Muse could not forbear from chanting her in a Sonnet which I made upon her death and reserve among my Poetical Papers The same Evening Lights being set up in all the Temples and the usual Musick of Drums and Pipes sounding I saw in one Temple which was none of the greatest a Minister or Priest dance before the Idol all naked saving that he had a small piece of Linnen over his Privities as many of them continually go he had a drawn Sword in his Hand which he flourish'd as if he had been fencing but his motions were nothing but lascivious gestures And indeed the greatest part of their Worship of their Gods consists in nothing but Musick Songs Dances not not onely pleasant but lascivious and in serving their Idols as if they were living Persons namely in presenting to them things to eat washing them perfuming them giving them Betlè-leavs dying them with Sanders carrying them abroad in Procession and such other things as the Country-people account delights and observances In rehearsing Prayers I think they are little employ'd and as little in Learning I once ask'd an old Priest who was held more knowing then others grey and clad all in white carrying a staff like a Shep-herds crook in his Hand What Books he had read and what he had studied Adding that my self delighted in reading and that if he would speak to me about any thing I would answer him He told me that all Books were made onely that Men might by means thereof know God and God being known to what purpose were Books as if he knew God very well I reply'd that all thought they knew God but yet few knew him aright and therefore he should beware that himself were not one of those November the seventeenth By Letters brought from Barcelòr with News from Goa we heard that the Prince of England was gone incognito into Spain to accomplish his Marriage with the Infanta and that his arrival being known and the King having seen him preparations were making for his publick Reception That the Fleet was not yet arriv'd at Goa except one Galeon and that the News from Ormùz was that Ruy Freyra was landed in that Island and having entrench'd himself under the Fort held the same besieg'd with that small Armado he had with him Whence 't was hop'd that great supplies being to be sent to him from Goa and the enmity of the English ceasing in consideration of the Marriage between the two Crowns and consequently their assistance of the Persians Ormùz would shortly be recover'd and indeed in respect of the above-said circumstances I account it no hard matter November the twentieth In the Evening either because it was the next night after Monday or that 't was their weekly custom or perhaps for some extraordinary solemnity Tapers were lighted up in all the Temples of Ikkerì a great noise was made with Drums and Pipes together with the Dancings of the Ministers of some Temples before the Gates as is above described Wherefore I went to the great Temple where being the principal I thought to see the greatest and most solemn Ceremonies After the people were call'd together by the sounding of several Trumpets a good while without the Temple they began to make the usual Procession within the Yard or Inclosure with many noises of their barbarous instruments as they are wont to do here every Evening Which after they had done as often as they pleas'd they went forth into the street where much people expected them carrying two Idols in Procession both in one Palanchino one at each end small and so deck'd with Flowers and other Ornaments that I could scarce know what they were Yet I think that in the back-end was Agorescuèr to whom the Temple is dedicated and the other Parveti or some other Wife of his First march'd the Trumpets and other instruments of divers sorts continually sounding then follow'd amongst many Torches a long train of Dancing-women two and two bare-headed in their dancing dress and deck'd with many Ornaments of Gold and Jewels After them came the Palanchino of the Idols behind which were carryed many Lances Spears with silken Streamers and many Umbrella's garnish'd with
the Persian shore that it was out of sight yet we found no more water than about ten fathom and indeed we were fain to sail when the wind arose with plummet constantly in hand by reason of the shallow which are hereabouts March the eighth We sailed still out of sight of land yet had but four fathom of water and because the shallow is equal in this place for a great way together the Persian Pilots call it Meidan that is the Plain The next day we sailed a little but most of the day lay at Anchor because the Pilots could not find the mouth of the River of Bassora although it seem'd to us to be very near and indeed 't is no easie matter to find it the shore being so low that it is not discerned unless very near hand and to approach so near the shore as to discern the River is not safe by reason of the shallows March the eleventh In seeking the mouth of the River opinions were so various and consequently the Ship governed with such confusion that the rudder strook on ground not without some danger but at length with much diligence we freed the Ship and got into more water the Ship of Ciaul which as lighter drew less water going before us as guide and entring into the River's mouth before we knew it The River of Bassora which is Euphrates and Tygris joyned together is call'd by the Arabians Sciat d' Arab that is the Arabian River and falls into the Sea with two great Mouths about twelve Leagues distant one from the other The most Easterly which is the biggest and securest lyes on the side of Ormuz and Persia whose name it borrows The more Westerly and less frequented by great Ships lyes on the side of Buhhreim or Cutifu of Arabia from whence it assumes a name And because the division of the River into two Branches happens within the land a little below Bassora I know not how many leagues from the Sea hence it forms a no small Trianguler Iland called at this day Cheder which I hold to be the