he found Aquila and Priscilla there who were lately come from Italy thither upon account of the Edict of Claudius commanding all Jews to depart from Rome as it is in the 18 chap. Acts. From all this its apparent that there was a good distance of time between the Council held at Jerusalem and the Edict of Claudius in which space all this we have related was dispatcht by Paul the Apostle In Chronico Alexandrino the Council at Jerusalem is placed on the sixth year of Claudius he had better have said the seventh For so all things agree exactly For Paul staid at Antioch the remaining months of that year wherein the Council was then the following year he travelled through Syria Cilicia Phrygia and Galatia At length in the ninth year of Claudius he came into Greece Vales. h ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is at which time Aquila c. for it may be read in two words thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as I found it written in the Kings and the Fuk. M. SS Vales. a The same number he sets down in his Chronicon But Josephus in his 2 B. of the Jewish wars says there was somewhat more than ten thousand killed But in his 20 th B. of Antiquities which work he compiled after his History he accounts the number of the slain to be twenty thousand Which number I would rather agree too because these Books as I said were written last by him Vales. b This Agrippa the younger to speak properly was never King of the Jews For after the death of Agrippa his father who dyed the fourth year of Claudius Claudius took him being very young and kept him with him neither did he permit him to succeed in his fathers Kingdom Afterwards Herod the King of Chalcis being dead Claudius gave Agrippa his Uncle's Kingdom which when he had held four years Claudius in the twelfth year of his Reign gave him Thraconitis which was the Tetrarchie of Philip and also the Kingdom of Lysanias having first taken Chalcis from him He transferred to him also the authority over the Temple and the power of electing the High-priests which his Uncle Herod had A little after Nero added to his Kingdom part of Galilce as Josephus writes in his twentieth B. of Antiq. Which being thus its apparent Eusebius was mistaken who wrote both here and in his Chronicon that Agrippa the younger succeeded in his fathers Kingdom presently after the death of his father and was made King of the Jews by Claudius Although Eusebius says not here expresly that he was by Claudius made King presently after his fathers death Indeed out of Josephus it may be evidently shown that the younger Agrippa was not made King immediately after his fathers death For in his second Book of the Jewish wars chap. 13 he makes the twelfth year of Nero wherein the Jewish war began to be the same with the seventeenth of King Agrippa Therefore the younger Agrippa began to reign in the eighth year of Claudius Moreover I will not deny that he was King of the Jews seeing he was King of Galilce and is by Justus reckoned among the Kings of the Jews But I deny that ever he was King of Judea For after the death of the Seniour Agrippa which happened in the fourth year of Claudius Judea was brought into the form of a Province and every year the Procuratours of Caesar were sent thither as Josephus relates Vales. c In the Chronicon of Eusebius Felix is said to have been sent Procuratour into Judea by Claudius in the eleventh year of his Reign But in Scaligers Edition of that work it is more rightly placed on the tenth year of Claudius Yet it seems to be truer that Felix was sent into Judea in the ninth of Claudius For Tracitus in his twelfth Book says That Felix was lately set over the Jews Sulla and Otho being Consuls which was the tenth year of Claudius and in Acts 24. Paul pleading his cause before this same Felix which was done on the thirteenth year of Claudius speaks thus to him For as much as I know that thou hast been for many years a judge unto this Nation Moreover Rufinus is mistaken in that he thinks these are Josephus's words when as it appears that they indeed are Eusebius's Vales. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so it is in Josephus Gelenius renders it enemies which I like not For Josephus by that term means ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the most eminent Personages Vales. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies properly to attend too or observe In this sense Eusebius uses the word chap. 18. of this Book and in B. 3. chap. 24. This word occurs in Athenaeus Polybius and others Vales. * Acts 21. 38. See Josephus Antiq. B. 20. c. 6 7. See also D r Hammond on Acts 21. 38. b Josephus says there were thirty thousand men which is so to be understood as that the number of the whole multitude was 30000 of which 4000 onely were murtherers And so Josephus will be reconciled to Luke But I agree not with Eusebius who writes that this was done in Nero's time For in Acts 21 this Egyptian is said to have been overthrown a little before Pauls coming to Jerusalem Now Paul came thither in the last year of Claudius which may be gathered from the 24 chap. Acts where Luke writes that Portius Festus was sent as successour to Felix Seeing therefore Festus was sent into Judea in the second year of Nero the overthrow of this Egyptian must necessarily fall on the last year of Claudius The narration of Josephus who seems to refer all this to the times of Nero deceived Eusebius But Eusebius ought to have considered that Josephus does in that place relate all the Acts of Felix together as well what he did under Claudius as what under Nero. Vales. a Indeed this place is very obscure and therefore Musculus as also D r Hanmer omitted it But having considered upon it long and much at length I apprehended the true sense of this place Eusebius therefore says that from the second Epistle of Paul to Timothy this may be gathered to wit that Paul in his first defence was acquitted by the Judges sentence but afterward at his second defence he was condemned The former part hereof he apparently manifests in these words At my first defence no man stood with me and whenas he says I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon which is as much as if he had said I was snatcht from Nero's jaws But Paul speaks far otherwise of his second accusation For he does not say The Lord delivered me out of the mouth of the Lyon as he had said before For he foresaw God revealing it to him that he should by no means any longer avoid the sword of the persecutour but should end his life by a glorious martyrdom Therefore when he had said of his first accusation I was delivered out of the mouth of the Lyon concerning his
Nestorius's deposition ibid. Chap. 6. Concerning Paulus Bishop of Emisa's journey to Alexandria and Cyrillu's commendation of Johannes on account of his Letter Page 405 Chap. 7. What the impious Nestorius writes concerning his own sufferings and how his tongue having at last been eaten out with worms he ended his life at Oasis ibid. Chap. 8. How after Nestorius Maximianus and after him Proclus then Flavianus were made Bishops of Constantinople Page 408 Chap. 9. Concerning the unfortunate Eutyches and how he was deposed by Flavianus Bishop of Constantinople and concerning the second to wit that theevish Synod at Ephesus ibid. Chap. 10. What was transacted by Dioscorus and Chrysaphius at the absurd Synod at Ephesus ibid. Chap. 11. This Wzitors Apology iâ defence of the variety of Opinions amongst uâChristians and his derision of the Pagan Trifles Page 409 Chap. 12. In what manner the Emperour Theodosius prosecuted and expelled the Herefie of Nestorius Page 410 Chap. 13. Concerning Saint Symeon the Stylite ibid. Chap. 14. Concerning the Sâââ which appears frequently in the Piazza about the Pillar of Saint Symeon which this Writer and others have seen and concerning the same Saint's Head Page 412 Chap. 15. Concerning Saint Isidorus Peleusiots and Synesius Bishop of Cyrenae Page 413 Chap. 16. How the Divine Ignatius having been removed from Rome was deposited at Antioch ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning Attila King of the Scythae and how he destroyed the Provinces of the East and West And concerning the strange Earthquake and other dreadfull prodigies which hapned in the world Page 414 Chap. 18. Concerning the publick buildings in Antioch and who they were that erected them Page 415 Chap. 19. Concerning the several Wars which hapned both in Italy and Persia during the Reign of Theodosius ibid. Chap. 20. Concerning the Empress Eudocia and her daughter Eudoxia and how Eudocia came to Antioch and went to Jerusalem Page 416 Chap. 21. That Eudocia did many good actions about Jerurusalem and concerning the different Life and Conversation of the Monks in Palestine Page 417 Chap. 22. What Structures the Empress Eudocia built in Palestine and concerning the Church of the Proto-Martyr Stephen within which ãâã was piously buried moreover concerning the death of the Emperour Theodosius Page 419 Book II. Chap. 1. COncerning the Emperour Marcianus and what signes preceded declaring he should be Emperour Page 420 Chap. 2. Concerning the Synod at Chalcedon and what was the occasion of its being convened Page 421 Chap. 3. A description of the great Martyr Euphemia's Church which is in the City Chalcedon and a Narrative of the miracles performed therein Page 422 Chap. 4. Concerning thâse things which were agitated and established in the Synod and how Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria was deposed but Theodoret Ibas and some others were restored Page 423 Chap. 5. Concerning the Sedition which hapned at Alexandria on account of Proterius's Ordination likewise concerning what hapned at Jerusalem Page 426 Chap. 6. Concerning the Drought which hapned and the Famine and the Pestilence and how in some places the earth in a wonderfull manner brought forth fruits of its own accord Page 428 Chap. 7. Concerning the Murder of Valentimianus and the taking of Rome and concerning those other Emperours who governed Rome after Valentinianus's death ibid. Chap. 8. Concerning the death of Marcianus and the Empire of Leo. And how the Hereticks of Alexandria slew Proretius and gave that Arch-Bishoprick to Timotheus Aelurus Page 429 Chap. 9. Concerning the Emperour Leo's Circular Letters Page 431 Chap. 10. Concerning those things which the Bishops and Symeones the Stylite wrote in answer to the Emperour Leo's Circular Letters Page 432 Chap. 11. Concerning the Banishment of Timotheus Aelurus and the Ordination of Timotheus Salophaciolus and concerning Gennadius and Acacius Bishops of Constantinople Page 433 Chap. 12. Concerning the Earthquake which hapned at Antioch Three hundred fourty and seven years after that which had hapned in the times of Trajane ibid. Chap. 13. Concerning the Fire which hapned at Constantinople Page 434 Chap. 14. Concerning the universal Calamities Page 435 Chap. 15. Concerning the Marriage of Zeno and Ariadne ibid. Chap. 16. Concerning Anthemius Emperour of Rome and those Emperours who succeeded him ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning the death of Leo and the Empire of Leo Junior and also concerning Zeno his Father Page 436 Chap. 18. An Epitome of the Acts at the Synod of Chalcedon set at the end of the second Book Page 437 Book III. Chap. 1. COncerning Zeno's Empire and concerning his Life pag. 448 Chap. 2. Concerning the Incursions of the Barbarians both in the East and in the West ibid. Chap. 3. Concerning Bafiliscus's Tyranny and Zeno's Flight Page 449 Chap. 4. That Basilisâus recalled Timotheus Aelurus and induced thereto by him sent his Circular Letters to all places in order to the abrogating of the Chalcedon-Synod ibid. Chap. 5. Concerning those persons who consented to Basiliscus's Circular Letters and rejected the Synod of Chalcedon Page 450 Chap. 6. That Timotheus Aelurus recovered the Bishoprick of Alexandria and having restored the priviledge of a Paââiarâhate to the Church of Ephesus Anathematized the Chalcedon Synod Page 452 Chap. 7. That the Monks having raised a Sedition by the perswasion of Acacius Basiliscus was put into a fear and wrote and promulged Circular Letters contrary to those he had published before ibid. Chap. 8. Concerning Zeno's return Page 453 Chap. 9. That after Basiliscus's death the Bishops of Asia that they might appease Acacins sent him a Penitentiary-Libell craving pardon for their offence in rejecting the Synod of Chalcedon ibid. Chap. 10. Concerning those who governed the Bishoprick of Antioch ibid. Chap. 11. That the Emperour Zeno took a resolution of persecuting Aeâurus but by reason of his age he had compassion on him and let him alone And how after Aelurus's death Petrus Mongus was ordained by the Alexandrians But Timotheus Proterius's successour by the order of the Emperour obtained the Chair of the A ãâ¦ã Page 454 Chap. 12. Concerning Johannes who obtained the Presidency âver the Alexandrian Church after Timotheus and how Zeno outed him in regard he had forsworn himself and restored the Chair of Alexandria to Petrus Moâgus ibid. Chap. 13. That Petrus Mongus embraced Zeno â Henoââcon and joyned himself to the Pâoâââians Page 455 Chap. 14. Zeno's Hânoâiâon ibid. Chap. 15. Thââ Johannes Bishop of Alexandria coming to Rome perswades Simplicius to write to Zeno concerning what had hapned and what Zeno wrote back in answer to him pag. 456 Chap. 16. Concerning Calendion Bishop of Antioch and that he was condemned to be banished on account of the friendship he was suspected to have held with Illus and Leontius also that Petrus Fullo entred into an Union with Mongus and with the Bishops of Constantinople and Jerusalem ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning those things written by Petrus to Acacius who had embraced the Chalcedon-Synod Page 457 Chap. 18. In what manner Johannes Bishop of Alexandria perswades Felix Pope of Rome to
Socrates does attest But in regard this Book together with very many others is lost by the carelesness of Antiquity we by gathering together from this place and t'other the Testimonies of Ancient Writers who have spoken concerning Eusebius to the utmost of our ability will endeavour to repair that Loss Eusebius therefore was born in Palestine about the Close as 't is likely of Gallienus ' s Reign That he was a Native of Palestine is hence prov'd because by the Ancients he is commonly call'd a Palestinian So 't is certain Basilius Theodoret and others do term him And although he might have been thus Sur-nam'd from his being Bishop of the City Caesarea yet it seems to me truer that he drew that Sur-name from his Country Indeed he himself does attest in his First Book concerning the Life of Constantine that during his being a youth he was educated and conversant in Palestine and that Constantine was first seen by him there whilst he made a journey thorow Palestine in the Court of Diocletianus Augustus Besides in the Second Book of the same work where he records a Law of Constantine's which he wrote to the Palestinians in favour of the Christians he does plainly shew himself to have been a Palestinian For after he has recited the Contents of that Law transmitted to the Palestinians he adds these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã These were the Constitutions contained in the Emperour's first Edict sent to Us. But whereas I have plac'd his Birth upon the Latter end of Gallienus ' s Reign of this thing I have Eusebius himself for my Authour For speaking in his Books of Ecclesiastick History concerning Dionysius Bishop of the Alexandrians he does attest that He had lived in his own age as may be seen in Book 3 Chap. 28. Wherefore in regard 't is manifest that Dionysius Alexandrinus departed this life on the twelfth year of Gallienus ' s Empire Eusebius must of necessity have been born then if his age fell on those times wherein Dionysius lived The same may likewise be gathered from the Fifth Book of his Ecclesiastick History about the end of it where speaking concerning Artemon's Heresie he writes that Paul of Samosata had revived that Heresie in his age Lastly relating in his Seventh Book those things which hapned during the Reign of Gallienus before he begins his Discourse concerning the Errour and Condemnation of Paul of Samosata he has these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But now after an historical relation of these things we will deliver to the knowledge of posterity an account of our own age Whom he had for his Parents is unknown to us excepting that Nicephorus Callistus following I know not what Authours does tell us that he was begotten of the Sister of Pamphilus the Martyr But in Arius's Letter to Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia he is termed the Brother of Eusebius Nicomediensis And although by reason of his friendship he might be called the Brother yet it seems truer to me that he was either the near Kinsman or Cousin-germane of Eusebius Nicomediensis especially in regard Arius although many other persons are there mentioned yet terms onely Eusebius of Caesarea Brother to him of Nicomedia Besides Eusebius of Nicomedia was a Native of Syria For he was at first Bishop of Berytus Nor was it the usage then that strangers and persons unknown should be preferred to govern Churches What Masters he had in secular Learning is in like manner unknown to us But in sacred Literature he had Dorotheus the Eunuch a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church for his Master of whom also he makes an honourable mention in his Seventh Book Although Eusebius at that place says onely that he had heard Dorotheus whilst he expounded the Holy Scriptures in the Church not unfitly Nevertheless if any one has a mind with Trithemius to conclude from those words of Eusebius that Eusebius was Dorotheus ' s disciple truly I shall not very much oppose him Theotecnus being at that time dead the Bishoprick of the Church of Caesarea was administred by Agapius a person of eminent piety and large bounty towards the poor By him Eusebius was admitted into the Clergy and entred into the strictest and most intimate friendship with Pamphilus who at that time was eminent amongst the Presbyters of the Church of Caesarea Pamphilus was by Nation a Phoenician born at Berytus Scholar to Pierius a Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church as Photius relates Who in regard he was inflamed with a singular Love of sacred Learning and with the greatest diligence imaginable made a Collection of all the Books of Ecclesiastick Writers and especially of Origen's founded a most famous School and Library at Caesarea Of which School Eusebius seems to have been the first Master Indeed Eusebius in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine writes in express words that Apphianus who compleated his Martyrdom on the third year of the Persecution had been instructed in the Sacred Scriptures by him in the City Caesarea From that time Eusebius always lived with Pamphilus in the closâst intimacy and continued his inseparable companion till his death so dear to him that from his friendship he got the surname of Pamphilus Nor did Eusebius love him whilst he liv'd but had a singular affection for him when dead also in so much that after Pamphilus ' s death he always made a most honourable and likewise a most loving mention of him This is attested by those Three Books which he wrote concerning the Life of Pamphilus the Martyr which Books S t Jerome terms most elegant ones The same is likewise gathered from many passages which occur in his Ecclesiastick History and in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine Lastly in his Second Book against Sabellius which was written by Eusebius after the Nicene Council he frequently commends Pamphilus the Martyr although he suppresses his name For even in the very beginning of his Discourse he says thus Puto adhuc aures obstrepi meas à memoria beati illius viri c. I think my Ears are as yet struck by the memory of that Blessed man who frequently made use of that devout word For even your ears do as yet retain the sound of that word For I think I hear him saying The onely-begotten Son of God For this Religious word was always uttered by his mouth For it was the remembrance of the Onely-Begotten to the Glory of the unborn Father Now we have heard the Apostle commanding that Presbyters ought to be honoured with a double honour those especially who labour in the Word and Doctrine And at pag. 29 he speaks of him again in this manner Haec non nos extollunt c. These things do not puff us up remembring that Blessed man Now I wish I could so speak as together with you I did always hear from him But these words which are now said seem to have been pleasing to him For 't
is the Glory of Good Servants to speak truth concerning the Lord and 't is the honour of those Fathers who have taught well if their Doctrines be repeated And again in the same Book pag. 37. Haec audiebamus semper a beato illo viro c. These words we always heard from that Blessed man For they were often spoken in this manner by him although some suspected that he uttered these words with his mouth but that in his heart he thought otherwise And indeed I remember with you that I have heard from him that he hath satisfied us with an holy oath that there was not one thing in his tongue and another in his heart And a little after Sed ãâã quidem paucis c. But now Let thus much be said by us in short in memory and honour of that Our Father so Good so Laborious and every where vigilant for the Churches For we have not made mention of his Stock nor of his Education or Learning or of the rest of his Life and Resolution Which passages in Eusebius that I may not defraud any one of his commendation were shown me by the Most Learned Franciscus Ogerius Now from what I have said it may be evidently enough gathered that Eusebius was joyned to Pamphilus by no Tye of kindred but by the Bond of friendship onely 'T is certain Euseb us although he names Pamphilus in so many places and boasts so highly of his friendship yet never terms him his Kinsman or Relation Tea from Eusebius ' s own Testimony 't is plainly made out that Pamphilus the Martyr was not Eusebius ' s Kinsman For in the close of his Seventh Book of Ecclesiastick History where he makes mention of Agapius Bishop of the Church of Caesarea his words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In this man's time we knew Pamphilus a most eloquent man and a true Philosopher in the practises of his Life honoured with a Presbytership of that Church Whereas therefore Eusebius himself does attest that Pamphilus was first known by him then it is sufficiently apparent that they were not joyned together by any kindred or affinity In these times hapned that most severe Persecution of the Christians which being first begun by Diocletian was by the following Emperours continued to the tenth year In the time of this Persecution Eusebius in regard he was then a Presbyter of the Church of Caesarea resided almost constantly in that City and by continual Exhortations instructed many persons in order to Martyrdom Amongst whom was Apphianus a noble Youth whose illustrious Combat Our Eusebius does relate in his Book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine In the same Persecution Pamphilus was taken and cast into Prison where he spent two whole years in Bonds During which time Eusebius in no wise deserted his Friend and Companion but visited him continually and in the Prison wrote together with him Five Books in defence of Origen the Sixth and last Book of that Work he at length finished after Pamphilus was dead That whole work was by Eusebius and Pamphilus dedicated to the Confessours living in the Mines of Palestine as Photius relates in his Bibliotheca Chapter 118. In the time of the same Persecution on account of some urgent Business of the Church as 't is probable Eusebius went to Tyre During his residence in that City he attests Book 8. Chap 7. that he himself was eye-witness of the Glorious Combats of five Egyptian Martyrs And in the Ninth Chapter of the same Book he writes that he came into Egypt and Thebais whilst the fury of the Persecution as yet rag'd and that there he beheld with his own eyes the admirable constancy of many Martyrs of both Sexes There are those who relate that Eusebius in this Persecution to free himself from the Troubles of a Prison sacrificed to Idols and that that was objected against him by the Egyptian Bishops and Confessours in the Synod at Tyre as we will hereafter relate But I doubt not but this is false and a caluâây forged by the Enemies of Eusebius For had so great a Crime been really committed by Eusebius how could he have been afterwards made Bishop of the Church of Caesarea How is it likely that he should have been invited by the Antiochians to undertake the Episcopate of that City And yet Cardinal Baronius has catcht up that as certain and undoubted which was objected against Eusebius by the way of contention and wrangling by his Enemies nor was ever confirm'd by any one's Testimony At the same time a Book was written by Eusebius against Hierocles The occasion of writing it was given by Hierocles of Nicomedia who about the beginning of this Persecution when the Churches of the Christians were every where demolished insulting as 't were over the disquieted Religion in the City Nicomedia published two Books against the faith of Christ which he entitled ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In which Books amongst other things he asserted this that Apollonius Tyaneus performed far more and greater Miracles than Christ as Lactantius does attest in his Seventh Book But Eusebius contemning the Man rested satisfied in confuting him in a very short Book Agapius Bishop of Caesarea being dead during this interval and the Persecution being now abated and peace restored to the Church by the general consent of all persons Eusebius is put into his place Others make Agricola who was present at and subscribed to the Synod of Ancyra on the year of Christ 314 Successour to Agapius So Baronius in his Annals at the year of Christ 314 and Blondellus in his Apology pro sententiá B. Hieronymi Chap. 19. Where he writes that Eusebius undertook the Administration of the Church of Caesarea after Agricola ' s death about the year of Christ 315. But those Subscriptions of the Bishops which are extant in the Latine Collections of the Canons in my judgment seem to have little of certainty and validity in them For they occur not either in the Greek Copies or in the Latine Version of Dionysius Exiguus Besides Eusebius reckoning up in the Seventh Book of his Ecclesiastick History the Bishops of the chief Sees under whom the Persecution began and rag'd ends in Agapius Bishop of Caesarea who says he took a great deal of pains in that Persecution for the good of his own Church He therefore must of necessity have sate Bishop untill the end of the Persecution But Eusebius was made Bishop immediately after the Persecution was ended For when Paulinus Bishop of Tyre dedicated a Cathedral sometime after Peace and repose was restored to the Church He together with other Bishops was invited by Paulinus to its Dedication and made a most Elegânt Oration before him as we are informed from the Tenth Book of his Ecclesiastick History Now this hapned before Licinius rebell'd against Constantine which fell out on the year of Our Lord 315. About these times Eusebius wrote those famous Books concerning Evangelick
Church joyns many to his own impiety To confute the perfidiousness of which persons a Synod of 318 Bishops being conven'd at Nicaea a City of Bithynia ruin'd all the subtil devices of the Hereticks by the opposition of the term HOMOOUSIOS 't is plain enough that those words were not written by Eusebius but were added by Saint Jerome who interpolated Eusebius's Chronicon by inserting many passages on his own head For to âmât that ââmely that the mention of the Nicene Synod is here set in a forreign and disagreeable place who can ever believe that Eusebius would have spoken in this manner concerning Ariââ or would have inserted the Term HOMOOUSIOS into his own Chronicon Which word always displeased him as we shall see afterwards How should Eusebius say that there were three hundred and eighteen Bishops present at the Nicene Synod when in his Third Book concerning the Life of Constantine he writes in most express words that something more than two hundred and fifty sate in that Synod Yet I don't doubt but the Ecclesiastick History was finished by Eusebius some years after the Nicene Synod But whereas Eusebius had resolved to close his History with that Peace which after Diocletian ' s Persecution shone from heaven upon the Church as he himself attests in the beginning of his work he designedly avoided mentioning the Nicene Synod least he should be compell'd to set forth the strifes and broils of the Bishops quarrelling one with another For Writers of Histories ought chiefly to take care of and provide for this that they may conclude their work with an illustrious and glorious close as Dionysius Halicarnassensis has long since told us in his comparison of Herodotus and Thucydides Now what more illustrious Event could be wish'd for by Eusebius than that Repose which by Constantine had been restored to the Christians after a most bloudy Persecution when the Persecutourâ being every where extinct and last of all Licinius taken off no fear of past mischiefs was now left remaining With this Peace therefore Eusebius chose to close his History rather than with the mention of the Nicene Synod For in that Synod the Divisions seem'd not so much composed as renewed And that not by the fault of the Synod it self but by their pertinacious obstinacy who refused to acquiesce in the most whole some determinations of the Sacred Council And Let thus much suffice to have been said by us in reference to the Life and Writingâ of Eusebius It remains that we speak something concerning his Faith and Orthodoxy And in the first place I would have the Readers know that they are not to expect here from us a defence of Eulebius For it belongs not to us to pronounce concerning matters of this nature in regard in these things we ought rather to follow the Judgement of the Church and the Opinion of the Ancient Fathers Wherefore we will set down some Heads onely here whereon relying as on some firm foundations we may be able to determine with more of certainly concerning Eusebius ' s faith Whereas therefore the Opinions of the Ancients in reference to our Eusebius are various and some have thought that he was a Catholick others an Heretick others ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is a person of a doubtfull and wavering faith we must enquire to which opinion chiefly we ought to assent 'T is a constant Rule of the Law in doubtfull matters the more favourable and milder opinion ought to be embrac'd Besides whereas all the Westerns Saint Jerome onely excepted have entertained honourable sentiments concerning our Eusebius and whereas the Gallican Church hath enroll'd him amongst the number of Saints as may be gathered from Victorius Aquitanus Usuardus and others without question 't is better that we should subscribe to the Judgment of our Fathers than to that of the Eastern Schismaticks Lastly whose authority ought to be greater in this matter than that of the Bishops of Rome But Gelasius in his Book De Duabus Naturis has recounted Our Eusebius amongst the Catholick Writers and has recited two authorities out of his Books Moreover Pope Pelagius terms him the most honourable amongst Historians and pronounces him free from all Spot of Heresie notwithstanding he had highly commended heretical Origen But some body will say that the Judgment of the Easterns is rather to be followed in regard the Easterns were better able to know Eusebius as being a man of their own language But it may be answered that there are not wanting some amongst the Easterns who have thought well of Our Eusebius Amongst whom is Socrates and Gelasius Cyzicenus But if the judgment of the Seventh Oecumenical Synod be opposed against us Our answer is in readiness For Eusebius ' s Faith was not the subject of that Synod's debate but the worship of Images In order to the overthrowing whereof when the Adversaries a little before conven'd in the Imperial City had produc'd an Evidence out of Eusebius's Letter to Constantia and laid the greatest stress thereon the Fathers of the Seventh Synod that they might lessen the authority of this Evidence cryed out that Eusebius was an Arian But they did this by the by onely from the occasion and hatred of that Letter not designedly or after a cognizance of the Cause They do indeed produce some passages out of Eusebius whereby they would prove that he adher'd to the Arian Opinion But they make no difference between Eusebius ' s Books before the Nicene Council and those he wrote after that Council which nevertheless ought by all means to be done to the end a certain and just sentence might be pronounc'd concerning Eusebius ' s faith For whatever he wrote before the Nicene Synod ought not be objected and charg'd as a fault upon Eusebius Farther Eusebius ' s Letter to Alexander wherein he intercedes with him for Arius was doubtless written before the Nicene Synod Therefore that Testimony of the Fathers of the Seventh Synod against Eusebius although it has the greatest autority yet seems to us a rash judgment before the matter was heard rather than a Synodal Sentence But the Greeks may have leave to think thus concerning our Eusebius and to call him a Borderer upon the Arian Heresie or even an Arian But who can with patience bear Saint Jerome who not content to term him Heretick and Arian does frequently stile him a Ring-leader of the Arians Can he be justly termed a Ring-leader of the Arians who after the Nicene Synod always condemned the Opinion of the Arians Let his Books De Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ be perused which he wrote against Marcellus long after the Nicene Council We shall find what I have said that they were condemn'd by him who would affirm that the Son of God was made of things which are not and that there was a time when He was not Athanasius does likewise attest the same thing concerning Eusebius in his Letter about the Decrees of the
a troublesome flux of Rheum which caused a perpetual difficulty of breathing And the patient having not strength to resist these things there followed a convulsion of all the parts It was said therefore by the Divine s and those who made it their business to give judgement of such things that the hand of God was upon the King to punish him for his so oft repeated horrible offences Thus much therefore the foresaid Writer relates in the fore-mentioned Book And in the Second Book of his History he speaks of him after the same manner in these words After that he was taken with a disease which seising upon the whole state and habit of his body tormented him exceedingly with several pains He had a feaver but not of any acute kind an insufferable itching over all his body with continual tortures of the Colon by the humours about his feet you would judge him to have been Hydropical besides this a strange inflammation of the lower belly and such a putrefaction of the Genitalls as bred worms moreover a shortness and difficulty of breathing with a convulsion of all the parts This moved those of that time who pretended to know the mind of God to term these diseases a punishment inflicted on him from heaven But although he strugled with so many distempers yet he hoped to live and recover and sought for remedy Passing therefore over Jordan he made use of the hot-waters that are neer Callârhoe They fall into the lake Asphaltites but are so sweet that they are potable There when his Physitians thought it good to bathe his whole body in warm oil being set into a bathing-vessel filled with oil he was so weakened all over his body that he turned up his eyes as if he had been dead But at the noise of his attendants outcries he came to himself again After this despairing of recovery he gave order for the distribution of fifty Drachms to every one of his common Souldiers but to his Commanders and friends he gave great sums of money From thence he returned to Jericho and being now grown very melancholy he did as it were threaten death it self and resolved upon the commission of a most horrible and villanous fact For he commanded all the eminent personages that were in every town of Judaea to be summoned together and imprisoned in the Hippodrome Then calling for his sister Salome and her husband Alexander I know said he the Jews will rejoyce mightily at my death but if you will obey my commands I can make my self to be lameââted by many and obtain an honourable Funeral as soon as breath is out of my body doe you being guarded with Souldiers kill all these men whom I have imprisoned so all Judaea yea every family shall though against their wills mourn at my death And a little after he says and again when he was tortured partly by want of sustenance and partly by the Convulsions of his violent Cough being overcome with continual torments he resolved to hasten his own death And having taken an apple he asked for a knife for his manner was to cut them himself when ever he eat them then looking round least there should be any one that might hinder him he lifted up his right hand as about to doe violence to himself Moreover the same writer relates farther how that a little before his death he most wickedly commanded another of his own sons having slain two of them before to be put to death and then soon after died in most exquisite torture And such was the end Herod made suffering a due punishment for his cruelty towards the infants of Bethlehem which he contrived on purpose to destroy our Saviour After his death an Angel appeared to Joseph then in Egypt and commanded him to take the young Child and his Mother and return into Judea telling him they were dead who sought the young Childs Life To which the Evangelist farther adds saying when he heard that Archelaus reigned in Judea in the room of his father Herod he was afraid to go thither not withstanding being warned of God in a dream he turned aside into the parts of Galilee CHAP. IX Of the Times of Pilate THe said Historian agrees also concerning the Reign of Archelaus after the death of Herod declaring the manner of it how both by his fathers Testament and also by the decree of Augustus Caesar he obtained the Kingdom of Judea And how when after ten years he was deposed from his Government his brethren Philip and Herod juniour and Lysanias governed their Tetrarchies The same Authour in the eighteenth Book of his Antiquities makes it plainly appear that Pontius Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea in the twelfth year of the Reign of Tiberius who then was Emperour succeeding Augustus who had Reigned fifty seven years and continued so full ten years almost as long as Tiberius lived From whence their fiction is manifestly confuted who of late have published Acts against our Saviour In which chiefly the title or note of time inscribed upon the said Acts does evidently show the Authours thereof to be liars For those things which these men have impudently feigned concerning the salutary passion of our Lord are said to have been done when Tiberius was Consul the fourth time which fell out to be the seventh year of his Reign At which time it is certain Pilate was not come as Governour into Judea if we may believe Josephus who in his foresaid Book does expresly shew that Pilate was made Procuratour of Judea by Tiberius in the twelfth year of his Reign CHAP. X. Of the High-Priests among the Jews in whose time Christ Preached the Gospel AT this time therefore namely in the fifteenth year of the Reign of Tiberius according to the Evangelist and the fourth of Pilate's Procurator-ship of Judea Herod Lysanias and Phillip being Tetrarchs over the rest of Judea our Lord and Saviour Jesus the Christ of God being about thirty years of Age was Baptized by John and then first began to Preach the Gospel And the Sacred Scripture says that he finisht the whole time of his Preaching under Annas and Caiphas being High-priests meaning thereby that all his Preaching was terminated within that space of time wherein they executed the High-priests Office Although therefore he began when Annas was High-priest and continued till Caiphas came on yet there are scarce full four years contained within this space of time For since from the time now mentioned the Laws and sanctions about Holy matters were almost abolished the High-preisthood also ceased to be for life and hereditary neither was the worship of God rightly performed But the Roman Governours made sometimes one sometimes another High-priest none bearing that Office above a year Josephus indeed in his Book of Antiquities does relate that from Annas to Caiphas there were in one continued Order four High-priests his words are these Valerius Gratus having put out
Then he does not obscurely reprehend that advice of Nectarius who abrogated the Paenitentiary Presbyter For he says that hereby Licence was given to Sinners whenas there was no body that might reprove offenders Which Opinion could not proceed from a Novatian in regard those Hereticks admitted neither of Repentance after Baptism nor of a Penitentiary-Presbyter as Socrates does there attest Add hereto the testimony of Theodorus Lector who in his Epistle prefixt before his Ecclesiastick History calls Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is men that were pious and acceptable to God Moreover Theodorus Lector lived in the same City and almost at the same time that Socrates did to wit in the Reign of the Emperour Anastasius Lastly Petrus Halloixius in his notes on the life of Saint Irenaeus pag. 664 is of the same Opinion with us For disputing against Baronius who at the year of Christ 159. had written thus These things Socrates the Novatian who with the Jews celebrated Easter on the fourteenth day of the Moon c. he utters these words And whereas Socrates is termed a Novatian that may be taken in a double sence The one is that he sometimes favoured the Novatians which also Bellarmine affirms in his Book de Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis at the year of our Lord 440. both concerning him and likewise concerning Sozomen The other is that he was a follower of the Novatian-Heresie In the now cited Chapter he neither shews himself to be a Novatian nor a favourer of them For he blames them and detects their dissensions and vices in so much that he may seem not to have been a friend but an enemy or rather neither of the two but a declarer of the truth which is the business of an Historian Thus far concerning Socrates we must now speak of Sozomen Hermias Sozomen was also a practiser in the Law at Constantinople at the same time with Socrates His Ancestours were not mean they were originally Palestinians Inhabitants of a certain Village neer Gaza called Bethelia This Village did in times past abound with a numerous company of Inhabitants and had most stately and ancient Churches But the most glorious Structure of them all was the Pantheon Scituated on an artificial Hill which was the Tower as it were of Bethelia as Sozomen relates in Chap. 15. of his fifth Book The Grandfather of Hermias Sozomen was born in that Village and first converted to the Christian Faith by Hilarion the Monk For when Alaphion an inhabitant of the same Village was possessed with a devil and the Jews and Physitians attempting to cure him could do him no good by their Inchantments Hilarion by a bare invocation of the Name of God cast out the Devil Sozomen's Grandfather and Alaphion himself amazed at this miracle did with their whole families embrace the Christian Religion The Grandfather of Sozomen was eminent for his expositions of the sacred Scriptures being a person endowed with a polite wit and an acuteness of understanding Besides he was indifferently well skilled in Literature Therefore he was highly esteemed of by the Christians inhabiting Gaza Ascalon and the places adjacent in regard he was usefull and necessary for the propagating of Religion and could easily unloose the knots of the sacred Scriptures But Alaphion's descendants excelled others for their Sanctity of Life kindness to the indigent and for their other Virtues and they were the first that built Churches and Monasteries there as Sozomen attests in the place before cited Where he also adds that some holy persons of Alaphion's Family were surviving even in his days with whom he himself when very young was conversant and concerning whom he promises to speak more afterwards Undoubtedly he means Salamanes Phusco Malchio and Crispio brothers concerning whom he speaks in Chap. 32. of his Sixth Book For he says that these brethren instructed in the Monastick discipline by Hilarion were during the Empire of Valens eminent in the Monasteries of Palestine and that they lived neer Bethelia a Village in the Country of the Gazites For they were descendants of a Noble Family amongst them He mentions the same persons in his Eighth Book and Fifteenth Chapter where he says Crispio was Epiphanius's Arch-Deacon 'T is apparent therefore that those brethren I have mentioned were extracted from Alaphion's Family Now Alaphion was related to Sozomen's Grandfather Which I conjecture from hence First because the Grandfather of Sozomen is said to have been converted together with his whole Family to the Christian Religion upon account of Alaphion's wonderfull cure whom Hilarion had healed by calling on the name of the Omnipotent God Further this conjecture is confirmed by what Sozomon relates to wit that he when very young was familiarly conversant with the aged Monks that were of Alaphion's Family And lastly in regard Sozomen took his name from those persons who were either the Sons or Grandchildren of Alaphion For he was called Salamanes Hermias Sozomenus as Photius attests in his Bibliotheca from the name of that Salamanes who as we observed before was Phusco's Malchio's and Crispio's brother Wherefore that mistake of Nicephorus's and others must be amended who suppose that Sozomen had the surname of Salaminius because he was born at Salamine a City of Cyprus But we have before demonstrated from Sozomen's own testimony that he was not born in Cyprus but in Palestine For his Grandfather was not only a Palestinian as is above said but Sozomen himself was also educated in Palestine in the bosome as I may say of those Monks that were of Alaphio's Family From which education Sozomen seems to me to have imbibed that most ardent love of a monastick life and discipline which he declares in many places of his History Hence 't is that in his Books he is not content to relate who were the Fathers and Founders of Monastick Philosophy but he also carefully relates their Successours and disciples who both in Egypt Syria and Palestine and also in Pontus Armenia and Osdroëna followed this way of Life Hence also it is that in the Twelfth Chapter of the First Book of his History he has proposed to be read in the beginning as it were that gorgeous Elogue of Monastick Philosophy For he supposed that he should have been ungratefull had he not after this manner at least made a return of thanks to those in whose familiarity he had lived and from whom when he was a youth he had received such eminent examples of a good converse For that he himself intimates in the Proeme to his First Book But it is collected that Sozomen was educated at Gaza not onely from this place which I have mentioned but also from Chap. 28. of his Seventh Book where Sozomen says that he himself had seen Zeno Bishop of Majuma This Majuma is a Sea-Port belonging to the Gazites Which Bishop although he was almost an hundred years old yet was never absent from the Morning and Evening Hymns unless it hapned that
had committed any such sin as the sacred Scriptures terms a mortal sin ought not to be admitted to a participation of the sacred Mysteries they were indeed to be exhorted to repentance but ought not to entertain any hopes of remission from the Priests but from God who only is able and has power to forgive sins When Acesius had spoken thus the Emperour repli'd O Acesius set a Ladder and do you alone climb up to heaven This story neither Eusebius Pamphilus nor any other Author has mentioned But I had it from a person that was in no wise a lier one who was very aged and related what he had seen transacted in the Council Whence I conjecture that the same accident besell those who have omitted the mention hereof which happens to many other Writers of History For they usually pass over many things either because they are ill affected towards some or have a desire to gratifie others Thus much concerning Acesius CHAP. XI Concerning Paphnutius the Bishop NOw because we have promised before to make mention of Paphnutius and Spyridon it will be seasonable to speak of them here Paphnutius therefore was Bishop of one of the Cities in the upper Thebaïs he was a person so pious that wonderful miracles were wrought by him In the time of the Persecution one of his eyes had been cut out The Emperour had an high esteem for the man and frequently sent for him to the Pallace and kissed the place of that eye which had been dug out So great a piety and reverence was there in the Emperour Constantine Let this therefore be one thing said by us concerning Paphnutius This other which was done by his advice for the utility and advantage of the Church and the grace and ornament of the Clergy I will now relate The Bishops had a design to introduce a new Law into the Church to wit that those who were in holy Orders I mean the Bishops Presbyters and Deacons should abstain from lying with those wives which they had married during the time they were Laïcks And when a proposition was made to consult hereof Paphnutius rose up in the midst of the assembly of Bishops and cried out with a great deal of earnestness that such an heavy yoak ought not to be imposed upon those persons that were in sacred Orders saying that marriage was honourable and the bed undefil'd so that they ought to be careful least they should rather incommode the Church by their overmuch severity For all men said he cannot bear the practise of so strict and severe a continencie nor is it likely that the chastity of every one of their wives should be preserved The husbands keeping company with his lawful wife he termed chastity It was sufficient said he that they who had entred themselves into the function of the Clergy before they were married should afterwards according to the ancient tradition of the Church abstain from entring into a state of Matrimony but that no person ought to be separated from his wife whom he had heretofore married to wit whilst he was a Laick Thus he spake though he was a man who had not experienced what marriage was and as I may truly aver never knew a woman for from his childhood he had been educated in a place where the strictest exercises of virtue and abstinence were constantly practised and was eminently famous above all men for his singular continencie All the whole assembly of the Clergy were perswaded to yield their assent to what Paphnutius said wherefore they silenc'd all further debate concerning this point and left it to every mans arbitrement whether he would or would not abstain from keeping company with his wife And thus much concerning Paphnutius CHAP. XII Concerning Spyridon Bishop of the Cyprians NOw we come to speak of Spyridon so great a sanctity was in this person whilest yet a Shepherd that he was thought worthy to be made a Pastor of men He had obtained the Bishoprick of a City in Cyprus call'd Trimithuntis but by reason of his singular humility he fed sheep during his being a Bishop There are many things related of this man but I will only record one or two that I may not seem to wander from my subject One time about midnight theeves entred his sheepfold privately and attempted to take away the sheep But God who protected the shepherd preserv'd his sheep also for the theeves were by an invisible power fast bound to the âoulds The morning being now come he went to his sheep where finding the men bound with their hands behind them he perceiv'd what had happened And after he had prayed he loosed the theeves admonishing and exhorting them earnestly to endeavour the procuring of a livelyhood by honest Labours and not by such unjust rapine He also gave them a Ram and dismist them with this facetious saying least says he you might seem to have watched all night in vain This is one of Spyridons Miracles Another was of this sort He had a daughter a Virgin indued with her fathers piety her name Irene A person well known to her entrusted her with the keeping of an ornament that was of great value The maid that she might with greater safety keep what was deposited with her hid it in the earth and within a short time died Soon after that he who had committed this thing to her care came to demand it Not finding the Virgin he involves her Father in that concern sometimes accusing another while entreating him The old man looking upon the persons loss who had entrusted his daughter as his own misfortune went to his daughters grave and did there begg of God that he would shew him the promised resurrection before the time And his hope was not frustrated For the Virgin immediately revives and appears to her father and having shew'd him the place where she had hid the ornament immediately departed Such persons as these were during the reign of Constantine the Emperour eminent in the Church These things I both heard from several Cyprians and also read them in a book of Rufinus a Presbyter written in Latine out of which I have not only collected what has here been said but also some other things which shall a little after this be declared CHAP. XIII Concerning Eutychianus the Monk I Have also heard of Eutychianus a pious man who flourished at the same time who although he was one of the Novatian Church yet was admired for works of the same nature with those we have mentioned I will sincerely confess who it was that gave me this account of him nor will I conceal it though I am sensible some will be offended with me for it One Auxanon a Presbyter of the Novatian Church was a person of a very great age this man when he was very young went to the Council of Nice with Acesius from him I receiv'd what I have said before concerning Acesius He liv'd from those times to
