Jewish Sanhedrim The Providence of God in the different way of Apostolical Ordination NOW in these several ways of Ordination there is a most remarkable Sect. 5 Providence of God For wheras States and Princes in receiving of Religion are not at any point so jealous as of an incroachment upon their Power the first way of Apostolical Ordination destroys Monarchical Power the last wholly excludes the Power of the People and the second has a mixture which may be receiv'd by a Commonwealth or by a Monarchy But where it is receiv'd by a Commonwealth the imposition of hands coms to little and where it is receiv'd by a Monarchy the Election of the People coms to nothing as may be farther consider'd in the original and progress of the Conge d' Elire THE ways of Ordination or of Church Government lying thus in Scripture the not receiving of the Christian Religion is not that wherof any State or Prince thro the whole world can be any ways excusable The Conclusion Shewing that neither GOD nor CHRIST or the APOSTLES ever instituted any Government Ecclesiastical or Civil upon any other Principles than those only of Human Prudence Vses of this Book TO sum up this second Book in the Uses that may be made of it Sect. 1 Certain it is of the Greec and Roman Storys that he who has not som good Idea or Notion of the Government to which they relate cannot rightly understand them If the like holds as to the Scripture Story som light may be contributed to it by this Book Again if som gifted Men happening to read it should chance to be of the same judgment it is an Argument for acquir'd Learning in that for the means of acquir'd Learning and in the means of acquir'd Learning for Universitys For how little soever this performance be had it not bin the fashion with the English Gentry in the breeding of their Sons to give them a smack of the University I should not have don so much The present use of this Book BUT letting these pass If there were Commonwealths or Governments Sect. 2 exercising Soverain Power by the Senat and the People before that of Israel as namely Gibeon If the inferior Orders and Courts in Israel as those instituted by MOSES after the advice of JETHRO a Heathen were transcrib'd out of another Government tho Heathen as namely that of Midian If the order of the Church introduc'd by CHRIST in his twelve Apostles and his seventy Disciples were after the pattern of Israel namely in the twelve Princes of the Tribes and the seventy Elders If there were three distinct ways of Ordination introduc'd by the Apostles one exactly according to the Ballot of Israel as namely in the Ordination of MATTHIAS another exactly according to the way of the Jewish Sanhedrim or Synagog as namely that of TIMOTHY and a third compos'd of these two as namely that of the Deacons Then is it a clear and undeniable result of the whole That neither GOD nor CHRIST Book II or the APOSTLES ever instituted any Government Ecclesiastical or Civil upon any other Principles than those only of Human Prudence Sect. 3 The Consequence of this Vse AN Observation of such consequence as where it has bin rightly consider'd there the truth of Religion and of Government once planted have taken root and flourish'd and where it has not bin rightly heeded there has Religion or the pretence of it bin the hook and the line and the State the prey of Impostors and false Prophets as was shewn in the hypocritical Pharises for ever stigmatiz'd by the word of Truth AND for Might let her be never so much exalted in her self let her Sword be never so dreadfully brandish'd the Government not founded upon Reason a Creature of God and the Creature of God whose undoubted right in this part is by himself undeniably avow'd and asserted is a Weapon fram'd against God and no Weapon fram'd against God shall prosper Sect. 4 A transition to the next Book THE Principles of Human Prudence and in them the Art of Lawgiving being shewn in the first Book and vindicated throout the whole course of Scripture by this second I com in the third to shew a Model of Government fram'd according to the Art thus shewn and the Principles thus vindicated THE THIRD BOOK CONTAINING A MODEL OF Popular Government Practically propos'd according to Reason confirm'd by the Scripture and agreable to the present Balance or State of Property in England The PREFACE Containing a Model of Popular Government propos'd Notionally THERE is between the Discourses of such as are commonly call'd Natural Philosophers and those of Anatomists a large difference the former are facil the latter difficult Philosophers discoursing of Elements for example that the Body of Man consists of Fire Air Earth and Water are easily both understood and credited seeing by common Experience we find the Body of Man returns to the Earth from whence it was taken A like Entertainment may befal Elements of Government as in the first of these Books they are stated But the fearful and wonderful making the admirable structure and great variety of the parts of man's Body in which the Discourses of Anatomists are altogether conversant are understood by so few that I may say they are not understood by any Certain it is that the delivery of a Model of Government which either must be of no effect or imbrace all those Muscles Nerves Arterys and Bones which are necessary to any Function of a well order'd Commonwealth is no less than political Anatomy If you com short of this your Discourse is altogether ineffectual if you com home you are not understood you may perhaps be call'd a learned Author but you are obscure and your Doctrin is impracticable Had I only suffer'd in this and not the People I should long since have left them to their humor but seeing it is they that suffer by it and not my self I will be yet Book III more a fool or they shall be yet wiser Now coms into my head what I saw long since upon an Italian Stage while the Spectators wanted Hoops for their sides A Country fellow came with an Apple in his hand to which in a strange variety of faces his Teeth were undoubtedly threaten'd when enter'd a young Anatomist brimful of his last Lesson who stopping in good time the hand of this same Country fellow would by no means suffer him to go on with so great an Enterprize till he had first nam'd and describ'd to him all the Bones Nerves and Muscles which are naturally necessary to that motion at which the good man being with admiration plainly chopfallen coms me in a third who snatching away the Apple devour'd it in the presence of them both If the People in this case wherof I am speaking were naturally so well furnish'd I had here learn'd enough to have kept silence but their eating in the political way of absolute necessity requires the