gift of the River like the Delta of Egypt and that it will increase every day by the sand brought down by the River considering the many flats and shallows which as I said above are found in these places Now we being entred by the Eastern mouth and having sailed a good way against the stream at length came to the place of the division and leaving the more Westerly branch on the left hand continued our course amongst the verdures of Date-trees and cultivated Fields which on both sides the River down to the Sea are very fertile At length we came to the place from whence up to the City of Bassora which lies on the west bank a good way from the River is drawn an artificial Dike capable even of Portugal Galliots which pass up to the Dogana or Custom-house where a bridg of planks laid upon boats and fortified with Iron chains crosseth the Dike on the South-part of which bridg stands a Castle and strong Bulwark for guard of the City and passage The water of this trench ebbs and flows with the Sea and at high Tide runs up I known not how far beyond the bridg yet Ships go no further then the bridg where they ride as in a secure Haven From this trench are derived some other little channels on either side to several places of the City and in some of them they make use of small Boats which they call Done● with great convenience to the houses besides that they want not little bridges upon the said channels to walk over on foot The City of Bassora is large and populous but ill built and till of late without walls for by reason of these wars with the Persians they have almost inclosed it with an earthen Rampart within which is the Bazar of Goldsmiths and for linnen Cloth and all the best things that are sold. Before the Castle is an indifferent large Piazza where there are some great Pieces of Ordnance amongst which we saw certain Portugal Pieces which had been taken many years ago by the Turks of Bassora from Mascat when they infested the seas with their Galleys which afterwards were destroy'd by the Portugals Another Piazza there is before the Basha's House which is always full of heaps of Corn Rice and other Fruits which are to be sold here being kept night and day without other shops or inclosure then ordinary mats without fear of stealing in regard of the strict justice exercis'd by the Turks in matter of Theft The people are Arabians with some Turks intermix'd so that the Arabian Language is most spoken although the Turkish and Persian are not unfrequent As for Religion the Moors are partly Sonai's and partly Scinai's with Liberty of Conscience to both yet in the Meschita's the Service is after the manner of the Sonai's and also all publick Ceremonies are perform'd after the Rite of the Sonai's which is that which the Great Turk who is King of this Country observes at Constantinople There are also some Houses of Chaldean Christians call'd Christians of S. John or Sabeans though I believe they have little more besides the name of Christians for they have no Church except the House of one single Priest who was there in my time and he a very Idiot nor could I learn that they ever assembled there to be present at any Divine Service They have no Fast or abstinence from Flesh but eat every day alike Nor have they any Sacraments except some shadow of them and 't is a question whether their Baptism be such as it ought to be and not rather the Baptism of S. John then of Christ. And because in this and many other things they observe S. John Baptist more then any other and have him in greatest Veneration therefore they are call'd Christians of S. John with no small suspition of being the remainder of those Jews whom S. John baptiz'd with the Baptism of Repentance and who without caring for any thing else have continu'd in that Rite ever since The Gospels and other sacred Books 't is not known at least in Bassora that they have or use but they have a Book which they call Sidra according whereunto they govern themselves in matters of Religion but who is the Author of it I know not They speak a harsh Chaldee besides Arabick which is generally in use which Language of theirs they call Mendai as also for the most part amongst themselves they are styl'd Mendai besides the two other names of Christians of S. John and Sabeans by the first of which they are known to us Europaeans and by the latter to the Moors What Mendai signifies and whence it is deriv'd I could not learn They have also particular Characters different from the ordinary Chaldaick and Syrian both ancient and modern wherewith they transcribe their sacred Books but commonly none can either read or write this character besides the Priest who
Bill of Health I must be contented to let the Coffin be open'd and air'd not onely outwardly as had been already done but also what was within it otherwise they would let the Coffin alone as it was but could not give me a full Bill of Health whence perhaps I might meet with more trouble in other places Wherefore they desir'd me to consider of the business for they left me to my choice I remain'd in some suspence and took time to think of it as they courteously offer'd me and so they departed without giving me Prattick or resolving upon any thing On one side I was unwilling to open the Coffin because it was secure and could not be open'd without spoyling both it and perhaps what was within it and having brought it so far with me with so much diligence onely to keep it intire and sound I was very loath to lose my pass'd pains On the other side to go from Malta without a good Bill of Health and so incur a greater trouble else-where was no safe course Wherefore I recurr'd to the wonted favour of my Lord the Inquisitor giving him account in a Letter how the case stood and earnestly entreating him to find some little shift how the Knights might be contented without opening or spoyling the Coffin to make me a good Bill which might serve me else-where for which purpose I urg'd him with many good Reasons The Inquisitor