of blessed memory had determined to restore this Bishop to his own See and return him to your most amiable piety yet in regard being prevented by humane chance he died before the accomplishment of his desire We being his successour thought it agreeable to fulfill the mind of that Emperour of sacred memory Moreover how great a reverence and respect he has procured from us you shall know from himself as soon as he shall come into your presence Nor is it a wonder that We have done any thing in favour to him for both the representation of your love and also the aspect of so great a personage moved and exited Our mind hereto May the Divine Providence preserve you dearest brethren Upon the confidence of this Letter Athanasius comes to Alexandria and the people of Alexandria most willingly received him But as many as were followers of Arius's opinion entred into a combination and conspired against him hereupon continual Seditions arose which gave an occasion to the Eusebian faction of accusing him before the Emperour because upon his own inclination and award without the determination of a general Council of Bishops he had returned and taken possession of the Alexandrian Church And they made so great a proficiency in their calumnies that the Emperour being incensed expelled him out of Alexandria But how that was effected I will a little after this relate CHAP. IV. That upon Eusebius Pamphilus's death Acacius succeeded in the Bishoprick of Caesarea DUring this interval of time Eusebius who was Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine and had the sirname of Pamphilus departed this life and Acacius his Scholar succeeded him in that Bishoprick This Acacius published many other books and also wrote particularly concerning the Life of his Master Eusebius CHAP. V. Concerning the death of Constantine the Younger NOt long after this the Emperour Constantius's brother who bore the same name with his Father Constantine the younger invading those parts of the Empire that belonged to his younger brother Constans and ingaging with his Souldiers is slain by them in the Consulate of Acindynus and Proclus CHAP. VI. How Alexander Bishop of Constantinople at his death proposed Paulus and Macedonius to be elected into his Bishoprick AT the very same time the City Constantinople was involved in another tumult which followed on the neck of those disturbances we have before related raised upon this account Alexander who presided over the Churches in that City a Prelate that had couragiously opposed Arius departed out of this life after he had spent twenty three years in that Bishoprick and had lived ninety eight years compleat having ordained no body to succeed in his place But he commanded those to whom the power of electing belonged to make choice of one of those two whom he should name And if they were desirous of having one that should be both skillfull in teaching and also of an approved piety and uprightness of life he advised them to make choise of Paulus one that he had ordained Presbyter a person that was a young man indeed in respect of his age but old in understanding and prudence But if they would rather have one commendable for an external shew of piety only they might elect Macedonius who had long since been made a Deacon of that Church and was now grown aged Hereupon there hapned a great contest concerning the Ordination of a Bishop which very much disturbed that Church For the people were divided into two factions the one side adhered to the Arian opinion the other embraced the determinations made at the Nicene Synod And as long as Alexander continued alive the Homoöusian party prevailed the Arians disagreeing and contending daily amongst themselves concerning their own opinion But after Alexanders death the success of the peoples contest was dubious Therefore the Homoöusian party proposed Paulus to be ordained Bishop but those that embraced Arianism were very earnest to have Macedonius elected And in the Church called Irene which is near that Church now named The Great Church and the Church of Sophia Paulus is ordained Bishop in which election the suffrage of Alexander then dead seemed to have prevailed CHAP. VII How the Emperour Constantius ejected Paulus who had been Ordained Bishop and having sent for Eusebius from Nicomedia entrusted him with the Bishoprick of Constantinople BUt the Emperour arriving not long after at Constantinople was highly incensed at this Ordination of Paulus And having convened a Council of Bishops that embraced Arius's opinion he vacated Paulus's Bishoprick And he translated Eusebius from Nicomedia and constituted him Bishop of Constantinople When the Emperour had performed these things he went to Antioch CHAP. VIII How Eusebius assembled another Synod at Antioch of Syria and caused another form of Faith to be published BUt Eusebius could by no means be at quiet but as the common saying is moved every stone that he might effect what he had designed Therefore he procures a Synod to be assembled at Antioch in Syria under a pretence of dedicating a Church which Constantine the father of the Augusti had begun to build after whose death Constantius his son finished it in the tenth year after its foundation was laid but in reality that he might subvert and destroy the Homoöusian Faith At this Synod there met ninety Bishops who came out of divers Cities But Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem who had succeeded Macarius was not present at that Synod having considered with himself that he had been before induced by fraud to subscribe Athanasius's deposition Neither was Julius Bishop of Rome the Great present there nor did he send any body to supply his place Although the Ecclesiastick Canon doth order that the Churches ought not to make Sanctions contrary to the Bishop of Romes opinion This Synod therefore is convened at Antioch the Emperour Constantius himself being there present in the Consulate of Marcellus and Probinus This was the fifth year from the death of Constantine the father of the Augusti At that time Placitus successour to Euphronius presided over the Churches in Antioch The Eusebians therefore made it their principal business to calumniate Athanasius saying in the first place that he had done contrary to that Canon which they had then constituted because he had recovered his Episcopal dignity without the consent of a general Synod of Bishops For returning from his exile he had upon his own arbitrement and award rushed into the Church secondly that a tumult being raised at his entrance many had lost their lives in that Sedition and that some persons had been scourged by Athanasius and others brought before the seats of Judicature Moreover they produced what had been done against Athanasius in the City of Tyre CHAP. IX Concerning Eusebius Emisenus AFter the framing of these calumnies they proposed one to be made Bishop of Alexandria and in the first place they named Eusebius Emisenus Who this person was Georgius of
you must take notice that Eusebius Pamphilus confuted Marcellus's book in a discourse against him comprized in three entire books which he entitled Against Marcellus He quotes Marcellus's own words in those books and in his discourse against them maintaines that Marcellus does assert in like manner as Sabellius the Libyan and Paul of Samosata did that the Lord Christ is a meer man CHAP. XXI An Apology for Eusebius Pamphilus BUt in regard some have attempted to reproach this person I mean Eusebius Pamphilus as if he were an Assertor of Arius's opinion in the books he hath published I judge it not unseasonable to say something concerning him In the first place therefore he was present at and consented to the Nicene Synod which determined that the Son was coessential with the Father Moreover in his third Book concerning the Life of Constantine he says word for word thus But the Emperour incited them all to an unity of mind until he had at that time reduced them all to be of the same mind and to have the same sentiments in relation to all those points concerning which they had before disagreed In so much that at Nice they did all perfectly agree in the points of Faith Since therefore Eusebius making mention of the Nicene Synod does say that all things about which they disagreed were composed and that they were all brought to be of one and the same mind and opinion how can any persons judge him to be a maintainer of Arius's opinion The Arians also themselves are mistaken in their supposing him to be a favourer of their Tenets But some body will perhaps say that in his writings he seems to Arianize in regard he always says By Christ. To whom we answer that Ecclesiastick Writers have frequently made use of this Expression and many other such like which do signifie the dispensation of our Saviours Humanity And before all these Writers the Apostle Paul hath made use of these very expressions and he was never thought to be the Teacher of a perverse opinion Moreover in regard Arius has been so audacious as to stile the Son a Creature like unto one of those other Creatures made by God hear what Eusebius saith in his first book against Marcellus concerning this these are his very words He only and no other hath been declared to be and is the only begotten Son of God upon which account they are deservedly to be reprehended who have audaciously stiled him a Creature made of nothing like the rest of the Creatures For how should he be a Son How should he be Gods only begotten who is entitled to the very same nature with the rest of the Creatures and would be one of those common Creatures in regard he like them is made a partaker of a Creation from nothing But the sacred Oracles do not instruct us after this manner concerning him Then after the interposition of some few words he continues Whosoever therefore doth determine that the Son is made of things which are not and that he is a Creature produced out of nothing that person hath forgotten that he bestows upon him a name only but in reality he denies him to be a Son For he that is made of nothing cannot truly be the Son of God nor can any thing else which is made be his Son But the true Son of God in regard he is begotten of him as of a Father ought deservedly to be stiled the only begotten and beloved of the Father And therefore he must be God For what can the off-spring of God be else but most exactly like to him that hath begotten him A King indeed builds a City but he begets not a City but he is said to beget not to build a Son And an Artificer may be said to be the Framer not the Father of that which he hath made But he can in no wise be stiled the Framer of the Son who is begotten by him So also the supream God is the Father of his Son but he is justly to be called the Maker and Framer of the world And although this saying may be once found somewhere in the Scripture The Lord created me the beginning of his ways in order to his works yet we ought duly to inspect the meaning of those words which I will explain afterwards and not as Marcellus doth subvert a principal point asserted by the Church upon account of one word These and many other such like expressions Eusebius Pamphilus utters in his First Book against Marcellus And in his Third Book of that work the same Authour declaring in what sense the term Creature is to be taken says thus These things therefore having been after this manner proved and confirmed the consequence is agreeable to all things explained by us before that these words also The Lord created me the beginning of his ways in order to his works must have been spoken concerning the same person But although he says he was created yet he must not be so understood as if he should say that he had arrived to what he is from things which are not and that he also was made of nothing in the same manner with the other creatures which some have perversely supposed but he speaks this as being a person subsisting living preexisting and being before the foundation of the whole world having been constituted the Ruler of the universe by his Lord and Father the term Created being in that place used instead of Ordained or Constituted Indeed the Apostle hath in express words stiled the Rulers and Governours amongst men a Creature saying Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man for the Lords sake whether it be to the King as Supream or unto Governours as unto them that are sent by him And the Prophet where he saith Prepare to invoke thy God O Israel For behold he that firmeth the thunder and createth the Spirit and declareth his Christ unto men hath not taken the word Created in such a sense as to signifie That which hath been made when as before it was not For God did not then Create his Spirit when he declared his Christ to all men by him For there is no new thing under the Sun But the Spirit was and did subsist before But he was sent at such time as the Apostles were gathered together when like thunder There came a sound from heaven as of a rushing mighty wind and they were filled with the holy Ghost And thus they declared Gods Christ amongst all men agreeable to that Prophesie which saith For behold he that firmeth the thunder and createth the spirit and declareth his Christ unto men The term Createth being made use of instead of Sendeth or Constituteth and the word Thunder in another manner signifying the Preaching of the Gospel And he that saith Create in me a clean heart O God said not that as if he had had no heart before but he prayed that his
were Acacius himself and such as adhered to his opinion being as many in number as we have mentioned a little before After the recitation hereof Sophronius Bishop of Pompeiopolis in Paphlagonia spake these words aloud If to explain our own particular opinion every day be the exposition of the Faith we shall be destitute of the exact discussion of the truth These words were spoken by Sophronius And I do affirm that if as well those who lived before these men as they that succeeded them had at first entertained such sentiments concerning the Nicene Creed all contentious disputes would have ceased nor would a violent and irrational disturbance have been prevalent in the Churches But let such as are prudent pass their judgment concerning the state of these matters After they had mutually spoken and heard many things concerning this business and concerning the persons accused the convention was for that time dissolved On the fourth day they all met again in the same place and with the same contentiousness began to dispute again Amongst whom Acacius explained his opinion in these words in as much as the Nicene Creed hath been once and after that frequently altered nothing hinders but a new Creed may be now published Hereto Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum made a return and said the Synod is at present convened not that it should learn what it had not the knowledge of before nor to receive a Creed which it was not heretofore in possession of but that proceeding on in the Creed of the Fathers it should never recede from it either during life or at the time of death With these words Eleusius opposed Acacius's opinion terming that Creed published at Antioch the Fathers Creed But any one might have answered him also in these words how is it that you stile those convened at Antioch the Fathers O Eleusius whereas you acknowledge not their Fathers For they who were assembled at Nice and by their consent firmed the Homoöusian Faith ought more properly to be termed the Fathers both because they preceded in time and also in regard those convened at Antioch were by them promoted to the Sacerdotal dignity Now if those assembled at Antioch have rejected their own Fathers they who come after them do not perceive themselves to be followers of Parricides Moreover how can they have admitted their Ordination to be Legitimate whose Faith they have rejected as impious For if those persons had not the holy Ghost which is infused by Ordination these have not received the Priesthood For how could these have received it from them who had it not to give These words might have been spoken in opposition to what was said by Eleusius After this they proceeded to another question For in regard the Acacians asserted in that Draught of the Creed which had been recited that the Son was like the Father they enquired of one another in what respect the Son was like the Father The Acacians asserted that the Son was like the Father in respect of his Will only not as to his Essence But all the rest maintained that he was like the Father in respect of his Essence also They spent the whole day in their altercations about this query and they confuted Acacius because in the books by him composed and published he had asserted that the Son is in all things like the Father And how can you said they now deny the likeness of the Son to the Father as to his Essence Acacius made this answer no modern or ancient Authour was ever condemned out of his own writings When they had maintained a tedious fierce and subtle dispute against one another concerning this question and could in no wise be brought to an agreement Leonas arose and dissolved the Council And this was the conclusion which the Synod held at Seleucia had For on the day after Leonas being intreated refused to come any more into the Congress saying that he had been sent by the Emperour to be present at an unanimous Synod But in regard some of you do disagree I cannot said he be there go therefore and prate in the Church The Acacians looking upon what had been done to be a great advantage to them refused to meet also But those of the other party met together in the Church and sent for the Acacians that cognizance might be taken of the Case of Cyrillus Bishop of Jerusalem For you must know that Cyrillus had been accused before upon what account I cannot tell But he was deposed because having been frequently summoned in order to the examination of his cause he had not made his appearance during the space of two whole years Nevertheless when he was deposed he sent an Appellatory Libel to them who had deposed him and appealed to an higher Court of Judicature To which appeal of his the Emperour Constantius gave his assent Indeed Cyrillus was the first and only person who contrary to the usage of the Ecclesiastick Canon did this to wit made use of Appeals as 't is usually done in the publick secular Courts of Judicature He was at that time present at Seleucia ready to put himself upon his trial and therefore the Bishops called the Acacians into the assembly as we have said a little before that by a general consent they might pass a definitive sentence against the persons accused For they had cited some other persons besides that were accused who for refuge had joyned themselves to Acacius's party But in regard after their being frequently summoned they refused to meet the Bishops deposed both Acacius himself and also Georgius of Alexandria Uranius of Tyre Theodulus of Chaeretapi in Phrygia Theodosius of Philadelphia in Lydia Evagrius of the Island Mytilene Leontius of Tripolis in Lydia and Eudoxius who had heretofore been Bishop of Germanicia but had afterwards crept into the Bishoprick of Antioch in Syria Moreover they deposed Patrophilus because being accused by Dorotheus a Presbyter and summoned by them to make his defence he was contumacious These persons they deposed But they Excommunicated Asterius Eusebius Abgarus Basilicus Phoebus Fidelis Eutychius Magnus and Eustathius determining they should continue Excommunicate till such time as by making satisfaction they had cleared themselves of their accusations Having done this and written Letters concerning those Bishops they had deposed to each of their Churches they constitute a Bishop of Antioch in the room of Eudoxius whose name was Annianus Whom the Acacians soon after apprehended and delivered him to Leonas and Lauricius by whom he was banished Those Bishops who had Ordained Annianus being incensed hereat deposited Contestatory Libels against the Acacians with Leonas and Lauricius by which they openly declared that the determination of the Synod was injured And when nothing further could be done they went to Constantinople to inform the Emperour concerning the matters determined by them CHAP. XLI That upon the Emperours return from the Western parts the Acacians were convened in the
following therefore wherein Taurus and Florentius were Consuls they met at Antioch in Syria over which Church Euzöius presided in which City the Emperour also resided at that time when some few of them resumed a debate of those points which they had determined before saying that the term Homoïos ought to be expunged out of the Creed which had been published both at Ariminum and at Constantinople Nor did they any longer keep their Vizours on but affirmed bare fac'd that the Son was in all respects unlike the Father not only as to his Essence but in relation to his Will also And they openly asserted according as Arius had affirmed that he was made of nothing To this opinion those who at that time were followers of Aëtius's Heresie at Antioch gave their assent Wherefore besides their having the appellation of Arians they were also called Anomoei and Exucontii by those at Antioch who embraced the Homoöusian opinion who notwithstanding were at that time divided amongst themselves upon Meletius's account as has been said before When therefore they were asked by the Homoöusians why they were so audacious as to term the Son to be unlike the Father and to affirm that he exists of nothing whenas in the Creed published by them they had said he was God of God they attempted to elude this objection by such fallacious artifices as these the phrase God of God said they has the same import with those words of the Apostle but all things of God Wherefore the Son is of God he being one of those all things And upon this account in the Editions of the Creed these words According to the Scriptures are added Georgius Bishop of Laodicea was the Authour of this Sophism Who being a person unskilled in such expressions was ignorant after what manner Origen had in former times discussed and interpreted such peculiar phrases of the Apostle But notwithstanding their attempt to cavil after this manner yet in regard of their inability to bear the reproaches and contempt thrown upon them they recited the same Creed which they had before published at Constantinople and so departed every one to his own City Georgius therefore returning to Alexandria continued his Presidency over the Churches there Athanasius as yet absconding and persecuted those in Alexandria who embraced not his Sentiments He was also cruel and severe towards the Populace of that City to most of whom he was very odious At Jerusalem Harrenius was Ordained in Cyrillus his room You must also know that after him Heraclius was Constituted Bishop there who was succeeded by Hilarius But at length Cyrillus returned to Jerusalem and recovered the Presidency over the Church there Moreover at the same time there sprang up another Heresie upon this account CHAP. XLVI Concerning the Apollinaristae and their Heresie AT Laodicea in Syria there were two men of the same name the Father and the Son For each of their names was Apollinaris The father was dignified with a Presbyterate in that Church the son had a Readers place They were both Teachers of Grecian Literature the father taught Grammar the son Rhetorick The father was by birth an Alexandrian and having at first taught at Beryâus he removed afterwards to Laodioea where he married and begaâ his son Apollinaris They both flourished at the same time with Epiphanius the Sophista and being very intimate friends they conversed together with him But Theodotus Bishop of Laodicea fearing that by their continual converse with that person they should be perverted to Gentilism forbad their going to him They regarding the Bishops prohibition very little continued their intimacy with Epiphanius After this Georgius successour to Theodotus endeavoured to reform and wean them from conversing with Epiphanius but being unable to perswade them by any means he punished them both with Excommunication Apollinaris the son lookt upon what was done to be an injury and confiding in the fluentness of his Sophistick faculty of speaking he also framed a new Heresie which flourisheth at this present and bears the name of its Inventour But some do report that they dissented from Georgius not so much upon account of the forementioned reason but because they saw he maintained absurdities sometimes professing the son to be like the father according as it had been determined in the Synod at Seleucia at others inclining to the Arian opinion Laying hold therefore of this specious pretext they made a separation from him But when they saw no body adhered to them they introduce a new Scheme of Religion And at first asserted that humanity was assumed by God the Word in the Oeconomy of his incarnation without the soul. But afterward rectifying their former errour by repentance as it were they added that the soul was indeed assumed but that it had not a mind but that God the Word was in the place of a mind in his assumption of Humanity As to this point only these Hereticks do affirm that they dissent from Catholicks who from them are now called Apollinaristae For they assert that the Trinity is Consubstantial But we shall mention the two Appollinaris's again in due place CHAP. XLVII Concerning the death of the Emperour Constantius MOreover whilst the Emperour Constantius resided at Antioch Julianus Caesar engages with a numerous army of Barbarians in the Gallia's And having obtained a Victory was for that reason greatly beloved by all the Souldiers by whom he is proclaimed Emperour This being told to the Emperour Constantius put him into an agony He was therefore baptized by Euzoïus and undertakes an expedition against Julianus But arriving between Cappadocia and Cilicia he ended his life at Mopsucrenae being seized with an Apoplexy by reason of his too great solicitude in the Consulate of Taurus and Florentius on the third of November This was the first year of the two hundred eighty fifth Olympiad Constantius lived fourty five years and reigned thirty eight He was his Fathers Colleague in the Empire thirteen years after whose death he Governed twenty five which space of years this Book doth contain THE THIRD BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS CHAP. I. Concerning Julianus his Extract and Education And how upon his being made Emperour he revolted to Gentilism THE Emperour Constantius ended his life on the confines of Cilicia about the third of November in the Consulate of Taurus and Florentius During the same persons Consulate Julianus arriving from the Western parts about the eleventh of December next ensuing made his entry into Constantinople where he was proclaimed Emperour Now whereas 't is our design to say something concerning the Emperour Julianus a person fam'd for his eloquence let none of those who were his Intimado's expect we should do it in a pompous and majestick stile as if it were necessary that a caracter of so eminent a person should in every particular correspond with his greatness of whom 't is given But the composure of
forth at Antioch according as we have remarked in our foregoing Book And when by some persons they were asked this question You who are termed Macedoniani if you differ in your Sentiments from the Acacians how comes it to pass that you have communicated with them untill now as being of the same opinion with you To this demand they returned an answer by Sophronius Bishop of Pompeiopolis a City of Paphlagonia after this manner The Western Bishops says he were infected as it were with a disease with the Homoöusian opinion Aëtius in the East having adulterated the doctrine of the Faith introduced an opinion whereby he maintained a dissimilitude of substance between the Son and the Father Both these opinions were impious For the Western Bishops did rashly knit together in one the distinct persons of the Father and Son binding them together with that Cord of iniquity the term Homoöusios Aëtius wholly separated that affinity of nature which the Son hath to the Father by introducing this expression Unlike according to Essence Since therefore the Assertours of both these opinions fall into the highest extreams of opposition the middle way between these two assertions seemed to us to be more agreeable to truth and piety whereby 't is affirmed that the Son is like to the Father according to Subsistence This is the answer which the Macedoniani returned by Sophronius to that question as Sabinus says in his Collection of the Acts of Synods But whereas they accuse Aëtius as being the Authour of the Anomoian opinion and not Acacius 't is apparent they do fallaciously corrupt the truth thinking to avoid the Arians on the one side and the Homoöusians on the other For they are confuted by their own words that through a desire of innovating they have made a separation from them both But let thus much be said concerning these persons CHAP. XI How the Emperour Julianus exacted money from the Christians BUt the Emperour Julianus having at the beginning of his Reign shown himself mild and gratious to all persons in process of time did not demonstrate himself to be of such a like temper towards every one For whenever there hapned any occasion of calumniating Constantius he most readily granted the Christians requests But when no such reflections were to be made he made all men apparently sensible of that private hatred which he had conceived against the Christians in general Forthwith therefore he issues out an Order that the Church of the Novatians in Cyzicum which had been totally demolished by Euzoius should be rebuilt imposing a most burthensome penalty upon Eleusius Bishop of that City if he did not perfect that building at his own charge within the space of two months He also promoted gentilism with his utmost endeavour And as we have said before he opened the Pagan Temples Yea he himself did publickly offer sacrifice to the Genius of the City Constantinople in the Basilica where the image of the Publick Genius was erected CHAP. XII Concerning Maris Bishop of Chalcedon MOreover at this time Maris Bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia being led by the hand into the Emperours presence for he was very aged and had that distemper in his eyes termed the Pin and Web when he came before him he reproved him sharply terming him an impious person an Apostate and an Atheist The Emperour returned him opprobrious language for his reproaches calling him blind fellow And your Galilaean God said he will never cure you For Julianus did usually term Christ The Galilaean and Christians Galilaeans But Maris answered the Emperour with a greater confidence I thank God said he for depriving me of mine eyes that I might not behold your face who have fal'n into such horrid impieties The Emperour made no return hereto but was severely revenged on him afterwards For when he perceived that those who suffered Martyrdom in the Reign of Diocletian were honoured by the Christians and having observed that many persons were very desirous of being made Martyrs as if he resolved to be revenged on the Christians upon this very account he took another course He declined indeed that extremity of cruelty practised in the Reign of Diocletian nevertheless he did not wholly abstain from raising a Persecution For I call that a Persecution when those who live peaceably are by any means whatever disquieted and molested Now he disturbed them after this manner He made a Law that the Christians should not be allowed an education in humane Literature least said he when they have sharpned their tongues they should with a greater readiness answer the Disputants amongst the Heathens CHAP. XIII Concerning the tumult raised by the Heathens against the Christians HE also issued out an Order that those who would not relinquish the Christian Religion and come and offer sacrifice to Idols should not hold any Military imploy about Court. Nor would he permit the Christians to be Governours of Provinces saying that their Law forbad the use of the sword against such delinquents as had deserved a capital punishment Moreover he induced many persons partly by flatteries and partly by gifts to sacrifice Immediately therefore both those who were true Christians and also they who pretended the profession of that Religion being tryed in a furnace as it were were apparently manifested to all men For such as sincerely and cordâally professed Christianity willingly left their Military Offices being resolved to suffer any thing rather then renounce Christ. Amongst whom were Jovianus Valentinianus and Valens all which persons afterwards wore the Imperial Crown But others who were not found Christians who preferred riches and Secular Honours before the true felicity without the least delay submitted and offered sacrifice One of which number was Ecebolius a Sophista of Constantinople Who making himself conform to the dispositions and humours of the Emperours was in Constantius's time pretendedly a very zealous Christian In Julianus's Reign he seemed a very fierce assertour of Gentilism After Julianus's death he would needs profess Christianity again For having prostrated himself before the door of the Oratory he cried out Trample upon me who am salt without savour This is the true Character of Ecebolius a person as at first so afterwards light and inconstant At that time the Emperour desirous to be revenged upon the Persians for the frequent incursions they had made into the Roman Territories in the Reign of Constantius went in great hast through Asia into the East But being sensible of the many mischiefs which accompany a War and that a vast Treasure is required to carry it on without which it cannot be commodiously managed he craftily devised a way to extort money from the Christians For he imposed a pecuniary mulct upon those that refused to sacrifice and the exaction was very severe upon such as were sincere Christians For every one was compelled to pay proportionably to his estate And thus the Emperour by an unjust collection
of ill-gotten money was in a short time mightily enriched For that Law was put in execution not only where the Emperour was present but in those places also to which he came not At the same time also the Pagans made incursions upon the professours of Christianity and there was a great conflux of such as termed themselves Philosophers Moreover they constituted certain detestable Rites in so much that they sacrificed young children as well males as females inspected their entrails and tasted of their flesh And these were their practises both in other Cities and also at Athens and Alexandria At which City likewise they framed a calumnious accusation against Athanasius the Bishop acquainting the Emperour that he would destroy that City and all Egypt and therefore that it was requisite he should be driven from that City The Prefect also of Alexandria according to the Emperours command made an attempt against him CHAP. XIV Concerning Athanasius's Flight BUt he Fled again saying these words to his intimate acquaintance Friends let us recede a little while for 't is a small cloud which will soon vanish Having spoken these words with all possible celerity he went aboard of a ship and passing over the Nile fled into Egypt They who endeavoured to apprehend him made a close pursuit after him When he understood that his pursuers were not far behind those that accompanied him perswaded him to fly into the wilderness again But by making use of prudent advice he escaped those that pursued him For he perswaded his followers to turn back and meet the pursuers which was done with all possible speed When therefore they who a little before fled approacht the pursuers the persons who sought for Athanasius ask't his followers nothing but this whether they had seen Athanasius They gave them notice that he was not far off and said that if they made hast they would soon apprehend him Being after this manner imposed upon they pursued him very hotly but in vain Athanasius having made his escape came privately to Alexandria and absconded there till such time as the Persecution ceased Such were the miseries which befell the Bishop of Alexandria after his frequent persecutions and troubles occasioned partly by the Christians and partly by the Heathens Moreover the Presidents of Provinces supposing the Emperours superstition to be a fair opportunity of increasing their private gain treated the Christians very ill beyond what the Imperial Order commissioned them to do one while exacting greater sums of money from them than they ought to have done at other times inflicting on them corporal punishments These things the Emperour was sensible of but connived at them And to the Christians making their addresses to him upon this account his answer was 'T is your duty when you are afflicted to bear it patiently for this is the command of your God CHAP. XV. Concerning those who in the Reign of Julianus suffered Martyrdom at Merus a City of Phrygia AT the City Merus Amachius President of the Province of Phrygia gave order for the opening of the Temple there and commanded it should be cleansed from the filth heapt up therein by length of time and that the images in it should be polished and trim'd up This fact did sorely trouble the Christians One Macedonius Thcodulus and Tatianus out of their zeal to the Christian Religion were unable to bear that indignity But having acquired a warmth and fervency of affection towards Vertue they rushed into the Temple by night and brake the images in pieces The Governour highly incensed at what was done resolved to destroy many in that City who were guiltless whereupon the authours of this Fact rendred themselves on their own accord And chose rather to die themselves in defence of the Truth than to see others put to death in their stead The Governour having seized these persons ordered them to expiate the crime they had committed by sacrificing Upon their refusal to do that he threatned them with punishment But being persons endowed with a great courage of mind they disregarded his menaces and shewed themselves prepared to undergoe any sufferings whatever And chose to die rather than be polluted by sacrificing When therefore he had made these men undergoe all manner of tortures at last he gave order they should be laid on Grid-irons under which he commanded fire to be put and so destroyed them At which time they gave the highest and most Heroick demonstration of their sortitude by these words of theirs to the President Amachius if you desire to eat broyled flesh turn us on the other side least we should seem half broyled to your tast After this manner these persons ended their lives CHAP. XVI How when the Emperour prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature the two Apollinaris's betook themselves to writing of Books BUt that Imperial Law which prohibited the Christians from being educated in the Grecian Literature made the two above mentioned Apollinaris's far more eminent than they had been before For whereas both of them were persons well skilled in humane Learning the father in Grammar the son in Rhetorick they shewed themselves very usefull to the Christians at that juncture of time For the father being an exquisite Grammarian composed a Grammar agreeable to the form of the Christian Religion he also turned the Books of Moses into that termed Heroick verse And likewise paraphrased upon all the Historical Books of the Old Testament putting them partly into Dactylick Verse and partly reducing them into the form of Dramatick Tragedy He designedly made use of all sorts of Verse that no mode of expression peculiar to the Grecian Language might be unknown or un-heard-of amongst the Christians But the Younger Apollinaris a person provided with a good stock of Eloquence explained the Gospels and Apostolick writings by way of Dialogue as Plato amongst the Grecians had done Having rendred themselves usefull after this manner to the Christian Religion by their own Labours they vanquished the Emperours subtlety But Divine Providence was more prevalent and powerfull than either these persons industry or the Emperours attempt For that Law quickly became extinct together with the Emperour who made it as we will manifest in the procedure of our History And these mens Works are reputed no otherwise than if they had never been written But some one will perhaps make this formidable objection against us How can you affirm these things to have been effected by Divine Providence For it is indeed evident that the Emperours sudden death proved very advantagious to the Christian Religion But certainly the rejecting of the Christian writings composed by the two Apollinaris's and the Christians beginning again to be cultivated with an education in the Grecian Literature can in no wise be of advantage to Christianity For the Grecian Literature in regard it asserts Polytheism is very pernicious To this objection we will according to our ability make such
Religion he would have spoken against him all that hath been said by Christians and as 't is very likely being a Sophista would have enlarged upon that subject For whilst Constantius was living he wrote Encomiums upon him but after his death he loaded him with reproaches and abusive accusations Wherefore had Porphyrius been an Emperour he had undoubtedly preferred his books before Julian's and had Julianus been a Sophista he would have termed him an ill Sophista as he does Ecebolius in his Epitaph upon Julian Since therefore he as being of the same Religion with the Emperour as a Sophista and as the Emperour's friend has related what he thought good we according to our ability will answer what he has written In the first place therefore he says that the Emperour undertook those Books when Winter had lengthened the nights This term to undertake or attempt imports that he made it wholly his business to write a discommendation as the Sophistae usually do when they instruct young men in the rudiments of their Art For he had been acquainted with those Books long before but then he made his attempts against them And having spent a great deal of time in a tedious contest he did not oppose them as Libanius says with solid arguments but for want of truth betook himself to Jests and Drollery whereof he was a great admirer by which means he derided what is firmly established in those Books For whosoever undertakes a Contest against another does usually belie him against whom he manages the dispute one while by perverting the truth at another by concealing it And he that has a Pique against another as an adversary endeavours not only to act but to speak against him in all things and delights to turn the faults that are in himself upon him with whom he is at variance That Julianus and Porphyrius whom Libanius calls The Tyrian Old man did both of them take great delight in scoffing is evident from their own Books For Porphyrius in the Books he wrote concerning Philosophick History has made the Life of Socrates a ridicle who was the eminentest of the Philosophers and has left such passages upon Record concerning him as neither Melitus nor Anytus Socrates's Accusers would have attempted to say Concerning Socrates I say a person admired amongst the Grecians for his modesty Justice and other Virtues Whom Plato the most admirable Philosopher among them Xenophon and the whole company of Philosophers not only honour as a person beloved by God but also repute him to have been endowed with a wisdom more than humane And Julianus imitating his Father has discovered the distemper of his own mind in the Book he entitled The Caesars wherein he has discommended all the Emperours his predecessours not sparing even Marcus the Philosopher That both of them therefore took great delight in Scoffs and Taunts their own writings do sufficiently declare Nor need I many or solid arguments but this is sufficient to represent the humour and disposition of them both This Character I give of them grounding my conjecture concernning their disposition upon the works of each of them But what Gregorius Nazianzenus has said concerning Julianus you may hear delivered in his own words For in His second Oration against the Gentiles he says thus Experience and his assuming the Imperial Dignity and Authority evidenced these things to others But to me they were in a manner apparently manifest long before at such time as I was conversant with him at Athens For he came thither immediately after the innovations attempted by his Brother having requested this of the Emperour The design of this his journey was twofold the one was more honourable namely to see Greece and the Schools there the other was kept secret known but to a very few to wit that he might consult the Sacrificers and Impostours there concerning his own affairs for his impiety was not yet in possession of confidence and liberty At that time therefore I well remember I was no bad Divine concerning this person although I pretend not to be one of their number who are well versed in the knowledge and use of these predictions But the unevenness and inconstancy of his disposition and the incredible extravagancy of his mind made me a Prophet if he be the best Prophet who gives the truest conjecture For 't was my opinion that no good could be portended by an instable neck by shoulders which sometimes he brandished at others represt by wandring and rowling eyes a furious countenance feet unsteady and stumbling a nose breathing forth reproach and contempt ridiculous cuttings of faces signifying the same thing immoderate and excessively loud laughter noddings and then denials by his countenance without any reason a voice represt and cut off by his breath immethodicall and indiscreet questions answers no whit better then these crowding one after another inconstant to themselves nor yet proceeding in a Learned Order What need I give a particular description of every thing Before his Actions I saw he would be the same that I have sinoe found him to be by his Actions And were some of those persons here who were then present and heard me they would be easily induced to attest this To whom when I saw these things I forthwith spake these words How great a mischief to its self does the Roman Empire breed up When I had uttered these words I prayed to God that I might be a false Prophet For that was better than that the world should be filled with such horrid mischiefs and that such a monster should appear the like to which had never been seen before although many deluges are recorded many devastations by fire many earthquakes and chasms and moreover many monstrous and inhumane men and beasts that were prodigious and compounded of several kinds of which Nature produced new forms Upon this account he ended his life in a manner answerable to his madness This Character Gregorius has given us concerning Julianus Moreover that in those many Books in the compiling whereof they imployed themselves they have attempted to violate the truth by perverting some passages of the sacred Scriptures by making insertions in other some and by explaining all things agreeable to their own design many persons have demonstrated in their answers to them who have also overturned and confuted their Fallacies But above all other Ecclesiastick Writers Origen who lived long before Julianus's times by raising objections against himself from such passages in the sacred Scripture as seemed to disturb the Readers and after that by clearing of them has put a stop to the fallacious cavills and verbose niceties of ill-affected persons Which works of his had Julianus and Porphyrius perused carefully and given them a candid reception undoubtedly they would have turned their discourses to some other subject and would not have applied their minds to the writing of fallacies stuft with impiety and
there he brake forth into tears When the persons in presânce asked him why he wept two things said he trouble me the one is this womans destruction the other because I do not use so much diligence and industry to please God as she does to delight obscene men Another of them said that a Monk unless he will work is to be involved in the same condemnation with the covetous and rapacious person Petirus was well furnished with a knowledge in Natural Speculations and frequently expounded sometimes one thing at other times another to such as addressed themselves to him At every one of his Lectures he made a prayer to God But amongst the Monks who lived at that time there were two pious persons who bore the same name For each of them had the appellation of Macarius The one was born in The Upper Egypt the other came from the City Alexandria Both of them were famous upon several accounts to wiâ for their Ascetick exercises for their Morals for their Converse and for the Miracles wrought by their hands The Egyptian Macarius wrought so many cures and drove so numerous a company of devils out of persons possest that to relate what he performed by the grace of God would require a particular and separate Work Towards those who came to him he behaved himself with an austere gravity tempered with caution and circumspection But the Alexandrian Macarius although he was every way like the Egyptian Macarius yet he differed from him in this that he shewed himself chearfull and pleasant towards those who came into his company and by his courteous behaviour and complaizance induced young men to embrace an Ascetick course of life Evagrius Scholar to these Macarius's having before been a Philosopher in words only learned from them that Philosophy which consists in deeds and actions He having been ordained Deacon by Gregorius Nazianzenus at Constantinople went afterwards with him into Egypt where he converst with those forementioned persons and imitated their course of life Nor were the Miracles wrought by his hands fewer in number than those performed by his Masters The same Evagrius wrote Books of very great use one whereof has this Title The Monk or Concerning Active Virtue another is entitled The Gnostick or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge This Book is divided into Fifty Chapters A third is termed Antirreticus or The Refutation being a Collection from the sacred Scriptures against the tempting evil spirits it is divided into eight parts according to the number of the eight thoughts He wrote also six hundred Prognostick Problems and moreover two Books in Verse the one to those Monks who live in Monasteries or Covents the other to the Virgin How admirable these Books of his are they that read them will perceive It is not unseasonable as I suppose to annex to what has been said before some few passages recorded by him concerning the Monks For he says word for word thus It is also necessary to make an enquiry into the ways of those Monks who have heretofore walked uprightly and to conform our selves to the pattern thereof For many things have been well said and done by them Amongst which this was the saying of one of them that a drier slender and not irregular sort of diet joyned with love will in a short time bring a Monk to a Port void of all inquietude The same Monk freed one of his brethren from his being disturbed with apparitions in the night enjoyning him to minister to the sick whilst he was fasting And being asked why he commanded him to do that such troubles as these said he are composed and extinguished with nothing so easily as with mercy and compassion A Philosopher of those times came to Antonius the Just and said unto him O Father how can you hold out being destitute of the comfort of Books Antonius replied my Book O Philosopher is the nature of things made and 't is ready at hand as often as I am desirous of reading the Words of God That aged person the Egyptian Macarius that chosen vessel asked me why by remembring the injuries we receive from men we destroy that strength and faculty of memory which is in our minds but by remembring the mischiefs done to us by the devils we continue unhurt And when I was doubtfull what answer I should make and entreated him to explain the reason hereof to me the first said he is an affection of the mind which is contrary to nature the second is agreeable to nature I went one time to the holy Father Macarius at noon-day when it was very hot and being most extreamly thirsty requested some water to drink His answer to me was Content your self with the shade for many persons who are at this time travelling by Land or making a voyage by Sea do want the refreshment of that Then I conferred with him about Abstinence and he said unto me Be couragious and confident my Son For these twenty years compleat I have not taken my fill either of bread water or sleep For I have eaten my bread by weight I have drank my water by measure and I have stollen a little part of a sleep by leaning my self against a wall One of the Monks had the news of his Fathers death brought to him His return to him that told him this was forbear speaking impiously for my Father is immortal One of the Brethren was possessour of nothing else but the Book of the Gospels when he had sould that Book he gave the money he had for it to feed the hungry and uttered this saying worthy to be recorded I have sould that Book which saieth Sell that thou hast and give to the poor There is an Island about Alexandria scituate at the Northern part of that City beyond the Lake called Mareotis Near that Island dwells a Monk of Parembole a most approved person amongst the Gnosticks who has declared that all things practised by the Monks are done for five reasons for the sake of God of Nature on the account of Custom of Necessity and of the work of the hands It was the usual saying of the same person also that by nature there was only one virtue but that in respect of the faculties of the soul it was divided into several Species For the light of the Sun said he is without any figure but it does usually receive its figure from the windows through which it enters Another of the Monks was wont to say I do therefore every way eschew pleasures that I may prevent the occasions of anger For I know very well that anger does always militate for pleasures and does disquiet my mind and expell knowledge One of the aged Monks said that Charity knows not how to keep the Depositum of meat or money This was another saying of the same person I do not remember that I was ever twice deceived as to the same thing by the
mentioning to them only such things as necessarily ought to be observed The Epistle it self is recorded in the Acts of the Apostles yet nothing hinders but we may insert it here The Apostles and Elders and Brethren send Greeting unto the Brethren which are of the Gentiles in Antioch and Syria and Cilicia For as much as we have heard that certain which went out from us have troubled you with words subverting your souls saying ye must be circumcised and keep the Law to whom we gave no such commandment it seemed good unto us being assembled with one accord to send chosen men unto you with our Beloved Barnabas and Paul Men that have hazarded their lives for the name of Our Lord Jesus Christ. We have therefore sent Judas and Silas who shall also tell you the same things by mouth For it seemed good to the Holy Ghost and to us to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessary things that ye abstain from meats offered to Idols and from bloud and from things strangled and from fornication from which if you keep your selves ye shall do well fare ye well These things pleased God For these are the express words of the Letter it seemed good to the Holy Ghost to lay upon you no greater burthen than these necessaries to be observed Notwithstanding there are some who disregarding these Precepts suppose all Fornication to be a thing indifferent but contend about Holy days as if it were for their lives these persons invert the commands of God and make Laws for themselves not valuing the Decree of the Apostles nor do they consider that they practise the contrary to those things which seemed good to God It were indeed possible to have extended our discourse concerning Easter much farther and to have demonstrated that the Jews observe no exact Rule either in the time or manner of celebrating the Paschal solemnity and that the Samaritans who are a Schism of the Jews do always celebrate this Festivall after the Aequinox But this Subject requires a particular and more copious Treatise I only say this that they who so affectedly imitate the Jews and are so solicitously accurate about Types and Figures ought in no wise to dissent from them in any particular whatever For if they have taken a resolution of observing all things with an accuracy they must not only observe days and months but all other things also which Christ constituted under the Law did after the manner of the Jews or which he suffered unjustly from the Jews or Lastly which he wrought typically whilest he was doing good to all men For instance he entred into a Ship and taught He ordered the passover to be made ready in an upper room he commanded the Ass that was tied to be loosed he proposed him who bore a pitcher of water as a sign to them for hastning their preparations of the passover these things I say they must observe and infinite others of this nature which are recorded in the Gospels And yet they who suppose themselves to be justified by this Festival make it their business to observe none of these things in a bodily manner For no Doctor ever Preach't out of a Ship no person ever went up to an upper room and celebrated the passover there they never tyed and again unloosed an Ass that was tyed in fine no person ever enjoyned another to carry a pitcher of water to the end that the Symbolls might be fulfilled For they thought that these and such like things as these savoured rather of Judaism For the Jews are solicitous about keeping their solemn Rites and Ceremonies in their bodies rather than in their souls Upon which account they are obnoxious to the Curse because they conceive the Law of Moses to consist in Types and Figures but understand it not according to the truth But those persons who are favourers of the Jews do indeed refer these things to an allegoricall sense and meaning but they raise an irreconcilable War about days and months contemning an allegoricall interpretation of them in so much that as to this particular they themselves as well as the Jews are of necessity condemned and bring the sentence of Execration upon themselves But I think this sufficient to have been said concerning these things Let us now return to our Subject whereof we have made mention a little before to wit that the Church once divided rested not in that first division and that those who were divided did again engage one another and taking hold of a small and very frivolous pretence raised mutuall separations and divisions The Novatians as I have said were divided amongst themselves on account of the Feast of Easter Nor was the division among them concerning this Festivall single For some throughout divers Provinces observed it after one manner others after another and they disagreed amongst themselves not only about the month but about the days of the week also and about other matters of a small importance part of them holding separate Assemblies and part joyning in a promiscuous communion CHAP. XXIII Concerning the Arians at Constantinople who were also termed the Psathyriani MOreover there arose dissentions amongst the Arians upon this occasion The contentious questions daily started amongst them had reduced their discourses to some absurdities For whereas it has been always believed in the Church that God is the Father of the Son the Word there hapned this Query amongst them whether or no God could be called Father even before the Son existed And in regard they asserted that the Word of God was not begotten of the Father but existed of nothing being thus mistaken about the first and chiefest Article of Faith they deservedly fell into an absurd contentiousness about a bare word Dorotheus therefore who had been sent for from Antioch by them maintained that God neither was nor could be termed a Father before the Son existed But Marinus whom they had called out of Thracia before Dorotheus having got a fair opportunity for he was vext because Dorotheus had been preferred before him undertook to desend the contrary opinion For this reason there hapned a dissention amongst them and being divided on account of the foresaid Term each party held separate Meetings Those under Dorotheus continued possest of their own Meeting-houses But Marinus's followers built themselves private Oratories wherein they had their Assemblies and asserted that the Father was always the Father even when the Son existed not Moreover the maintainers of this assertion were termed Psathyriani because one Theoctistus by Country a Syrian a Psathyropola by Trade was a zealous defender of this Opinion Selenas Bishop of the Goths became a follower of these persons Tenets He was a man of a mixt descent a Goth by his fathers side by his mothers a Phrygian And upon this account he taught in the Church very readily in both these Languages Further this faction soon after quarrelled amongst themselves
Johannes reproved Sisinnius and said to him a City cannot have two Bishops Sisinnius's answer was Nor has it Johannes being angry hereat and saying you seem desirous of being the only Bishop Sisinnius replyed I do not say that but that I am not a Bishop in your account only when as notwithstanding other persons look upon me to be such Johannes incensed at that answer I said he will make you leave Preaching for you are an Heretick To which Sisinnius made this pleasant return But I will give you a reward if you will free me from so great pains Johannes being mollified with this answer replied I will not make you leave off Preaching if that Office be troublesome to you So facetious was Sisinnius and so ready at answering It would be tedious to write and record all his sayings Wherefore I have accounted it sufficient by these few to shew what manner of person he was I will only add this that he was very eminent for his Learning on which account all the Bishops that were his successours loved and honoured him Moreover all the eminent personages of the Senatorian order had a great affection for and admired him He wrote many Books but he is too studious about words in them and intermixes Poetick terms He was more admired for his speaking than his writing For in his face and voice in his garb and aspect and in the whole motion of his body there was a gracefullness By reason of which accomplishments He was beloved both by all Sects and chiefly by Atticus the Bishop But I think thus much sufficient to have been said concerning Sisinnius CHAP. XXIII Concerning the death of the Emperour Arcadius NOt long after the death of Johannes the Emperour Arcadius died a man of a mild and quiet temper and who at the close of his life got the repute of a person beloved by God for this reason There is at Constantinople a very spacious house which is termed Carya For in the Court of this house there is a Nutt-tree on which 't is reported the Martyr Acacius was hanged and compleated his Martyrdom On this account a small Church was built near that tree The Emperour Arcadius desirous to see this Church went into it one day and when he had said his prayers came out again All those persons who dwelt near that Church ran together to see the Emperour Some went out of the house and made it their business to take their standings before hand in the streets from whence they supposed they might have a plainer view of the Emperour's countenance and of the Guards that were about him Others followed untill all persons together with the women and children were got out of the Church After which all that great house the buildings whereof enclosed the Church on every side fell down immediately Hereupon followed an out-cry together with an admiration because the Emperours prayer had delivered so great a multitude of persons from destruction This hapned thus Moreover Arcadius leaving his Son Theodosius then but eight years old ended his life in the Consulate of Bassus and Philippus on the first of May this was the second year of the two hundredth ninety seventh Olympiad He reigned with his Father Theodosius thirteen years after his Fathers death he reigned fourteen he lived one and thirty years This book contains the History of twelve years and six months In other Copies this following passage occurs not as if it were omitted but worded in a different manner We judged it therefore meet to annex it On which account we have added it at this place BUt in regard the Bishop of Ephesus hapned to die in the interim Johannes was necessitated to go to Ephesus to ordain a Bishop Being arrived in that City and some endeavouring to promote one person others another he preferred one Heraclides his own Deacon by Country a Cypriot to the Bishoprick Whereupon a disturbance being raised in Ephesus because Heraclides was reputed unworthy of the Episcopate Johannes was forced to stay at Ephesus for some time During his residence there Severianus grew more beloved and esteemed by his Auditors at Constantinople Nor was this unknown to Johannes For he was speedily acquainted with what hapned by Serapion whom he had a singular affection for and to whom he committed the whole care of his Episcopate in regard of his piety his fidelity in all concerns his prudence in the management of all matters and his studiousness about defending the Bishops Rights After some time Johannes returns to Constantinople and personally undertook again a becoming care of the Churches But between Serapion the Deacon and Severianus the Bishop there arose a great dissention Serapion opposing Severianus because he strove to out-do Johannes in his Preaching and Severianus envying Serapion because Johannes the Bishop favoured him highly and entrusted him with the whole care of his Episcopate Being thus affected one towards the other the vehemency of their hatred hapned to be much increased by this reason To Severianus on a time passing by Serapion shewed not that honour which is due to a Bishop but continued in his feat whether it was because he saw him not as Serapion afterwards affirmed upon oath before the Synod or whether it was because he slighted the presence of a Bishop as Severianus averred which of these was truest I cannot say God only knows But Severianus could not then bear Serapion's contempt but immediately even before cognizance had been taken of the cause in a publick Synod with an oath condemns Serapion and not only divests him of the dignity of a Deacon but excommunicates him also from the Church Johannes hearing this took it very ill But afterwards when the business came under scrutiny before a Synod and Serapion excused the fact and averred that he saw him not and also produced witnesses in confirmation thereof the whole Synod of Bishops then convened pardoned him and entreated Severianus to admit of Serapion's excuse But Johannes the Bishop that he might fully satisfie Severianus removes Serapion and suspends him from the Office of a Deacon for a weeks space although he used him as his right hand in all businesses in regard he was a most acute and diligent person about Ecclesiastick Disputes and Answers Notwithstanding Severianus could not thus be prevailed with but made it his whole business to get Serapion not only wholly degraded from his Diaconate but excommunicated also Johannes was sorely vexed hereat went out of the Synod and left the Bishops then present to determine the cause having spoken these words to them Do you inquire into the cause and make such a definitive determination as you shall think fit For I refuse to determine the difference between them After Johannes had spoken these words and was risen up the whole Synod arose likewise and left the cause in the same state it was in blaming Severianus rather because he acquiesced not in what had been
Emperour Anastasius perceived he ejected those Bishops who made any Innovation out of the Church where-ever he found any such person either crying up the Synod of Chalcedon contrary to the usage in those places or else Anathematizing it He ejected therefore out of the Imperial City in the first place Euphemius as we have related before and then Macedonius after whom Timotheus was made Bishop Flavianus also was by him ejected out of Antioch CHAP. XXXI The Letter of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison concerning Xenaias and some other persons NOw concerning Macedonius and Flavianus the Monks in Palestine in their Letter to Alcison say word for word thus But Petrus being dead they were again divided amongst themselves and Alexandria and Egypt and Libya continued within their own Communion The rest of the East likewise held a Communion separate from others in regard the Westerns refused communicating with them on any terms unless to their Anathematizing of Nestorius Eutyches and Dioscorus they would add Petrus Mongus also and Acacius The Churches therefore over the whole world being in this posture the genuine followers of Dioscorus and Eutyches were reduced to the smallest number imaginable And when they were now just about vanishing in such a manner as not to appear any more in the world One Xenaias a person agreeable to his name truly a stranger from God on what design we know not nor what the grudge was which he would revenge upon Flavianus but under a pretext of the Faith as most do say begins to move against Flavianus and to calumniate him as a Nestorian But when Flavianus had Anathematized Nestorius together with his opinion Xenaias passes from Nestorius to Dioscorus and to Theodorus and Theodoret Ibas and Cyrus and Eutherius and Johannes and we know not to what persons else nor whence he had gathered them Some of whom had in reality been Asserters of Nestorius's Sentiments but others of them suspected to have been Nestorius's followers had Anathematized him and had ended their lives in the Communion of the Church Unless says Xenaïas to Flavianus you will Anathematize all these persons who are distempered with Nestorius's Tenets you are an Embracer of Nestorius's Sentiments although you should Anathematize him a thousand times together with his Opinion By Letters also he excites the Favourers of Dioscorus and Eutyches perswading them to assist himself against Flavianus and to require him not to Anathematize the Synod but the forementioned persons only When Flavianus the Bishop had made a long and stout resistance against these men and against others who together with Xenaias combined against him to wit one Elusinus Bishop of the Second Cappadocia Nicias Bishop of Laodicea in Syria and others from other places to relate the Causes of which persons hatred against Flavianus belongs not to us but to others at length Plavianus supposing they would not be quiet in behalfe of these persons yielded to their contentious humour and having in writing Anathematized the foresaid persons sent his Libell to the Emperour For they had incensed him against Flavianus as being an Assertour of Nestorius's Opinion But Xenaias not satisfied even herewith required again of Flavianus that he should Anathematize the Synod it self and those who asserted two natures in the Lord Christ one of the Flesh another of the Deity Which when Flavianus had refused to do Xenaias accused him again as being a Nestorian After many debates in reference to this matter when the Patriarch had drawn up an Exposition of the Faith wherein he profest that he embraced the Synod as to what related to the Deposition of Nestorius and Eutyches but not as to its definition and doctrine of the Faith they renewed their Accusations against him as if he were a secret favourer of Nestorius's Sentiments unless he would add an Anathematism against the Synod it self also and against those who asserted two Natures in our Lord one of the Flesh another of the Deity Moreover by their many fraudulent words ' and expressions they induced the Isauri also to embrace their own Opinion And having drawn up a Writing concerning the Faith wherein they Anathematized the Synod together with those who affirmed two Natures or Proprieties in Christ they withdrew themselves from a Communion with Flavianus and Macedonius and enter into society with others who had subscribed to their Writing During this interim they entreated the Bishop of Jerusalem also that he would draw up in writing the Form of his own Faith Which he having set forth sent it to the Emperour by the followers of Dioscorus And that Copy of it which they produce does indeed contain an Anathematism of those who assert two Natures But the Bishop of Jerusalem himself affirms that it has been adulterated by them and produces another without any such Anathematism Nor need this seem a wonder For they have frequently corrupted the Books of the Fathers And by false Titles have ascribed many of Apollinaris's Books to Athanasius to Gregorius Thaumaturgus and to Julius By which Books especially they have induced many persons to embrace their own impiety Further they requested of Macedonius a Writing concerning his own Faith Who set forth an Exposition thereof affirming that he knew no other Faith save that of the Three hundred and eighteen and hundred and fifty Holy Fathers and he Anathematizes Nestorius and Eutyches and those who assert two Sons or two Christs or who divide the Natures but has made no mention of the Ephesine Synod which deposed Nestorius nor of that at Chalcedon wherein Eutiches had been deposed Whereat the Monasteries about Constantinople were highly offended and separated from the Communion of Macedonius the Bishop In the mean while Xenaias and Dioscorus having brought over many of the Bishops to their own party became intollerable and raised Tumults against those who refused to Anathematize the Synod And against such as would not in the end yield to them they framed many stratagems and caused them to be cast into Exile In this manner therefore they banish Macedonius and Johannes Bishop of Paltum and Flavianus These are the Contents of the foresaid Letter CHAP. XXXII Concerning the Expulsion of Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople and of Flavianus Bishop of Antioch BUt there were other things which secretly wrung Anastasius For when Ariadne had taken a resolution to cloath Anastasius with the Imperial purple Euphemius who presided over the Archi-Episcopal Chair of Constantinople would on no terms give his consent till such time as Anastasius had delivered to him a Caution or Contract in writing written with his own hand and confirmed with great Oaths that he would preserve the Faith entire and introduce no Innovation into Gods Holy Church if he should obtain the Imperial Scepter Which paper Euphemius delivered to Macedonius who was intrusted with the custody of the Sacred Vessells Euphemius had done these things on this
Origen's opinions After this Macarius therefore Eustochius succeeded in that Bishoprick After the Ejection of Theodosius as has been related above Zoilus is declared Bishop of Alexandria And when he was added to the Alexandrian Bishops his predecessours Apollinaris undertakes the Government of that Chair After Ephraemius Domninus is entrusted with the Episcopall Throne of Antioch CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Fifth Holy Oecumenicall Synod and on what account it was convened DUring therefore Vigilius's presidency over the Elder Rome whilst in the first place Menas and then Eutychius was Patriarch of Constantinople and whilst Apollinaris was Bishop of Alexandria Domninus of Amioch and Eustochius of Jerusalem Justinian convenes the Fifth Synod on this account The Assertours of Origen's opinions abounding and growing powerfull in the Monasteries of Palestine and especially in that termed The new Laura Eustochius made it his whole business to eject them And going to The new Laura he drove them all out and pursued them to a great distance as being the common pest of mankind They dispersed into severall places associated many persons to their own party Theodorus surnamed Ascidas Bishop of Caesarea the Head-City of the Province Cappadocia a Prelate resident with Justinian faithfull to him and of whom the Emperour made great use undertook the Patronage of these Monks Upon his making a disturbance therefore at the Imperial Pallace and terming Eustochius's Fact the highest impiety and wickedness Ruphus Abbot of Theodosius's Monastery and Conon Abbot of the Monastery of Saba persons of the chiefest note amongst the Monasticks both for their own worth and on account of the Monasteries over which they presided are sent to the Imperial City by Eustochius They were accompanied with others also not much inferiour to them in dignity And these men resolved to debate concerning Origen primarily and concerning Evagrius and Didymus But Theodorus the Cappadocian desirous of diverting them to another matter proposes to be debated the Cause of Theodorus Bishop of Mopsuestia and that of Theodoret and Ibas the All-good God having excellently well disposed the whole matter so that whatever was profane both on the one and on the other side might be wholly expelled The first Question therefore having been proposed whether it were lawfull to Anathematize the dead Eutychius who was then present a person incomparably well versed in the Sacred Scriptures who during Menas's Life was not very eminent for he was then but Apocrisiarius to the Bishop of Amasia being not only wiser but also looking with contempt upon those convened said in express words that that question need not be debated in regard King Josias did not only heretofore slay the living Priests of Daemons but also dug open the Sepulchers of those who had been dead long before All persons that were present look't upon these words of Eutychius's to be most appositely spoken Which saying of his when Justinian was acquainted with he preferred him to the Chair of the Imperial City on the death of Menas which hapned soon after Further Vigilius gave his consent by his Letters but refused to be present at the Synod The Synod therefore being convened when the Emperour Justinian asked what their Sentiment was concerning Theodorus and in relation to those things which Theodoret had written against Cyrillus and his Twelve Heads also what they thought of that Letter said to be Ibas's written by him to Maris the Persian after many passages had been recited out of the Books of Theodorus and Theodoret and after it had been made apparent that Theodorus had long since been condemned and his name expunged out of the Sacred Diptycks and that Hereticks ought to be condemned even after their death with all suffrages as the usuall saying is they Anathematize Theodorus and what had been written by Theodoret against Cyrillus's Twelve Heads and against the true Faith Ibas's Letter also which he wrote to Maris the Persian their condemnation of the foresaid persons and writings being conceived in these express words Whereas the Great God and our Saviour Jesus Christ according to the Parable in the Gospells c. And after some other words Besides all those other Hereticks which are condemned and Anathematized by the four forementioned holy Synods and by the holy Catholick and Apostolick Church We also condemn and Anathematize Theodorus who is styled Bishop of Mopsuestia and his impious writings also what hath been impiously written by Theodoret both against the true Faith and against the Twelve Heads of Cyrillus of Blessed memory and against the First Holy Synod at Ephesus in fine whatever has been written by the same Theodoret in defence of Theodorus and Nestorius Moreover we also Anathematize that impious Letter said to have been written by Ibas to Maris the Persian And after some few words they expounded Fourteen Heads concerning the right and sincere Faith And these things proceeded in this manner But when Libells were delivered in by the Monks Eulogius Conon Cyriacus and Pancratius against the opinions of Origen Adamantius and against the followers of his impiety and errour Justinian consulted the then convened Synod about these matters having subjoyned to his own Letter a Copy of the Libell as also what he had written to Vigilius concerning these things From all which it may be gathered that Origen had made it his business to fill the Purity of the Apostolick Dogmata with Paganish and Manichaean Tares A Relation therefore was transmitted to Justinian from the Synod after the Exclamations which they had heaped together against Origen and those involved in the same erroneous Tenets with him Part of which Relation runs thus You who possess a mind partaker of a Celestiall Nobility Most Christian Emperour And after some other words We have avoided therefore we have avoided that Doctrine For we knew not the voice of Strangers And having securely bound this person as a Thief and like a Robber with the Ropes of an Anathema we have cast him out of the Sacred Rails And after some few words But you will know the power and efficacy of the matters which have been transacted by us by the reading thereof Hereto they also annexed whatever Heads Origen's followers had from their Masters learned to assert which Heads manifested both their agreements as also their disagreements and likewise their manifold errour Amongst these there was a Fifth Head which contained the Blasphemies broach't by some private persons of that termed The New Laura the Contents of which Head run thus Theodorus Ascidas the Cappadocian said If the Apostles and the Martyrs doe now work Miracles and are in so great honour unless in the Resurrection they shall be made equall to Christ what manner of Resurrection shall they have The same Fathers related severall other Blasphemies of Didymus Evagrius and Theodorus which with great diligence they had collected out of their Books Further
1. His draught of the Creed 279. 1. He is deposed in the Synod of Seleucia 282. 2. He wrote Eusebius Pamphilus's Life 247. 1. Acacius after Gennadius is ordain'd Bishop of Constantinople 433. 1. He is termed Patriarch and Arch Bishop in the Emperour Basiliscus's Constitution 452. 2. Also in the Penitentiary-Libell of the Bishops of Asia 453. 2. what was transacted in his condemnation and deposition 459. 1 2. Acacius Bishop of Melitina declares Nestorius's Blasphemy in the Ephesine Synod 404. 2. Acacius Bishop of Ariarathia 438. 1. Acacius and Strategius Comites 607. 2. Acesius Bishop of the Novatianists 215. 1. Achillas Bishop of Alexandria 211. 1. Achior the Ammonite 10. 1. Acoemeti Monks so called 459. 2. Acts of Pilate See Pilate Adaarmanes General of the Persians is by Chosröes sent with an Army 505. 1. besieges Antioch 505. 2. burns Heraclea and Apamia ibid. is vanquished by Mauricius 512. 1. Adamantius a Jewish Physician 375. 2. Adauctus a Martyr 146. 1. Addaeus and Aetherius Senators punished with death 500. 2. Adrian See Hadrian Adrianus and Eubulus Martyrs at Caesarea in Palestine 169. 1. Aedesius Brother to Appbianus a Martyr at Alexandria 161. 2. Aedesius a Tyrian 231. 2. Aelia that City heretofore term'd Jerusalem 21. 1. 52. 1. Aelius Publius Julius Bishop of Develtum 84. 1. Aemilianus Praefect of Egypt 122. 1 2. Aemllius Frontinus Proconsul of Asia 83. 2. Aesculapius's Temple at Aegae in Cilicia 597. 2. Aëtius an Heretick surnam'd Atheus 270. 2. He is made Deacon by Leontius ibid. Aëtius Arch-Deacon of the Constantinopolitan Church 446. 2. Primicerius of the Notaries 439. 2. Aevum has neither beginning nor end 671. 1. whence so called ibid. Africanus's Opinion concerning the disagreement of the Gospels in reckoning up our Saviour's Genealogy 9. 1 2. concerning the History of Susanna 106. 2. His Books of Chronography or Annals ibid. A most learned man 271. 1. Agabus a Prophet 17. 2. His prediction concerning the famine was compleated under Claudius 19. 2. Agapius Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine 138. 1. Agapius and Thecla Martyrs of Palestine 159. 1 2. Agapius and Dionysius Martyrs at Caesarea in Palestine 159. 2. Agathias the Rhetorician His History 487. 1. Agathobulus two of that name surnam'd the Masters 137. 1 2. Agbarus See Abgarus Agellus Bishop of the Novatianists 279. 1. 309. 1. 334. 2. 335. 1. Agrippa made King of the Jews by Caius 17. 2. He was also called Herod ibid. and 19. 2. He kills James the Brother of our Lord. 19. 2. His death 20. 1 2. Agrippa Son of King Agrippa made King of Judaea by Claudian 25. 2. Agrippa Castor wrote against Basilides 52. 2. Agrippinus Bishop of Alexandria 62. 2. Alamundarus Governour of the Saracens 378. 1. Alamundarus King of the Saracens 483. 2. Refuses to give assistance to the Romans though confederates 512. 1. Is banished by Mauricius into the Island Sioilie 516. 1. Alarichus King of the Goths takes Rome 373. 2. makes Attalus Emperour ibid. Albinus Procurator of Judaea 28. 2. Alcibiades a Martyr of Lyons 75. 1. Alexander the fifth Bishop of Rome after the Apostles 50. 1. Alexander a Native of Phrygia a Martyr at Lyons 73. 1. Alexander a Montanist condemn'd for Robberies 83. 1. Alexander was Coadjutor to Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem 95. 2. and 96. 2. He founded an Ecclesiastick Library 102. 2. He is crown'd with Martyrdom 108. 2. 116. 2. Alexander Bishop of Alexandria 211. 2. Having convened a Synod at Alexandria condemns Arius and his followers 211. 2. sends his Synodick Letter to all the Bishops ibid. His Elogie 220. 2. Alexander Bishop of Antioch 373. 1. Alexander Bishop of Constantinople 242. 2. Alexander a Native of Paphlagonia a Novatianist 276. 1 2. Alexandrian Church its Custome 347. 1. Alexandrians their humour Seditious and heady 429. 2. Allegorical Expositions of Sacred Scripture 24. 1. Alphaeus and Zacchaeus Martyrs of Palestine 154 c. Amachius President of the Province of Phrygia 296. 1. Ambrosius converted to the true faith by Origen 100. 1. invites Origen to write and supplies him with Notaries 103. 1. was a Confessour under the Emperour Maximinus 105. 2. Ambrosius is ordained Bishop of Millain 324. 2. Amida a City of Mesopotamia taken by the Persians 470. 1. Ammia a Prophetess 82. 2. Ammon Zeno Ptolemaeus Ingenuus and Theophilus Martyrs at Alexandria 111. 2. Ammon Father of the Monks of Egypt 316. 2. Ammonarium two women of that name Martyrs at Alexandria 111. 1. Ammonius was a Christian Philosopher 101. 2. His Book concerning the agreement of Moses and Christ. ibid. Ammonius Bishop of Laâdicâa in Piâidiâ 365. 2. Ammonius Dioscorus Eusebius and Euthymius Monks commonly called The Long Monks 357. 2. they come to Constantinople 359. 2. Ammonius a Monk 319. 1. Ammonius a Poet. 357. 1. He recited his Poem before the Emperour ibid. Amphilochius Bishop of Iconium 334. 1. Anastasian and Garosian Baths at Constantinople whence so termed 309. 1. Anastasius Bishop of Rome 373. 2. Anastasius a presbyter Nestorius's Companion and Confident 402. 2. Anastasius Bishop of Jerusalem after Juvenalis subscribes to Basiliscus's Circular Letters 450. 2. Anastasius is chosen Emperour from being a Silentiarius 464. 2. would suffer no innovation to be made in reference to the constitution of the Church 465. 1. Ejects Euphemius and Macedonius Bishops of Constantinople 465. 2. His name after his death was rased out of the sacred Diptychs or Tables 469. 2. whilst alive he was Anathematized at Jerusalem ibid. He ordered these words to be added to the Hymn termed The Trisagium Who hast been crucified on our account 476. 1. Anastasius succeeds Domninus in the Bishoprick of Antioch 497. 2. His Character 498. 1. His answer to the Emperour Justinian 498. 2. Also his Letter to the Monks of both the Syria's concerning the faith ibid. His Fare-well-Speech to the Antiochians ibid. He is ejected out of his See 502. 2. He is restored 526. 1. Avathematize what it is 387. 2. Anatolius Bishop of Laodicea 136. 1. His Book concerning Easter 137. 1. He is first made Coadjutor by Theotecnus Bishop of Caesarea 137. 2. Anatolius Bishop of Beroea 304. 2. Anatolius Master of the Milice throughout the East builds Anatolius's Porticus at Antioch 415. 2. Anatolius Senator a wicked man is convicted to have sacrificed to Daemons 510. 1. He is cast to the wild Beasts in the Amphitheatre at Constaminople 510. 2. Anazarbus the Metropolis of the Second Cilicia is ruined by an Earthquake 481. 1. Being rebuilt by Justinus Senior it is named Justinopoliâ ibid. Andreas the Apostle Preaches the Gospel in Scythia 30. 1. Androgyni the Priests of the Nile destroyed by Constantine 614. 2. Anâncletus Bishop of the Roman Church 38. 2. Anicetus Bishop of Rome 54. 2. How highly he honoured Polycarp 89. 1. Annianus the first Bishop of Alexandria 38. 2. Annianus is ordained Bishop of Antioch by the Synod of Seleucia 280. 2. Anniversary or Nativity of the Publick Genius of the City Caesarea 169. 1. Anomoei
Hereticks 304. 1. Anomoei and Exucontii 283. 2. 284. 1. Anteros Bishop of Rome 106. 1. Anthemius is made Emperour of the Romans by Leo Augustus 435. 2. Anthemius Praefect of the Praetorium 369. 2. Anthimus Bishop of Constantinople an Eutychian 481. 2. By Severus's perswasion he leaves the See of Constantinople 482. 1. His Letters to Theodosius ibid. is ejected out of his See by Justinian ibid. Anthimus Bishop of Nicomedia is crowned with Martyrdom 142. 2. 147. 2. Anthropomorphitae Hereticks 357. 2. 358. 2. Antinous Servant to the Emperour Hadrian 53. 1. Hadrian builds a City in honour of him and institutes Games ibid. He is deified 303. 1. Antioch termed Theopolis 403. 2. 480. 1. Colonies from the Greeks carried thither 416. 2. was shaken by a terrible Earthquake in the Reign of Leo Augustuâ 433. 2. The Tetrapylum of Antioch 434. 1. The Palace also and the Nymphaeum ibid. Antiochus Bishop of Pâolemaâs by Preaching gathers a vast sum of money 360. 2. Antipater Son of Herod the Ascalonite 8. 2. 10. 1. made Procurator of Judaea by Hyrcanus 10. 1. Antipater Bishop of Rhosus 304 1. Antoninus Zebinas and Germanus Martyrs in Palestine 165. 1 2. Antonius Bishop of Germa 385. 2. is killed by the Macedoniani ibid. Antonius a Monk 233. 2 His Apophthegme 318. 1. Anulinus Proconsul of Africa 193. 2. Apelles an Heretick 79. 2. Apâaca a place in Phoenice infamous for the worship of Venus 597. 1. 677. 1. Apianus a writer of the Roman Affairs 513. 2. Apion wrote upon the Six-days-work 89. 2. Apocalypse whether written by Saint John the Evangelist or by another 130 c. Apollinaris Bishop of Hierapolis 66. 2. 290. 1. His Books ibid. and 67. 1. Apollinares two Laodicaeans Father and Son 284. 1 2. their Heresie ibid. Their Books 296. 1 2. Apollinaris is ordained Bishop of Alexandria after Zoilus 495. 1. He was present at the fifth Constantinopolitan Synod 495. 2. Apollonia a Virgin of Alexandria is made a Martyr 110. 1. Apollonides an Heretick corrupted the Books of Sacred Scripture 90. 2. Apollonius an Ecclesiastick Writer 82. 2. Apollonius underwent an illustrious Martyrdom at Rome 85. 1 2. Apollophanes a Philosopher 101. 1. Apostles many termed such besides the twelve 13. 2. Apostles and Christ their images carefully preserved 126. 1 2. Apostles and Evangelists determined nothing concerning the Feast of Easter 345. 1. Apphianus a Martyr in Palestine 159. 2 c. Aquila of Pontus rendred the Books of the Old Testament into Greek 77. 2. Aquila Praefect of Alexandria 92. 2. 94. 1. Arabianus Bishop of Antroâ 304. 1. Arabianus an Ecclesiastick Writer 89. 2. Arcadius is proclaimed Augustus 334. 2. Archelaus Son to Herod 12. 1. Archelaus's disputation against Manichaeus 234. 2. Archelaus Consularis of Phoenice 239. 1. Ardaba a Town of Phrygia Montanus's Country 81. 1. Ardaburius Master of the Eastern Milice 411. 2. Ardaburius a General of the Romans 378. 1. is sent into Italy 381. 2. Areobindus a General of the Romans 378. 2. vanquisheth the Persians ibid. Ares Probus and Elias Egyptians Martyrs in Palestine 166. 1. Arians were wont to call the Catholicks Sabellians 235. 1. Arians were termed Porphyrians 221. 2. Aristides wrote an Apology in defence of the Christians 51. 1. Aristion and John the Presbyter or Elder Disciples of our Loââ 49. 2. Aristobulus King and High-Priest of the Jews 8. 2. Aristobulus one of the Seventy Translatours 137. 2. Aristonicus Bishop of Seleucia upon Belus 304. 1. Aristotlee's Book entitled Peplum 302. 2. Arius and Euzoius present a Libell of faith to Constantine 237. 1. Arius asserts a new Opinion 211. 1 2. His followers 212. 1. Their assertions ibid. He writes a Book entitled Thalia 221. 1. His Books are ordered to be burned 221. 2. His fraud in subscribing 243. 1. His death ibid. Armatus kinsman to Verina Augusta is slain by Zeno Augustus 462. 2. His Son Basiliscus from being Caesar is by Zeno compelled to be made a Presbyter ibid. Arsacius Chrysostome being ejected is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 366. 2. Arsenius a Bishop of the Melitians 238. 2. Subscribes to Athanasius's deposition 240. 1 2. Arsenius a Monk 317. 1. Arsenius is by Zeno advanced to be Augustalis and Dux of Egypt 461. 2. Artemon's Heresie 89. 2. The Authour thereof was Theodotus a Tanner 90. 1. Ascholius Bishop of Thessalonica 331. 2. Asclepas Bishop of Gaza 251. 2. 261. 2. Asclepiades Bishop of Antioch 96. 2. Asclepiadotus an Heretick disciple to Theodotus 90. 2 He mended the Books of Sacred Scripture ibid. Asclepius a Bishop of the Marcionites was burnt for the faith of Christ. 166. 1. Asiaticus Dux of Phoenice Libanensis 469. 2. Asinius Quadratus a Writer of Roman-affairs 513. 2. Aspar Son to Ardaburius 381. 2. He together with his Sons is slain by Leo Augustus 436. 1. Asterius a Sophist 242. 1. Marcellus Bishop of Ancyra wrote against him ibid. Asterius Comes of the East quarrells with Gregory Bishop of Antioch 517. 2. He is killed in the Earthquake which ruined Antioch 519. 1. Asturius a Martyr 125. 2. 126. 1. Ater a Martyr of Alexandria 111. 1. Athalaricus Son of Theodoricus King of the Goths 486. 1. Athanasius Deacon of the Alexandrian Church 216. 2. He is made Bishop of Alexandria 229. 1. He is calumniated by the Eusebians 237. 2. is banished into the Gallia's 242. 1. Goes to Rome 250. 1. is restored in the Serdican Synod 257. 2. Returns to Alexandria 260. 1. dyes 315. 2. Athanasius's Book of Synods 227. 1. His Book concerning the Life of Saint Anthony 233. 2. 317. 1. His Letter to his Acquaintance 272. 2 c. His Apologetick concerning his own flight 291. 2. Athanasius Bishop of Ancyra 304. 2. Athanarichus King of the Goths 326. 1. He surrenders himself to Theodosius 334. 2. Atâalus of Pergamus a Martyr at Lyons 70. 1 c. Articus Bishop of ãâã in Pârygia 1â2 1. Articus is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 369. 1. His Character 370. 1. He puts Chrysostomâ's name into the Dyptâcks again 382. 1. Articus Bishop of Nicopolis 443. 2. Attis the same with Adoââs and Bacchus 302. 2. Augustus Reigned seven and fifty years 12. 1. Avilius Bishop of Alexandria 38. 2. Avitus Reigned eight months 428. 2. Aurelianus preparing for a Persecution is smitten by Divine Vengeance 135. 1. 660. 1. Ausâ the name of Joshua the son of Nave 5. 1. Auxentius an Arian Bishop of Millain 272. 1. 274. 1. 324. 2. Auxentius a Martyr in Palestine 163. 1. B. BAbylas Bishop of Antioch 106. 1. He dyed in prison 108. 2. His Reliques translated 298. 1. 414. 2. A Church built in honour of the Martyr ibid. Bacchylides and Elpistus 64. 1. Bacchyllus Bishop of the Corinthians 86. 1. Bacurius an Iberian Dux of Palestine 233. 2. Master of the Milice 351. 1. Baptism the Seal of Christ. 40. 2. Baptism of the sick in bed 113. 2. persons so baptized were not promoted to be Clergy-men 114. 1. Baradatus a famous Monk 432. 1. Barba Bishop
daughter 392. 2. 416. 2. She marries Valentinianus Placidus 392. 2. 416. 2. After Valentinian's death she marries Maximus 428. 2. she calls Geizericus out of Africk ibid. Eudoxia Augusta her Silver Statue 365. 1. Eudoxius Bishop of Germanicia 254. 2. Seizes upon the Bishoprick of Antioch 271. 2. is deposed 280. 2. is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 282. 2. dyes 313. 2. Euelpis a Laick Preaches in the Church 102. 1. Eâeâhius a Bishop 311. 2. Eugenius sets up for a Tyrant in the West 350. 1. is slain 351. 1. Eulogius after Johannes is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 509. 2. 526. 1. Eumenes Bishop of Alexandria 51. 2. Eunomians don 't baptize into the Trinity but into the death of Christ. 350. 1. Eunomius Aëtius's Notary 271. 1. is made Bishop of Cyzicus 307. 1. writes Comments on Saint Paul's Epistle to the Romans ibid. Separates himself from Eudoxius 313. 1. Eunomius Bishop of Nicomedia contends with Anastasius Bishop of Nicaea about some Cities 447. 2. Eunuch to Queen Candace was the first that Preach'd the Gospel to the Ethiopians 16. 2. Eunus call'd also Cronion a Martyr at Alexandria 110. 2. Euâdius the first Bishop of Antioch after Saint Peter 40. 1. Euphemia the Martyr's Church at Chalcedon 356. 1. is described 422. 1 c. two Miracles performed there ibid. Euphemius after Fravita is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 462. 1. He is banished 465. 2. Euphrasius is ordained Bishop of Antioch 479. 1. He is buried in the Earth-quake at Antioch 479. 2. Euphronius a Presbyter born at Caesarea in Cappadocia 602. 2. Euphronius is ordained Bishop of Antioch 236. 2. Euprepiâs's Monastery near Antioch 406. 1. Eusebius a Deacon of the Alexandrian Church afterwards Bishop of Laodicea 124. 2. 136. 1. Eusebius Pamphilus Bishop of Caesarea his Letter to the Caesareans concerning the Nicene Synod 217. 2. c. He drew up a Draught of the Creed and proposed it to the Nicene Synod 218. 1. How he explains the term Homoöusios 218. 2. He wrote three books against Marcellus 258. 1. He was no Arian ibid. c. He wrote the History of the Church from the Apostles times to those of Constantine 472. 2. He made a Speech in the Nicene Synod in praise of Constantine 529. 1 2. He spake another Oration in the Palace to the Emperour Constantine on his Tricennalia ibid. and 622. 1. The Antiochians invite him to be their Bishop 599. 2. Constantine commends him for refusing that Bishoprick 602. 1. He recited an Oration before Constantine in the Palace 617. 1. He wrote against Porphyrius 302. 1. and Constantine's Life 209. 1. and 345. 2. Eusebius Emisenus 248. 2. Eusebius Bishop of Samosatâ 304. 1. Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia writes Letters to many Bishops in favour of Arius and his followers 211. 2. He is angry with Alexander Bishop of Alexandria 213. 2. He is translated to the Bishoprick of Constantinople 247. 2. He dyes 250. 2. Eusebius Provest of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour favoured the Arians 246. 1. He is put to death 287. 1. Eusebius Scholasticus Scholar to Troïlus the Sophist 357. 1. Eusebius Bishop of Vercella 271. 1. 289. 2. a defender of the true Faith 293. 2. Eusebius and Theognius subscribed to the Nicaene Creed but would not subscribe to the Anathematism 228. 2. being banished on that account they presented a penitentiary Libel to the Bishops 228 1. Eusebius Bishop of Dorylaeum accuses Eutyches 408. 1. His Libel presented to the Emperour against Dioscorus 423. 2 c. Eusebius Bishop of Ancyra was present at the second Ephesine Synod 424. 2. Eusebius a Writer of the Roman History from Augustus to the death of the Emperour Carus 513. 2. Eustathius Bishop of Antioch ordains Evagrius Bishop of Constantinople 313. 2. He is banished by Valens 314. 1. Eustathius Bishop of Antioch accuses Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea 235. 2. He is deposed in the Synod at Antioch ibid. He is accused by Cyrus Bishop of Beraea ibid. Eustathius Bishop of Antioch finds fault with Origen 362. 1. Eustathius Bishop of Sebastia 278. 2. is suspended from Communion 280. 2. He is deposed in the Constantinopolitan Synod 282. 1 c. Eustathius Epiphaniensis a writer of History 514. 1. He closes his History on the 12 th year of the Emperour Anastasius 470. 1. Eustathius Bishop of Berytus wrote a Letter to Johannes a Bishop concerning the affairs transacted in the Chalcedon Synod 421. 2. He was present at the second Ephesine Synod 424. 2. Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem 493. 1. He succeeded Macarius 495. 1. He drove the Origenists out of the New Laura 495. 2. Eutychius a Bishop 280. 2. Eutyches 408. 1. Eutychianus Bishop of Rome 135. 2. Eutychianus a Novatian Monk 226. 2. His Miracles ibid. Eutychian Hereticks have corrupted many books of the Ancient Fathers and have fathered many of Apollinaris's Books on Athanasius Gregory Thaumaturgus and Julius 466. 2. Eutychius disciple to Eunomius coyn's a new Opinion 350. 1. Eutychius after Menas is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 495. 1. He had before been Apocrisarius to the Bishop of Amaâia 496. 1. He is ejected out of his See 497. 2. He is restored 509. 2. Eutropius Praefect of the Imperial Bed-chamber 355. 1. the first and the onely Eunuch that was ever made Consul ibid. Euzoïus is made Bishop of Antioch 283. 1. is sent to Alexandria 316. 1. He dyes 327. 1. F. FAbian Bishop of Rome 106. 1. Fabius Bishop of Antioch 108. 2. Fadus Procurator of Judaea 20. 2. Familiar-spirits or paredri 52. 2. Famine takes away bashfulness 33. 1. Fate and Fortune empty names onely 639. 2. 641. 1. Faustus Eusebius and Chaeremon Deacons of the Alexandrian Church 122. 1. Faustus a Martyr under Diocletian 124. 2. Feast of Our Lord's Ascension 383. 2. Feast of Our Lord's Nativity 365. 2. Felix Procurator of Judaea 25. 2. Felix Bishop of Rome 135. 2. Felix from being a Deacon is ordained Bishop of Rome 275. 2. Felix the Pope successour to Simplicius sends a Deposition to Acacius 459. 1. Acacius did not acknowledge that deposition 459. 2. He sends Vitalis and Misenus Legates to Zeno Augustus ibid. Festus Procurator of Judaea 26. 2. Firmilianus Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia 105. 2. 116. 1. 118. 1. Firmilianus President of Palestine 163. 2. is beheaded 169. 1. Firmus Bishop of Caesarea in Capadocia 394. 2. Flaccillus or Placitus Bishop of Antioch 248. 1. Flavianus President of Palestine 154. 1. Flavianus is ordained Bishop of Antioch 334. 2. a difference amongst the Bishops on account of his Ordination 336. 2. He appeases the anger of Theophilus of Alexandria 338. 2. Flavianus after the death of Proclus is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 408. 1. He condemns Eutyches in a Synod assembled at Constantinople ibid. Flavianus is ordained Palladius's successour in the Bishoprick of Antioch 462. 2. He is ejected by the Emperour Anastasius 465. 2. He is banished to Petrae a Town in Palestine 467. 1 2. Florentius Bishop of Sardis 442. 1. Florinus a Presbyter of
435. 1. Honoratus Praefect of Constantinople 281. 1. Honorius is proclaimed Augustus 350. 2. Hormisda Son to Chosroes succeeds his Father in the Kingdom 509. 1. The Persians headed by Varamus conspire against him 522. 2. Hosius Bishop of Corduba 195. 1. 214. 1. 266. 1. 269. â 2. was present at the Nicene Council 578. 1. Hunericus or Onorichus King of the Vandals persecutes the Catholicks in Africk 460. 1. 483. 2. Hunni destroy Armenia 352. 1. Hunni heretofore called Massagetae 449. 1. Hyginus Bishop of Rome 54. 1. the ninth successour of the Apostles ibid. Hymenaeus Bishop of Jerusalem 125. 1. 133. 1. Hypatia a Philosopheress 376. 1. She is barbarously murdered 376. 2. Hypatianus Bishop of Heraclea 266. 1. Hyperechius a Bishop 311. 2. Hypostasis and Ousia how they may be spoken concerning God 390. 2 c. Hyrcanus Prince of the Jews taken by the Parthians 8. 2. I. JAmes the Brother of Our Lord one of the 70 disciples 13. 2. 16. 1. is created Bishop of Jerusalem 16. 1. surnamed James the Just. ibid. also surnamed Oblias 27. 2. His Martyrdom ibid. His Catholick Epistle 29. 1. His Chair kept with great care 126. 2. Iberians converted to the Christian faith when and how 232. 2. Jerusalem-Church was termed a Virgin 63. 2. Jerusalem its last Siege and Famine described 32 c. Jews first under Judges after that under Kings after the Captivity they were an Aristocracy with an Oligarchy at length became Tributaries to Rome 8. 2. They had the names of their Ancestours written out in ancient Rolls 10. 1. They had a sacred Treasury called Corban 19. 1. Their Seaven Sects 63. 2. the destruction of the Jews under Vespasian 35. 1. They endeavour to rebuild their Temple 298. 2. Hadrian forbids them to enter Jerusalem 52. 1. Ignatius the second Bishop of Antioch after Saint Peter 40 1. 47. 1. His Epistles are reckoned up 47. 2. He suffered Martyrdom at Rome ibid. By Theodosius Junior's order his Reliques are removed into the City Antioch 413. 2. Illus and Leontius rebell against Zeno. 464. 1. Index of the Books of the Old Testament 66. 2. 164. 1 2. Indians converted to the faith of Christ when and how 231. 2. Immestar a place in Syria 377. 1. Innocentius Bishop of Rome 373. 2. Johannes or John two of them lived at the same time in Asia 49. 1 2. John the Apostle Preach'd in Asia 30. 1. dyed at Ephesus ibid. was banished into the Island Patmos 39. 1. returned from thence after Domitian's death and governed the Churches of Asia 40. 1 2. for what reason he wrote his Gospel 42. 1 2. 105. 1. He wore a plate of Gold 87. 1. Johannes a Reader is beheaded for the faith of Christ. 170. 1. His wonderful memory ibid. Johannes a Presbyter of the Church of Antioch 352. 1. is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 353. 1. His descent and education ibid. and 353. 2. His course of Life and disposition 354. 2. He was wont to Preach sitting in the Pulpit 355. 2. His death 367. 1. Johannes is ordained Bishop of Jerusalem 338. 2. Johannes Bishop of Proconnesus 389. 1. Johannes the Chief of the Notaries sets up for a Tyrant 381. â John the Apostle's Church seaven miles from Constantinople 356. 2. John Chrysostoms Opinion concerning the Admission of Penitents 367. 2. Johannitae so they were called who took John Chrysostom's part 366. 2. at length they were re-united to the Church by Proclus 393. 1. Johannes Bishop of Antioch 387. 1. 403. 2. coming to the Council the fifth day after Nestorius's Condemnation assembles a Synod and deposes Cyrillus 404. 2. is reconciled to Cyrillus 405. 1. Johannes the Rhetorician an Historian 413. 2. 434. 1. 464. 2. closed his History under Justinus Senior 479. 2. Johannes from being Steward is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 455. 1. is ejected by Zeno Augustus's order ibid. flyes to Rome to Pope Simplicius 456. 2. Johannes after Athanasius is ordained Bishop of Alexandria 462. 2. Johannes Bishop of Paltum a Defender of the Chalcedon Synod is banished 467. 1. Johannes Scytha aud Johannes Gibbus Masters of the Milice vanquish the Isauri 469. 2. Johannes the Chuzibite a Monk in Palestine 480. 2. Johannes Scholasticus Eutychius being ejected is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 497. 2. Johannes Bishop of Jerusalem 526. 1. Johannes called Catelinus successour to Vigilius in the Bishoprick of Rome 497. 2. Johannes ordained Apollinaris's successour in the See of Alexandria 509. 2. Johannes succeeds Macarius in the See of Jerusalem ibid. Josephus the Historiographer 36. 2. His Books 37. 1 2. Joseph Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Jovianus is chosen Emperour 299. 2. makes a peace with the Persians 300. 1. dyes 304. 2. Irenaeus a Presbyter of Lyons 75. 1. is made a Bishop 76. 1. His Books 84. 2. 89. 1. when a youth he was an Hearer of Polycarp at Smyrna 85. 1. He writes to Pope Victor 87. 2. 345. 1. Irenaeus a Grammarian Wrote a Lexicon 291. 2. Irenaeus of Tyre and Aquilinus of Biblus Bishops are deposed in the second Ephesine Synod 409. 1. Irenaeus Comes of the East under Justinus Senior 479. 1. Irenius Bishop of Gaza 304. 2. Isacoces Bishop of Armenia the Great 304. 1. Isaurica Donatives which the Emperour gave yearly to the Isaurians 470. 1. Ischyras assumes to himself the Office of a Presbyter 238. 2. is made a Bishop by the Arians 257. 1. Ischyrion is killed for the faith of Christ. 111. 2. Isdigerdes King of the Persians 373. 1. Father to Vararanes 415. 2. Isidorus a Presbyter of Alexandria 353. 1. hated by Theophilus and why 359. 2. Isidorus Pelusiota 413. 1. Ision a Meletian â38 1. Judas of Galile or Gaulanites 8. 1. Jude one of the Brethren of Christ. 39. 2. Judas Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Judas an Ecclesiastick Writer 94. 2. Julianus Bishop of Alexandria 78. 2. Julianus Bishop of Apamia 82. 1. Julianus a Martyr at Alexandria under Decius 110. 2. Julianus a Martyr with Pamphilus 168. 2. Julianus created Caesar. 270. 1. He is Saluted Augustus 286. 2. 284. 2. His Education 286. 1. He recites his Orations in the Court 287. 2. wrote against the Christians ibid. His Book entitled The Caesars ibid. persecutes the Christians 295. 1. His Misopogon or Antiochicus 298. 1. His Book concerning the Cynick Philosophy 301. 2. He is slain 299. 2. Julianus Bishop of Lebedus 438. 1. Julianus Bishop of Bostri refuses subscribing to Severus's Synodick Letters 469. 1. Julius Caesar takes five hundred Cities 473. 1. Julius Bishop of Rome wrote a Letter to the Easterns 253. 2. His Letter to the Alexandrians 260. 2. c. Sate Bishop fifteen years 270. 2. Justina Augusta Mother to Valentinian Junior favours the Arians 337. 1. Justinianus Sister's son to Justinus is by him proclaimed Augustus 481. 2. a defender of the Chalcedon Synod ibid. His wife Theodora is an Enemy to that Synod ibid. His Constitution wherein he Anathematizes Anthimus and Severus and their Associates 483. 1. destroys the