according to his accustom'd courtesie undertook the business and I remain'd in the same House without Prattick expecting the issue November the two and twentieth Early in the Morning we saw the Gallies of Malta already in the Port being return'd the Night preceding with some provision of Corn but not much The Council required of me a punctual Relation of the time place and manner of my Wife's Death which I accordingly sent them in writing attested by the Journal of my Travels my Book of Expences and a Latine Treatise of the Countries subject to the modern Empire of Persia from which Books wherein mention is made thereof I extracted the said Relation It was read in the Council and they being satisfi'd with it at length sent in the evening to give me Prattick causing us first to swear that we knew not of any dead of the Pestilence in any place where we had been nor yet in our Ship Which truth we swore to whereupon they granted us Prattick and promis'd us a good Bill of Health at our departure November the three and twentieth In the Morning my Lord the Inquisitor sent to congratulate with me for my Prattick and to invite me to dine with him After dinner I went with his Secretary to the new City call'd La Valletta and there in the Palace I did Reverence to the most Serene Grand Master call'd Frat ' Antonio de Paula a French-man who receiv'd me with much courtesie and offer'd me his utmost favour both in order to my departure or any other occasion After which I accompany'd his Highness to Vespers in the Church of S. John together with all the other Knights and back again to the Palace and after much conversation with the Commendator Brancaccio at night I return'd to my own House waving the favor of my Lord the Inquisitor who invited me to lodg in his because I would not leave my own people alone November the four and twentieth I din'd with my Lord the Inquisitor according to his invitation and in the Evening accompany'd the Grand Master to the Church of S. Catherine where because the said Saint is their Patroness and her Church is us'd for the Italian Tongue the Knights of Italy solemniz'd a Festival November the five and twentieth I went to hear Mass in the new City at the said Church where I saw the Relique of the said Saint's Ring wherewith she was marry'd by our Saviour 't is a Gold Ring of very plain antique and coarse work having a green stone which probably is an Emerald a stone in those times much in request but whether it be ill pollish'd or be decay'd by time 't is a great Table for a Ring but appears no very fair Jewel of it self December the second Two Gallies of Malta being ready to depart from Messina I would not lose so good an opportunity of passing the channel securely but having gotten my Bill of Health ready wherein though they mention'd my wife's Body which I carry'd yet they made it to my satisfaction and full enough to prevent trouble else-where and dispatcht all things that needed in the Evening I put all my goods aboard the Galley Santa Maria whereof Sig Gio. Francesco Geronimo Salvago a Genouese was Captain But because it departed not this night I repair'd to lodg at the House of my Lord the Inquisitor and left the Women in that of Sig Don Francesco Ciantar our Friend and Patron of the Benefice and House del Salvadore December the third In the Evening we all went aboard the above-said Galley after we had taken leave of the Inquisitor and all other Friends with many Complements and demonstrations of true kindness a little before mid-night we set sail being accommodated with the other Galley call'd S. John and four Ships of the Order laden with Flax all which went under the mand of our Captain December the fourth This Morning we found that we had already pass'd the channel and were come to Capo Passaro which is the ancient Promontory Pachinum Before dinner we enter'd the Port of Syracuse where Sig Fra Marcantonio Pericontato Receiver of the Order of Malta came presently to our Galley to visit the Captain and take his Letters and Orders of business By this Knight without making my self known to him I understood that my great Friend Monsignor Paolo Faraone Bishop of Syracuse being lately return'd from a visitation was now in the City of which I was very joyful through the great desire I had to see him Wherefore after dinner I went ashore as all others did and with Sig Frate Antonietto Costa a Roman presently repair'd to his Palace to visit him But understanding he was saying the Office and would not be disturb'd I stay'd in the Anti-chamber till he had done being entertain'd in the mean time by Sig Paolo Faraone his Nephew whom I had seen at Messina in the year 1611 then a very Youth but now grown a compleat young man yet I did not discover my self to him When the Bishop had ended the Office we enter'd to kiss his hands At first view he said he thought he knew me but remember'd not who I was and indeed he knew me not by my voice after I had spoken to him although I knew both his voice and person he seeming to me little or nothing chang'd from what I left him at Rome about twelve years ago when he was an Abbot But when I discover'd my self to him he seem'd amaz'd and with much joy for seeing me here at a time when he thought I was far enough off and