of God ibid. bred in the Court of Tyrants 534. 2. constituted Leader of the people by God ibid. was the first that wrote the sacred History as he had been instructed by God 513. 2. his commendation 651. 1 2. Moses a Monk is made Bishop of the Saracens 327. 1. Mountain Sâââsâs in ãâã âear Lyons 269. 2. Mursa a Fort of Gallia ibid. Musanus an Ecclesiastick Writer 67. 1. Musâââ a Jewish Writer 137. 1. N. NAamanes a Saracen son to Alamundarus is kindly used by Mauricius 516. 1. He leaves the worship of Daemons and is converted to the Christian faith 5ââ 2. Narcissus Bishop of Jerusalem 79. 1. His miracles 95. 2. Narcissus a Bishop 248. 2. 254. â 264. 1. Narses being sent into Italy by Justinian vanquishes Toâââa and Tâââ Kings of the Goths 487. 1. His piety towards God ibid. Natalis a Confessour at Rome imposed upon by Hereticks 90. 1. ãâã length returns to the Church 90. 2. Nectarius is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 332. 1. Nemesion an Egyptian 111. 1. Neon Bishop of Laranda 102. 1. Neonas Bishop of Seleucia in Isauria 282. 1. Nephalius a Monk of Syria 461. 2. is by the Emperour Zeno sânt to Alexandria to restore vnity ibid. Ejects Severus out of his Monastery 468. 2. Nepos Bishop of Egypt 129. 1 2. Nepos is made Emperour of Rome 436. 1. Nepoâianus seizes the Empire of Rome 263. 2. Nero the first Roman Emperour that persecuted the Christians â9 1. Nestorius is ordained Bishop of Constantinople 384. 2. persecutes the Hereticks ibid. His opinion concerning Christ. 386. â His ignorance and pride 386. 2. He broaches a new Heresie 403. 1. He is condemned in the Ephesine Synod 404. 2. is banished to Oasis 406. 1. His Letter to the president of Thebais concerning his Exile 407. 1 2. He is taken and let go by the Blemmyae 406. 2. His tongue is eaten out with worms which kills him âââ 1. New-Testament the Booââ thereof 42. 2 c. Nicetas father to Herod the Eiyeâââââ 59. 2. Nicias Bishop of Laodicea in Syria an Opposer of Flavianus's 466. 1. Nicolâââes their Heresie 44. 2 c. Nicomachus a Pythagorean 101. 2. Nicomedia ruined by an Earthquake 277. 2. Nicomas Bishop of Iconium 132. 2. Nicostratus a Sophist of Tâapezus writes an History from the beginning of the Emperour Philip's Reign to the death of Valerian 513. 2. Nitria a mountain 316. 2. No Body is condemned out of his own Books 280. 1. Nocturnal and Morning Hymns were wont to be sung alternatively or by sides in the Church 359. 1. Novatus's Heresie 112. 2. Novatus the Founder of the Sect of the Cathari or Puritans ibid. why he made a Schism 323. 1. He was Martyred under Valerian 323. 2. Novatus or Novatianus is deserted by the Confessours 113. 1. He thrusts himself into the Bishoprick of Rome ibid. His Character 120. 1. Novatianists celebrated the Festival of Easter indifferently 344. 1. Novatianists Church at Constantinople was pull'd down and removed to another place 276. 2. Numenius a Philosopher 101. 2. O. OAk of Mamre 595. 1 2. The Miracles performed in that place 596. 1. a Church built their by Constantine ibid. Oasis by another name called Ibis 407. 1. Ocbas a very strong Castle over against Martyropolis 522. 1. Oâânathâ and Apollonius beat the Persians 473 2. Odöacer seizes the Kingdom of Italy 436. 2. Oenomaus a Cynick-Philosopher 303. 1. Olybrius is made Emperour of Rome by Recimeres 436. 1. Onesimus Bishop of Ephesus 47. 2. Onesimus a pious and studious man 66. 2. Opportunity how described by Painters 463. 2. Optar King of the Hunni 385. 2. Optatus Praefect of Constantinople 366. 2. Optimus Bishop of Antioch in Pisidiâ 334. 1. Oracle found in a stone in the walls of Chalcedon 308. 1 2. Oracle given to the Rhodians 302. 3. Oresteâ Praefect of Alexandria 375. 1. Origen's Education from a child 91. 2 c. He teaches Grammar 92. 2. when eighteen years old he is chosen Catechist of the Alexandrian Church ibid. His abstinence 93. 1 2. Demetrius's envy against him 95. 1. He was called Adamantius also 98. 2. He comes to Rome in Pope Zephyrinus's times ibid. He was a person of eminent Learning 271. 1. He made the ãâã and Tetrapla 99. 2. He brought up the allegorical interpretations of Scripture 101. 2. Mamea Augusta sends for him 103. 1. He is made Presbyter at Caesarea 103. 2. His Books 104. â â06 2 c. 107. 2. He is ãâã for the faith of Christ. 108. 2. He dyes ãâã the seventieth year of his age 11â â Origen asserts the Son to be ãâã with the Father 372. â Origen's ãâã Tâme of Comments on Saint Paul's Epistle to the Romans 386. 2. Origen's âeââacters who and how many 36â 1. His defence ibid. Theophilus's judgment concerning his Books 365. â Origen recited his Homilies on the fourth and sixth Veria in the Church of Alexandria â47 â Ostracine a Region of the City Antioch 434. 1. 518. â ãâã Bishop of Melitina 334. 1. P. PAlestines three of them subject to the See of Jerusalem 447. 1. Palladius the Courier 378. â Palladius Bishop of Helenopolis and afterwards of Aspuna 389. 1. Palladius a Monk Evagrius's Scholar 319. 2. wrote the Historia Lausiaca ibid. Palladius Prâfeââ of Egypt 31â 1. Palladius is ordained Petrus Fullo's successour in the See of Antioââ 462. 2. Palma Bishop of Amastris 64. 1. 86. 2. Pambos a Monk 317. 1. Pamphilus a Presbyter of the Church of Câsarea 138. 1. 166. 2. He is crowned with Martyrdom 148. 1. 16â 1. He collected an Ecclesiastick Library 107 1. He and Eusebius club'd in writing An Apologetick for Origen 290. 2. Pancratius Bishop of Pelusium 266. 1. Panopolis a City of Thebais 407. â Pantaenus Master of the Alexandrian School 78. 2. 101. 2. Papâââtius Bishop of Egypt was present at the Nicene Council 216. 1. 225. 2. Papias Bishop of Hierapolis 47. 1. His five Books 49. 1. He was a person of but mean understanding ibid. He was the first Câitiast ibid. Papirius a Martyr 87. 1. Paschasinus and Lucentius are by Pope Leo sent to the Chalcedon Council 421. 2. They condemn Dioscorus 424. 2. Pasinicus Bishop of Zelae 303. 2. 31â 2. Patriachs constituted in the Constantinopolitans Council 332. 2. Patricius Bishop oâ Paltus 304. 2. Patropassians Hereticks whom the Greeks term Sabelliani 255. 2. 312. 2. Patrophilus a Bishop 241. 2. is deposed in the Synod of Sabelliani 280. 2. Patermuthius burnt for the faith of Christ. 170. 1. Paulinus Bishop of Tyre 183. 1. built a stately Church in that City 184. 2. Paul is made an Apostle 16. 2. He is carried bound to Rome 26. 2. is a second time carried to Rome and Martyred ibid. beheaded under Nero. 29. 2. His Epistles 31. 2. Acts of Paul an Apocryphal Book ibid. and 43. 1. His Epistle to the Hebrews written in Hebrew 98. 1. The Roman Church don't believe it to be his Epistle 102. 2. Paul of Samosata 132. 2. attempts to
ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it was amongst the Alexandrians 375. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Decurions 576. 1. Polycarp whether he came to Rome on account of the controversie concerning Easter 88. 2. In what year he came to Rome ibid. The day of his Martyrdom 60. â Porphyrius why called Malchus and Bataneotes 100. when he lived ibid. Potamius Bishop of Lysbone was banished together with Hosius 268. 1. Power or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is not used but concerning the Greater Judges 536. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium and the other Judges prefixed the Emperours Letters before their own Edicts 179. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium had the title of Clarissimi in Constantine's time 587. 2. 606. 2. Praefecture of the Praetorium was the highest of all dignities 47â 1. it had two Chests 475. 1. also Numerarii of Gold 471. 1. Praenetum the name of a Town variously written 364. 2. Praepositi Laborum or rather Laboru that is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the Laborum 554. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it signifies 41. 2. Presbyters performed the publick prayers together with the Bishop 410. 2. Presbyters were not ordained without the consent of the Clergy and people 114. 1. Presbyters were termed Priests of the second Order 191. 2. 194. 2 c. Presbyter whom Constantia at her death recommended to Constantine who he was 236. 2 243. 2. Praesens Numen present deity ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 18. 2. Praesentes or Praesentales Milites present Milice who they were 477. 2. The Greeks call it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ibid. Priscus Rhetor the Historian was a Thracian born at Panium a Town in Thracia 436. 1. a passage in Theophanes in mended ibid. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to instruct to cultivate 623. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Village at some distance from a City 123. 2. Proclus Chief of the Sect of the Cataphrygians 29. 2. Proconsul of Thracia 281. 1. Procopius two Martyrs of that name 157. 1. Procurators of the familia Gladiatoria or company of the Gladiatours 163. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 663. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to propose the name of a person to be ordained 220. â 603. 1. Prophetae so the High-priests amongst the Egyptians were termed 53. 1. Prophets that are true how to be distinguished from the false one 82. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to live according to example 647. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Proseuchae of the Jews 18. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to take pains 405. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to bear the changes of fortune ibid. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã diligence attention 457. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it imports 41. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Let it be published it was a word which the Emperours added to their Laws 604. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to publish an Edict 516. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the chief or first of the Presbyters 359. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã â Provost or Chief â87 1. Psalmâ or ãâã when first in use in the Church 23. 2. 90. â Psalms called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 129. 2. Q. QUadratus Proconsul of Asia under whom Polycarp suffered Martyrdom in what year he bore the proconsulate 57. 2 c. Quadratus Bishop of Athens a different person from Quadratus the disciple of the Apostles 64. 1. Quaternions and Ternions 618. 2. Quirinius or Gyrenius when president of Syria â 1. Quirus instead of Cyrus and Quinegius for Cynegius 466. 1. R. REcusatory-Libels wherein Patriarchs requested of the Emperour that they might have leave to relinquish their Bishopricks 479. 1. Regius Morbus to signifie the Leprosie 9â 2. Religion of the Christians defined 658. 1. Rhetoricians were initiated by a certain rite 374. 2. the Rhetorician's Pallium ibid. and 389. 2. Rhossus or Rhosse a City of Cilicia 97. 1. Roman-Church their Liberality and Bounty towards the poor 118 â Romans when they left off burning their dead 1â6 â Rufinus's Letter to Ursacius 108. 1. S. SAbaiarius a Nick-name given to Valens by the Citizens of Chalcedon 308. 1. Sabbaâum magnum or the Great Sabbath what it is 57. 2. Sabbath not kept as a fasting-day amongst the Romans in Lent 346. 1. nor in the Ember-weeks 348. 1. Sabellians Hereticks 119. 1. Sacerdotes Provinciae the Chief-priests of a Province 150. 1. 173. 1. Sacred Scripture a threefold difference of the books thereof 43. 1. Sacrifices of the Heathens were not totally abolished by Constantine 613. 2. Schismaticks returning to the Church were more kindly received than Hereticks 604. 2. Scholastici Advocates 357. 1. Scholia what meant by that word 62. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it means 105. 1. Scribes amongst the Jews were the Keepers and Expounders of the Law 35. â c. Scythae so the Greeks call them whom the Latines târm Goths 578. 1. 607. 2. Secretum what it was 134. 1. Secular Judges who were present at a Council when criminal matters were under debate pronounced sentence but in a matter of faith they concerned not themselves 424. 1. 439. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to calumniate or extort 133. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Chappell wherein was the Tomb of a Martyr 422. 2. Selâucus was called Nicaror not Nicanor 505. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Excepta excerptions 440. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it signifies 84. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of Origen ought in Latine to be termed Excepta not excerpta 440. 1. Senate for an house or court 366. 2. Septuagint Translation when made 78. 1. whether they translated all the books of Scripture ibid. and whether in separate cells ibid. Serapis in what manner worshipped by the Egyptian Priests 340. 1 2. why he was called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ibid. His Temple when demolished ibid. Serdican-Council how many Bishops present at it 257. 1. ãâã a passage in him mended 407. 2. ãâã Augustus was called also Serpentius or Serpentinus 429. 1. Showes amongst the Romans were ordinary and extraordinary 72. 1. Sibylls whether they foretold things by divine inspiration 652. 2 c. Signes of the Zodiack were by the Greeks called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 45. 1. Silentiarii who they were 432. 1. Simon Magus's death when it hapned 22. 1. Sirmium three Synods there and their three Draughts of the Creed 266. 2. Sirmium-Synods in what years convened ibid. and 269. 1. Sitting the usual posture of mourners amongst the Jews 20. 2. Socrates seems to have been a Novatianist 367. 2. whether he was a Novatianist 277. 1. Son of God was by antient Divines termed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 645. 2. He is termed The Middle between the Father and things created 683. 2. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so Solomon's Book of Proverbs was called 64. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to lay hands on or ordain 114. 1. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or Sepulchral Monuments 2â 1. 28. 2. Stephen the Deacon on what year he suffered Martyrdom 15. â Stephen the Pope whether he
did they look upon any Country as their own besides the heavenly Jerusalem Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that 's the term in the original So the Ancient Greeks called that which the latter call ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is an allegory as they term it when one thing is said another is to be understood Vales. e From these words of Philo we may easily perceive that these Therapeutae were not Christians For the professours of Christianity were then of a very fresh date Besides what writings could these be The Books of the Prophets they were not for Philo separates them from these speaking of them a little before They could not be the Gospels nor the Epistles of the Apostles for they were scarce written in Philo's age however they could not then be called the writings of antient persons at least by Philo. Vales. f The composition of Psalms and Hymns was not in use so early in the Church as these words of Philo must suppose if we understand them to be spoken of the Christians that came in after the times of Antoninus when learned men began to embrace the Christian Faith So that neither can these words of Philo be any ways understood of Christians The junior Pliny indeed in his Epistle to Trajan Lib. 10. Epist. 97. says it was a custome of the Christians in their Coetûs carmen Christo tanquam Deo dicere secum invicem i. e. to say one with another by turns a verse or Hymn to Christ as unto God But there is a difference between saying and composing a song or Hymn and besides this was long after Philo's time See D r Hammonds preface to his Exposit on the Psalms and M r Gregory's Posthumous works Discourse 2d. g Eusebius means that whole week which precedes the feast of Easter which the Greek Fathers call ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the great week and we the Passion week But in Philo's Book there is no mention of this feast of Easter He speaks indeed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of a great solemnity but by his following words 't is evident he means the Jewish-feast of weeks or our Pentecost Vales. h He means the Presbyters concerning whom See Philo in his said Book De vitâ contemplat p. 899. Edit Par. Vales. a This Book of Philo's is not now extant Vales. b In Suidas this Book is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which inscription Suidas took from Sophronius the interpreter of Jerom. But our excellent M. SS Maz. Med. Fuk and S r Henry Savills have it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Wherefore I agree with Nicephorus who rightly distinguisht the two Books of Philo the one of which was entitled ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Of flight and choice the other ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is Of nature and invântion Whence it appears that that Book of Eusebius's which Nicephorus made use of was in this place more correct than our copies Vales. c 'T is manifest that Philo wrote three Books on this Subject That Dreams are sent from God The first of which is lost the second is extant in the Paris Edition of Philo pag. 465. in the beginning whereof he makes mention of a former Book which he had written on that subject The third is also extant in the same Edition pag. 1108. but misplaced Whether he wrote any more than these three is uncertain Suidas mentions five Books of Philo's De Somniis Vales. d In the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS it s written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã truer for there was onely one Book that bore this Title In a M. S. copy of Philo's works in the Library of Auspurg this Book of Philo's De Providentiâ is confounded with another of his Adversus Flaccum Indeed this Book De Providentiâ is lost But there is an eminent fragment of it in Eusebius De preparat Libr. 8. cap. Ultim and in Libr. 7. cap. 21. Vales. e I doubt not but it should be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For the Jews for so this Book is quoted by Eusebius in his 8 B. De Preparat Evangel chap. 10. where there is a most elegant place produced ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. out of the Apologie of Philo for the Jews Rufinus confirms this our emendation who turns this place thus de Judaeis Apologeticus Liber Vales. f Jerome makes mention of this Book of Philo's in his interpretation of the Hebrew names Moreover Philo having onely interpreted those names that occur in the Law and the Prophets Origen added afterwards an interpretation of the words and names of the New Testament supplying that which seemed to be wanting in Philo's Book as Jerome writes in that Book of his now mentioned Vales. g Eusebius took this out of the Acts of the Apost chap. 18. v. 2. And Orosius writes as he had it out of Josephus that this was done in the ninth year of Claudius But that place of Josephus which Orosius quotes is not now extant Therefore Orosius seems to me to have forgotten himself And truely it is not very likely that Claudius the Emperour who had so great a kindness for the Jews as appears by his many Edicts extant in Josephus should drive the Jews in particular out of the City I should rather think whenas there was a great famine at Rome which in Eusebius's Chronicon is said to have happened in the tenth year of Claudius that Claudius expelled all forreiners out of the City amongst whom were the Jews also For so Augustus did before and 't was frequently practised by the following Emperours as oft as the City of Rome was in any scarcity of Provision and so I judge that place of Luke in the Acts is to be understood But if any one relying on the Authority of Suetonius whose words are these Judaeos impulsore CHRESTO assiduè tumultuantes Româ expulit in the Life of Claudius See D r Hammonds Annot. on Acts 26. v. 31. does reject this our Opinion I will not much withstand him All the Chronologers downwards follow Orosius as does also Barronius in his Annals Whom I much wonder at in that when he had placed this Edict of Claudius on the ninth year of his Reign he should also cast the Jerusalem Council upon the same year Which is manifestly repugnant to the History of the Acts of the Apostles For after the Jerusalem Council which is related Acts 15 Paul going back to Antioch delivered the Epistle of the Apostles to the brethren and is said to have tarried there some time After this being parted from Barnabas he went into Syria and Cilicia Preaching the Word of God Then he travelled into Phrygia Galatia and Mysia where he was warned by the Holy Spirit in a dream to sail into Macedonia and first Preach't the Faith of Christ at Philippi after that at Thessalonica and Berea Sailing thence to Athens he staied there a good while expecting Timothy and Sylas and Preached the Word of God to the Athenians Then going to Corinth
not yet perswaded me to believe that the Legion Melitina was named the Lightning Legion upon that account Some may object that there was indeed a Legion called the Lightning Legion before Antoninus's time but that he gave the Legion Melitina that name also because of the benefit he received by their means But if it were so it ought to be called the second Lightning Legion and yet Dio makes no mention of any such Legion although he reckons up exactly all the Legions enrolled by the former Emperours Moreover Dio says that the Lightning Legion had its station in Cappadocia which agrees very well with the Legion Melitina In the book called Notitia Imperii Romani the prefecture of the 12 Legion termed Fulminea at Melitina is reckoned under the disposition of the Duke of Armenia Whence t is collected that Melitina was not the name of the Legion but of the Town wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea abode But 't was not usual to give the Legions their denomination from the places where they were in Garison but from the Countreys wherein they were inrolled Therefore what Eusebius says concerning the Legion Melitina seems to me scarce probable Besides Rufinus purposely omitted this name of the Legion as I suppose because he knew that Melitina was the name of a Town in Armenia the less wherein the 12 Legion called Fulminea kept guard in his time But that I may freely say what I think it seems not very probable to me that a whole Legion of Roman Souldiers should at that time be Christians which yet Eusebius seems to affirm who errs in this also because he has not produced the place of Apollinaris nor shown the book wherein he wrote these things But the words with which Eusebius closes this whole story doe sufficiently shew that he himself doubted of the truth of this matter for thus he says in this chap. Let every one determine concerning these things according to his own pleasure Vales. e Tertullians words are these At nos è contrario èdimus protectorem si litera Marci Aurelii gravissimi Imperatoris requirantur quibus illam Germanicam sitim Christianorum forte militum precationibus impetrato imbriodis cussam contestatur Tertul. Apol. pag. 6. Edit Regal Paris 1634. f Quales ergo leges istae quas adversus nos soli exequntur impii injusti turpes truces vani dementes Quas Trajanus ex parte frustratus est vetando inquiri Christianos quas nullus-Hadrianus quanquam curiositatum omnium explorator nullus Vespasianus quanquam Judaeorum debellator nullus Pius nullus Verus impressit Tertul. Apol. pag. 6 and 7. Edit as before We have added these words of Tertullian here that the learned Reader may see how different the translation Eusebius here quotes is from the original copies of Tertullian which we now have g Baronius has placed the election of Irenaeus to the See of Lyons on the year of Christ 180. For after the death of Pothinus which happened in the year 179 he says that See was vacant till the heat of the persecution was over Vales. D r Cave in his Chronological Table says Pothinus died in the year of Christ 177 to whom succeeded Irenaeus the year following * 2 Tim. 4. 21. a Our M. SS copies read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I doctrine I would rather read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã succession as Christophorson S r Hen. Savill and the old Translatour of Irenaeus read it Vales. a The Mââ Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã prayer the Kings M. S. and Robert Stephens ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã purity Vales. a These words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. of which number Irenaeus was one seem to be superfluous and written in the margin onely by some Scholiast But they are in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savil. M. SS Vales. b Irenaeus in that he affirms here that The Gospel according to Mark was written after the death of Paul and Peter does contradict what Eusebius related before at the 15 th chap. of the second book where he says Mark 's Gospel was publish't at Rome whilest Peter was alive and approved of by that Apostle But 't is no wonder that the antient fathers disagree amongst themselves in this matter seeing we have almost nothing of certainty about the writing of the sacred Gospels save that they are four and written by four several Authours But when or for what reason they were written and whether the Gospel of S. Matthew were first penned in Hebrew it s not very evident Vales. c All the ancient Ecclesiastick Writer as before was noted call that book the Wisedom of Solomon which we now call the Proverbi But that B. entitled now the Wisedom of Solomon is Apocryphal Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the term here in the original does properly signifie the sayings of wise men which are repeated by heart Vales. e Irenaeus is the ancientest writer that makes mention of Theodotion Wherefore we will see if from hence we can make out the time when Theodotion lived Epiphanius in his book de ponderib says Theodotion flourished under Commodus and then put forth his translation The Chronicon of Alexandria follows Epiphanius's opinion and says he publisht that work in the sixth year of the Emperour Commodus I Judge Theodotion to be somewhat ancienter For seeing Irenaeus has mentioned him in his books against Heresies which books t is manifest he wrote when Eleutherus was Bishop of Rome for he says so in the 3 d B. of thaâ work we must necessarily grant that Theodotion flourisht before Eleutherus was made Bishop of Rome Vales. f Some of the Ancients doe declare that the Greek translation of the holy Scriptures was performed under Ptolemaeus the son of Lagus others mention it to have been done under Ptolemaeus Philadelphus Which latter opinion in that 't is confirmed by the authority of the greater number of writers has at last prevailed Anatolius says the translation of the 72 was made both in the Reign of Ptolomy the Son of Lagus and also in that of his successour Philadelphus which to me seems very probable For seeing Aristobulus Josephus and Tertullian doe say in express words that Demetrius Phalereus put Ptolomy upon this business and it being manifest that the said Demetrius was in great favour with and authority under Ptolomy the son of Lagus and died soon after him we must necessarily say that this translation if it were done by the procurement of Demetrius was begun in the Reign of Ptolomy the son of Lagus And seeing that Philadelphus reigned about two years together with his father being made his Colleague in the Kingdom therefore perhaps 't is related that this translation was made under both the Princes Vales. The Learned Petavius is of the same opinion with Valesius in this matter as may be seen from his Annotations on Epiphanius's Book de ponderib pag. 379. Edit Paris 1622. g Cleâoens Alexandrinus says
suppose the Bishops of Thracia had written an Epistle to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia against Montanus's Prophecy wherein they gave their opinion thereof after the same manner that those of Vienna and Lyons did as our Eusebius related before That these subscriptions were put to the bottom of some Epistle 't is apparent from Cyrenus's subscription here mentioned But 't is no way likely that those Bishops did subscribe Serapions Epistle 1 because Eusebius does not say so but onely that the subscriptions of many Bishops were contained in Serapions Letter as was also Apollinaris's Epistle to the said Serapion For Serapion did this with good advisement that he might confute the heresie of Montanus by the authority of many Bishops 2 How could the Bishops of Thracia subscribe the letter of a Bishop of Antioch 'T is most probable therefore as I said that the Bishops of Thracia had with a joynt consent written to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia Vales. e That is Bishop of Anchialus a City of Thracia as we said before This Sotas the Bishop hearing of this new Prophecy sailed out of Thracia into Phrygia where having seen Priscilla not filled with the holy Spirit but actuated by the devill he undertook to cast him out of her by Exorcism Not onely Sotas but also many other Bishops went at that time into Phrygia to examine that new Prophecy says the Anonymous authour chapt 16. of this B. Moreover we may observe that Sotas was dead when Aelius Julius wrote this which is shown by the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a term which the Greeks use when they speak of a dead person had Sotas been alive he would doubtless have confirmed this thing by his subscription The same term Serapion uses when he speaks of Apollinaris who also was then dead Vales. a Here we began the 20 chapter following therein Rufinus Musculus and Christophorson The Kings the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS begin the chapter from these words And of this sort were the matters c. which are the close of the foregoing chapter Vales. b The antient Christians did frequently use this term as often as they disputed against the Gentiles under which title they put forth many books to shew that there was one God the maker and King of all things which term to wit Monarchy they ascribed to God the father but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. the dispensation and administration they assigned to the Son and holy Ghost so Tertullian in his book against Praxeas and Tatianus adversus Graecos There is a book of Justin the Martyrs now extant which has this title Moreover from this title of Irenaeus's book we may conclude that Florinus asserted two principles and embraced the opinions of Cerdo and Marcion affirming one to be the Authour of Good the other of evil Vales. c See Irenaeus and Epiphanius concerning a work of Valentinus's which bears this title Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is the term in the original Those notes which were set at the margin of M. SS that the reader might understand something remarkable occurred there were properly so called Therefore we translate it adnotationem i. e. a note This note is now to be found in many Greek M. SS exprest onely by the two first letters thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which doe signifie ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. note This adjuration of Irenaeus's did so well please Eusebius that he put it at the beginning of his Chronicon Vales. e All our M. SS and Nicephorus doe read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. his goings out and so we translate it Vales. f It was the custom of the primitive Christians when they heard any impious expression in a familiar discourse which was disagreeable to the rule of the Catholick faith forthwith to stop their ears and run away See Irenaeus B. 3 Against Heresies chap. 4 and Jerom B. 1. against Rufinus Vales. * Or every soul of all sorts of men For that 's the import of the Greek if it be exactly rendred Valesius translates it ex omnigenere hominum quà m plurimos i. e. very many of all sorts of men a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. he unclothed himself 't is a metaphor taken from champions who being to engage strip't themselves and studied by various arts and subtilties tò vanquish their Adversaries Vales. b This Apollonius was not the same person with him mentioned chap. 16. of this book Jerom in Catalogo calls him a Roman Senatour Eusebius does not say he was one of the Senate in this place But more of this hereafter Vales. c Jerom in his book de Scriptor Ecclesiast Supposes the person here spoken of to be Apollonius's servant and calls his name Severus Vales. * That is the devil having stirred up one of his own instruments or ministers c. d He means the Rescript of Marcus mentioned chap. 13. B. 4. See that place and the notes upon it Rufinus thought the Edict of Trajan which Eusebius mentions B. 3. chap. 33 or the Rescript of Adrian see chap. 9. B. 4 to Minucius Fundanus was here meant Vales. e The judges who interrogated the Christians that were brought before them were wont to perswade and entreat them to have a regard for their own safety by embracing the worship of the heathen Gods There are infinite Examples hereof in Tertullian Eusebius c. Vales. f From this passage I am induced to think that Apollonius was of the Senatorian order as Jerom has said Who upon the information of some desperate fellow whose name is unknown was brought before Perennis the Prefect of the praetorium i. e. the officer to whom the oversight of the Souldiers was committed as being a Christian being ask't by the Judge what order he was of and making answer that he was of the Senatorian order Perennis commanded him to give an account of his faith before the Senate Which when Apollonius had with much eloquence done by the sentence of the Senate he was put to death Why may we not therefore believe Jerom who in his book de Ecclesiast Scriptor and in his Epistle to Magnus has said in express terms that Apollonius was a Senatour And although Eusebius does not expresly say so here yet from this relation of his thus much may be collected Besides Jerom might have read the Acts of Apollonius's suffering to which Eusebius does here refer us In which Acts t is probable Apollonius was called a Roman Senatour and was said to have been betrayed by his servant These Acts were written at Rome in Greek by men that were Grecians after the same manner as the Acts of the Lugdunensian Martyrs were written in Greek Vales. g Jerom in his book de Scriptor Eccles. misunderstanding this place of Eusebius has accounted Apollonius amongst the Ecclesiastick Writers But Eusebius onely says that Apollonius made a most elegant oration before the Judges in defence of the faith he profest not that he wrote an Apology
and Savil. M. SS read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For Letters c. The Letters about Easter are meant here The Acts of this Synod of Caesarea are extant in Bede in his book concerning the vernal Equinox which some look upon to be Spurious but I think they are in no wise to be despised Baronius accounted them to be genuine Vales. a The chapters of this fifth book were even in our M. S. Copies very much disordered but we have put them into due order from the authority of Rufinus with whom agrees the Kings and the Maz. and Fuk. M. SS For those copies begin the chapter at these words with this Title How many Monuments c. but they call it chap. 28. when as 't is truly the 26 as appears from the Index of the chapters prefixt before the Book The cause of the mistake was that the Titles of the former chapters were set down twice in the foresaid Copies through the negligence of the Transcribers Vales. b The reading in the original is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Valesius thinks it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Demonstration c Rufinus translates it dialogos dialogues Jerom renders it Tractatus Tracts It may be taken to signifie Sermons or Discourses to the people for in that sense our Eusebius takes the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in his 6B chap. 1â and in the 36 chap. of that book he calls Origens homilies ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which is the term here does properly signifie internoscere ac distinguere i. e. to discern or distinguish The import of Eusebius's words is that those Writers which by some certain mark be was able to distinguish from heretical authours were Heraclitus Maximus c. Rufinus and Jerom instead of Heraclitus read Heraclius Our Historian does here relate first the Ecclesiastick Writers of that time whose names he knew afterwards he mentions those whose books were ãâã extant but their names were unknown Vales. b The Title of Maximus's Book was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã concernâng matter it was composed by way of Dialogue Eusebius quotes a most excellent piece of it in his last chap. of his 7 B. Preparat Evang. where he gives the Authour this Elogue ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. Maximus a person in no wise obscure for his Christian life and conversation Wrote a seasonable piece entitled concerning matter Vales. c Eusebius does usually quote some passages out of those Authours works which he mentions So he did as we see out of Irenaeus Clemens Hegesippus Papias and others whenever he knew the time of the Authours Writing But in these Writers whom he mentions in this chapter Eusebius says he could not perform this because he could not certainly know the times they lived in but was in want of arguments and proofs thereof Vales. a Nicephorus B. 4. chap. 2â says the name of this book the Authour whereof is unknown was The Little Labyrinth Photius in Biblioth chap. 48. relates that Caius was the Authour of this book and makes it not the same book with the Little Labyrinth But Theodoret B. 2. Heret Fabul confiâms Nicephorus's opinion and mentions this very story of Theodotus the Tanner and Natalis the Bishop atteâting he had taken it out of the book called Thâ Little Labyrinth Vales. b Hence it appears that 't was an antient custom in the Church to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ. Pliny in his Epistle to Trajan mentions this usage amongst the Christians as we have already observed at B. 2. chap. 17. c Perhaps this person was that Caecilius Natalis who by a dispute of Octavius Januarius's before Minucius Faelix at Rome was converted to the Christian Faith as Minucius Faelix relates in his dialogue Indeed the name the time and the profession of this Person doe all agree to make this probable Vales. d The Maz. Med. Fuk. and Savill M. SS read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. to be elected The Kings M. S. and Rob. Stephens read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. to be called Vales. e Valesius says those stripes are meant here which Natalis had undergone for the confession of Christ Quas says he pro Christi confessione perâulerat Indeed Natalis is called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a confessour at the beginning of this story and afterwards ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Martyr or Witness but perhaps the Authour might mean here the stripes which the story says he received from the holy Angels f These are Logical terms ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is properly such a proposition as this if it be day there is light ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is such an one as this either it is day or it is light See Diogen Laert. in Zenone Vales. g He speaks of the last advent of our Saviour which the Antient fathers usually speak of not as future but present Vales. h Galen wrote books concerning the forms of Syllogisms and concerning the whole systeme of Philosophy as appears from the catalogue of his works From this place 't is evident that Galen is a very antient Authour which may be collected not onely from the Testimony of this Writer but from many others who have made him contemporary with Aristotle Theophrastus and Plato See Alexander Aphrodis B. 8. Topic. at the beginning Vales. i Some call him Asclepiades but Nicephorus and Rufinus termâ him Asclepiadotus A little after this instead of Apollonius we read Apollonides as did Rufinus and Nicephorus Vales. k S r Henry Savill in the margin of his M. S. had made it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by him Our other M. SS read it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by them But the former reading is the best for the Authour speaks onely of Apollonides here affirming that he put forth two Editions of the sacred Scriptures the latter of which differ'd very much from the former Vales. l The following words Neither did they receive such Copies as these from those who were their instructours nor yet can they shew the Copies out of which they transcribed these things are wanting in the Kings M. S. I think them not very necessary but they are in the Maz. Med. and Fuk. M. SS and in Rufinus's version Vales. m ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. by or by reason of is here to be understood These Hereticks under a pretence of the Grace given by the Gospel rejected both the Law and the Prophets upon which account he calls their doctrine Lawless and Atheistical Vales. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã lectisâimi i. e. the choicest 't is the nearest signification of the word but does not fully explain it for the word imports something more See Viger Idiot pag. 195. b 'T is a critical dispute whether the Greek word be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with an Aspirate or a Tenuis some say 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because 't
Souldiers him Christophorson also followes but I had rather translate it a file of men Some may perhaps think that these Souldiers were the Prefects Apparitours and other officers because they stood before the judgment seat but I rather think they were legionary Souldiers of that legion which kept Garison at Alexandria and were under the Command of the Emperours Deputy-Governour of Aegypt for at that time he who was the Emperour's Prefect in Aegypt had not onely power in Civil affaires but also in Military In the old Roman Martyrologie the birth-day of these Martyrs is set down on the 13 th of the Kalends of January Vales. o By this word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is meant Subsellium i. e. the place on which the Criminals while they are examin'd by the Judge sate It is in some places call'd Ambon or Pulpitum Vales. p ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Rufinus translates thus God thus triumphing by his Saints hence we may suppose he read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Musculus and Christophorson follow this translation of Rufinus but we must take notice and see whether Dionysius meanes not by ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which I think he does and therefore have so translated it Vales. * ' ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from whence the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which here occurs is derived signifies one that looketh to another mans business and that has the charge of his affairs committed to his care a Herodotus mentions a mountain called Arabius which Ptolomy and others call Troicus Christophorson therefore does not well in calling it a mountain in Arabia 'T is a little after called Arabicus from its vicinity to Arabia Vales. b This place ought to be taken notice of for this one thing for of all the Writers which came to our hands there is none that I know of who is ancienter then Dionysius Alexandrinus that mentions the Saracens Indeed Ammianus Marcellinus says in his 14 th book that he mention'd the Saracens amongst the Acts of Prince Marcus So also says Spartianus in Nigro saying they were conquered by the Roman Souldiers Vales. c It was the opinion of the Ancient Fathers that Martyrs should be Christs Assessours and should judge the world together with him So says Eulogius Bishop of Alexandria in his 5 th book against the Novatians but Photius in his Biblioth reproves this Opinion Photius says that those words of S t Paul in the 1 Epistle to the Corinthians 6. 2. Know ye not that the Saints shall judge the world must not be understood as if the Saints were to be judges with Christ Paul says he onely meaneth thus that other men who had not lived so piously should by the Saints means he condemned As it is in the Gospel The men of Ninevie and the Queen of the South shall rise up in judgement against wicked men and condemn them Matth. 12. 41. Photius took this Exposition out of Chrysostome but Eulogius's Opinion seems the truer to me For if the Martyrs are now colleagues of Christ in his kingdom Why may not they be partakers of his judgment Moreover Christ expresly promised the Apostles That they should sit on twelve thrones judging the twelve tribes of Israel Matth. 19. 28. Vales. d This place must be rendred according to our translation though Langus and Christoph translate it as if the Martyrs admitted the Penitents into the Church which they could not doe being in bonds Moreover the Bishops onely had power of reconciling Penitents the Martyrs could onely intercede for them and write commendatory letters in their behalf though this word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã may be rendred passively as in the 3 d Chap. of this 6 th book Vales. e Communion in the Church is twofold of Prayer and of the Sacraments that of the prayers was granted to Penitents after a certain time but the Communion of the body of Christ was not granted except to them who were reconcil'd after long time of repentance But Dionysius here means private Communion now that I call private Communion which was granted to any one by some private persons and not by the Bishop whose power and duty it was to grant it The thing these private persons granted was this these Martyrs and Confessours permitted penitents who desired their pitty and intercession to pray to God with them Vales. * That is the lapsed â That is the pure a Rufinus translates this phrase ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Decretus significatur quid facto opus esset but the other Translatours in my Opinion turn it better by translating it thus Decernitur ab omnibus Vales. b Rufinus confounds and mixeth this Epistle with that which Eusebius afore mentioned for he owns but two Epistles of Cornelius Hieronymus in his book De Scriptoribus Ecclesiasticis reckons up four but Eusebius in this place gives us an account of three onely The first and the third seem as if Cornelius had writ them in Greek which may be proved by several Arguments for Eusebius quotes several things out of the third Epistle but does not in the least signifie that it was ever translated out of Latine into Greek which thing he always does as often as he quotes any Latine Authours Moreover in this very Chapter Eusebius signifies that the first Epistle was writ in Greek for speaking of it he adds that there was another Epistle of Cyprian annex'd to it which was written in Latine Which clause certainly he had not added had not Cornelius's Epistle been written in a contrary Language Vales. c Concerning this Maximus the Presbyter Urbanus and Sidonius Confessours how they deserted Novatianus and were converted to the Church see Cornelius the Pope's Epistle to Cyprian There was also at the same time another Maximus Presbyter of the Church of Rome whom Novatianus Imploy'd as Embassador to Cyprian into Africk together with Machâus and others Afterwards the Schismaticks made this Maximus a Bishop in Africk as Cyprian in his Epistle to Cornelius tells us Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies to catch a man in the very act of Robbery whilest the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or things which he hath stolen are yet in his hands hence it signifies to being any plot robbery or any other wickedness to light to bewray or disclose Vigâr Idiââ pag. 27. e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the phrase here in the originall has the same import with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which is a proverbial speech in Greek and signifies ex insperato improvisâ i. â unlooks for or on a sudden See Erasm. Adâg pag. 46. Edit Fâobââ f Theâdores in his 3 â book of his Hââââle Fabuâ Chap. 5. wââtes that Novatus himself went into Italy to fetch thâse Bishops and when he with the Bishops upon their journey came into some town or other he forced them to Ordain him which those Bishops complain'd of when they came to Rome but this Epistle of Cornelius refutes that story of his Vales. g Goââââius ãâã this aâ
may be gathered that the Synod of Antioch was assembled in the beginning of Aurelianus's Reign But I cannot assent to Baronius who says this Synod was called in the second year of Aurelianus The Council of Ephesus in pag. 228. utterly destroys this Opinion of Barorius's for it says that Paul of Samosata was excommunicated 160 years before that time and if we reckon backwards we shall find that the year of Claudius and Paternus's Consulship that is the year of Christ 270. is the 160 year backwards from the time that book was written which was Theodosius 13 th and Valentinianus 3 d being Consuls Moreover if Baronius reckon these things done in the 2 d year of Aurelianus he must of necessity make Dionysius to continue Bishop of Rome till that year but that is contrary to the Authority of the Lib. Pontifical Farther in the second year of Aurelianus his Reign there was a War waged against Zenobia when Antioch and other Cities were taken so that 't is impossible there should be a Synod of Bishops that year there Vales. b Leontius in his first book against Nestorius has a fragment of this disputation In Theodoret this Malchion is called Malachion but falsly this man gained such honour in this Confutation of Paul that he was thought worthy to be Cannoniz'd in the Greek Menology at the 28 day of October Vales. a In the Maz. Fuk. Med. and Sav. M. SS 't is writ thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã lianus but in some printed Editions 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Amilianus Also Rifinus and Niceph. call him Aelianus Athanasius says there were 70 Fathers in this Synod who devested Paul of Samosata Vales. b We ought to take notice of the inscription of this Epistle for we find here not the names of Bishops onely but also of Presbyters's and Deacons and of the Laity also The same we may see in the Acts of the Council of Carthage in which Cyprian was President and in the Council of Eliberis Vales. c Hence we may gather the Epistle of Dionys. Alexand. to Paul of Samosata which is inserted in the 11 th Volume of the Bibliotheca Patrum is supposititious together with the 10 Propositions of Paul and Dionysius's Answers to them For the Fathers of the Council of Antioch do here affirm that Dionys. did not write to Paul but to the whole Church of Antioch In that Epistle which goes under the name of Dionysius we find that he wrote to Paul twice But the stile of the Epistle and Answer is not at all like Dionysius's works So that I am fully perswaded although Baronius takes that work to be true and Genuine it is false and adulterate Vales. d The Greek words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must be translated sine ullâ Religionis nostrae contumeliâ and we have rendred them in English accordingly but Christoph. scorn'd to follow that excellent version of Rufinus which agrees with us Vales. e The Fathers called the Rule of faith ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the true rule See the fourth book of our Authour Eusebius and Chap. 23. where we find the same use of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã exactly with this here Vales. f Extortion is twofold and is committed either by the terrour of Authority as when a Souldier or Magistrate demands any thing or else by deceit and cunning when under pretence of favouring or succouring and helping a man we get something from him And this latter is that which the Fathers of the Council of Antioch here mean the Greeks call it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so here ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to which the Latine word concussio and concutere does exactly answer in which sense they were used among the old Lawyers We also find the word in the Gospel where John gives this command to the Souldiers viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Luke Chap. 3. 14. And amongst the Grecians the antient use of the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is in the same sence as calumniari So Aristophanes and Telâclides use the word Vales. g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is by Langus very well translated praemia accipere to take bribes S t Paul uses that term Colos. 2. 18. Vales. h Although ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã be joyn'd with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the Greek and we have so translated it viz. getting money for doing nothing making it to be referred to Paul yet it should rather be referred to the Litigants or people in suit who gave their money to Paul for his help and favour in their cause and so lost it he never helping them Vales. i This is a Scripture phrase taken out of 1 Timothy chap. 6. v. 6. k These Ducenarii were procuratours called ducenarii because they were such receivers or Collectours of the Revenues as had 200 festerces paid them from the Emperour as a yearly sallary See Dio Lib. 53. p. 506. Vales. * See Book 5. Chap. 1. note c. l The Fathers do not here condemn Paul because he had a throne for that was customary amongst Bishops even from the times of the Apostles as we may see in Chap. 19. Book 7. concerning the throne of James the brother of the Lord. But for this they condemn him because he erected a Tribunal for himself in the Church and buil't a high throne as Rufinus well translates the place higher then it was before Bishops did sit higher then the people but they had not a Tribunal Vales. m This Secretum was onely proper to Magistrates and the Judices Majores or Judges of Life and Death It was the inner part of the Court of Judgment and was compassed about with Rails and Curtains were drawn about it in it the Judges sate when they heard the Tryals of Criminals See my notes on Amm. Marcell p. 87. Vales. n ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies to shake a linnen cloth or handkerchief in token of applause as the Spectatours used to doe in the Theater Vopiscus says that Aurelianus was the first who gave these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã craria in English handkerchiefs to the people of Rome that concutiendo by shaking them they might signifie their consent in Elections But Aurelianus borrowed this custom from the Eastern People who long before his time used these Oraria after the same manner Vales. o Eusebius seems here to mean the Chorepiscopi which some term Vicarios Episcopi Vicarios Episcopos i. e. Deputys of the Bishop and Vicar-Bishops They here make a distinction betwixt the Episcopi Civitatum and Episcopi Pagorum And these latter the Fathers here say sang or repeated these songs or Hymns in their Sermons and congregations See Damasi Epist. concerning these p ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are here Gesta or Acta Publick Acts such are commonly Registred but some falsly translate them Commentaries Now the Acts of this Synod of Antioch were nothing but the Disputation of Malchion against Paul of Samosata which were Registred by the Notaries Vales. *
Dorotheus's were Eunuchs and both the Emperour's favourites Vales. c The reading in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Saâ M. SS is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã liberaliter educatus he was very well educated Vales. d This is the same Anatolius if I mistake not that Eunapius mentions in the Life of Iamblichus where he says that Iamblichus was at first the Scholar of Anatolius who at that time was esteemed the best Philosopher next to Prophyrius This Anâtolius here spoken of by Eusebius lived in the same times Prophyrius did and according to Eusebius's Character he was a man well versed in all sorts of learning Vales. e The phrase in the original is ' ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Aristotelicae successionis of the Aristotelick Order Anatolius being an exellent Philosopher was requested by the Citizens of Alexandria to set up an Aristotelick School in imitation of the Platonick School long since erected at Athens The masters of Plato's School were called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and were promoted to that place by a publick decree This School had great annual revenues raised out of Estates which learned men left as legacies to this School which were hence called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In imitation of this School at Athens there was afterwards founded a Philosophical School at Alexandria of which that most excellent Philosopher Hierocles was master See Damascius in vitâ Isidor pag. 1058 c. Vales. f This Siege of the Bruchium was in Aurelianus's time as we find asserted in the end of B. 22. of Amm. Marcell Eusebius in his Chronicle says it happened on the 2 d year of Claudius for which Scaliger reproves and corrects Eusebius relying on the authority of Marcell But I had rather follow our Authours opinion here For that Eusebius mentioned in this chap. and Anatolius were still at Alexandria and could not possibly travel to Antioch till the siege was raised But Eusebius we see went to the Synod of Antioch which as before we proved was in the second year of Claudius And intending to return from Antioch he was detained by the Laodiceans and made Bishop of that place But if we say that the Bruchium was not taken till Aurelianus's Reign how could Eusebius who was at the siege go towards that Synod and be made Bishop of Laodicea Vales. g Whilest Claudius warred against the Barbarians Zenobia sent Zabda lier Captain who by the assistance of Timogenes an Aegyptian seized upon Aegypt and put a Garrison into Alexandria but Probus the Roman General with some assistance of the Aegyptians who did not affect the Syrians of Palmyra who kept the Garrison forced them out thence as Pollia in the Life of Claudius and Zosimus record And this I think was the time when the Bruchium was besieged by the Romans Vales. Martinius thinks that this Bruchium here mentioned as a part of Alexandria and in the Greek called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was that which the Romans call the forum frumentarium or Corn-market it being derived from ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Annonae praefectus and that compounded of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã tritici curam haââo to have the charge of the wheat See Martin Lexicon Philolog in the word Bruchion h Christoph. renders the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã here used Congerere to lay up Corn but it must here be rendred quite contrary to give out or measure out corn sparingly which was customary in famines and in sieges Vales. i Hieronymus in his Chronicle says that this siege of the Bruchium lasted several years Vales. k These words ought to be separated from the Text of Eusebius as we have here done in the Translation For they are a Title as it were which noteth that the fragment following is out of another Authour Vales. l ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã These words being imperfect and unintelligible there must of necessity be something understood Christoph. conjectures that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Easter is to be understood but that is absurd for the feast of Easter does never fall on the New-moon of the first moneth I rather think we ought to read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã you have or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the imperative reckon the New-moon c. Vales. m ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the term which occurs here does properly signifie Carceres the place whence the horse-races were begun Anatolius therefore calls the first Dodecatemorium ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because from that as it were from the original and sourse thereof the course of the Planets should begin Vales. The translation of this Canon of Anatolius's will be scarce understood by the unlearned Reader because so many terms of Art occur in it The Learned Reader that is desirous of farther satisfaction herein may consult Petavius's notes on Epiphan p. 188 c. and Aegydius Bucherius De Doctrinâ Temporum pag. 440 Edit Antvârp 1634. n That is from that segment for although the reading in the Greek Text be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã yet it is to be corrected thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã understand ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã segment so Petavius corrected it in his notes upon Epiphanius pag. 190. Vales. o Anatolius here affirms that there were two Agathobulus's sirnamed the Doctours or Masters But I fear he mistakes in affirming them to be antienter then Philo and Josephus For Eusebius in his Chronicle says that Agathobulus the Philosopher flourished in the times of Hadrianus Vales. p Rufinus renders ' ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Aristobulus of Paneas but he is in a gross errour I wonder that Scaliger in his Animadversions upon Eusebius pag. 130. should think these words of Anatolius ought to be corrected according to Rufinus's translation of them Bede also follows this corrupt Version of Rufinus and takes Paniada to be the name of a Jewish writer Scaliger in the place afore-quoted largely proves that what Anatolius says of Aristobulus viz. he was one of the 72 Translatours is false This Aristobulus was also sirnamed the Master or the Doctor as we may see 2 Maccabees Chap. 1. because he was Tutour to King Ptolomy For I cannot assent to Scaliger who makes a distinction betwixt that Aristobulus mentioned in the History of the Maccabees and Aristobulus the Peripatetick who dedicated his Expositions upon Moses's Law to Ptolomy Phâlometor Vales. q This book of Enoch is quoted by Jude in his Canonical Epistle It was an Apocryphal book and not received amongst the Authentick Scriptures of the Jewes But the Apostles and the antient Fathers in imitation of them have not been afraid to quote Apocryphal books which seemed to confirm the truth Georgius Syncel in his Chronicle quotes an excellent fragment out of this book of Enoch's Vales. * Some Excerptions out of Anatolius's Arithmetick are yet extant Vales. r We have the like example in Chap. 11. book 6. Where Alexander ruled the Church of Jerusalem joyntly with Narcissus These two are the most antient instances of Assistant
Diociesian was Consul the fourth time and Maximian the third as the inscription of the first interrogatory sheweth Whence 't is plain that these Acts of Pilate were forged long before the persecution the contrary to which Eusebius affirms in this place But that I may freely speak my sense the inscription of these Acta praefidialia is in my judgment false and it should be corrected thus when Diocletian was Consul the ninth time and Maximian the eighth For 1 there is in those Acts mention of the Imperial command whereby 't was ordered that all men should sacrifice to the Gods Now this command was issued out on the nineteenth year of Diocletian's Empire 2 In the ninth chapter these words occur The President said you curse the Princes who have secured a lasting and continued Peace Andronicus said I have cursed the Plague and the bloud thirsty which destroy the world That expression concerning the securing a lasting and continued Peace cannot agree with the fourth Consulate of Diocletian for at that time the Barbarians attacked the Roman Empire on every side Besides I can't see how Diocletian and Maximian can be termed Blood thirsty till after the 19 th year of Diocletian when the Persecution began Lastly which is another argument Eusebius affirms that these Acts of Pilate were forged in the time of this persecution Vales. b Rufinus has rendred the Greek phrase here which is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã thus act is profiteri to attest the truth of the said Acts by signing of them for an evidence may be given both by word of mouth and in writing also Vales. a This Silvanus is a different person from that Silvanus which Eusebius mentions in his book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine chap. the last For this was Bishop of Emesa the other was Bishop of Gaza The first was beheaded in the Mines at Palestine with 39 other Martyrs in the eighth year of the Persecution But this Silvanus was cast to the wild beasts at Emesa on the ninth year of the Persecution Concerning this man's Martyrdom Eusebius has said something before in his eighth book although not in its proper place see B. 8. Chap. 13. Vales. b Eusebius mentioned this man's Martyrdom before in the eighth book chap. 13. but not in its proper place For the eighth book does not go beyond the eighth year of the Persecution But Peter Bishop of Alexandria was Martyr'd in the ninth year of the Persecution which Eusebius expresly affirmeth in the end of the seventh book upon the seventh of the Calends of December as we read in the Excerpta Chronologica published by Scaliger Usuardus says the same and so does Ado and the old Roman Martyrology The Greeks celebrate his birth day on the 14 th of November The Acts of his Passion are extant in a M. S. in Greek which the Reverend Father Franciscus Combesisius has and will shortly publish with many other things Vales. c Eusebius has mentioned this man's Martyrdom at book 8. chap. 13. though not in its due place But here he remarks the time more distinctly wherein Peter and Lucianus suffered to wit under Maximin not in the Reign of Galerius Maximianus as Baronius would have us believe at the year of Christ 311. cap. 3. Also Baronius is mistaken in placing the Martyrdom of Peter Bishop of Alexandria on the year of Christ 310. for he suffered in the year of our Lord 311 on the ninth year current of the Persecution Baronius's errour arose from his beginning the Persecution a year too soon which mistake we have sufficiently confuted before at book 8. chap. 2. note c. Moreover in regard Lucianus's Martyrdom happened under Maximin the Martyrdom of Anthimus Bishop of Nicomedia should in my judgment be placed under Maximin also Indeed Anthimus suffered a little before Lucianus as Lucianus informs us in his Epistle to the Antiochians which I made mention of in Book 8. chap. 13. note a. we may also make the same conclusion from the Acts of Lucianus the Martyr where instead of Maximinus we read Maximianus which is a common errour in the Greeks Vales. d When Galerius was dead Maximinus took possession of Asia and Bithynia which Provinces together with Illyricum and Thracia were governed by Galerius For Galerius kept these Provinces for himself as Eutropius informs us the same is asserted by the old Authour of the Excerptions which I published at the end of my Amm. Marcelinus Maximinus therefore made his abode at Nicomedia which was the chief City of Bithynia where the Emperours had a pallace ever since Diocletions time Further the following words do evidently manifest that by the term Emperour Maximinus must be meant Wherefore I wonder at Baronius for asserting that Lucianus suffered under Galerius not under Maximin when as Eusebius contemporary with Lucianus affirms he was killed by Maximin Vales. a Any man may justly wonder why Eusebius should affirm here that this was never seen before Were the Decrees of the Cities or the Edicts of the Emperours never published before now This cannot be denyed nor is it denyed by our Eusebius But that which he asserts to have never been seen before is the ingraving of these Edicts upon plates of Brass For as we observed before Book 8. chap. 5. note b. the Imperial Edicts were written on paper Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã all day long so Rufinus and Langus render it Christophorson and Musculus translate it quotidie daily Vales. b Christoph. and Musculus thought that this clause ought to be referred to Deos the Gods but we make it to be referred to the Tyrians themselves Maximin does attempt to blacken the faith of the Christians by these words he calls it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a faith of bare words as if the Christian faith had nothing in it but words and were void of all reality Vales. c The antients believed that on set days the Gods descended into those Cities for which they had a kindness hence it is that the inhabitants of Delos and Miletum solemnized the coming of Apollo and the Argivi the advent of Diana This coming of the Gods we find mentioned up and down in the Poets as in Virgil. Hence it is that upon old Coins and in the Calendar we find written Aâventuâ Impp. Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He aludes to that Aspect of the Planets called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which term is used concerning the Planets when they seem to move neither backward nor forward in their Epicycles but are stationary Vales. e In the Greek Text the term is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã parts not in sunder but it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã does not raise vast hills out of its own bowells For two sorts of Earthquakes contrary to each other are here spoken of by Maximin to wit 1 ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which as Amm. Marcellinus describes them book 17. pag. 98. Edit Paris 1636 humum molestius suscitantes sursum propellunt
have expressed himself thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which in regard he has not said it is apparent there can be no other sense of the words than that expressed by Translatours Besides if Alexander would have said that the Church is the body of Christ he would not have worded it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã one body but rather thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the body of Christ. Vales. b In the Florence M. S. after these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã these are follow these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Tenets of the Arians which words should rather be placed in the margin In Gelasius there occur likewise at this place these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Arius's Opinion Vales. c After these words nor his true Wisdom there was a whole clause wanting which from our three M. SS the Florentine Sfortian and Allatian and from Gelasius Cyzicenus we have made good thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But he is one of his Works and one of his Creatures which words Epiph. Scholasticus had found in his Copy as it is apparent from his Version For he has Translated this whole place thus Creatura est enim factura filius neque similis est patri secundum substantiam neque verus est neque verae sapientia ejus est neque verum naturaliter patris verbum est sed unus quidem creaturarum facturarum est For the Son is a Creature and a Work neither is he like the Father as to his Essence nor is he genuin nor his true Wisedom nor is he by nature the true Word of the Father but one of his Creatures and one of his Works Hence it appears that that Greek Copy of Socrates which Epiph. Scholasticus used differed something from our Manuscripts And yet Leo Allatius's Copy agrees exactly with that which Epiphanius followed For thus it words this passage ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. So exactly do the Authours of the Greek and Latine Tripertite History agree amongst themselves that they seem to have borrowed from one another Vales. d In Leo Allatius's M. S. Copy the reading of this place is thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which reading Epiphan Scholast has followed who translates it thus factus ipse existens in proprio Dei verbo in Dei sapientid be himself is made and exists in the proper Word of God and in the Wisedom of God But we have rather followed the reading of the Kings the Florentine and the Sfortian M. SS which is also confirmed by Gelasius Vales. e In Leo Allatius's M. S. which contains the Tripertite History that Theodorus Lector composed in Greek out of Socrates Sozomen and Theodoret these words are added ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and is invisible So Epiph. Scholast reads it as appears from his version Vales. f Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the Greek we with Gelasius chuse to read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and accordingly Translate it thus begotten and created This passage is thus Translated by Epiph. Factus aiunt convertibilis est they say that he is made and is mutable Vales. g In Leo Allatius's M. S. the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but in Gelasius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which reading does please me For there are two Libya's we may also here take notice of this number to wit 100 Bishops in Aegypt The same number I remember I met with in Athanasius's Second Apology against the Arians pag. 788. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã there are in Egypt Libya and Pentapolis neer an hundred Bishops Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã cursed or excommunicated See D r Hammond on Rom. 9. v. 3. note b. h In Leo Allatius's M. S. and in Gelasius Cyzicenus this place is truer written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which reading we have expressed in our Translation The reading in the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã How can he be equal with those things made by him Vales. * Psalm 45. v. 1. â Psalm 110. 3. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Septuagint words that Text and we Translate accordingly the very words of the 72 being here quoted â Colos. 1. 15. * Hebr. 1. 3. â John 14. 9. * John 14. 10. â John 10. 30. â See Mal. 3. 6. â Heb. 13. 8. * Heb. 2. 10. * John 10. 15. â Prov. 18. 3. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Septuagint words this Text which words occur here in the original But in our English Version of the Bible which agrees with the Hebrew this Text is thus rendred when the wicked cometh then cometh also contempt i The reading in Leo Allatius's M. S. and in Gelasius which is thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã have attempted the subversion pleases me better than this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * 2 Tim. 2. 17 18. â Mat. 24. 4. Luk. 21. 8. * 1 Tim. 4. 1. * See 2 Epist. Joh. v. 10 11. k Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the controversic raised the reading in Leo Allatius's M. S. is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the question that raised the disturbance A little after this in the same M. S. instead of consent to Alexander the reading is consent to those whom Alexander wrote to Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã childishly l Here I am confident Socrates mistakes For the Melitians did not side with the Arians till after the Counsel of Nice being then solicited by Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia to cast scandalous aspersions upon Athanafius as he himself does testifie in his second Apology against the Arians If the Melitians had joyn'd themselves with the Arians before the Council of Nice the Fathers of that Council undoubtedly had not treated them so kindly as they did Vales. a In the Greek after these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is extant in the Books the Florent M. S. reads ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã part of the Letter which words although they may be written in the margin yet sometimes are put into the Text by Authors as for instance in Athanasius's Apology against the Arians Vales. b After these words in the Greek to wit ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Leo Allat M. S. and Gelas. Cyzicen add ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the import of which we have also made use of in our Translation though 't is not exprest in the common Edit Vales. c In Leo Allatius's M. S. this place is thus written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. 'T is neither decent nor is it in any wise to be believed that so numerous a people of God which ought to be governed by your prayers and prudence should be at variance Epiphan Scholasticus followed the same reading for thus he translates this place tantum Dei populum quem vestris orationibus prudentiâ convenit gubernari discordare nec decet nec omnino fas esse credibile est Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in ipsâ scientiae perfectione So Valesius whom we follow
understood that the Bishops after the Creed proposed by Eusebius Caesariensis judged that the word Homoöusios ought to be added to it and that Constanâine confirmed their Opinion But Eusebius who made it his business to clear and excuse himself to those of his Diocess because he hath subscribed that form of the Creed published by the Council as Athanasius in his book De Decret Synod Nicen. and in his book De Synod Arimini and Seleuciae attests does designedly make the business intricate and ascribes that to the Emperour Constantine which should rather be ascribed to the Bishops Vales. i After these words before the Nicene Creed in the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS are added these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Greeks call the Creed because the Catechumens got it by heart Socrates in his third book chap. 25. has these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã We believe in one God the Father Almighty and the rest of the Articles of the Creed See Leontius Bisantius in his book De sectis pag. 466. Vales. k In the Greek Text of Socrates as it is published by Valesius there is at this place a great errour For these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which were discussed in the presence of our most pious Emperour are quite omitted and instead thereof these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and for the forementioned reasons received with an unanimous consent are twice printed We supplied this defect from Robers Stephens's Greek Edit with which our Translation agrees as it likewise doth with Valesius's Latine Version and with that of Musculus Christophorson and Grynaeus * That is the Curse a This Epistle is extant in Theodoret in chap. 6. of the first book of his Ecclesiastick History but is in some places different from Socrates's Edition of it here For Theodoret omits the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã affirming together with the following clause and joyns all this with the preceding period In Leo Allatius's M. S. the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is also wanting and that which follows to wit ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã calls and instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the reading there is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the phrase that dââuâs here imports the rigour or extremity of the Law to which ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã equity is opposed The Fathers therefore of the Nicene Council say that the Synod dealt with Melitius not according to the rigour and extremity of the Law nor according to the exact rule and discipline but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by way of dispensation For in the strictest sense of the Law Melitius deserved no kindness or pardon in regard he challenged ordinations which in no wise belong to him and had made a Schism in Egypt For that is evidently declared by these words of this Epistle viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those that by Gods grace have not been found engaged in any Schism By reason therefore of his rashness and insolency Melitius deserved to be deposed and excommunicated But yet the holy Fathers had a mind to treat him kindly depriving him of all power and leaving him only the name of a Bishop Now why Melitius was thus kindly used many reasons may be alleadged The first which the holy Fathers intimate in this Epistle is because they had before unsheathed and made use of their sharpest severity and censure against Arius and his followers Now it was but equal that after so sad and heavy a sentence pronounc't against them there should be a place afterwards less for clemency especially since Melitius had been convicted of no Heresie but was only accused to have made a Schism Secondly there were many persons amongst the Melitians that were good men and eminent for their plous lives Of which sort was Paphnutius the Anchoret and John the Bishop whom Epiphanius mentions in Hâres Melitian Lastly they did thus to promote peace whereby the members of the Church which before had been rent in sunder might cement and unite therefore the Nicene Fathers received the Melitians into communion And this is a most illustrious example of Ecclesiastick dispensation Vales. * See note â in this chapter c I like not Christophorsons Version who thought these words were meant of the Presbyters ordained by Melitius For Melitius ordained not only Presbyters and Deacons throughout Egypt but Bishops also as Epiphanius attests Yea he had ordained far more Bishops than Presbyters as may be Collected from that Catalogue which Alexander 't is said required of him after the Nicene Synod Wherein are reckoned twenty eight Bishops of Melitius's party but five Presbyters and three Deacons This Catalogue is extant in Athanasius's Second Apology against the Arians Since therefore Melitius had Ordained so many Bishops if the Nicene Fathers had made no determination concerning the Bishops by him Ordained their sentence had been imperfect in regard they would have Decreed what should be done with the Presbyters made by Melitius but would have made no mention of the Bishops Wherefore I think these words must be taken in such a sense as to include both Bishops and also Presbyters Vales. d In the first place the Synod Decreed that the Bishops and Clergy which had been Ordained by Melitius should be confirmed by a more holy consecration that is should receive imposition of hands from the Bishop of Alexandria For in regard they had been Ordained without his consent it was the pleasure of the Synod that they should be Ordained by the Alexandrian Bishop according to the ancient usage by which it was customary that all the Bishops of the Diocess of Egypt should be Subject to the Prelate of Alexandria But the Synod required not the re-ordination of Melitius because he had been rightly Ordained before Vales. e Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it should rather be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ordained before as it is in Theodoret book 1. chap. 6. Eccles. Histor. For ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies another thing as we shall shew hereafter see the following note Sozomen in his first book chap. 24. where he epitomizes this Epistle supposed these words were meant of the Clergy not of the Bishops Vales. f In our Annotations on the third book of Eusebius concerning the Life of Constantine we remarked that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies to propose the names of such persons as are to be ordained So the Synod Decreed above concerning Melitius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he should neither ordain nor propose the names of those that were to be ordained In the same sence Nicetas used this term in his Life of Ignatius Patriarch of Constantinople where he mentions his Election his words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. when therefore the names of many persons were proposed to Preside over that Church c. Therefore the following words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or to nominate are only an explication of the foregoing term In the
Bacurius Zosimus says he was born in that Armenia which borders on Iberia and that he was a man without all malice or deceit very expert in Military affairs But Rufinus book 1. chap. 10. and book 2. chap. 33. Eccles. Hist. affirms he was a Prince of the Iberi that he was a person of great fidelity very studious of Religion and Truth first made a Captain within the limits of Palestine afterwards Comes of the Domesticks and lastly that he did Theodosius the Emperour great service in his war with Eugenius Vales. See Valesius's notes on Amm. Marcell pag. 430 c. c At this place Socrates mistook Rufinus's meaning For Rufinus says that Bacurius was a Captain Palestini limitis of the Palestinian limit when he told him these things But Socrates seems to have read in Rufinus Palestini militis ducem that Bacurius was a Captain of the Palestinian milice Vales. d Here also Socrates is out For Bacurius served not Theodosius in the war against Maximus but in that against Eugenius as Rufinus attests book 2. chap. 33. Eccles. Hist. and Zosimus book 4. Vales. * See Eusebius Eccles Hist. book 7. chap. 31. a It is most apparent that the Manichaeans adored the Sun Libanius relates the same concerning them in book 4. Epist. 140. wherein he commends the Manichaeans that were in Palestine but suppresses their name to Priscianus the President of Palestine ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. i. e. Those men that worship the Sun without bloud and honour God with the second appellation who chastize their belly and account the day of their death to be gain are found to be in many places but are every where few in number They injure no man but are molested by some I doubt not but by these words Libanius means the Manichaeans for they cannot be agreeably attributed to any other persons besides them But he designedly omitted the mention of their name because the name of the Manichaeans was odious Concerning the feigned fasts of the Manichaeans see Cyrill in his sixth Cateches Vales. * That is he had only the form or figure of a man was imaginatily not really such b The reading here must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã out of Archelaus's Dialogue or disputation which appears from the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã we read This Archelaus Bishop of Mesopotamia wrote the dispute which he maintained against Manichaeus iâ Syriack which being afterwards translated into Greek was in the possession of many persons as Jerome attests in his book de scriptor Ecclesiast Cyrill of Jerusalem has mentioned this dispute in his sixth Catechism A fragment of this work is in my hands wherein is contained the History of the impious and perfidious Manichaeus But his disputation with Archelaus the Bishop which was annexed to the close of this History is wanting In the room whereof is added Archelaus's Epistle to Diodorus the Presbyter I am beholding to the eminent Emericus Bigotius for this monument as also for many others Vales. Valesius has published this disputation of Archelaus's in Latine at the close of his Annotations upon Sozomen pag. 197 c. c In the Allat M. S. the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã sprang up which is better than ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã sprang up before After the same manner Socrates expâesses himself in the beginning of this chapter 'T is a metaphor taken from Cockle which is wont to grow up with the Corn. Vales. a I follow this reading ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as if his ordination c. For Eusebius's party found fault with the ordination of Athanasius upon two accounts both because Athanasius was unworthy of that honour and also because his ordination had been performed by persons unfitting See Philostorgius Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the âaith of Homoouâios i. e. those words in the Creeâ wherein it âs asserted that Christ is of the same essence or substance with the father b Socrates borrowed these words out of Athanasius's second Apology against the Arians where Athanasius gives an account how Eusebius secretly joyned with the Melitians in a conspiracie against him these are his very words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Which words of Athanasius Sozomen makes use of in his second book chap. 18. Vales. c It is hard to assign a reason why Socrates should joyn Montanus with Sabellius For Montanus himself made no innovations in the doctrine of the Trinity but followed the faith of the Catholick Church as Epiphâniuâ attests in Haresâ Montaâist and Theodoret book 3. Hâret Fabul Yet some of his disciples took away the difference of the persons as Sabellius did which Theodoret attests at the place now cited in these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. But some of them have denyed the three persons of the Godhead in like manner as Sabellius did saying that the father Son and holy Ghost are one and the same person And hence it is that in the Synodicall Epistle of the Arian Bishops at Scrdica Montanus is joyned to Sabellius Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Learned Reader will find these terms incomparably well explained by Dionysius Petavius in his Dogm Theolog. Tom. 2. De Trinit book 4. chap. 8. Sect. 10 c. pag. 380. Edit Paris 1644. a It is strange to see how notoriously translatours have been mistaken in the version of this place they perceived not that the last word was to be expânged as being superfluous For whenas at first there had been a remarke set in the margin that instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he wrote it should be otherwise written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he said afterwards this word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he said crept out of the Margin into the Text. Vales. b Whether Cyrus Bishop of Beraea did accuse Eustathius as being a favourer of Sabellius's opinion as Georgius of Laodicea relates I know not But what Georgius writes to wit that Cyrus himself was afterwards deposed because he favoured Sabellius's Heresie i. e. because he defended the doctrine of Consubstantiality for so these words are to be understood is very true For Athanasius confirms this in his Epistle ad Solitar Where he reckonâ up in order all the Bishops thrust out by the Arians during Constantines reign And in the first place he names Eustathius Bishop of Antioch then Eutropius of Adrianople Afterwards Euphration of the Balanâi the two Cymatius's Asclepâ of Gaza Cyrus of Beraeâ and others who were banished by the Emperours Edict and others put into their places Vales. c The meaning of this place is this The Emperour by his Letters written to Antioch and Eusebius by his refusing the Bishoprick of Antioch appeased that tumult Therefore these words appeased the tumult and sedition must in common belong to both the preceding clauses Vales. d What Socrates here says concerning the vacancy of the See of Antioch eight years after Eustathlus was deposed is false For immediately after Eustathius was ejected when Eusebius
of Cesarea had refused that See Paulinus Bishop of Tyre was translated to that See in the year of Christ 329 as I before noted in the tenth book of Eusebius's Ecclesiastick History chap. 1. note a. Afterwards Euphronius succeeded Paulinus or as some will have it Eualius After whom Flaccillus was advanced to the See of Antioch who as Athanasius attests in his second Apology against the Arians was at the Synod of Tyre Vales. e Sozomen says the same and Theodorus Mopsuestenus apud Nicaetam in Thesauro Orthodox fidei Which is also confirmed by Georgius of Laodicea in his encomium of Eusebius Emisenus Socrates quotes his words in book 2. chap. 9. Eccles. Hist. But Theodoret book 1. chap. 22. Eccles. Hist. puts Eualius between Eustathius and Euphronius and says that he presided but a very short time Philostorgius agrees with Theodoret. Vales. a Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and that he was falsely accused not without reason S r Henry Savill and Christophorson read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Moreover that he was falsely accused without the least of reason This story concerning the Arian Presbyter whom Constantia Augusta recommended to her brother Constantine Socrates borrowed out of Rufinus book 1. chap. 11. Eccles. Hist. But I suspect the truth of it for these reasons First because Athanasius who does usually detect all the frauds of the Arians has no where made mention of it Secondly in regard the name of this Presbyter is suppressed for if this Presbyter were in so great favour and authority with Constantine that as Rufinus relates in the book and chapter now cited when the Emperour died he should leave his Will which he had written in the hands of this Presbyter doubtless he was worthy to have had his name mentioned But in my judgment Rufinus's authority is but small for he wrote his History very carelesly not from the Records of affaires transacted but from fabulous stories and relations grounded barely on report * Repentance Matth. 28. 19. a After these words there was wanting this whole clause ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã If we do not thus believe these things and if we do not truly admit of the Father the Son and the holy Ghost which we have made up from the authority of the Allatian M. S. and from Sozomen book 2. chap. 27. Vales. b In the Kings M. S. and in Epiphanius Scholasticus this place is pointed otherwise thus to our mother the Church to wit all questions c. which distinction displeases me not Vales. a After these words the Florentine M. S. adds these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã part of the Emperours Letter Which are altogether necessary that the Reader may understand that not the Emperours whole Epistle but part of it only is here inserted Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians out of whom Socrates took these passages producing this Epistle of Constantines sets these very words before it and adds that this Epistle was brought to Alexandria by Syncletius and Gaudentius Officers belonging to the Imperial Palace But that which Socrates affirms to wit that Arius came to Alexandria is not mentioned by Athanasius nor doe I think it is true Vales. b After these words from the Florentine Sfortian and Allatian M. SS we have added this whole period ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For he laboured to reduce them all to a perfect union which was wanting in the common Editions Sozomen has almost the same words in his second book at the close of chap. 22 but he has changed their order Vales. c We find these mens names in that catalogue of the Melitian Bishops which Alexander procured from Melitius This Ision was Bishop in Athribis Eudaemon in Tanis and Callinicus in Pelusium See Athanasius's second Apologetick Vales. d Athanasius in his Apologetick calls this man Apis not Alypius But names not the place wherein Constantine took cognizance of this matter Yet Socrates affirms it was at Nicomedia Further Baronius relates that these affaires were transacted in the year of Christ 329. But I would rather choose to place them on the year following For these things hapned after Eustathius's deposition when Eusebius and Theognius returned from their Exile had procured a great authority and interest with Constantine But what the same Baronius says to wit that Constantines Letter concerning Arius's readmission into the Church was written to Athanasius in the year of Christ 327 is a palpable mistake and he dissents from Athanasius whom notwithstanding he professes to follow in all things For Athanasius relates that soon after Constantines Letter and Arius's repulse the Melitians accused him of these crimes before the Emperour Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which words Valesius has thus rendred conspirans adversus Principem conspiring against the Emperour e This passage of Socrates is very much enlightned by Athanasius in his second Apologetick against the Arians Whose words because they are misunderstood by his translatour I will here set down ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That is Mareotes is a region of Alexandria In that region there never was a Bishop or Deputy Bishop But the Churches of that whole region are subject to the Bishop of Alexandria Each of the Presbyters hath peculiar Villages which are very great sometimes ten in number or more From these words it appears that every Village of Mareotes had not its particular Presbyter but that one Presbyter governed ten Villages and sometimes more That Village wherein Ischyras was in regard it was the least of all undoubtedly had neither its peculiar Church nor Presbyter To that Epistle which all the Presbyters and Deacons of Mareotes wrote to the Synod of Tyre which Letter is recorded by Athanasius in the book now cited there subscribed fourteen Presbyters and fifteen Deacons Vales. f This Arsenius was a Bishop of the Melitians in the City Hypselis which is in Thebaïs In his Epistle which he wrote to Athanasius he assumes to himself this title of honour ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. To Athanasius the blessed Pope Arsenius Bishop of the City Hypselis one of those sometimes under Melitius But in the catalogue of Bishops of the Melitian faction which Melitius delivered to Alexander no Arsenius can be found Vales. g Socrates took this out of Athanasius in his second Apologetick against the Arians his words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Constantine wrote to Antioch to Dalmatius the Censor ordering him to hear the cause concerning the murder The Censor therefore sent to me to prepare for my defence Socrates thought that this Dalmatius was the son of Constantines brother he that some years after was made Caesar by Constantine But that is a great mistake For Dalmatius the Censor was Constantines brother and the Father of Dalmatius the Caesar. The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle confirms this who writes thus concerning Constantine ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. and he created Dalmatius the son of his brother Dalmatius the Censor
10. Eccles. History says the same that Socrates does here Vales. * That is Athanasius Paulus * That is Paulus and Athanasius's sufferings a The reading here and in Robert Stephens Edition is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But I suppose it should be thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã understanding their sufferings sympathized with them for the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã has the same import with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to suffer with But the reading may be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was very much troubled at which emendation is the best Vales. b Some few months after the Synod at Antioch which was held at the Dedication the Eastern Bishops made another form of the Creed and sent it to Constans Augustus and to the Western Bishops by Narcissus Theodorus Maris and Marcus as if it had been dictated by the Synod at Antioch So Athanasius attests in his book de Synod Arimin and Seleuc. This therefore hapned in the year of Christ 342. Socrates does evidently agree with Athanasius For he says that those messengers sent by the Eastern Bishops suppressed that form of the Creed composed by the Antiochian Synod and instead thereof produced another which themselves had made Vales. * Ephes. 3. 15. â Or Comforter â See John 14. 26. * See Socrates book 1. chap. 36. a Athanasius in his book de Synodis says the same his words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. i. e. Afterwards repenting as it were of what they had done they again assemble a Synod of their own party three years after And they send Eudoxius Martyrius and Macedonius of Cilicia and some other persons with them into the parts of Italy who carried along with them a prolixe form of saith c. Baronius in his Annals says that this second Council of Antioch wherein that prolixe form of faith was promulged was convened in the year of Christ 344. And he thinks that he proves this from Athanasius and Socrates But in my judgment he is much mistaken For first this expression of Athanasius's ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã after three years signifies the fourth year not the third For it denotes that three years were now past In this sense also Socrates understood the passage in Athanasius in regard he says ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. the space of three years being compleatly passed after these things Since therefore that Synod of Antioch which had been convened at the Consecration was held in the year of Christ 341 this second Antiochian Synod ought more truly to be placed on the year of Christ 345. Secondly Athanasius does not say that the second Antiochian Synod wherein the large form of Faith was composed was assembled three years after that Synod at the consecration had been convened there but he says it was assembled three years after Narcissus Theodorus Maris and Marcus had brought that new form of Faith to Constans Augustus pretending it to have been composed at Antioch Now he says that this was done some few months after the Antiochian Synod held at the Consecration From whence that which I have said is made apparent to wit that that Council in which the large form of Faith had been composed was convened in the year of Christ 345 not in the year 344 as Baronius would have it Vales. * Ephes. 3. 15. * Or Comforter â See John 14. 26. b This was the opinion of the Arians The Easterns explain this sentiment of theirs better hereafter to wit that the Father may be understood to have begotten the Son willingly without compulsion Vales. c In Robert Stephens's Edition of Socrates Fol. 197. Edit Paris 1594. these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. Nor must it be thought that the Son is without an original or unbegotten as the Father is are wanting The said Robert Stephens's Edition does in the following words also differ something from this Copy of the Creed here Athanasius has inserted this whole Creed in his book de Synod Arimin Seleuc. pag. 896 c. Edit paris 1627. Athanasius's copy and this in Valesius's Edition of Socrates do agree whom we have followed in our Version * 1 Cor. 11. 3. * See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 7 chap. 27. c. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of men but Valesius renders it ex hominc of man d Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as it is in the Allat M. S. and in Athanasius in his book de Synodis By ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Philosophers mean That word which is uttered by the mouth Hilarius calls it Verbum prolativum To which is opposed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which modern Philosophers do term the word of the mind Vales. e By these words the Eastern Bishops mean the Heresie of Marcellus Ancyranus who asserted that Christs Kingdom began from his nativity about four hundred years before that time making use of a certain number for an uncertain The Synodick Epistle of the Eastern Bishops at Serdica informs us hereof which Epistle Hilarius has inserted in his fragments For these are their words in that Letter Extitiâ namque temporibus nostris Marcellus c. i. e. For there hath risen up in our days one Marcellus of Galatia the most execrable post of all Hereticks who with a sacrilegious mind and impious mouth and a wicked argument will needs set bounds to the perpetual eternal and timeless Kingdom of our Lord Christ saying that he began his reign 400 years since and shall end it at the dissolution of this present world Vales. f We made good this place by adding the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Jews which is not in Robert Stephens's Edit but it occurs in Athanasius and in the Allat M. S. Vales. * Gen. 1. 26. g The Heresie of the Patropassians or Patripassians was very ancient and far diffused Tertullian Adv. Prax. cap. 1 and 2. chargeth this Heresie upon Praxeas The same was maintained by Hermogenes whence they were termed Hermogeniani After whom Noëtus maintained the same who says Epiphanius lived 130 years before his time See Epiphan Heres 57. From Noëtus they had the name of Noëtiani and from Sabellius Noëtus's disciple they were called Sabelliani After whom succeeded Priscillianus in the same Heresie from him they had the name of Priscillianistae The sum and substance of this Heresie thus propagated by these succeeding assertours of it was this they affirmed there was but one Person in the Deity to wit the Father that he only subsisted and was the Maker of all things that he came not only into the world but was incarnate and did all things which we say were done by the Son In order to the Exclusion of these Hereticks the Aquileian Church added these two terms invisible and impassible to the first Article of the Creed shewing by the first that the Father was not incarnate and by the second that he was not crucified
* See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 6. note b. â Dispensation â See Prov. 8. 22. The Eastern Bishops have here quoted the very words of the Septuagint and we render it accordingly But in the English Version which followes the Hebrew exactly the Text is thus rendred the Lord possessed me in the beginning of his way before his works of old h Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã we must necessarily read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the whole Father as it is in Athanasius from whom the reading is to be made good in the words immediately following thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He alone continually resting in his Fathers bosome Vales. i Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the reading in the Allat M. S. and in Athanasius's book de Synodis is this ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. amongst those whose minds are not perverted corrupted or depraved Vales. a This confession of faith for so Athanasius calls it the Embassadours of the Eastern Bishops presented to the Western Prelates assembled at Millaine For some Bishops together with the Presbyters of the Church of Rome had gone thither to intreat Constans Augustus that he would write to his brother Constantius about the assembling of a General Synod in order to the determining of those dissensions in an Ecclesiastick Judicature which had been raised in diverse Churches thus we are informed by Athanasius in his Apology to Constantius Moreover when the Easterns had presented this draught of the Creed to those of the West they requested them to subscribe it But the Western Bishops made answer that as to what belonged to the Articles of Faith the Nicene Creed was to them sufficient to which nothing was to be added nor anything to be taken from it And as concerning the condemnation of those Hereticks who were disallowed of in that confession they requested of the Eastern Bishops Embassadours that they would in the first place condemn the Arian Heresie But upon their refusal to do that the Eastern Embassadours being angry went away from the Council as Liberius relates in his Epistle to the Emperour Constantius in these words Quae est pax Clementissime Imperator c. What peace is there most Gracious Emperour whenas there are four Bishops of their party Demofilus Macedonius Eudoxius and Martyrius who above eight years since when they would not condemn Arius's Heretical opinion at Millaine departed from the Council in anger notwithstanding the Western Bishops condemned Photinus's Heresie in that Synod But they pronounced no sentence against Marcellus because he had before been judged clear from all manner of Heresie in the Roman Synod In the same Synod vrsacius and Valens who had lain under a suspicion of being Arians having presented a Libel wherein they condemned Arius's perfidiousness and Photinus's Heresie were admitted to communiââ as the Synodick Epistle of the Ariminum Council informs us The ãâ¦ã e is attested by Ursacius and Valens themselves in another Libel afterwards presented to Julius Bishop of Rome in these words Item Anathema dicimus c. Also we anathematize those who deny that Christ is God and the Son of God from all eternity according to our former Libel which we presented at Millaine c. We thought good to be more large in these remarks of ours concerning the Millaine Synod because the memory thereof is very obscure in the Ecclesiastick Annals Dionyfius Petavius is the first person that hath taken notice of this Synod who in his dissertation de duplici Synodo Sirmiensi hath made many very learned observations concerning this Synod But he has mistaken the year whereon it was convened For he says it was held in the year of Christ 347 a little before the Council of Serdica Which can in no wise be true Therefore Jacobus Sirmondus in his second Diatriba which he wrote against Petavius has in this particular deservedly reproved him Baronius who affirms that the long draught of the Creed which Socrates has recorded in the foregoing chapter was drawn up at the Antiochian Synod in the year of Christ 344 places this Embassie of the Eastern Bishops and the Millaine Council on the same year also But Sirmondus in the forementioned Diatriba assignes this Council to the year of Christ 346. Which opinion is in my judgment the truer For in the first place Athanasius in his Apologetick to Constantius relates that on the fourth year after his coming to Rome he was by Constans Augustus summoned to Millaine whither some Bishops were then gone Now Athanasius came to Rome in the year of Christ 341. Secondly Hilarius in fragmentis relates that the Millaine Synod wherein Photinus was condemned was held two years before Ursacius and Valens offered their Libel of satisfaction to Julius Bishop of Rome For after he has recorded that Libel he addes these words Hac Epistola post biennium missa est quà m haresis Photini a Romanis damnata est i. e. this Letter was sent two years after the Romans had condemned Photinus's Heresie Since therefore Ursacius and Valens wrote that Letter in the year of Christ 349 as Petavius attests the Millain Council must needs have been celebrated on the third year before that that is on the year of Christ 346. For that expression post biennium two years after imports thus much to wit on the third year after that which Petavius did not consider Vales. b Baronius does deservedly blame Socrates here for his saying that the reason why the Western Bishops rejected this draught of the Creed was because they understood not the Greek tongue As if there were not then many in Italy who were well skilled in the Greek language Moreover Theodorus Lector has with good reason found fault with this cause of their refusal For instead of Socrates's words here he has substituted these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because of its manifest blasphemy Vales. * He means Constans * General c From the consulate of Felicianus and Titianus which was in the year of Christ 337 to the consulate of Rufinus and Eusebius which was in the year of our Lord 347 there are Ten years compleat Therefore if the Council of Serdica was convened in the eleventh year after Constantine's death it must of necessity have been assembled after the twenty second day of May. Vales. d Athanasius does not say that about three hundred Bishops of the Western Churches met at the Council of Serdica He only says this that as well those who were present at the Council of Serdica as those who subscribed the Synodick Epistle afterwards sent to them also those who before the Council at Serdica had written Synodick Epistles in his behalf out of Phrygia Asia and Isauria were in all three hundred and fourty This passage of Athanasius's occurs in his second defence against the Arians pag. 768 Edit Paris 1627. Moreover the same Athanasius in his Epistle ad Solitar pag. 818. does expresly attest that the Bishops who met at the Council of Serdica