not eat with any but those of their own Tribes The illiterate Priests of all that people for the generality of them are called Bramins who derive themselves from Bramon whom they say was one of the first men that inhabited the World and after the sin of that first World brought the Flood the race of that Bramon whose very name they highly reverence was continued in Bremaw who as they say out-lived that deluge and is honoured by them likewise as one of their great Prophets and Law-givers Those Bramins as I conceive are they which the ancient stories call Brachmans but with this difference that those Brachmanes were accounted learned men for the learning of those times wherein they lived But these Bramins are a very silly sottish and an ignorant sort of people who are so inconstant in their Principles as that they scarce know what the particulars are which they hold and maintain as truths As anciently amongst the Jews their Priest-hood is hereditary for all those Bramins Sons are Priests and they all take the Daughters of Bramins to be their Wives Of which somthing before They have little Churches they call Pagods standing near or under their green Trees built round but as their ancient Brachmans were said not to endure these on the contrary have Images in their Pagods made in monstrous shapes but for what end they have them I know not Now from the manner of those Heathens which I believe hath been for many-many years retained in their Idolatrous worships I conceive that the Jews long ago borrowed that unwarrantable custom of worshipping God in Groves or under green Trees Both men and women before they go to their devotions which are very frequently performed wash their bodies and keep off all their cloaths but the covering of modesty till they have done led hereunto by a Precept as they say commanded them to be perform'd by their Law-giver Bremaw which requires them daily to observe their times of devotion expressed by their washings and worshippings and prayer to God which must be all done with purity of hearts And it is the manner of this people before they take their food to wash their bodies then which I much observed while we lived in Tents they make a little Circle upon the ground which they seem to consecrate after which they sit down within that compass and eat what they have provided and if any come within that Circle before they have ended their meal they presently quit the place and leave their food behind them That outward washing as this people think avails very much to their cleansing from sin not unlike the Pharisees who were all for the out-side of Religion and would not eat with unwashen hands Mark 7.2 unless they washed themselves up to the Elbows as Theophylact observes hence those Hindoos ascribe a certain divinity unto Rivers but above all to that famous River Ganges whither they flock daily in troops that there they may wash themselves and the nearer they can come to the head of that River the more virtue they believe is in the water After they have thus washed they throw pieces of Gold or Silver according to their devotion and ability into that River and so depart from it Thus Reader thou hast somewhat of the carriages of this people in life Now after death some of them talk of Elyzian fields such as the Poets dream'd of to which their souls must pass over at Styx or Acheron and there take new bodies Others of them think that ere long the World will have an end after which they shall live here again on a new earth Some other wild conceivings of this people follow afterward Some Bramins have told me that they acknowledge one God whom they describe with a thousand eyes with a thousand hands and as many feet that thereby they may express his power as being all eye to see and all foot to follow and all hand to smite offenders The consideration whereof makes that people very exact in the performances of all moral duties following close to the light of Nature in their dealings with men most carefully observing that Royal Law in doing nothing to others but what they would be well contented to suffer from others Those Bramins talk of two books which not long after the Creation when the World began to be peopled they say were delivered by Almighty God to Bramon before spoken of one of which Books they say containing very high and secret and mysterious things was sealed up and might not be opened the other to be read but only by the Bramins or Priests And this Book thus to be read came after as they further say into the hands of Bremaw of whom likewise somthing before and by him it was communicated unto Ram and Permissar two other fam'd Prophets amongst them which those Heathens do likewise exceedingly magnifie as they do some others whose names I have not Now that Book which they call the Shester or the Book of their written word hath been transcribed in all ages ever since by the Bramins out of which they deliver Precepts unto the people They say that there are seven Orbs above which is the seat of God and that God knows not small and petty things or if he do regards them not They further believe that there are Devils but so fettered and bound in chains as that they cannot hurt them I observed before the tenderness and scruple which is in very many of that people in taking the lives of any inferiour and meerly sensible yea and of hurtful creatures too And those which are most tender-hearted in this case are called Banians who are by far more numerous than any other of those Indian Sects and these hold Pythagoras his Metempsychosis as a prime Article of their Faith Which that untaught people come up very near unto thinking that all the souls both of men and women after they leave their bodies make their repose in other Creatures and those Souls as they imagine are best lodged ●hat go into Kine which in their opinion are the best of all sensible creatures and therefore as before they give yearly 〈◊〉 sums of money unto the Mogol to redeem them from ●●●●ghter And this people further conceit that the Souls of 〈◊〉 wicked go into vile Creatures as the Souls of Gluttons and Drunkards into Swine So the Souls of the Voluptuous and incontinent into Monkies and Apes Thus the Souls of the Furious Revengeful Cruel People into Lions Wolves Tygres other beasts of prey So the Souls of the Envious into Serpents and so into other Creatures according to peoples qualities and dispositions while they lived successively from one to another of the same kind ad infinitum for ever and ever by consequence they believing the immortality of the World And upon that same mad and groundless phansie probably they further believe that the Souls of Froward Peevish and Teachy Women go into Wasps and that there is never a silly