as well those out of the Western as the Eastern parts were no more than 170. His words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. There met therefore both from the East and from the West at the City of Serdica 170 Bishops neither more nor less In the Mogunt Edit after the Canons of the Synod of Serdica there is this note subscripserunt c. i. e. and all the Bishops of divers Provinces and Cities subscribed being in number 121. Vales. e In this place Socrates seems to have been mistaken in referring those things to the Council of Serdica which belong to the Roman Synod For when Julius had invited the Eastern Bishops to a Syond at Rome that Athanasius's case might there be inquired into the Eastern Bishops refused to come thither pretending amongst other reasons the narrowness of the time set as Julius informs us in his Epistle to the said Eastern Bishops recorded by Athanasius pag. 744. Indeed Socrates's following words to wit although there had passed a year and six months after such time as the Synod had been summoned and during which space Athanasius made his abode at Rome c. doe manifestly confirm what I have said For Athanasius invited by Julius's Letters came to Rome where he abode a whole year and six months expecting his adversaries and the Synod which had been summoned at Rome Julius attests this in his forequoted Epistle pag. 748. Vales. f Paulus Bishop of Constantinople was not present at the Synod of Serdica as Theodoret attests book 2 chap. 5. Eccles. Histor. which is also confirmed by the Synodick Epistle of the Eastern Bishops at Serdica which occurs in Hilarius's Fragments at pag. 434. Edit Paris 1631. Vales. g Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã having written Letters the reading in the Allat M. S. is truer which is thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã having inserted in their Letters But what Socrates here says to wit that the Eastern Bishops at Serdica established the opinion of the Anomoiani see the following note in this chapter in their Synodick Epistle is altogether false Their Synodick Epistle is extant in Hilarius's Fragments at pag. 434. Edit Paris 1631 and at the end of it there is a confession of faith added In which confession there is nothing which in the least savours of the Anomians opinion The said Hilarius relating in his book de Synodis the same draught of the Creed published by the Eastern Bishops at Serdica owns it as Catholick and explaines it And Hilarius is so far from believing that they disseminated the Anomians opinion that he affirms them to have obstructed that opinion on every side His words are these Ex omni autem parte c. But on all sides whithersoever sollicitude could turn it self the passage is stopt up by the wit of the Hereticks lest it should be Preacht that there is any diversity or unlikeliness in the Son from the Father Vales. h The Anomoians were such as asserted that the Son had a substance or essence different from or unlike to the Father * That is different or unlike â Co-essential or consubstantial * The Western Bishops â The Eastern Bishops i In the Synodick Epistle of the Council of Sârdica which occurs in Theodoret B. 2. c. 8. Eccles. Hist. there is not the least mention of Paulus Vales. â See Socrates book 1. chap. 36 Eccles. Hist. â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to renew the combat with the sentence which c. k These three books the Title whereof is De Ecclesiastica Theologia ad versus Marcellum of Eusebius's are at this day extant There are prefixt before them two books entitled ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is Against Marcellus wherein he reproves his designe malice and envy Eusebius attests in the close of his second book against Marcellus that he wrote these books by the order of those Bishops who had condemned Marcellus in the Constantinopolitan Synod Further it is uncertain whether or no Socrates had ever seen those two former books against Marcellus in regard he has made no mention of them Vales. * See Euseb concerning the Life of Constantine book 3. chap. 13 14 Edit Vales. â That is to assert Arius's opinion a Socrates means those Doxologies that occur at the end of Eusebius's Sermons which Eusebius doth always put into this form Glory be to the unborn Father by his only begotten Son c. This may plainly be seen in those Tracts of Eusebius's which Jacobus Sirmondus hath published For example in the end of his first book against Sabellius these are his words Gloria uni non nato Deo c. i. e. Glory be to the one unborn God by the one only begotten God the Son of God in one holy Spirit both now and always and throughout all ages of ages Amen And so concerning the rest Also in the Oration Eusebius made at the Consecration of the Church at Tyre which occurs at the Tenth book of his Eccles. Histor. chap. 4. we meet with the same clause at the close of that Speech ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. by whom be Glory to him For so we have worded that place agreeable to three of our M. SS Further 't is manifestly known that the Arians attributed this preposition per quem by whom to the Son upon this design that they might make him subject to the Father See Theodoret upon the first chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians Vales. b Before these words there is a whole line wanting which from the First Book of Eusebius de Ecclesiastica Theologia Chap. 9. is thus to be made up ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. For by this means he would be their brother rather than the Son of God and would be one of those common Creatures c. Vales. c Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the reading should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã produced as Eusebius words it at the place before cited It should also be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For these two words although they are distinguished but by one Letter yet do very much differ in their significations For the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies that which is born but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã imports that which is made Vales. * See Prov. 8. 22. and what was remarkt concerning that Text in chap. 19. of this book note â * 1 Pet. 2. 13 14. Where the expression in the original is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which may be rendred thus to every humane Creature â Amos 4. 12. 13. Euseb. quotes this Text in the words of the Septuagint but omits the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I we have rendred them according to his quotation which is very different from the Hebrew and from our English Version â Eccles. 1. 9. * Acts 2. 2 4. â Amos 4. 13. â Psal. 51. 10. * Ephes. 2. 15. â Ephes. 4. 24. â 2 Cor. 5. 17. * Prov. 8. 22.
the neighbouring Bishops to a Synod without the permission of the Bishop of Caesarâa Vales. b Socrates speaks here concerning the Ordinations performed by Athanasius in Egypt For he says that was done after he arrived at Pelusium which is the first City of Egypt to those that come out of Syria If this be so that opinion can no ways be maintained which some now a days assert to wit that all Ordinations as well of Bishops as of Presbyters throughout Egypt belonged to the Bishop of Alexandria But we have sufficiently refuted this opinion in our Third Book of Ecclesiastick Observations published at the close of our Annotations on Socrates and Sozomen Vales. * Constantine the Great The emendation of this place which is very corrupt in Robert Stephens's Edition we own to the Allat M. S. where the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã i. e. But you must know that together with them reigned their Cousen-german whose name was Dalmatius of the same name with his own Father See Socrat. book 1. chap. 27. note g. The Florent and Sfortian M. SS alter not the Vulgar reading here But the reading of the Allat M. S. is evidently confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Only he calls Dalmatius Constantiuâ's Cousin-german by the mother's side But Dalmatius was Constantiuâ's Cousin-german by the Father's side for he was son to Dalmatius Constantine the Great 's Brother Vales. b Eutropius relates the same Dalmatius Caesar says he Haud multò post oppressus est factione Militari Constantio patruele suo siâânââ potius quà m jubente i. e. Not long after Dalmatius Caesar was slain by a faction of the Souldiers Constantius his Cosin-german by the Father's side suffering rather than commanding it Vales. * See Socrat. book 2. chap. 5. c He means the fight by night between the Romans Persians at Singar a sortress of Mesopotamia wherein the son of Sapor King of Persia was slain but the Romans had a very great slaughter made amongst them as Amm. Marcellinus relates book 18. pag. 122. Edit Paris 1636. See Our Annotations on that passage pag. 1â6 This Engagement hapned in the year of Christ 348 when Philippus and Salias were Consuls as Idatius relates in his ââstâ Vales. * Or crept up by the Souldiers means d In the Greek the reading is Constantius had a Sister's Son c. But it must be Constantine had c. For Nepotianus was Son to Eutropia Constantin's Sister as Victor tells us in his Epitome and as we are informed by Eutropiuâ Epiphanius Scholasticus's reading agrees with our emendation but he mistakes in calling Nepotianus âratruâlem Constantâni i. e. Constantin's Brothers Son in regard he was his Sisters Son Vales. a The same is recorded in Idatius's Fasti in these words Sergio Nigriniano Coss. his Consulibus Constans occisus est in Galliis à Magnentio levatus est Magnentius die 15. Kal. Februar Et Vetranio apud Sirmium Kal. Martii Eo anno Nepotianus Romae tertio Nonas Junias ât pugna magna suit cum Romanis Magnentianis i. e. Sergius and Nigrinianus being Consuls Constans was slain in the Gallia's by Magnentius and Magnentius was set up on the 15 th of the Kalends of February And Vetranio at Sirmium on the Kalends of March. On the same year Nepotianus also at Rome on the third of the Nones of June And there was a great battel between the Romans and Magnentians The same is recorded in the Alexandrian Chronicle but there these passages are placed on the Consulate of Limenius and Catullinus when as they hapned on the year following Which was the year of Christ 350. Vales. * Or Nigrianus b Constantius was long before Emperour of the East But when Constans was dead who Governed the Western Empire he was by the Souldiers stiled Emperour of the whole Roman world Vales. c In the Florent M. S. this Towns name is written with a double s thus Cucussus Vales. d Olympius was Bishop of Acnum a City of Thracia Theodulus was Bishop of Trajanople as Athanasius attests in Epist. ad Solitar He mentions the same Bishops in his Apologetick de Fuga Sua pag. 703. But these passages are preposterously related by Socrates For they were not done before the Magnentian war as Socrates says but when that war was ended in the year of Christ 356 as Baronius hath truly remarked Vales. e This person has a great elogue given him in the Alexandrian Chronicle at the Consulate of Sergiuâ and Nigrinianus which commendation was taken out of some Semi-Arian writer Athanasius doth every where speak sharply concerning this Leontius His crafty disposition is incomparably well described by Theodoret book 2. chap. 24. Eccles. Histor. Vales. a In Atbanasius the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they banished But in the Florent and Sfortian M. SS the reading which I like better is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he banished To shew that this is to be understood of Sebastianus the Captain of Egypt who then adjudged matters in a detestable course Moreover all these things are as I have said related in a preposterous manner by Socrates in regard they were done in the year of Christ 356. Vales. b The reading is the same in Athanasius But in Theodoret book 2. chap. 14. where this passage of Athanasius's is inserted the reading is They murdered Vales. c The same is recorded in Idatius's Fasti after the Consulate of Sergius and Nigrinianus in these words His Coss. Levatus est Constantius Caesar Id. Martii apparuit in Oriente Signum Salvatoris die 3. Kal. Februar Lunae 28. i. e. During these mens Consulate Constantius Gallus was created Caesar on the Ides of March and the Sign of our Saviour appeared in the East on the third of the Kalends of February on the 28 th of the Moon But the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle says this Sign was seen in the East on the Nones of May about the day of Pentecost To whom agrees Cyrillus Philostorgius and Cedrenus And Socrates seems to confirm the same in this place For he saith that this Sign appeared in the East when Gallus Caesar entred Antioch Now Gallus was created Caesar on the Ides of March as besides Idatius the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle doth affirm Vales. * That is Sirmium a It is not agreed amongst the Learned in what year the Synod of Sirmium wherein Photinus was deprived of his Bishoprick was held Socrates and Sozomen affirm it to have been celebrated after the Consulate of Sergius an Nigrinianus in which year by reason of the disturbances caused by the Civil War there were no Consuls in the East but in the Western parts Magnentius Augustus was Consul with Gaiso Baronius in His Ecclesiastick Annalls asserts that that Synod was convened in the year of Christ 357 when Constantius Augustus was the Ninth time Consul and Julianus Casar the Second time But Dionysius Petavius First in his Animadversions on Epiphanius and
1. 26. f This whole Anathematism was omitted here it occurs in Athanasius's and Hilarius's Copy of this Creed and therefore we inserted it Vales. The Learned Reader will find it in Robert Stephens Edit also â Gen. 19. 24. g This Anathematism is differently worded in all the Authours we have seen wherein this Creed occurs Valesius says that he has published it according to the reading of the Florent and Sfortian M. SS which Copies we have followed in our English version where it is thus worded in the Greek ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The reading in Robert Stephens is different from this and so is that in Athanasius pag. 901 where 't is thus worded ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Hilarius has translated otherwise as appears from his Version at pag. 339. Edit Paris 1631. His words are these Siquis dominum dominum patrem filium quasi dominum a domino intelligat quia dominum dominum duos dicat deos Anathema sit Thus variously is this Anathematism represented The Learned Reader may take the liberty as we have done to follow which Copy he pleases h We follow the reading in Hilarius and in Athanasius where it is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to Sodom In Robert Stephens the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For neither did he descend into the body * Psal. 110. 1. â See John 14. 16. i Here we follow the reading in Athanasius which is thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For the Father was not forced c. which reading is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus and by Hilarius Vales. * 1 Cor. 11. 3. k Athanasius has the same words in his book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae where after he had inserted this foregoing Creed he adds these words concerning this which follows ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Having rejected all these things as if they had invented better they promulge another Creed which they wrote at Sirmium in Latine but it was translated into Greek But Hilarius recording this Creed in his book de Synodis prefixes this title before it Exemplum Blasphemiae c. A Copy of the Blasphemy composed at Sirmium by Hosius and Potamius Which title Hilarius made himself and deservedly calls this Creed Blasphemy Who this Potamius here joyned with Hosius was Marcellinus Presbyter informs us in the Supplicatory Libel which he presented to the Emperour Theodosius Where amongst the corrupters of the Divine and Apostolick Faith after Arius he in the first place names this person his words are these Potamius Odyssiponae civitatis Episcopus c. i. e. Potamius Bishop of Lisbon was at first a Defender of the Catholick Faith but afterwards induced by the reward of a Farm belonging to the Emperours Revenue which he was very desirous of be corrupted the Faith Hosius of Corduba amongst the Churches in Spain detected this man and repelled him as being an impious Heretick But even Hosius himself summoned before the Emperour Constantius by the complaint of this Potamius and terrified with threats was fearfull being old and rich of banishment or proscription and so yielded to the impiety Vales. l These three words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and the rest occur not in the Latine Copy of this Draught of the Creed But they are extant in Athanasius and in all our M. SS Copies Hence 't is manifest that many Bishops were at that time convened at Sirmium Indeed Phoebadius Bishop of Angolesm in France in the Epistle he wrote against this Draught of the Creed does expresly affirm that it was published in a Synod of Bishops The same is sufficiently confirmed by Athanasius in the forequoted place Lastly in regard Hilarius in his foresaid book does attest that this Creed after it had been dictated at Sirmium was forthwith sent to all the Eastern and Western Bishops to be approved by them he evidently shews it to have been dictated in a Synod Nor can the Draught of a Creed be any where dictated but in a Synod of Bishops Further that Germinius here mentioned was Bishop of Sirmium put into Photinus's See upon his being ejected in the year of Christ 351. Nicolaus Faber in his Preface to Hilarius's Fragments says that this Germinius had before been Bishop of Cyzicum which I do not believe That place in Athanasius in his Epist. ad Solitar pag. 860 where he reproves the Emperour Constantius because contrary to the Ecclesiastick Canons he would send obscure fellows born in remote countries to be Bishops in the Cities deceived that Learned man Athanasius's words there are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. So he sent Gregorius from Cappadocia to Alexandria And Germinius was by him sent from the City Cyzicum to Sirmium From Laodicea he sent Cecropius to Nicomedia From these words of Athanasius it cannot be concluded that Germinius had been Bishop of Cyzicum before Otherwise the same must be said concerning Gregorius and Cecropius that the latter had been before Bishop of Laodicea and the former in Cappadocia which in regard 't is evidently false in these two cannot be said of Germinius This Germinius was preferred to the Episcopate of Sirmium by the Arians because he was a most eager defender of their opinion This we are informed of by Athanasius in his circular Letter to the Bishops of Egypt and Libya pag. 290. Vales. m In the Allat and Sfortian M. SS and in Epiphanius's Version these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and God occur in Athanasius and Hilarius they are wanting Vales. * John 20. 17. â Rom. 3. 29 30. â Substance or Essence â That is of the same Substance or Essence * That is of like Substance or Essence â Esai 53. 8. â See John 14. 28. â Matth. 28. 19. n In Athanasius it is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that he might teach Vales. * See chap. 29. note b. o Epiphanius in Hârâs Photinian relates that Photinus after he had been condemned and deposed in the Synod of Sirmium for so the reading must be not in the Synod of Scrdica went to Constantius and requested that he might dispute concerning the Faith before Judges by him nominated and that Constantius enjoyned Basilius Bishop of Ancyra to undertake the disputation against Photinus and gave leave that Thalassius Datianus Cerealis and Taurus who were Counts should be Judges or auditours of that disputation Amongst these Thalassius was the chief person in favour and authority with the Emperour as Zosimus tells us in his second book And was sent Prefect of the Pretorium into the East together with Gallus Caesar in the year of Christ 351. He died in the year of our Lord 353 in the sixth Consulate of Constantius Augustus and in the second of Gallus Caesar as Amm. Marcellinus relates book 14. Therefore the Synod of Sirmium and the disputation of Basilius against Photinus cannot fall on the year of Christ 357 as Baronius asserts Besides Epiphanius says further that in Basilius's disputation against Photinus Callicrates was
of the piety of our Emperour does exactly agree with this Creed is a thing manifestly known to those who have read that Creed Then follows another Chapter after this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I doubt not but the reading should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to which subscribed i. e. To which they who were present subscribed Basilius Marcus Georgius Bishop of Alexandria Pancratius Hypatianus and most of the Western Bishops Vales. c In the Florent and Allat M. SS as saies Vales. the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which we have exprest in our Version But Valesius follows the other reading which is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã what it had the knowledge of before d Nay long before Cyrill the Donatists appealed from the determination of the Council of Orleans For thus the Emperour Constantine speaks concerning them in his Epistle ò rabida furoris audacia Sicut in causis Gentilium solet appellationem interposuerunt i. e. O the outragious audaciousness of fury As 't is usually done in the cases of the Heathens they have put in an appeal Vales. e These two lines ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by a general consent they might paâs a definitive sentence against the persons accused For they had cited some other persons besides that were accused were at this place wanting in the common Editions we have inserted them from the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS To which agrees Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version But Christophorson made up the chasme at this place very unhappily by conjecture whence it appears that he had no Manuscript Copies of Socrates but various readings only gathered from the Margins of Printed Copies Vales. f This persons name should be Uranius not Ursacius so he is called in Athanafius's book de Synod Arimin Seleuciae pag. 880. which name also Epiphanius Scholasticus gives him as does likewise Epiphanius in Haeres Semiarian who names him among the Bishops that subscribed the Acacian Creed Vales. g In the Florentine and Allatian M. SS this person is named not Theodorus but more truly Theodulus For that is his name in Athanastus Epiphanius and Philostorgius When this Theodulus had been divested of the Bishoprick of Chaeretapi in the Council held at Seleucia he was afterwards ordained Bishop of Palestina by the Eunomians as Philostorgius relatet Concerning Leontius of Tripolis you may meet with many passages in Philostorgius Vales. h Into his See they put one Philippus a Presbyter of Scythopolis as Epiphanius attests in Haeres Semiarian Vales. * Or by making their defence i It should be but one word thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Greeks term the Libels of protestation or protests which were usually deposited with the Acts. We meet a form of one of these Libels at the close of Athanasius's Epistle ad Solitarios I suppose that two Libels of protestation were delivered by the Council one to Leonas the Comes another to Lauricius President of Isauria Vales. a In the Old Fasti put forth by Jacobus Sirmondus under the name of Idatius there is this Record concerning this thing Eusebio Hypatio his consulibus primum processit Constantinopoli praefectus Vrbis nomine Honoratus die tertio Idûâ Decembris i. e. in the Consulate of Eusebius and Hypatius a Praefect of Constantinople was first made his name Honoratus on the third of the Ides of December Vales. b Before the Emperour Constantius had made a Praefect of the City at Constantinople the Province Europa the chief City whereof was Constantinople was governed by a Proconsul as Socrates here attests Athanasius mentions this Proconsul in his Apologetick de Fugâ suâ not far from the beginning where he says that the Emperour Constantius wrote Letters to Donatus the Proconsul against Olympius Bishop of Thracia In the Emperour Constantius's Epistle also which he wrote to the Senate and Constantinopolitan-people concerning the praises of Themistius there is mention of this Proconsul at the close of that Epistle Vales. c That is the Greed which had the Consuls names praefixt Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So this place is worded in the Original What the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã were I have long since explained in my notes on Amm. Marcellinus to wit the Bodies or Sodalities of Officials or Apparitours who attended upon the Presidents and Governours of Provinces It was their duty to collect the tribute from the Inhabitants of the Provinces and to put in execution the Presidents Orders Further as they who had listed themselves in the Camp-milice stood obliged by a Military-oath and enjoyed not a compleat liberty but were bound in a servitude as it were till such time as they were disbanded as Suidas declares in the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã so those Officials who followed the City-milice were bound to this employment as it were and lyable to the Offices of their Milice and their Farms as well as those of the Decurions were incumbred with these burdens as 't is apparent from the Theodofian Code Vales. e In the Alexandrian Chronicle seventy two Bishops are said to have been present at the Constantinopolitan-Synod in the year of Christ 360. Vales. * Or who is the only begotten born the only of the only Father c. * Substance f In Athanafius's book de Synodis pag. 906 the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Nor ought c. to which agrees the Version of the Latine Translatour Which is also confirmed by Athanasius himself in the same book pag. 905 the place we will quote by and by Vales. a Satala was a Town in Armenia of which there is frequent mention amongst the Antients But in Macedonia no mention is made of a City of this name by the Ancients Wherefore I judge that instead of Macedonia it should be Armenia here in the Greek Text. Vales. a Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. says 't was at Neocaesarea Vales. b These words of Socrates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those who had an aversion for or detested the Churches are not to be understood of all those who declined the Churches but they must be joyned to the foregoing words and are to be meant of those persons who by Eustathius's perswasion had separated themselves from the converse of their wives Eustathius perswaded these men to avoid the Churches assemblies and not to communicate with other believers but that being as it were pure and perfect they should participate of the sacred Mysteries by themselves at home See what Epiphanius has related concerning this Eustathius in his Hareââe of the Aâriani and Basilius in his Epistles Vales. c I am not of Socrates's opinion who makes the Synod of Gangra wherein Eustathius was condemned to have been after that assembled at Seleucia and after the Constantinopolitan-Synod Sozomen book 4. chap. 24. makes the Synod of Gangra to be ancienter than the Council of Antioch which was held at the Dedication in the year of Christ 341. Indeed Baronius at the year of Christ 361. places the Synod
For they being Separatists from the Eustathians had their Religious meetings in the Palaea that is in the Old City as Theodoret attests book 2. chap. 31. and book 3. chap. 4. Eccles. Histor. Athanasius speaks of the same persons afterwards in the said Epistle and distinguishes those that had their meetings in the Old City from the followers of Paulinus that is the Eustathians For Paulinus was one of their number Those therefore that had their assemblies in the Palaea can be no other than Meletius's favourers whom Athanasius does most especially commend Vales. * Book 2. Chap. 44. a This clause is thus worded in the Greek ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã where the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ought in my judgment to be expunged as being unnecessarily inserted here by some careless Transcriber out of the foregoing line where it occurs But Nicephorus book 10. chap. 14. where he writes out this passage of Socrates makes use of the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã either because that was the reading in his Copy or else in regard he thought ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was to be so explained Vales. b Nicephorus at the book and chapter now mentioned calls this person Cyrillus But from the authority of the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS we have termed him Berillus Our emendation is confirmed by Epiphanius Scholasticus's Version Berillus was not Bishop of Philadelphia as Socrates says here but of Bostra or of Bostri in Arabia he denied Christ to have been God before his incarnation as Eusebius informs us book 6. chap. 33. of his Ecclesiastick History where see note a. That passage of Origens must be understood concerning this Heresie of Berillus's which occurs in his Comment on the Epistle to Titus where his words are these Sed eos qui hominem dicunt Dominum Jesum c. Also those who affirm the Lord Jesus to be a man fore-known and predesigned who before his coming in the flesh had no peculiar existence of his own but that being born man he had the Deity of the Father only in him these persons I say cannot without great danger be accounted members of the Church This passage occurs also in Pamphilus's Apologetick in defence of Origen And Gennadius has mentioned it in his book De Dogmatibus Ecclesiasticis cap. 4. Vales. * Essence or Substance â Subsistence Existence or Personality â See Euseb Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 6. note b. This was the difference betwixt the Sabellian and Arian Heresie Sabellius confounded the persons in the sacred Trinity Arius divided the substance c The Acts of the Synod of Alexandria are not now extant but 't is sufficiently apparent both from that Synodick Epistle which Athanasius wrote in the name of that Council and also from hence because the Great Athanasius was present at that Synod that what Socrates here says is false For as to the Synodick Epistle there occurs no such passage in that as this that the terms Ousia and Hypostasis are not to be used as often as we speak concerning God Nor would Athanasius ever have suffered that to have been determined in his Synod which does manifestly contradict the Nicene Creed For in that Creed the term Ousia does occur Socrates seems to have been deceived by this passage in the Synodick Epistle ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. And by the grace of God all persons after such interpretations of those terms unanimously agreed that that Creed which the Father 's made profession of at Nice was better and more accurate and that in future it was sufficient that the terms thereof should be made use of In which words the terms Ousia and Hypostasis are not condemned but this only is asserted that it is more safe to use the terms of the Nicene Creed than these of three Hypostasis's and of one Hypostasis For the debate at that time was only concerning these words some affirming there were three Hypostasis's in the sacred Trinity as did the followers of Meletius others with Paulinus professing there was but one Hypostasis But no question was then started concerning the term Ousia For both sides asserted that there was one substance in the Trinity How therefore can that which Socrates here says stand good to wit that it was Decreed in the Alexandrian Synod that these terms Eusia and Hypostasis were not to be used concerning God Perhaps also Sabinus whose Collection Socrates had diligently perused had led him into this mistake Vales. * They mean I suppose those words of the Apostle at Hebr. 1. 3. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Character of his Subsistence or as our English Version words it the express image of his person Some of the Antients were very cautious about acknowledging three Hypostases in the Deity Particularly S r Jerome who thought that the term Hypostasis in this Text signified Substantia and therefore in his Version 't is thus rendred figura substantiae ejus the figure of his substance See D r Owens account of this phrase in his Exposition on the Hebrews pag. 55 c. Edit London 1668. d Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the names which is the common reading the Florentine M. S. words it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of those named But Nicephorus maintains the common reading for he has recorded this passage of Socrates thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Which his Learned Translatour Langus has thus rendred Sed tribus usurpatis nominibus res quaeque in Trinitate tripliciter distincta peculiari subsistentiâ suâ intelligatur But I cannot approve of this rendition in regard it recedes too far from the Authours words Langus was puzled with these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the names and not without reason For the bare name of the Father Son and holy Ghost is neither believed nor asserted to be God but the things or persons signified by those names Wherefore the reading in the Florentine M. S. is in my judgment to be preferred before the vulgar reading and we have rendred it accordingly Vales. e Irenaeus Grammaticus was an Alexandrian the Scholar of Heliodorus Metricus who by a Latine name was called Minucius Pacatus He wrote many books concerning the propriety of the Attick Language For he compiled three Books of Attick names and as many more de Atticâ consuciâdine in dictione in prosodia which were alphabetically digested he composed one Book also de Atticismo as Suidas relates in his Lexicon Vales. f Nicephorus book 10. chap. 15. reads this passage otherwise For instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as if any one should term he words it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And another stiles it the Lees in an Hogshead Epiphanius Scholasticus translates this place thus Apud Menandrum vero veluti faeces quae ex vino colliguntur in dolio ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã id est subsistentiam designare dicit But I think that there is another sense of these
Son to be like the Father in the same manner as the Macedonians did See Sozomen book 5. chap. 14. Vales. * Or substance â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã See chap. 7. of this book d This place is very intricate The answer of the Macedoniani which Socrates has related above out of Sabinus is obscure enough But the censure and reprehension of that answer which Socrates now subjoyns seems to be much more obscure Nor does Nicephorus give us any assistance here for he has transcribed this passage of Socrates's almost word for word Notwithstanding we will endeavour to produce something in order to the illustration of this place This therefore is our Sentiment The Macedoniani were asked why they dissented from Acacius with whom they had before held communion In their answer they blamed the Homoöusians and Aëtius This is nothing to the purpose says Socrates For you were not questioned concerning Aëtius but concerning Acacius you do meerly sophisticate for Acacius as well as you does condemn Aëtius's opinion Now whereas you condemn Aëtius's opinion you are not for that reason any whit less Hereticks For by your own words you are convinced of Novelty or Heresie whilst you assert the Son to be like the Father according to subsistence Wherein you dissent as well from the Catholick followers of the Nicene Creed who profess him to be of the same substance with the Father as from the Arians who asserted him to be a Creature or dislike in respect of his Substance 'T is certain Theodoret book 4. Haret Fabul does say that Macedonius asserted the Son of God to be every way like to the Father and that he was the first who invented the term Homoiöusios He was therefore one of the Semiarians as well as Acacius Vales. * See book 2. chap. 20. note â a It must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by Euleuâius as 't is apparent from the following words So Christophorson found the reading to be as is evident from his Version See Sozomen Vales. b He means I suppose that Basilica or Cathedral which was in the fourth Ward of the City Constantinople For this was simply and absolutely called The Cathedral The other was termed the Theodosian Cathedral which stood in the seventh Ward of the City as we are informed from The old description of that City In the former Basilica therefore the Image of the City Constantinople's publick Genius had heretofore been placed For so these words of Socrates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must be rendred For the Greeks do usually call that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which the Latines term Genius and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are the Temples of the publick Genius see Euseb. book concerning the Martyrs of Palestine chap. 11. note q. Vales. a In the Florent and Sfortian M. SS the reading here is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but revenged iâ afterwards â which reading pleases me best For Julianus was not afterwards in any instance revenged upon Mark in particular but he persecuted all the Christians in general with that sort of persecution which Socrates relates Nicephorus met with the same reading in his Copy for thus he has exprest this passage in Socrates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but he was in a very horrid manner revenged for that thing Vales. * Or Logicians a In stead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who preferred riches c. I suppose it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in regard they preferred c. Which emendation is confirmed by Epiphan Scholasticus's Version and by Nicephorus's expressing of this passage in his tenth book chap. 23. Vales. b The name of this Prefect of Egypt who in the Greek is called Prefect of Alexandria was Hermogenes as we are informed from Julian's 23 d Epistle Vales. * Athanasius a In my judgment this passage should be worded thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Those who sought for him ask't his followers whether they had seen Athanasius the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã nothing being expunged which is superfluous Nicephorus confirms our emendation in whom this word nothing occurs not either because he found it not in his Copy or else in regard he disliked that expression Further this whole story is taken out of Rufinus Vales. * Book 2. chap. 46. â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã compiled an art of Grammar conform to the Christian mode â See Scalig Poct book 2. chap. 6. * Or Tragedy that might be represented by Actors * Or a multitude of Gods â Col. 1. 26. * Rom. 1. 18 19 20 21. a At what place this precept of our Saviours that we should be skilfull mony-changers does occur is uncertain For 't is not to be met with in the Gospels But in as much as Origen and Jerome do agree that this command was given by our Saviour and was afterwards inculcated by the Apostle I am of the same opinion with the Learned Usher who supposes that that saying of our Saviour was recorded in the Gospel according to the Hebrews Further this saying is frequently mentioned amongst the Antients Amongst the rest Palladius makes mention of it in the Life of John Chrysostome See Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 7. note a. and the following remark Vales. * 1 Thes. 5. 21. â Colos. 2. 8. * Titus 1. 12. b Epimenides did indeed predict many things partly to the Athenians partly to the Lacedaemonians and partly to the Cretians as may be seen in Diogenes Laërtius See Laërtius in Epimened But I never read that oracles were written by him Suidas affirms that he wrote some mysticall and expiatory Poems and some other obscure things These therefore must be stiled Oracles Epimenides was a person incomparably well skilled in Lustrations and Consecrations In his Lustrations or purgations he made great use of the Sea-Onyon and therefore one kind of it was from him called the Epimenidian-Sea Onyon So Theophrastus book 7. chap. 10. Hence it appears why Socrates termed Epimenides ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã an Initiator Vales. * Acts 17. 28. â 1 Cor. 15. 33. * Or exercising * That is Beard-hater a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the Greeks do in general term all small and minute-Merchants because they barter'd their Wares for a mean value For ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies to buy and sell for gain and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã imports a Merchandizeing trade as Julius Pollux informs us book 3. chap. 25. Hence he was termed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã says Harpocration who had been frequently sold. These Traders are in Latine termed Cociones Arilatores and Dardanaril But Nicephorus calls them ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whom Socrates here terms ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã may in English be termed Retailers such as the Dardanarii heretofore were Vales. * Hence 't is that Gregor Nazianzen in his first Invective against Julian stiles him ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Bull-burner And Amm. Marcellinus book 25. pag 294 Edit Paris 1636 3 giving a Character of him says thus Praesagiorum
Constantine after his conquest of Maxentius had given his Sister Constantia in marriage to Licinius quickly after that he returned into the Gallia's and sent his Brother Constantius to Licinius entreating him that Bassianus might be created Caesar to which Bassianus Anastasia Constantines other Sister was married Sed Licinio talia frustrante c. that is But when Licinius disappointed him as to those things Bassianus by the instigation of Senecio his Brother who was his bosom-friend takes up Arms against Constantine Who being apprehended in the very attempt was by Constantines order convicted and put to death When Sinicius the Authour of this treachery was demanded in order to his being punished Licinius denying that the agreement betwixt them was broken This passage occurs in the excerptione de Vita Constantini which I heretofore published at the end of Amm. Marcellinus From which words I draw these conclusions 1 That Constantine treated with Licinius in order to Bassianus's being created Caesar. 2 That Bassianus being sollicited by Licinius did not only conspire against Constantine but made War also against him Bassianus therefore must of necessity be allowed to have played the Tyrant and therefore to have by force assumed the Title of Caesar which Constantine had thoughts of giving him had Licinius consented Being moved by these reasons I have termed Bassianus Caesar whom notwithstanding I do acknowledge to have been a Tyrant and do grant that he never was duely and Lawfully made Caesar. Moreover in regard the Anastasian Baths were at Constantinople before Procopius's insurrection as we have shown from Amm. Marcellinus it may be evidently concluded from thence that they were not built by Valens in regard at that time he was but newly made Emperour Further the reading here in Socrates should be thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the publick Baths Vales. a Socrates is grievously mistaken here For Valentinianus the Younger who was born in the Consulate of Gratianus and Dagalaïphus was not Valentinianus's but Valens Augustus's Son Idatius does expresly affirm this in his Fasti in these words Gratiano Nob. Dagalaïso Consulibus c. In the Consulate of the most noble Gratianus and Dagalaïsus Valentinianus the Younger Son to Valens Augustus was born on the fifteenth of the Calends of February I know indeed that in Jacobus Sirmondus's Edition of these Fasti the common reading is Filius Augusti Valentiniani the Son of Valentinianus Augustus But in that most antient Manuscript belonging to the Colledge of Clermont from which Sirmondus published these Fasti I found it in express words written thus Filius Augusti Valentis the Son of Valens Augustus Besides the testimony of these Fasti it may be made evident by many other arguments that this Valentinianus the Younger who was born in the Consulate of Gratianus and Dagalaïphus in the year of Our Lord 366 was the Son of Valens Augustus For this is the very same Valentinianus as 't is on all hands agreed who was afterwards Consul with Victor in the year of Christ 369 and to whom Themistius spake his Consular-Oration which is at this day extant under this title ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Now in this Oration Themistius frequently calls Valens the Father of this Valentinian and stiles Gratianus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is his Cousin German by the Fathers side See pag. 253. in that Oration Besides Themistius does affirm pag. 254 that the slaughter and overthrow of the Tyrant Procopius was foresignified by God by the birth of this Valentinian 'T is certain Valentinianus Junior was born when Gratianus and Dagalaïphus were Consuls on the 15 th of the Calends of February as 't is recorded in Idatius's Fasti and in the Alexandrian Chronicle In which year the Tyrant Pracopius was vanquished by Valens on the sixth of the Calends of June as 't is affirmed in the same Fasti. But if Valentinianus Junior had been Son to Valentinianus Senior his birth had signified nothing to Valens Further if this Valentinianus had in reality been Son to Valentinianus Senior why did he make his residence in the East How could he have been sent so long a journey from his Father being as yet but an Infant For he accompanied Valens in the Gothick Expedition as Themistius attests not far from the beginning of this Oration Lastly 't is evident from Themistius's Quinquennalian Oration i. e. His Oration upon Valens's having arrived at the fifth year of his Empire near the close thereof that Valens had an only Son then when he celebrated his Quinquennalia that is in the year of our Lord 368. In regard therefore the most noble Valentinianus was made Consul in the East on the year following he can be no other person than Valens's Son And Themistius in the close of his Quinquennalian Oration after he had spoken concerning Valens's only Son adds these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whom I would make an Alexander and Philosophy shall again boast of such an Issue And in his Exâortatory Oration which he spake the year after to Valentinianus Junior he makes an address to the Child almost in the same words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã come Royal Babe sit upon my knees And a little after ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Plato and Aristotle shall together with my self instruct Thee by whom the Great Alexander was âuâored From whence 't is apparent that it is one and the same person concerning whom Themistius speaks in both places and therefore that Valentinianus Junior whom Themistius speaks to in his Exâortatory Oration was the same only Son of Valens But this Valentinianus Junior was by another name called Galates For Socrates and Sozomen give him this name Sozomen book 6. chap. 16. does expresly affirm that Valens had one only Son by Dominica his Wife whose name was Galates Since therefore 't is manifest from what I have just now said that the most noble Valentinianus was Valens's Son Valentinianus and Galates must necessarily be one and the same person I should think that the Child might have the surname of Galates given him because he was born in Galatia at such time as Valens was at War with Procopius Moreover Socrates's mistake in which errour he is followed by Sozomen book 6. chap. 10. did in my judgment proceed from hence viz. because he confounded the two Junior Valentinians one whereof was Son to Valens the other to Valentinianus Senior and made but one person of two For he thought that the most noble Valentinianus who was Consul with Victor was the same person with that Valentinianus Junior who after the death of his Father Valentinianus Senior Governed the Empire with Gratianus But we have long since refuted this errour in our notes on book 30. of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 413. Vales. Valesius at the now quoted pag. of his notes on Amm. Marcellinus does indeed evidently prove that there were two Junior Valentinians but contrary to what he affirms here he asserts they were both Sons to Valentinianus Senior whom he there
History For when Gregory Bishop of Rome supposing the Inhabitants of this Island to be still intangled in the errours of Paganism had sent hither Augustine the Monk to convert them to Christianity he unexpectedly found not only the Christian Religion disseminated amongst them long before his arrival but Bishops also rightly and duely constituted which Prelates could not in my simple judgment be supposed the Subjects of the Roman Bishop because he was so far from having any knowledge of them that he did not believe there was one single Christian in this Island But though Augustine at his arrival found not the British Bishops dependants on the Roman See yet he resolves to use his utmost endeavour to make them such In order to which by the assistance of âthelbert King of Kent as Bede tells us book 2. chap. 2. Eccles. Histor. he summons together the Prelates of the adjacent Province of the Britons advises them to alter their ancient usages and to accept of him for their Arch-bishop But they having an Arch-bishop of their own already to wit the Bishop of Kaerleon and looking upon it to be a strange and unheard-of thing that they should become Subjects to a Forreigner wholly refused him and his monstrous proposal telling him that they would not own him for their Arch-bishop and as to their ancient customs and usages that they could not relinquish them without the consent and licence of their own Nation Whereupon they desired a second Synod might be convened At which there met seaven Brittish Bishops whose names you may see in Sir Henry Spelmans Councils Tom. â pag. 106 and many other Learned men who by Dionothus or as Bedâ calls him Dinoâth Abbot of Bangor gave Augustine the Monk this answer See Sir Henry Spelman as before pag. 108 109 Be it known to you and without doubt that we are and every one of us obedient and subject to the Church of God and Pope of Rome and to every true and pious Christian to love every one in his degree with perfect charity and to help every one of them by word and deed to be the sons of God As for any other obedience I do not know that I owe it to him whom âe call the Pope or that he hath right to challenge or require to be the Father of Fathers This obedience we are ready to give and pay to him and to every Christian continually Besides we are placed under the Government of the Bishop of Kaerleon upon Uske who is to supervise under God over us to make us keep the spiritual way What treatment the Brittish Prelates found from Augustines hand after they had given him this answer the Reader may see in Bedâ at the book and chapter now quoted Where we find this Augustine their pretended convertour threatning them with a War Which by his instigation see M r Wheelocks notes on Bed Eccles. Hist. book 2. chap. 2. Ethelâridus King of the Northanhumbrians waged against them wherein no less than 1200 Brittish Ecclesiasticks were slain at one time After this the Romish Bishop for upwards of nine Centuries exercised a supream Ecclesiastick power in this Nation though several of our Kings promulged severe Laws against it But now at length his Tyrannick yoak is broken off and our Church enjoys its ancient priviledges which may that God continue to it by the most pretious bloud of whose eternal Son it was purchased Amen g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã They are the words of the second Canon of the Constantinopolitan Synod which Dionysius Exiguus renders thus qui sunt super Dioecesim Episcopi c. the Bishops who are over a Dioecesis There may be a twofold sence of these words For first They may be termed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who are over a dioecesis or preside over a whole Dioecesis of which sort is the Bishop of Alexandria or the Bishop of Antioch who is constituted not over a Province but over a Dioecesis Or secondly they may be termed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who are without their own Dioecesis So Zonaras explains these words in his Comment on this Canon Lucas Holstenius has embraced the former sense of these words For at the Margin of his copy he had made a remark that this passage in Socrates is to be explained thus ne Episcopi c. Least the Bishops set over their own Dioecesis's should invade the Churches situate without their limits But the latter sense is the truer which the Canon it self declares in the following words for the Fathers add ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the uncalled Bishops come not beyond their Dioecesis Wherefore ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are the same with ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Prelates without their bounds which title Socrates has given Gregory Nazianzen at chap. 7. of this book because of his removal from the Bishoprick of Sasimi which was in the Pontick Dioecesis to Constantinople Further it is to be noted that Dioecesis in this Canon does not signifie a Diocese as that word is commonly used or a Province as the Greek Interpreters Zonaras and Balsamon supposed but it imports many Provinces joyned together which are subject to one Governour Whence the title of this Canon is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã concerning Dioeceses For its express words are ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. the fore written Canon concerning Dioecesises being observed 't is manifest that a Provincial Synod will govern affairs throughout every Province You see what the title of this Canon is and how it distinguishes a Province from a Dioecesis For 't is not forbidden by this Canon that Bishops should goe out of one Province into another to celebrate Ordinations that being not to be done otherwise To instance in the Asian Dioecesis see note f. the Fathers prohibit not a removal out of Lycia into Pamphilia nor out of Caria into Lycia on account of Ecclesiastick business but they only forbid them to pass out of one Dioecesis into another Vales. * That is Constantinople h The term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is not here used in such a sense as to signifie a Patriarchate strictly so taken Nor must we think that these Prelates here mentioned by Socrates were constituted Patriarchs properly so called because as Valesius well remarks there are more than one named here to be superintendents over one Dioecesis for instance Helladius Gregorius and Otreïus are assigned for the Pontick Dioecesis Now what that power was which is here given to these Prelates by the Synod or rather by the Emperour Theodosius himself will appear from an inspection into the occasion of their being intrusted with this power The Emperour Theodosius perceiving the Churches to be notoriously pestred with Arianisme took a resolution to extirpate it In order whereto he published an Edict which is mentioned by Sozomen book 7. chap. 9 and is still extant being the third Law in the Theodosian Code Tit. de fide Catholicâ to this effect that in all places the
and whereas the Imperial commands do require this confession Vales. f Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã about those of his own opinion it must be thus mended ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with or to those of his own opinion The same errour occurs before in this chapter where he says ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which we have corrected by rendring it thus For some were one way affected towards the Books of the Ancients others another Vales. g I read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with those Churches of his own Faith For the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Churches is understood The priviledges of Churches are a priviledge of sanctuary a priviledge of receiving Embassies and the like Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã perhaps he means the Imperial power for Constantius and Valens were great favourers of these Sects â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã making a joynt attempt again a Musculus and Christophorson seem to have thought as by their Versions appear that this man was born in Brittain which though perhaps true yet cannot be made out from this passage in our Socrates Zosimus Histor. book 4. says this Maximus was a Spaniard Our Countrey-man Guildas calls him Germen Plantationis Britannicae a branch of the Britannick Plantation Camden mentions him in his Britannia pag. 240 241 Edit Lond. 1607. where he quotes some verses out of Ausonius in which he is termed Rhutupinum Latronem the Richborow-Thief * Or Merogaudus b I will here propose my doubt to the Reader I am of opinion therefore that Thessalonica which was the chief City of Macedonia was under Theodosius's Empire My reasons are 1. because Theodosius after he had been Proclaimed Augustus by Gratianus at Sirmium went to Thessalonica resided there a long while and received the Embassies of the Cities of the East and when he fell sick he was baptized by Acholius Bishop of that City as Zosimus Prosper Socrates and others do relate 2. During his Residence in that City he published many Laws which are extant in the Theodosian Code in the Titles de fide Catholica and de Haereticis which Laws are dated at Thessalonica 3. Lastly in the Constantinopolitan Synod at which 't is manifest the Eastern Bishops only were present Acholius Bishop of Thessalonica is reckoned as may be seen in the eighth chapter of this book After Theodosius's times there is no doubt but Thessalonica was under the Eastern Emperours For 't was the chief City of the Oriental Illyricum which contained Macedonia and Dacia as we are informed from The Notitia of the Roman Empire But whether or no it was under the Eastern Emperours about the beginning of Theodosius's Reign may deservedly be doubted For Aurelius Victor and Zonaras do expresly affirm that Gratianus gave Theodosius only the East and the Thracia's And Zosimus relates that Valentinlanus Junior upon his division of the Empire with his Brother had Italy Africk and Illyricum Neither had Constantius or Valens who governed the Eastern Empire before Theodosius Illyricum under their Dominion In the times of Valens 't is certain Mamertinus Praefect of the Praetorium Governed Italy Africa and Illyricum at the same time as Amm. Marcellinus attests Notwithstanding Valens after his Brother Valentinianus's death seems to have annext Macedonia and Dacia to his own Empire by the consent of his Brother's Sons Which Collection I make from the close of Amm. Marcellinus's thirty first book where he says that Valens's Souldiers and Palatines who had been besieged by the Goths at Adrianople went out after that Siege was broken up and hastned some into Dacia others into Macedonia supposing that Valens had retired thither See Amm. Marcellinus pag. 468. Edit Par. 1636. Vales. * Or Richomelius a The phrase is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which Christophorson renders ill thus Valentinian's Souldiers For Socrates means Valentinian himself who was on this year when Valentinian himself was the third time Consul with Eutropius conquered by Maximus as Sulpitius informs us in his first book concerning the life of Martinus and together with his mother Justina his Praesects and Comites fled to Thessalonica Vales. b But Zosimus says that Maximus's Embassy was received by Theodosius and that he acknowledged him to be Emperour and admitted of his Statues and ordered Cynegius Praefect of the Praetorium in the East that Maximus's Statues should be proposed to publick view at Alexandria and that he should declare to the people that Maximus was Colleague of his Empire Which thing Sigonius in his book de Occidentati Imperio has done ill to place on the year of Christ 384 when Richomeres and Clearchus were Consuls in regard it was done in Valentinianus's third Consulate which he bore with Eutropius on the year of Christ 387. For on this year Cynegius was Praefect of the Praetorium Vales. c He should rather have said Aquileia For thither Maximus went as Zosimus and the other Chronologers do inform us Vales. * This Character does well befit too many persons of our own nation at this juncture a Socrates i s mistaken For Maximus was slain not on the 27 th of August but on the 28 th of July as Idatius says in his Chronicon The same is recorded in those Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus has published under Idatius's name For these are the words there Theodosio Aug. II. Cynegio Coss. c. In the second Consulate of Theodosius Augustus which he bore with Cynegius on that year Maximus the Tyrant that publick Enemy is slain by Theodosius Augustus three miles from Aquileia on the fifth of the Calends of August that is on the 28 th of July Also his Son Victor is slain a few days after in the Gallia's by Theodosius's Comes Further this Victor had been created first Caesar and then Augustus by his Father as we are informed from this Old Inscription recorded by Sigonius in his 9 th book de Occidentali Imperio DD. NN. MAG CL. MAXIMO ET FL. VICTORI PIIS FELICIBUS SEMPER AUGUSTIS BONO R. P. NATIS Where you see Maximus has two Praenomina to wit Magnus Clemens Sulpitius Severus book 2. Histor. Sacr. calls him Clemens Maximus But by Orosius he is termed Magnus Maximus Vales. b Here is a mistake either of Socrates or of his transcribers in calling Symmachus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a person that had born the Consulate For Symmachus whose Epistles are extant at this day had not at that time been Consul but three years after he bore a Consulate with Tatianus Vales. a Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã about Antioch in Syria I had rather word it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã at Antioch in Syria Vales. * Compare chap. 5. with chap. 9. of this book â See chap. 5. * That is Mithra's Temple what these Mysteries were Socrates has told us book 3. chap. 2. â Pieces of wood made in fashion of a mans privities * See book 3. chap. 2.
made themselves unfit Guests for the Table of our Lord did seek direction for their better performance of that which should set them clear it was in this case the Penitentiarie's duty to take their confessions to advise them the best way he could for their souls good to admonish them to counsell them but not to lay upon them more than private pennance As for notorious wicked persons whose crimes were known to convict judge and punish them was the Office of the Ecclesiastical Consistory Penitentiaries had their institution to another end This Office of the Penitentiary was continued in the Greek Church for the space of above some hundred years till Nectarius and the Bishops of Churches under him begun a second alteration abolishing even that confession which their Penitentiaries took in private upon that occasion which Socrates mentions here in this chapter See M r Hooker's Eccles. Politie book 6. pag. 332. c. Edit Lond. 1666 also D r Cave's Primitive Christianity Part 3. Chap. 5. b In Rob. Stephens Edit the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Bishops added a Presbyter who was to have the charge of penitency to the Canon of the Churches In the Sfortian M. S. the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to the Ecclesiastick Canon which reading Epiphanius Scholasticus and Nicephorus found in their copies as appears by the Version of the first and the Greek Text of the second Which two Authours took Canon to signifie a Rule or Ecclesiastick Decree Petavius in his notes on Epiphanius pag. 242 took these words of Socrates in such a sense as if the import of them were that the Bishops by publishing of a Canon then newly found out added a Presbyter who should take charge of the penitents which opinion of his he confirms by these following words of Socrates ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. this Canon is in force to this day amongst other Heresics where the term Canon is manifestly taken for a Rule and Decree But Valesius is not of Petavius's opinion His reasons are 1 The propriety of the Greek tongue admits not of this sense 2 If a new Canon were then made concerning the institution of a Penitentiary Presbyter he queries where and in what Councill it was published Valesius's Sentiment therefore is that the term Canon is here to be taken for the Matricula or Roll of Ecclesiastick Officers belonging to the Church In which sense he says t is taken in the 2 Can. Concil Chalccdon pag. 112 Edit Beveredg where t is true it must be taken in a more comprehensive sense than to signifie the Câcrus only that is those who are ordained by imposition of hands because the Fathers in that Canon speak of all the Ecclesiastick Officers such as were the Occonomi the Defensores the Mansionarii c. concerning whom see D r Beveredge's Notes pag. 109. But whether it is to be used in this sense here I determine not let the Learned judge c What the course of discipline in relation to penitency was as it was practised by the Fathers during the first and purest times before Penitentiaries were instituted we have declared at note a. in this chapter mostly in M r Hookers own words Which incomparable Authour in the forecited book of his Eccles. Politie has by unexceptionable authorities made it evident whatever the Learned Reader may find said to the contrary by Baronius at the year of Christ 56 by Petavius in his Diatriba about this point which occurs at pag. 225 of his notes on Epiphanius or by Bellarmine that the ancient ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or confession which the Primitives use to speak of in the exercise of repentance was made openly in the hearing of the whole both Ecclesiastical Confistory and assembly After the institution of Penitentiary Presbyters in every Church this publick confession was abrogated and such as were guilty of crimes confessed them not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the presence of the people but as Socrates here says ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã before this Presbyter instituted for that purpose The same is confirmed by Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where he tells us how a Presbyter Elected to the Office of a Penitentiary was to be qualified One of his qualifications was that he ought to be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a person that could hold his tongue by which 't is plain that the confessions made to him were private and to be kept concealed * That is the Office of the Penitentiary For these Hereticks admitted no person to their communion upon any repentance who was once known to have sinned after Baptism see Euseb. Eccles. Hist. book 6. chap. 43. which practise of theirs how fair soever their pretence might seem made sinners not the fewer but the closer and the more obdurate â To wit from the Persecution under the Emperour Decius till after the Election of Nectarius to the Episcopate of Constantinople d Valesius in his note here starts this query whether the confession made by this Gentlewoman were publick or private In order to the answering whereof he remarks that she confest twice before the Penitentiary At her first confession she made known all her sins whereupon she is advised to continue in fasting and prayer At her second she discovered her having been debaucht by the Deacon These two confessions continues Valesius were different both in time and manner The first was of all her faults ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã particularly as Socrates words it the second was of one crime only All which may perhaps be true After this remark made Valesius concludes both these confessions to have been secret which says he is apparent from these two reasons 1 because publick confession was never in use in the Church 2 in regard Socrates says that this woman accused not her self before the people but before the Penitentiary Valesius's first reason appears evidently false not only from M r Hookers words quoted before and the unquestionable authorities he there produces to prove what he asserts but from a passage in Sozomen book 7. chap. 16. where that Ecclesiastick Historian giving reasons of the alteration which the Grecians made by abrogating publick confession and instituting Penitentiaries throughout all Churches to take the confessions and appoint the penances of secret offenders assignes this for one ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. It did from the beginning deservedly seem burthensome to the Priests that sins should be declared before the whole congregation of the Church as witnesses in a Theatre as it were from which words 't is evident that publick confession was once in fashion in the Church Valesius's second reason we have before cleared and confirmed by the joynt Testimony of Socrates and Sozomen See note c. e Valesius says here he can't be induced to believe that this Gentlewoman did publick pennance His reasons for this are 1 Women were very rarely compelled to do publick pennance the Church being indulgent towards the modesty of Matrons 2
See the following chapter * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã affairs a In Priscus's History of the Goths the King of the Hunni is termed Rouas who was succeeded by Attalas In Jordanes he is called Roäs the brother of Oâtar and Mundïuchus the uncle of Attalas Langus Nicephorus's Translator calls him Roïlas for what reason I know not for in Nicephorus 't is Rougas as well as here in Socrates Vales. b See Ezech. 38. vers 2 22 23. In the Septuagint Version at v. 2. the words are ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Prince Rhos But the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is wanting in the vulgar Translation instead whereof Hieronymus has rendred it thus Principem capitis Mosoch Prince of the chief of Mosoch Wherefore what Langus remarks here concerning the Russi is in my judgment forreign to this place Vales. In the Hebrew the words at this text are ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which in the margin of our English Version is render'd exactly thus Prince of the chief of Meshech Socrates quotes this whole text out of Ezechiel in the words of the Septuaginâ Version and we have translated them accordingly The difference between the Greek Version and Originall Hebrew at this text is great Our English Translatours as they generally do so here follow the Hebrew * See book 7. chap. 24. a These persons were Consuls on the year of Christ 436. But Prosper Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle disagree from Socrates For those Authours relate that this marriage was celebrated on the year following whereon Aëtius bore his second Consulate with Sigisvultus in the month of November The same is confirmed by Jordanes in his book de Successione Regnorum where after he has spoken concerning the whoredom committed by Honoria with her Procurator Eugenius which was done in the Consulate of Areobindus and Aspar on the year of Christ 434 He adds these words Posthaec tertio anno Valentinianus c. On the third year after this the Emperour Valentinianus comes from Rome to Constantinople in order to his marrâing Eudoxia daughter to the Emperour Theodosius and having given all Illyria as a gratuity to his Father in Law after the celebration of the marriage he returned with his Wife to his own Kingdomes Cassiodorus Senator attests the same concerning the donation of the Western Illyricum book 11. Variarum Epist. 1. pag. 684 Edit Aurel. Allobrog 1622. in these words Placidiam mundi opinione celebratam avorum or principum or aliquorum as 't is in some Copies Prosapia gloriosam purpurato filio studuisse percepimus cujus dum remisse administrat Imperium indecenter cognoscitur imminutum Nurum denique sibi amissione Illyrici comparavit factaque est conjunctio regâanâis divisio doleâda provinciis Vales. * He means those termed the Johannitae See book 6. chap. 18. â Or by prudence a By these words Socrates does plainly discover his opinion For he would say that these things are usually done through envy or out of favour For because Origen was condemned by Theophilus so many years after his death that Socrates ascribes to Theophilus's envy towards Origen himself or against those termed the Long-Monks And whereas John Chrysostome was brought back with honour into his own Country on the thirty fifth year after his death that Socrates attributes to the love and benevolence of Procluâ and the people of Constantinople But I am not of Socrates's opinion For although in affairs of this nature tâe affections of men have some effect Yet divine Justice and providence whereby the Church is governed doth always overrule Origen therefore was condemned for his Heterodox opinions and John Chrysostome being consecrated for his integrity of life and doctrine continues in the Church to this very day Valesius * Or Tomb. â Or Rectitude a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Nicephorus 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he sate upon in which Author these words are added ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and having taken the paper which seem altogether necessary Vales. * This pledge or Gage b Although our M. SS Copies alter not the reading here yet I agree with Christophorson and S r Henry Savill who have mended it thus of the month August Doubtless in regard Paulus Bishop of the Novatianists died on the twenty first of July and the paper wherein he had named Marcianus to be his successour was unsealed three days after his death as Socrates has told us before 't is not to be supposed that Marcianus could be ordained Bishop on the twenty first of the same month to wit July in regard he absconded in Tiberiopolis a City of Phrygia from whence he was to be brought to Constantinople that he might be there constituted Bishop of the Novatianists Vales. a Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For he had oblieged himself to a performance c I doubt not but it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for she had obliged herself that is Eudocia Thus Epiphan Scholasticus read as appears from his Version which is thus Hoc enim ipsa votum habuerat si filiam videret nuptam For she herself also had made this vow if she might see her daughter married Vales. * Or honoured a This is the Thalassius or Thalassus Praefectus Praetorio of Illyricum to whom The one Law Tit. 6. Legum Novellarum Theodosii Junioris was directed which is dated at Constantinople on the third of the Ides of August in Theodosius's seventeenth Consulate which he bore with Festus After this day therefore on this very year Thalassius was made Bishop of Caesarea by Proclus Which action of Proclus's Socrates does not without cause wonder at as new and not practised by former Bishops Nectarius indeed when he was Praetor of Constantinople had been created Bishop of that City But the Emperour's consent had been first obtained as Socrates has told us before But here Proclus meerly by his own impulse laid his hands on a Praefectus Praetorio who by the Emperour had been designed to the government of the Orientall Praefecture Notwithstanding it is to be understood that the Emperour's consent was afterwards obtained who approved of what Proclus had done But in promoting inferiour Magistrates to Ecclesiastick degrees the Prince's consent was in no wife necessary For the Praefectus Praetorio's approbation was sufficient under whose dispose the Presidents of Provinces were We have an eminent instance hereof in the Life of S t Germanus Altissiodorensis which was written by Constantius Presbyter Which Germanus being President of a Province and Amator Bishop of Altissiodorum a City in France now called Auxerre having a mind to appoint him his successour Amator procured the consent of Julius Praefectus Praetorio of the Gallia's before he attempted to do that as 't is related in book 1 chap. 3 concerning the Life of S t Germanus Further this Thalassius Bishop of Caesarea was present at the false Synod at Ephesus convened against Flavianus
They occur indeed in the Acts of the Chalcedon-Councill but to me they seem not very necessary Vales. In Rob. Stephens's Edition they are wanting * Or second â See chap. 18. note x. * Or hath estranged him l In the Acts of the Chalcedon-Councill the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã will Decree Which in my judgment is right For the future tense is in this place put for the Imperative mood For whereas the Legates of the Apostolick See do here speak to the Synod they would not use the Imperative because it seems more arrogant They made use therefore of the future tense as being the softer and more modest mode of expression Notwithstanding The old Translatour of the Chalcedon Council has rendred it in the Imperative mood In Nicâphorus book 15. chap. 30. the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. In Robert Stephens's Edition and in the Greek Text here the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã doth Decree which perhaps is the âruer reading m This definition of the Faith is contained in the Fifth Action of the Chalcedon-Synod 'T is extant also in Nicephorus book 15. chap. 6. Vales. * Jo. 14. 27. â Or opinions * That is the Constantinopolitane Creed at the drawing up whereof there were 150 Fathers See Socrat book 5. c. 9. n The word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã enemies is wanting in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill and the reading of this whole place is thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Those who attempt to reject and abrogate the Preaching of the Truth by their c. Which reading seems to me far better Vales. * Or bred or brought forth * Or stop up â Or Preaching â That is the Nicenâ Creed * Or fight against o Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã do reproach so impudently it must doubtless be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã do rave so impudently agreeable to the reading in the Florentine M. S. and in the Acts of the Chalcedon Synod Vales. p The reading here and in Nicephorus is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Which Letter agrees with the confession of the Great Peter c. But the contexture of the words does necessarily require that we should read thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. in regard it agrees c. and so 't is written in the Acts of the Chalcedon-Synod Vales. * Or resists q ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Acts of the Chalcedon Synod this place is worded otherwise to wit in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã To confess our Lord Jesus Christ to be one and the same Son with one consent we do all teach and declare Which reading seems to me to be far the truer Vales. * Or known â Or runs together into one c. * Or estranged from â Or alienated from the Clergy â Removed or put to flight * Or recalled â Constantinople â â Or in regard it was the second after the elder Rome * Or was condemned to dwell at c. a I have restored this place from the Florentine Manuscript to which agrees Nicephorus book 15. chap. 8. Christophorson had mended it very ill thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Praefect of Thebaïs came at that time to Alexandria But the Province of Thebaïs was not governed by a Praefect but by a President as we are informed from the Notitia Imperii Romani Besides Priscus Rhetor says not that the Governour of the Province of Thebaïs but that he himself came then to Alexandria Priscus had indeed been long conversant in the Province Thebaïs with Maximinus the Commander whose Councellour and Assessour he was when he waged war against the Nubae and Blemmyae as himself informs us in his Excerpt Legationum In the Tellerian Manuscript I found this place written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã came by Alexandria from the Province of Thebaïs But I should rather write it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. came to Alexandria out of the Province of Thebais Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading here is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã b Nicephorus has added some passages here concerning Serapis's Temple which are sufficiently profound and which I remember not to have read any where else Therefore I conjecture that Nicephorus wrote these passages out of Priscus Rhetor's History which then was extant entire Vales. See Nicephorus's Eccles. Histor. book 15. chap. 8. c Of this Florus who was Praefectus Augustalis and also Dux of Egypt Jordanes has made mention in his book De Successione Regnorum where he writes thus concerning the Emperour Marcianus Nobades Blemmyesque Aethiopia prâolapsos c. He appeased the Nobades and the Blemmyes who had fallen down from Aethiopia by Florus Procurator of the City Alexandria and drove them from the Territories of the Romans This Florus had succeeded Theodorus the Augustalis as we are informed from Liberatus's Breviarium chap. 14. Under whom Proterius is ordained Bishop and that Sedition which Evagrius describes here was raised at Alexandria in the year of Christ 452. On account of which Sedition whenas the publick allowance of bread-corn which was wont to be delivered out to the Alexandrians the Baths also and Shows by the Emperour's order had been taken from the Inhabitants of Alexandria the multitude mer together in the Cirque and entreated Florus the Praefectus Augustalis who was come to Alexandria a little before this that these things might be restored to them Therefore this hapned on the year of Christ 453. Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã To the Citizens of Alexandria as well as to those of Rome and Constantinople Loaves of bread were every day delivered out as we are informed from the fourteenth book of the Theodosian Code Tit. De Frumento Alexandrino But who had been the Beginner of this thing 't is uncertain Diocletian was the first Emperour who bestowed the Paâis Castrensis the Camp-bread upon the Alexandrians as the Author of the Alexandrian Chronicle relates at Constantius Caesar's and Maximianus Jovius Caesar's fourth Cousulate ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã says he ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã on this year the Panis Castrensis was given at Alexandria by Diocletian Which passage occurs in the very same words in the Chronologicall Excerptions set forth by Scaliger at the end of Eusebius's Chronicon Procopius in his Anecdot pag. 119. says this Bread-corn was allowed by Diocletian to the poor only of the City Alexandria Which when the Citizens of that City had in after times divided amongst themselves they then transmitted it to their posterity Procopius's words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Diocletian having been made Emperour of the Romans Decreed that a vast quantity of Bread-corn should every year be given by the people to the indigent Alexandrians The people having at that time quarrelled amongst their own selves about this Bread-corn transmitted it to their descendants even to this day In which words of Procopius's there is a very great fault which Nicolaus Alemannus a person otherwise
Hippodrome from the Gate and some of the Porticus's leading from them f Instead of Ostracinia the reading in the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS and in Nicephorus is truer which is thus Ostracine Our Evagrius mentions this place again at chap. 8. book 6. But what the Ostracine was 't is hard to say Geitonia is a continuation of houses which received or stood behind the publick Porticus's Which Libanius also confirms in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit Park 1627. It was termed Ostracine because the Potters-workhouses were there The Old Glosses render ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã fictile a thing made of Potters-earth Vales. g So the Greeks termed the Temple of the Nymphs which Libanius describes in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit ut prius Vales. h In the version of this place both Translatours have erred For Musculus renders it thus Dicit etiam mille auri Talenta Civitatâ illi ab Imperatore de tributis esse remissa ex Tributis quoque constitutum esse ut civibus illis qui eâ calamitate adâecti erant aedes ipsorum simulque publica aedificia restaurarentur He says also that a thousand Talents of Gold were by the Emperour remitted to that City of the Tributes and that 't was constituted out of the Tributes also that to those Citizens who had been affected with that calamity their houses together with the publick Edifices should be repaired But Christophorson translates it in this manner Ait porro tum Civitati de Tributis mille auri Talenta ab Imperatore esse condonaâa tum Civibus etiam Vectigalia qui eâ clade afflicti erant he says further that both to the City a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributes were remitted by the Emperour and also the Taxes or Customs to those Citizens who had been afflicted with that calamity Where you see that both Translatours referred these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to the Citizens which is in no wise to be born with For Evagrius would not have said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but rather ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Nicephorus therefore understood these words righter to wit concerning the houses of private men the Taxes whereof the Emperour remitted to the Citizens of Antioch Nevertheless Nicephorus has not fully apprehended Evagrius's meaning For thus he expresses this place of Evagrius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That is as Langus renders it Terrae motus istius gratiâ c. And because of this Earthquake and on account of the houses ruined the Emperour 't is reported forgave the City a thousand Talents of Gold the Tributes of the Annuall payments But Evagrius or rather Johannes the Rhetorician says more For he affirms that the Emperour remitted to the Antiochians a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributary Function but forgave to each Citizen the Tributes of those houses which had been ruined by the Earthquake Now these Tributes may be understood in a twofold sence Either 1. concerning the annuall Pension which by Hirers was paid to the Owners or Lords of the houses Or 2. concerning the money which was paid to the Fiscus Exchequer because those houses had been built upon the publick Soyle In such manner as amongst us an annuall rent is wont to be paid by possessours of houses as well in the City as Country to the Lords of the Soyle And in this latter sense I had rather take ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Tributes here For this word is more frequently used to signifie Tributes Tolls or Customes which are paid to the publick But if this term should be so taken here as to signifie the price of houses which is usually paid by the Hirer there would have been no liberality of the Emperour 's in that For he would have given nothing of his own to the Citizens but that which was another's Vales. i Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the reading undoubtedly must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the same adde the words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Emperour And thus Christophorson seems to have read Further concerning this Earthquake Isaac Syrus had written an Elegie as Marcellinus attests in his Chronicon in these words Patricio Ricimere Coss. c. In the Consulate of Patriclus and Ricimeres Isaac a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church wrote many things in the Syrian Language and especially against the Nestorians and Eutychians He likewise bewailed the ruine of Antioch in an Elegie in such manner as Ephren Diaconus did the fall of Nicomedia Vales. a 'T is not amongst Authours agreed concerning the year whereon this fire hapned at Constantinople For Theophanes and Cedrenus place it on the fifth year of Leo in the fifteenth Indiction Leo Augustus being the second time Consul with Severas which was the year of Christ 462. But Marcellinus Comes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle place this fire of Constantinople in the Consulate of Basiliscus and Hermenericus that is on the year of Christ 465. Our Evagrius seems to have followed the former opinion For the verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã hapned together which he uses at this place gives an indication of what I have said to wit that that Conflagration of Constantinople hapned no long time after the Antiochian Earthquake Further concerning that fire wherewith the City Constantinople was consumed in the times of Leo Augustus Candidus Isaurus does also write in the first book of his History and relates that many things were usefully ordered therein by Aspar the Patritius Vales. b He means the Portus Phosphorianus which was in the fifth Region of the City as the old description of Constantinoâle informs us The Greeks teâmed it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as Constantinus Porphyrogennetus tells us in his second book de Themaâibus about the end and Georgius Codinus in his book de Originibus Constantinopolitan 57. Vales. * Or Salt-meat â Or the houses * Or wherein are the Havens of the City â Or Oxstreet c The Church of Homonoea or Concord was in the ninth Region of the City Constantinople as the Old description of that City informs us Why this Church had this name we are told by Theodorus Lector in book 4. of his Eccles. History whose words are cited by Johannes Damaâcenus in his â d book de Imaginibus For it was called ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Concord because the hundred and fifty Fathers of the Constantinopolitane Synod in the Reign of Theodosius the Great See Socrates's Eccles. Hist. book 5. chap. 8. meeting therein agreed in one opinion concerning the Consubstantiall Trinity Vales. * Or called a Instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it would be better written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã about the same times Vales. b Evagrius means the War which the Hunni waged against the Eastern Romans under the command of Dengizich Son of Attilaâ in the Consulate of Zeno and Marcianus on the year of Christ 469 as Marcellinus Comes relates in his Chronicon Nevertheless the Authour of
a Patriarch equall to Acacius For who can believe that the Constantinopolitan Bishop was deposed by the Bishops of Asia who long before this from the times of John Chrysostome were subject to the Bishops of Constantinople Vales. c Marcus was first created Caesar by his Father Basiliscus as Marcellinus relates in his Chronicon Theophanes and others 'T is certain in Basiliscus's Circular Letters he is only termed the most noble Caesar. But afterwards he was styled Augustus by his Father as this Letter of the Bishops of the Ephesine Councill doth inform us Also in the Anti-Circular Letter of Basiliscus the same Marcus is named Emperour with his Father The Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle is mistaken therefore who relates that Basiliscus as soon as he was proclaimed Emperour crowned his Son Marcus Emperour Candidus says truer in the second book of his History in Photius Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a fervency or a pârching heat â Incitation or commotion â Or engage d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with a proud revenge the reading in Nicephorus is the same Where Johannes Langus renders ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã revenge But I am of opinion that by a small change this place is thus to be restored ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with a certain arrogant folly Vales. e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Christophorson read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã our piety contrary to the Faith and Authority of all Copies and without any sense Besides he has rendred the following words very badly Whence it hapned that Baronius who every where follows Christophorson's Version could in no wise understand the transactions of this Ephesine Councill So great a hindrance is an ill Rendition Nor has Johannes Langus translated this Clause more happily For he hath rendred it thus Attestamur coram Salvatore Nostro Jesu Christo c. We attest before our Saviour Jesus Christ that Your piety is free and innocent From which we request that a Just and Canonical and Ecclesiastick Sentence of Condemnation and Deposition may be pronounc's against them and especially against him who hath been many ways found out to have administred the Bishoprick in the Imperial City impiously But the Bishops of Asia do not say this but request of the Emperours Basiliscus and Marcus that they would not communicate any more with Acacius and the other Bishops whom they themselves had condemned and deposed by an Ecclesiastick Sentence For this is the import of these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which are to be written in one entire Clause without any distinction But Translatours following Nicephorus and the Edition of Robert Stephens have placed a distinction after the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which led them into a mistake Vales. * In this Edition of Valesius's 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã abuse it is I suppose an errour of the Press put instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã condemnation which is the reading in Stephens's Edition f ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Translatours understood not these words of Zacharias Rhetor Nor does Nicephorus seem to have understood them For instead of them he has substituted these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those who imagine or conceive Eutyches Tenets By ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Phantasie or Imagination Zacharias means the opinion of Eutyches who asserted that the flesh of Christ was not true nor consubstantiall with us but Phantasticall or imaginary as may be seen in the Acts of the Chalcedon Councill Hence the Epistles of Avitus Bishop of Vienna wherein he confutes Eutyches's Errour have this Title Contra phantasma against the Phantasme as Sirmondus attests Further from this place it may be gathered that Zacharias Rhetor was not an Eutychian as Baronius thought at the year of Christ 476. For he would never have exprest himself thus had he been a follower of Eutyches's Sect. It must therefore either be said that these are not the words of Zacharias Rhetor which notwithstanding Evagrius affirms or else that he was not an Eutychianist See chap. 14. Vales. * Or Seated Arch-Bishop Paulus in the Chair of the Ephesians a Timotheus Aelurus and Petrus Fullo together with other Bishops being a little before this assembled at Constantinople had Decreed that this Paulus should be restored to the See of Ephesus out of which he had been ejected For these are Evagrius's words at the fifth chapter of this book ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã they Vote that Paulus also should recover the Archiepiscopall Chair of Ephesus Which place Christophorson has not rendred truly in this manner His rebus ita constitutis Paulus ad sedem Archiepiscopatûs Ephesiani capessendam deligitur These things having been thus constituted Paulus is chosen to take the Archiepiscopall See of Ephesus For Paulus was not elected by Aelurus and Petrus Fullo at Constantinople that he should take the Ephesine-See but having been expelled out of the See of Ephesus he came to Constantinople where a Councill of Eutychianists being convened it was Decreed that he should recover the Archiepiscopate of the City Ephesus In the fifth chapter of this book the reading in the vulgar Editions was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Come into the Chair But from the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS I have mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã enter upon Yet I had rather add a preposition and write it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã return to recover or re-enter upon Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather make it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. agreeable to c. Further what Zacharias says here is most true to wit that it was the ancienter usage that the Bishop of Ephesus should be ordained by the Bishops of his own Province For from S t Timothy who was the first Bishop of the Ephesians untill Castinus and Heraclides whom John Chrysostome ordained all the Bishops of the Ephesians were ordained in the same City by the Bishops of that Province as 't is apparent from the Eleventh Action of the Chalcedon-Councill Vales. c Zacharias does here call the Patriarchicall priviledge the Right of Primacy or the priviledge of Ordaining Metropolitanes For in this the Patriarchicall priviledge did properly consist as I have observed in my Little Book concerning the interpretation of the Sixth Canon of the Nicene Councill which is published at the close of Our Socrates Now whereas Zacharias or rather Evagrius adds that this priviledge had been taken away from the See of Ephesus by the Chalcedon Synod he means ' the Sixteenth Action of the Chalcedon-Synod wherein it was Decreed that the Constantinopolitane Bishops should Ordain Metropolitanes in the Asian Dioecesis Vales. * See book 4. chap. 5. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had conjectured long since that it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was extreamly troubled The Tellerian M. S. has at length confirmed this my conjecture wherein I found it written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Denyed that is repealed or revoak't * Or Constitution b When by the
â Or Substance * Or Subsistencies a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who is to the Father and to the Holy Ghost In Nicephorus Book 17. Chap. 35 where this Edict of the Emperour Justinus concerning the Faith is recorded this place is read thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit Which reading Christophorson hath followed For he renders it thus Qui est equalis Patri Spiritui Sancto who is equall to the Father and to the Holy Spirit But in this place the equality of the Father and Son is not treated of but whether Christ be one of the Trinity I have therefore supplyed this place righter from the excellent Florentine Manuscript in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who is our Lord Jesus Christ c. The Tellerian M. S. has it written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who is in the Father and in the Holy Spirit Vales. In Robert Stephens the reading is the same with that set at the beginning of this note â Or Are of * Or a certain or some one man â Or Received * Or Made up b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christophorson has rendred this place ill in this manner Non Confusionem in Unitatem introducimus We introduce not a confusion into the Unity Nor has Musculus done righter who translates it thus Unitatem non conâândimus We confound not the Unity I do not wonder at Musculus who in this Edict of Justinus always renders ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Unitatem Unity very erroneously That Learned man hath committed the same mistake who has done into Latine the Fragments of Ephraemius Bishop of Antioch which are extant in Photius's Bibliotheca But why Christophorson who every where renders ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Copulationem Copulation should at this place translate it otherwise I know not Johannes Langus Nicephorus's Translatour renders it thus In Unione confusionem non inducimus We induce not a confusion in the Union Exactly right if you add a Syllable in this manner in Unitione in the Unition For the term Unio though it be now a days frequently used in the Schools of Philosophers and Divines is a barbarous word when 't is taken for Unition For Unio in Latine signifies Unitatem Unity as may be proved from Tertullian Jerome Prudentius Pope Simplicius and others Let therefore those Zoili Carpers or Censurers cease reproving of us because in the Letter of Alexander Bishop of Alexandria which is recorded by Socrates book 1. chap. 6 we have translated ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Union For we did that from the use and propriety of the Latine Tongue which they being wholly ignorant of thought that Unio Union was nothing else but Unitionem Unition But betwixt Unio and Unitio there is as much difference as between ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Union or Unity there is nothing but what is simple or single But in Unition something compounded of two is necessarily understood 'T is certain the Old Translatour of the Chalcedon Synod always renders ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Unition or adunation Vales. * Or Shall not â Or So as we are â Sublimity or Eminency * Or Being both at the same time â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Nicephorus 't is truer written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. But I had rather read thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã being understood or rather existing c. Nor do I doubt but the Emperour Justinus wrote so as I have said For he reproves himself because he had said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã being understood as if the difference of the two Natures in Christ were in the understanding only and did not really exist Vales. â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Form fashion state d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Nicephorus the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã understand ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the very Flesh. Which reading is not tollerable For Christ had not a proper subsistency in the Flesh but before he assumed Flesh he had a proper subsistency in regard he was the second person of the Sacred Trinity Nevertheless if any one be minded to defend Nicephorus's reading I shall not much gainsay it For it more fitly coheres with the words preceding The sense therefore is this that the Son of God who had a proper subsistency from all Eternity having assumed Flesh subsisted therein personally Vales. * Points or Opinions e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. I am of the same mind with the Learned who have long since mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for the c. Although Nicephorus has retained the vulgar reading Vales. â Sent forth f ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The first word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã persons is used on account of Nestorius's Heresie who asserted two persons in Christ the one of man the other of the Word But the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Syllables was annext on account of the Futychians and Acephali who affirmed that Christ consisted of two Natures before the Unition but after the Unition they asserted but one Nature in him On the other hand the Catholicks adored Christ in two Natures Those Syllables therefore are ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Which though they are different yet if they be rightly understood do both aim at one and the same Faith and Opinion as Justinus adds See Evagrius above at book 1. chap. 1 note c. Further this Edict was promulged by Justinus Junior on the first year of his Empire to wit the year of Christ 566 as Baronius remarks than which Edict Justinus conferred nothing more upon the Catholick Church but satisfying himself in having only expounded the Orthodox Faith he in future prohibited disputes about the Nestorian and Eutychian Opinion and permitted every one to think of these matters according to his own arbitrement From this Edict therefore followed no advantage as Evagrius observes truly Wherefore Johannes Biclariensis said amiss in his Chronicon whose words concerning Justinus Junior are these Qui Justinus anno primo Regni fui Which Justinus in the first year of his Reign destroyed those things which had been devised against the Chalcedon Synod And suffered the Creed of the Holy Fathers of the Church convened at Constantinople which Creed had been laudably received in the Chalcedon Synod to have entrance and to be sung by the people in every Catholick Church before the Lords Prayer was to be repeated Biclariensis attributes those things to Justinus Junior which rather befitted Justinus Senior Vales. â Scheme or State * Or Antioch â Or Blasphemy against himself a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Nicephorus in regard he understood not these words omitted them as may be seen in book 17. chap. 36. For he his exprest this place of Evagrius thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But 't was said that Justinus was angry with him because he refused to give him money when
ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã interwoven Indeed in the Fuketian Manuscript I found it written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and a little after the same Copy and Turnebus read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã By these words Eusebius shews that that Flag or Sail was square For an equall measure of length and breadth does necessarily make a square figure Indeed in the old Coyns of Constantine and the following Princes this Flag is to be seen in that figure I have mentioned Christophorson therefore has rendred this place ill in this manner I stud igitur velamen ad cornu affixum longitudinis latitudinisque crucis mensuram penitus exaequavit Vales. d The meaning is that that Spear from its basis to the Antenna or Cross-piece fixed athwart it was far longer than from the Antenna to its very top And this also may be discerned in the Coyns This place may likewise have another meaning viz. that that Spear was of a very great length from its bottome to the top Vales. e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is Painted or Embroidered with a variety of Colours For that purple Flag which hung at the Antenna was adorned with Gold and various sorts of Stones But I can't imagine what Christophorson meant who has rendred these words of Eusebius in this manner ad texturae discurrentis fimbrias unless he read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must be written in two words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã no other S r Henry Savil at the margin of his Copy hath mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Fuketian Manuscript has it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã At this place Euseblus seems to have made use of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For there is no doubt but he means the Bishops because a little after he adds these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. and having made those Prelates of God his Assesours c. Vales. * Or What was the meaning of that Sign of the Vision which appeared c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã What the import of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is in the writings of the holy Fathers we have sufficiently noted at book 1. chap. 1. of Eusebius's Ecolcs History For whatever Christ as man performed in the flesh in order to the salvation of men that is comprehended in the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Therefore Christophorson's rendition of this place is not good who has turned it thus Christi inter homines oeconomiam the oeconomic of Christ amongst men Nor does ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifie amongst men but rather agreeable to men that is in an humane manner and fashion So Gregorius Nyssenus in his Epistle to Eustathia and Ambrosia ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or The Menace of Tyrannick fire a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The place is imperfect as 't is evident with Christophorson we have perfected it from the fourteenth chapter of the eighth Book of his Eccles. History In the Kings Sheets this place is supplied at the margin in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. In the Fuketian Manuscript 't is written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Moreover having parted Wives from their Husbands be sent them back to their Husbands Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The first word must be expunged But the following words are maimed and corrupted which 't is hard to make good without the assistance of the Manuscript Copies Yet it may be read in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã he was unable to find out a saticty or satisfaction for his own Lusts. A little after this the reading in the Fuketian and S r Henry Savils Copy is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For they chose sooner c. Vales. c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must as I think be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to death For so our Eusebius expresses himself in book 8 chap. 14 where he treats concerning the wickednesses of Maximinus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã others haled away to be ravished were more ready to part with their lives than yield up their bodies to be defiled Vales. â Or Sacrificed * Or As those of our age do record never to have hapned at Rome or any where else * Or Devices a In Robert Stephens's Edition there was a whole line wanting here which we have supplied from the Fuketian Savilian and Turnebian Copies But 't was easie to have made up this defect without Manuscript Copies from book 9. chap. 9. of Eusebius's Eccles. History Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Morauâ's Copy the last word is expunged as superfluous But I am afraid that some words are wanting here S r Henry Savil at the margin of his Copy notes that 't is to be made good thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of his aid or some such like expression In the Copy of Hadrian Turnebus 't is mended in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But that madman but this emendation is written in a more modern hand to wit the hand of Odo Turnebus For Hadrianus had expunged the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as superfluous Vales. * Psal. 7. 16 17. * Exod. 15. 1 2 11. * Or Eyes a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã with a great Picture In Eusebius's Panegyrick on Constantine's Tricennalia the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and with a Loud Voice which in my judgment is to be preferred Further at these words I began a new chapter following the Authority of the King 's and Fuketian Manuscripts to which agree the old Sheets Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The reading is truer in the Panegyrick ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and by plainly Engraving c. A little after this the Fuketian and Savilian Manuscripts add a word in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which he hath demonstrated to be the preservative c. Vales. â Or True Cognizance of Valour * Or Partake of a Regeneration of a fresh and new life * Or Shown to â Or Edict was a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I think it must be made ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Veneration and honour Turnebus in the margin of his Copy had mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and so 't is written in the Fuketian Manuscript In the Kings Sheets the adverb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is blotted out and in its place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã them is written above Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã At this place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã signifies not the countenance and form as Christophorson thought but the Garb and Dress Wherefore I have exprest both in my Rendition which I afterwards found had been done by Portesius also The Garb and Dress of Prelates was at that time very mean as Amm.
ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is I have been given to understand as Musculus renders it or It has been told me Vales. g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Understand ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a Citizen which word Christophorson perceived not was to be repeated in common Now ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã does not only signifie a person born in some City but rather such a one as has his residence in a City and is enrolled amongst the Citizens whether he may have been born there or elsewhere Vales. h Athanasius says the same in his Book de Synodis Arimini Seleuciae that this George namely who was afterwards Bishop of Laodicea had first been ordained Presbyter by Alexander Bishop of Alexandria but was afterwards deposed by the same Alexander because of his impiety In his Apologetick also against Constantius pag. 728 he writes that the same person was deposed by Alexander which very thing is plainly confirmed by the Fathers of the Sardican Council in their Synodick Letter The same Athanasius in the same Book de Synodis pag. 886 attests that this George resided at Antioch Further from the Kings Sheets I have pointed this place thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã whom Alexander and so Musculus points the place Vales. i This place seems to me to be imperfect which is in my judgment thus to be made good ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which reading I have followed in my Version By ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã these men he means the foresaid Euphronius and Georgius Of whom Euphronius was afterwards Bishop of Antioch and immediate successour to Eustathius as Socrates and Sozomen doe relate and also Theodorus Mopsuestenus in Nicetas's Thesaurus Orthodox fidei But this Georgius was as I have said afterwards Bishop of Laodicea In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Further 't is to be noted that men who were Arians are here by Constantine commended for persons that were Orthodox either because as yet they concealed their Heresie or else in regard the Arians had possest themselves of the Emperour's ear and mind Vales. k ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christophorson perceived nothing here The term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in elections imports thus much to propose or publickly to produce the name of some person that it may be inquired whether he be worthy of that Office the debate about which is in agitation Which very thing Constantine in his Letter to the people of Antioch expresses by the verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was followed by an Examination then the Election and last of all the Ordination or Consecration See Socrates's Eccles. Hist. book 1. chap. 9. note f. Vales. * Matt. 7. 15 16. * Or Instruction â Or Salvation â ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Valesius renders it he Preaches * Or Perfect â Or Vanity amongst you is c. â Contained in or beset with a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Savil and Turneb Copies I found it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã rejoycing in according as Scaliger Christophorson and others found it in their Copies Vales. Valesius renders it reâerta stust on what account I know not * Or Mischiefs â Or Activity b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Perhaps it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã negligence and forgetfulness In the Fuk. Savil. and Turneb Copies the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã delay A little after from the Fuketian Copy I write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by a publick animadversion Vales. In Robert Stephens 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Disorderly a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The first word must be expunged as superfluous In the Fuketian Savil and Turnebian Copies the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã perhaps it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that the Conventicles shall wholly be taken away Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christophorson did ill in rendring it diruta pull'd down For Constantine does not order the Churches of Hereticks to be pull'd down but to be taken from them and given to the Catholick Church There are the like Constitutions of the Emperours in the Theodosian Code in the Title de Hâreticis Further from this Law of Constantine the Novatianists had before been excepted as 't is apparent from the second Law in the same Title But in this last Sanction of Constantine they are included together with the other Hereticks and Schismaticks Vales. c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The reading in the Fuketian Copy is truer thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is the proper term to denote this thing The Latines in one word call it colligere as may be proved by many instances Whence they term that Collecta which in Greek is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Optatus in his Second Book where he speaks concerning the Bishops of the Donatists in the City Rome has this passage Sed quia quibusdam Asriâ urbica placuerat commoratio hinc a vobis profecti Videâantur ipsi petierunt ut aliquis hinc qui illos colligeret mitteretur And a little after Non enim Grex aât populus appellandi fuerant pauci qui intra quadraginta quod excurrit basiâicas locum ubi colligerent non habebant Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christophorson understood not this word it was usually added to the laws and Constitutions of Princes and sometimes in their own hand So in Theodosius's Novell de reddito Jure armorum it occurs Et Manu divind Proponatur amantissimo nostri populo Rom And at the side Data 8. Calend. Julias Romae Valentiniano Anatolio Coss. See book 2. chap. 42. note h. After the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã herefore in the Greek a point is placed in the Kings Copy which is well done In the Fuketian Copy the verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is wanting Vales. * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it properly signifies a company of Souldiers hid in any place in order to their attacking the Enemy at unawares a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Kings Copy this term is thus explained in the margin ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã acting the Hypocrites Vales. b Therefore besides the above said Letter of Constantine to the Hereticks there was another Law which ordered the books of Hereticks to be found out and burnt or else this Letter produced by Eusebius is not entire Further the reading should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã And because and a little after ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which is the reading in the Fuketian Copy and must be rejected though by what chance I know not it has crept into our Edition Vales. â Or Inquisition * Or Feignedly â Or A pure mind c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For that Bishop is properly said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who holds a religious assembly The ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are the Laicks who come together into
the margin of Moraeus's Copy But whereas they are not either in the Kings or Fuketian Copy or in Robert Stephen's-Edition there is no reason which may compel us to add them here And perhaps it must be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that term being brought hither which occurs in the foregoing line Farther this Disputation of Constantine is in my judgment designed against Porphyrius or some other Graecian Philosophers who objected this against the Christians because they asserted that Christ was crucified and put to death by men For thus they argued against the Christians If Christ be God how could Force and Violence have been made use of against Him by men in regard 't is plain that men are able to do nothing against God Vales. In this Edition of Valesius's the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is left out by a mistake of the Press I suppose for 't is in Stephens * Or Disturbed h ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So Constantine calls the Apostles who nevertheless ' tis-manifest were illiterate and unskilfull persons So also lower in this chapter he terms the same persons ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is men endued with an excellent wit It was indeed Constantine's Sentiment that we were to think honourably of the Apostles whom the Church had so high a veneration for But the holy Fathers speak far otherwise concerning the Apostles and especially John Chrysostome who confesses that the Apostles were persons wholly ignorant and unskilfull and from thence âetches a most cogent argument in confirmation of the Christian faith that illiterate men had prevailed upon the Philosophers that the meanest sort of Fishermen of Judaea had perswaded the Romans who were Conquerours of the world to worship a person that was Crucified Constantine repeats the same thing hereafter Vales. â That is God's Clemency i ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã This term seems to be used instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and we have rendred it accordingly The meaning of this place is to be fetcht from a passage which occurs hereafter in this chapter where Constantine expresses himself thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But this is the eminentest gift of Thy Clemency that Thou hast rendred men indued with a good c. For these two places borrow light one from the other In the Fuk. Turneb and Savil. Copies the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. â Or Administring justice k From these words a new chapter is begun in Robert Stephen's Edition and in the Kings Copy wherein these words are set at some little distance from the words foregoing But in the excellent Fuketian Manuscript and in the Sheets there is no distinction made here Vales. l ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather write it adverbially ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and have rendred it so And thus I found it plainly written in the Fuketian Copy Vales. m ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã At this place ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is taken in the same sense wherein manet amongst the Latines is sometimes used as when 't is said te manet Capitolina palmata that is is provided for Thee Graecians take the verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the same sense So in Constantius's Letter to the Alexandrians which Athanasius records in his Apologetick to the Emperour Constantius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Nevertheless the Learned have from their own Copies long since mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã may expect or wait which emendation I found in the Books of Turnebus and S r Henry Savil. The Fuketian Copy has ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã come upon them Vales. * Or Modestest n He means the Decree of God concerning the assuming manhood or concerning the Incarnation by which the life of men was repaired 'T is apparent therefore that the Chapters are well digested by us unless any one should have a mind to make the tenth chapter reach to these words which I should willingly yield to Vales. â Or Birth o ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Robert Stephens in those various Readings which he has remarked at the close of his Edition gives notice that in some Copies this place is read thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã who is dear to him that is to God Which doubtless is the true writing For Constantine sayes that the manner of a Natural Generation is known to all but that very few know the way of the Divine Generation those namely whom God shall have a peculiar affection for In the Kings Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But in the Sheets 't is written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But the Fuk. Savil. and Turneb Copies give the true reading Vales. p ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Geneva-men did ill in admitting the two last words into the Text from the conjecture of Scaliger as 't is noted at the margin But 't is plain enough that they are to be rejected For they both disturb the whole meaning of this place and also occur not in the Manuscript-Copies Vales. q ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Christophorson saw nothing at this place But 't was obvious to have been observed that the reading here ought to be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For here Constantine compares the Son with preservation and the Father with the Preserver As therefore the Father is the Cause of the Son but the Son the Effect or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So the preserver is the Cause of the safety of all things but safety is the Effect or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the Preserver Vales. r The ancient Divines those especially amongst the Greeks affirmed that one person in the Trinity God the Father namely was the Cause but that the other Two to wiâ the Son and Holy Spirit were the Causata i. e. the Effects So Athanasius in Quaestion Secund. chap. 11. and 12. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But the Son is not the Cause but the Causatum So also Johannes Damascenus in his first Book de Imaginibus not far from the Beginning Imago say he Dei invisibilis est ipse Filius The Image of the invisible God is the Son Himself who bears the Father in Himself and is in all things the same with Him save in this one that He is from Him as from the Cause For the Natural Cause is the Father from which the Son proceeds Also Gregory Nazianzen in Orat. 29 which is de Dogmate does in express words assert that the Father is the Cause of the Son and of the Holy Spirit But amongst the Latines Marius Victorinus has exprest himself in the same manner in his first Book against Arius Vales. s ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Our Copies varie not here Yet I would rather read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is of the Lord's Advent Vales. * Or Approach to a worldly Body â Or Birth â Or Sense t ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must I think be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as Christophorson read For Constantine alludes to that place of
Magi are not in the Sacred Volumes said to accuse Daniel But the Presidents and Princes Nor is he called Cambyses who ordered Daniel to be cast to the wild-beasts but Darius the Median concerning whom the Opinions of Chronologers are various For most of them will have him to be Cyaxares son to Astiages But Scaliger affirms him to be Nabonnidus to whose opinion our Petavius agrees The consent of which two persons I value highly For whereas they are wont to dissent in most things whereever we see them agree it is the greatest Argument of Truth Nevertheless Abydenus in his History of the Assyrians seems to contradict their Opinion For he writes that Nabuchodonosor inspired by God a little before his death foretold the Babylonians that not long after their City should be ruined For that Mulus the Persian should come who should put the yoak of slavery on them But that Medus the glory of the Assyrians should be his Assistant in the besieging of that City For so I render these words of Abydenus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 'T is certain the Greek words have no other import than that which I have mentioned Now if Medus was Cyrus's Companion and Assistant in besieging Babylon and in reducing it to slavery then Medus is not Nabonnidus But Scaliger who will have Darius Medus to be Nabonnidus does thus explain Abydenus's words that by Medus's fault that Calamity would befal the Babylonians But Abydenus has not said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã by which term is signified a Society and Communion of some fact with another person So the Son of God is termed ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã because together with the Father He is the Authour of all things 'T is therefore plain from Abydenus's words that Medus is not Nabonnidus Vales. i ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather write it in the Nominative Case thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For a Prayer c. The meaning is so great is the power of prayer that it tameth the most savage Beasts Indeed in the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Vales. * Or Attempted k ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy and in the Sheets 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Ready to mention c. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Fuketian Copy and Kings Sheets have it written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Testimonies which is righter For Constantine does not produce only one Testimony but two Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I embrace the amendment of Learned men which I also found in Moraeus's Copy ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã was the Priestess of Apollo So indeed 't is in the Fuketian Copy and in the Sheets Vales. c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He had better have said ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Places in Heathen-Temples which no body went into but the Priests d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Whatever persons amongst the Christian Writers produced the Oracles of the Sibylls in confirmation of the Christian Faith they were constrained to say the same concerning the Sibylls which Constantine does here namely that being inspired by a Divine Spirit they uttered predictions concerning Christ. So Justin in his Paraenesis to the Graecians ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But 't will be easie for us to learn the true worship of God in part from the Old Sibyll who from some powerfull inspiration teaches us by Oracles c. Agreeably whereto S t Augustine writes in his de Civitate Dei B. 18. Chap. 23 and S t Jerome in his first Book against Jovinianus For he says that Divination was by God allowed to the Sibylls as a reward of their Virginity And S t Austin is not afraid of enrolling them in the City of God But Gregory Nazianzene in his Poem to Nemesius says that Hermes Trismegistus and Sibylla whatever they predicted concerning God did not forâââââ those things by Divine Inspiration but had them out of the Sacred Books of the Hebrews which they had incidently perused ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Indeed Gregory of Nazianzum and those most Holy Fathers of the Church did believe that those verses were really composed by the Sibylls whereas notwithstanding they were made by idle people and published for the Sibyll's Verses about the times of the Emperour Hadrian 'T is certain no writer ancienter than Justin has made mention of them And Celsus who as we have shown above lived in the Empire of Marcus Antoninus affirms that the Christians had forged and inserted many passages into the Sibylline Verses Origen records his words in B. 7. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I know indeed that Origen denâes this For thus he answers Celsus that he ought to produce ancienter Copies of the Sibylline Verses wherein those verses which he said had been inserted by the Christians were not in any wise to be found It might doubtless have been easie for Celsus to do that and by this argument to have evinced the falsity of those verses But there are other arguments whereby this may be proved For if the Sibyll's Predictions concerning Christ had been so clear why has not S t Paul made use of Her Testimony in his Epistles and when he spoke to the Athenians especially in regard he disdained not to cite Aratus and other Heathen Poets Doubtless if the Sibyll had written this Acrostick concerning Christ there is no reason why we should scruple to reckon Her amongst the Prophets and even in the first place For none of the Ancient Hebrew-Prophets wrote so clearly and distinctly of Christ as are these verses of the Sibyll produced by Constantine And yet neither Origen nor any of the Holy Fathers ever allowed this that the Sibylls should be reckoned amongst the Prophets yea they esteemed those who believed thus to be Hereticks and termed them Sibyllistae as Origen informs us in his fifth Book against Celsus Where he answers Celsus who had objected that the Christians were divided into several Sects for that some of them were Psychici others Spiritales that some of them worshipped the God of the Jews others did not that some were Sibyllistae c. His words are these ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * I had at first resolved to have put these Greek Verses into an English Acrostick that is to have made every verse begin with one of the Letters of these words Jesus Christ Son of God Saviour Cross in their due order as they do in the Original agreeably whereto Valesius Musculus Christophorson and Curterius have done them into Latine Verse But on tryal I found it a thing very difficult at least to me to be well performed in our Language Besides I judged it a matter of less consequence to omit the Acrostick than to give the Reader a lame and imperfect Version of the Original Which must necessarily have been done had I been tied up to begin every Verse with one of those particular Letters e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã
was the first who believed in God whence he had the Name of the Father of Believers Vales. * Or Our Ladies vose ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I embrace S r Henry Savils conjecture who at the margin of his Book has noted that perhaps it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Following â Or Enlargement m ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Praeposition must be added which by mistake was omitted in Robert Stephens's Edition thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For so 't is written in the Kings Sheets and in Turnebus's and Moraeus's Book But I am better pleased with that reading which is proposed from the Books of Scaliger and Bongarsius which I likewise found in the Fuketian Copy viz. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is a Verb proper to the Platonick Philosophy out oâ which several passages in many places of this Oration are taken Hence comes the Sensus Anagogicus the Mystick Sense which occurs frequently in Proclus and that saying of Plotinus extolled by Synesius ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. n ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I write therefore ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã those who on God's which emendation is most undoubtedly certain Constantine explains that Verse of Virgil's Et durae quercus sudabunt roscida mella He says therefore that by this verse is meant those who undergo most sore labours for God's cause or on God's account shall receive most sweet fruit of their Labours Vales. * Exercised or made use of o ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I like Portesius's Version who renders it Poeticae Licentiam better than Christophorson's who translates it poeticam facultatem as Musculus had likewise rendred it For Graecians term that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which the Latines call Poeticam Licentiam Poetick Licence as I remember it frequently occurs in Themistius Further the Old Sheets begin a new chapter here from these words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Incomparably well Thou wisest of Poets Which in my judgment is better Here therefore the twentieth chapter is to be placed Vales. p ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy and Tâânebus's Book this place is written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But S r Henry Savil had mended it in his Copy ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. q ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Who sees not that it should be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. In the third verse from hence I read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is understood Vales. * After this verse there is one of Virgils verses left out in this quotation of Constantine's this namely Robustus quoque jam tauris juga Solvet Arator that is Nor shall his Steers the brawny Tiller yoak Besides this some other verses are left out hereafter in this quotation r ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã as 't is in the Sheets For ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is an elegant phrase I also write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in a word by it self as 't is in the Fuketian Copy A little after I would rather reade ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the Imperative For 't is a rendition of this Verse of Virgil's Aspice convexo nutantem pondere mundum Vales. s ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In Moraeus's Book the Learned man hath mended it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But neither is the Verse made good this way Wherefore I should rather reade ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For these words are spoken in the Optative Mood In the following Verse write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã from Moraeus's Book This Amendment admits of no doubt But concerning the former we must think further For that place may I think be restored with less trouble if you alter the punctation only in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Nothing more certain ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is put for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã without the Verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Further the Reader is to be acquainted that all these Verses of Virgil as well in the Fuketian Copy as in the Sheets are not written from the head but the first words only of every Verse are severed some little space from the preceding Which is therefore done because these Verses are not recited without intermission but with frequent interlocutions of Constantine's Vales. * Or Immense a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and have rendred it accordingly Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian and Turneb Copies 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã For Nature c. Vales. c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Robert Stephens was the first that published this Verse in this manner from conjecture as I suppose For in the Kings Sheets and the Fuketian Copy it is written thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. From which words it was most easie to restore the true reading of this place Thus therefore I mend it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Than which emendation there is nothing more certain Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Neither Constantine nor the Greek Translatour apprehended the true meaning of Virgil's words For he understood them in this manner as if Virgil had said that the Parents had not smiled on the child nor had a God taken him to his Table nor a Goddess to her Bed Constantine supposed that that verse of Virgil Incipe parve puer cui non risere parentes c. was to be read in one breath without any distinction or stop whereas nevertheless after the word puer a point is to be set a thing which even Boyes know Christophorson because he perceived not this interpolated Constantine's following words by adding a Negative against the mind of the Authour and contrary to the Authority of all Copies Farther in the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which is truer if I mistake not Indeed in the Sheets 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 'T is apparent to any one that it ought to be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. In the Fuketian Copy 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. f ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã By the Holy Spirit Constantine seems to mean the Divinity or the Divine Nature as we have already remarked in the foregoing chapter For he explains those words translated out of Virgil ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which are spoken of Christ not concerning the Holy Spirit Therefore at this place I chose to render it the Spirit of God rather than the Holy Spirit as Portesius and Christophorson have done Vales. * Void of or has no part in â Love or longing g From these words it appears that that mistake which we have taken notice of above was not committed by
the Government of the Universe he does indeed say that the Son holds the principal place but that he has the Second place in the Kingdom of His Father ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã You see that ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã that is the Kingdom of the Universe is opposed to the Kingdom of God the Father To ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã therefore ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ought also to be opposed Seconly ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is not Greek Lastly Eusebius in his Books of Demonstrat Evang. does always term the Son the Second Cause And in Book 5. Chap. 4. Demonstrat Evang. he says ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Proceeds forth on the outside CHAP. II. a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã This place is in my judgment thus to be restored ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã continues to Reign together with His Father from ages which want a beginning to infinite and endless ages But Our Emperour dear to Him c. Vales. b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 'T is not clearly enough made out what this Surname of a Divine appellation should be wherewith Constantine was honoured and signalized Does Eusebius mean the name of Victor which was given to Constantine as we have remark't above Or rather the surname of Maximus which is proper to God The very Name Constantine may also be meant the import whereof is He that is Now the Sacred Scriptures do inform us that this is the proper Name of God Lastly we may here understand the surname of Christianus Christian an appellation which Constantine loved most entirely Vales. * Or Saviour c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I read with the Translatour ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã for His Kingdom Vales. * Or Stuck upon the c. â Or The Word d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is wanting which is the truer reading Vales. * Or Quires â Or Churches * Or Three periods of Decads e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is corrupted in place whereof what term should be substituted I don't know Unless the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã will please For he praises Constantine because he would not admit the Ethnick Oratours to his Decennalia Vales. â Or Imperial Houses f ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã These words ought to be expunged which are not set in their due place here but must be put in lower in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã giving confirmation to his piety c. There is nothing more certain than this Emendation nor did the Translatour read otherwise as 't is apparent from his Version Wherefore this seems to be a mistake of the Printer This our Emendation was long afterwards confirmed to us by the Fuketian Copy wherein 't was exactly written as I had conjectured save only that 't is there worded ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and wholly devoting himself c. Vales. g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must be made ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã before all other or first Vales. CHAP. III. * See the Prologue to this Oration note b. â Or Large a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã These words as far as ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are wanting in the Fuketian Copy and in the most ancient Palatine Copy as the Geneva-men have told us Vales. Valesius takes no notice of this clause either in the Greek Text of his Edition or in his Version In Curterius's translation of this Oration for I have not the Geneva-Edition by me it is worded thus Et velut plantae florenti virentique temporum incrementa donata b ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in the first Decade of his Imperial period If we make a more exact enquiry into the thing it will be found false that Constantine Junior was created Caesar by his Father in the first Decennium ten years of Constantine's Empire For Constantine Junior was created Caesar by his Father in the Consulate of Gallicanus and Bassus on the Calends of March in the year of Christ 317. This was the eleventh year of Constantine's Reigne Wherefore Constantine Junior was not created Caesar within the first Decennium but within the second rather This place of Eusebius must therefore be favourably interpreted and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã must be taken for ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã about c. Vales. * Or Heritage c ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Emperour Constantine published his Tricennalia in the Consulate of Constantius and Albinus on the eight of the Calends of August which day began the thirtieth year of his Empire From this day therefore in the foresaid persons Consulate on the year of Christ 335 began the fourth Decennalian period of Constantine's Empire according to the computation of Eusebius whereas nevertheless it ought rather to begin from the following year namely his thirty first year But these things are not wont to be so exactly cast up by Orators Vales. â Or Society d He means Dalmatius and Hanniballianus the former of whom was declared Caesar the other King by Constantine in the thirtieth year of his Empire on the fifteenth of the Calends of October as it occurs in Idatius's Fasti. Saint Jerome in the Chronicon tells us that Dalmatius was made Caesar in Constantine's Tricennalia Where he has made use of the term Tricennalia instead of the thirtieth year of his Empire whereas nevertheless Tricennalia is properly the first day of his thirtieth year For the Roman Emperours celebrated their Quinquennalia Decennalia and Vicennalia on the first day of the fifth tenth and twentieth year of their Empire For these words signifie nothing else but the Natalis Birth-day of the Empire which was celebrated with the greatest Pomp and Festivity every recurring fifth and tenth year Now this Festivity lasted one or two days in which time the Ludi Circenses and Theatrales were exhibited Therefore whereas Dalmatius was not created Caesar on the eighth of the Calends of August which day began the thirtieth year of Constantine's Empire Saint Jerome has exprest himself improperly who has told us that that Caesar was created in Constantine's Tricennalia Our Eusebius does here more truly place that after his Tricennalia the fourth Decennalian period of Constantine's Empire now beginning For after the celebration of the Tricennalia they began a new period as if the thirtieth year which was but just begun had been now finished And as Lawyers are wont to say that in dignities a begun-year is accounted for a compleat one so also they were wont to do in the Quinquennalia Decennalia and the other Festivals of this sort Thus the place in Amm. Marcellinus's fourteenth Book is to be understood where he speaks concerning Constantius's Tricennalia in these words Arelate hiemem agens Constantius post Theatrales Ludos atque Circenses ambitioso editos apparatu die 6. idus Octobris qui Imperii ejus annum tricesimum terminabat c. For Amm. Marcellinus has undoubtedly made use of
as it occurs in the very close of the ninth Chapter where nevertheless the Fuketian Copy words it in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I don't doubt but it should be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã contain a reason which is not equally apparent and manifest to all persons Which Emendation is confirmed by the words of Eusebius that follow presently All persons says he are not acquainted with the reasons of those Works which You have with great magnificence built near the Sepulchre of Our Lord. For the Christians do indeed know them and on that account do greatly admire You. But the Heathens deride such works as those The reading therefore in the Fuketian Copy is ill thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Vales. * Or Deified e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He means Christ as the Translatour has well noted at the margin These words are spoken by Eusebius with an intent to personate the Heathens who when the Christians objected to them the Adulteries quarrells slaughters death and also Sepulchres of their Gods and Hero's answered in this manner If our Gods are to be rejected and despised on account of such humane Calamities as these Your God is in like manner to be rejected also whom you confess to have been condemned to have been dead and buried Vales. ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I should choose to write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. For this seems to me more elegant But the ordinary reading has the same sense but 't is not so expressive nor so elegant Nevertheless he expresses himself so hereafter in this chapter A little after I read ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Schools and places of Instruction not ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Doctrines Vales. * Matth. 11. 28. â Matth. 9. 13. â Matth. 9. 12. * Or The Martyrium of salutary immortality g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Without doubt it must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and a little after as the words are plac't in the Greek ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and so the Translatour seems to have read who renders it thus Rerum pie religiosè abâ te gestarum rationes Gausasque hoc praesenti sermone explicare constitui But he has rendred the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ill which does here signifie Fabricks or Edifices which by the Latines are termed Opera Works For here Eusebius does manifestly treat concerning that Church which Constantine had built at Jerusalem in a most magnificent and admirable manner Further this passage does plainly confirm Our Emendation at note d. in this chapter ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. ' ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã You must add the word ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He cloathed Himself with the humane Nature which word is ill placed in the foregoing line This Emendation is confirmed by the Fuketian Copy Vales. * Changed or transferred ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Translatour renders it Nisi Verbo Dei in Lucem editae fuissent unless they had been brought to light by the Word of God But this rendition is not expressive enough of the propriety of the Greek Term. Wherefore I would rather render it Nisi Verbo Dei adstitissent unless they had stood by the Word of God For 't is a Metaphor taken from Servants who when their Lord calls are at hand presently Therefore this verb ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã is a fit word to be used concerning the Creation of the World For the Lord said Let there be made and they were made Farther I have mended this place from the Fuketian Copy For whereas the reading before was ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I have corrected it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. â Or Contemning or neglecting * Archâ-Roofs â Places for Exercise or Schools â A long Garment worn by Philosophers k ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã So also 't is in the Fuketian Copy instead of ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. l ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã He terms the Son's power a middle power between God the Father and things created not that the Virtue and power of the Son is different from the Virtue and power of the Father For Eusebius does plainly call it here the Divine power of the Son But He gives it the name of Middle because the Father does nothing by Himself but all things by the Son Therefore ancient Divines attributed the Monarchy to the Father but the Administration or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã to the Son as Tertullian informs us in his Book against Praxeââ See the Twelfth Chapter where he does again term the Son the Middle and a certain Bond as 't were whereby things Created are coupled with the unbegotten Father And least any one should think that Eusebius deserves to be reproved here Alexander Bishop of Alexandria in his Epistle to Alexander Bishop of Constantinople expresses himself in the very same manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Eusebius Book 1. against Sabellius declares the same thing at large Non quia non sufficiebat Pater ideo genuit Filium c. Not because the Father was not sufficient therefore He begat the Son but because those things which were made were not sufficient to bear the power of Him unborn Therefore He speaks by a Mediatour Why Because we could not approach Him unborn Nevertheless Athanasius refutes these assertions incomparably well in his third Oration against the Arians pag. 397. Vales. m ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Doubtless it must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã we have rendred it accordingly Vales. * Or descended and mixt Himself with this c. n ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã You will render this passage very clear and perspicuous if you add a particle in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or if there be c. The meaning is For whether the Elements have their proper substance or whether there be one and the same matter in them all c. Vales. â Or The running together into one of c. o ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c or at least ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which latter reading we have followed Vales. â Or Manner * ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I reade it in one word thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and have rendred it accordingly Eusebius makes use of the same word above Vales. p ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I had rather point it thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and having made them both and have rendred it accordingly Vales. q ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and void of reason I would rather say ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã which I have followed in my Version Vales. r ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The two last words must be expunged which crept in hither from the upper line It might also be written ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã the Generations and corruptions Vales. s ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã It must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Which
is required by the Rules of Syntax Vales. â Or A most wise and rational power or faculty t ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã They are terms properly belonging to Musick concerning which besides other Authours see Boëthius de Musicâ Book 1. Chap. 24 and 25 where he treats concerning the Synaphe and the Diazeuxis But the Translatour has rendred it Lapides âroâtatos i. e. Stones that are smoothed on both sides and are even with the thickness of the wall and are seen on both sides Than which rendition there is nothing more absurd Instead of the term ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã it should I thinke be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Tones or Notes I had almost forgot to give notice that at the beginning of this period the reading should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã c. Vales. Concerning the term Diatones see Boëthius's forementioned Book Chap. 21 the Title of which chapter is De generibus Cantilenarum u ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the reading is truer thus ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã invented the Nature of Swimming Creatures Vales. â Children w ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The Translatour renders it modo herbarum formis cujusquemodi illustrando sometimes by illustrating it with all sorts of forms of herbs Which Rendition I don't approve of In my judgment Eusebius does rather mean the various figures of Countries For Europe has one sort of figure Asia another Africa another Now in these parts of the world all Provinces have their figures which God the Framer of this Universe hath given them having divided the world like a most pleasant garden into various Bedds By this term may also be meant the different Dresses and Garbs of the Earth For sometimes the Earth is green with grass at others 't is yellow with Corn here 't is shady with woods there 't is pleasant with Gardens Vales. x ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã I think it must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã That is But why do I presume c which manner of Expression is very emphatical when the Oratour does as 't were stop and chide Himself In the Fuketian Copy 't is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Vales. * Or Powers â Or Roll'd up CHAP. XII a ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The words seem to be misplaced and are to be restored in this manner ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã But the Divine Doctrine does assert that c. Vales. b The Ancients distinguished the Aether from the heaven and by that name of Aether meant the Element of Fire So Anaxagoras as Aristotle tells us in his third Book de âoelo whom almost all persons did afterwards follow except the Peripateticks For the Peripateticks termed the substance of Heaven Aether See Aristotle de Mundo and affirmed that was a fifth Element The same is asserted by Heraclides in Allegoriis Homeri Peripatetici says he Aiunt naturam Caelestium corporum aliam esse ab igne c. The peripateticks do say that the Nature of the Celestial Bodies is different from fire and do term it ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã a nature that moves circularly and say that it is a fifth Element For fire which in Greek is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã does naturally move upwards but the Sun and Moon do not But the Stoïcks also themselves called the Element of fire Aether and thought that it was the principal part or the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã of the whole world Censorinus or whoever else is the Authours speakes to this effect in Chap. 1. de Naturali Institutione Mundi Principale Solem quidâm putant ut Cleanthes c. Some think the Sun to be the Principal of the world as Cleanthes and Chrysippus the Aether by whose perpetual motion the things under it are held and administred And the Aether it self suffers nothing So also Eusebius uses it below in this chapter and S t Austin in his 147 th Sermon de Tempore Vales. c Not that the Son is not the true God but because the Name of God doth properly belong to the Father in regard he is the Fountain and Authour of the Deity But whereas Our Eusebius in his Epistle to Euphration hath said that the Son is not the true God as Athanasius and the Fathers of the seventh Synod do object against him that is in no wise to be born with For although the Father be properly termed God so that whenever God is simply and absolutely spoken we presently understand the Father nevertheless the Son is no less truly God than the Father in regard the Divinity of the Father and of the Son is one and the Same 'T is certain Eusebius in his First Book against Marcellus de Ecclesiasticâ Theologiâ Chap. 10. has expressely affirmed that the Son is the true God Although in the following Chapter he does a little diminish from what he had said above The words of Christ in S t John's Gospel Chap. 17. v. 3. are these This is Life eternal that they might know Thee the only true God and Jesus Christ whom thou hast sent Vales. 'T is the Learned Petavius's opinion that the word Onely in that Text of S t John does in no wise exclude the Son For as he notes from S t Basil Epist. 141. p. 927 the words ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã are made use of in scripture only to distinguish and separate the false Gods that they may be removed who are not true Gods and therefore are not Gods See Petav. Dogm Theolog. Tom. 2. De Trini Lib. 2. Cap. 4. Sect. 14. d ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã We have shown above that ancient Divines attributed the Monarchy to God the Father but to the Son the ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or disposition Indeed 't is the Father's property to reigne but the Son's property who is the wisdom of the Father is to dispose or set in order all things Wherefore they affirmed that Rest and Beatitude was the Father's property but Operation the Son 's Not that the Father Himself does not work but because the Father works things unknown and secret but the Son things more manifest to us as Marius Victorinus makes it out in his first book against the Arians And the Ancient Divines before the Nicene Council termed the Son ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã and ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã but afterwards they avoided these Names as 't is apparent from S t Chrysostome in his Sermon de Sigillis Vales. e ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã 'T is plain that it should be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã In the Fuketian Copy the reading is ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in one word Vales. f ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã Doubtless it must be ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã or ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã in a manner inexpressible as Eusebius says a little lower Vales. * Or Wholly overflowing in order c. g ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã The last word must be expunged unless you would âather write ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã ãâã living Creatures For at