allow'd or may be safely exercis'd among you Toleration being only deny'd to immoral Practices and the Opinions of Men being left as free to them as their Possessions excepting only POPERY and such other Rites and Notions as directly tend to disturb or dissolve Society Besides the political Advantages of Union Wealth and numbers of People which are the certain Consequents of this impartial Liberty 't is also highly congruous to the nature of true Religion and if any thing on Earth can be imagin'd to ingage the Interest of Heaven it must be specially that which procures it the sincere and voluntary respect of Mankind I might here display the Renown of the City for Military Glory and recite those former valiant Atchievments which our Historians carefully record but I should never finish if I inlarg'd on those things which I only hint or if I would mention the extraordinary Privileges which London now injoys and may likely possess hereafter for which she well deserves the name of a New Rome in the West and like the old one to becom the Soverain Mistress of the Universe THE Government of the City is so wisely and completely contriv'd that HARRINGTON made very few Alterations in it tho in all the other parts of our National Constitution he scarce left any thing as he found it And without question it is a most excellent Model The Lord Mayor as to the Solemnity of his Election the Magnificence of his State or the Extent of his Authority tho inferior to a Roman Consul to whom in many respects he may be fitly compar'd yet he far outshines the figure made by an Athenian Archon or the grandeur of any Magistrat presiding over the best Citys now in the World During a vacancy of the Throne he is the chief Person in the Nation and is at all times vested with a very extraordinary Trust which is the reason that this Dignity is not often confer'd on undeserving Persons of which we need not go further for an Instance than the Right Honorable Sir RICHARD LEVET who now so worthily fills that eminent Post into which he was not more freely chosen by the Suffrages of his Fellowcitizens than he continues to discharge the Functions of it with approv'd Moderation and Justice But of the great Caution generally us'd in the choice of Magistrats we may give a true judgment by the present Worshipful Sherifs Sir CHARLES DUNCOMB and Sir JEFFERY JEFFERIES who are not the Creatures of petty Factions and Cabals nor as in the late Reigns illegally obtruded on the City to serve a Turn for the Court but unanimously elected for those good Qualitys which alone should be the proper Recommendations to Magistracy that as having the greatest Stakes to lose they will be the more concern d for securing the Property of others so their willingness to serve their Country is known not to be inferior to their Zeal for King WILLIAM and while they are for the Credit of the City generously equalling the Expences of the Roman Praetors such at the same time is their tender care of the Distrest as if to be Overseers of the Poor were their sole and immediat Charge As the Common Council is the Popular Representative so the Court of Aldermen is the Aristocratical Senat of the City To enter on the particular Merits of those Names who compose this Illustrious Assembly as it must be own'd by all to be a labor no less arduous than extremely nice and invidious yet to pass it quite over in such a manner as not to give at least a Specimen of so much Worth would argue a pusillanimity inconsistent with LIBERTY and a disrespect to those I wou'd be always understood to honor In regard therfore that the eldest Alderman is the same at London with what the Prince of the Senat was at Rome I shall only presume to mention the Honorable Sir ROBERT CLAYTON as well in that capacity as by reason he universally passes for the perfect Pattern of a good Citizen That this Character is not exaggerated will be evident to all those who consider him either as raising a plentiful Fortune by his Industry and Merit or as disposing his Estate with no less liberality and judgment than he got it with honesty and care For as to his public and privat Donations and the provision he has made for his Relations or Friends I will not say that he is unequal'd by any but that he deserves to be imitated by all Yet these are small Commendations if compar'd to his stâ—ddy Conduct when he supply'd the highest Stations of this Great City The danger of defending the Liberty of the Subject in those calamitous times is not better remember'd than the courage with which he acted particularly in bringing in the Bill for excluding a Popish Successor from the Crown his brave appearance on the behalf of your Charter and the general applause with which he discharg'd his Trust in all other respects nor ought the Gratitude of the People be forgot who on this occasion first stil'd him the Father of the City as CICERO for the like reason was the first of all Romans call'd the Father of his Country That he still assists in the Government of London as eldest Alderman and in that of the whole Nation as a Member of the High Court of Parlament is not so great an honor as that he deserves it while the Posterity of those Familys he supports and the memory of his other laudable Actions will be the living and eternal Monuments of his Virtue when time has consum'd the most durable Brass or Marble TO whom therfore shou'd I inscribe a Book containing the Rules of good Polity but to a Society so admirably constituted and producing such Great and Excellent Men That elswhere there may be found who understand Government better distribute Justice wiser or love Liberty more I could never persuade my self to imagin nor can the Person wish for a nobler Address or the Subject be made happy in a more sutable Patronage than THE SENAT AND PEOPLE OF LONDON to whose uninterrupted increase of Wealth and Dignity none can be a heartier Welwisher than the greatest admirer of their Constitution and their most humble Servant JOHN TOLAND THE PREFACE HOW allowable it is for any man to write the History of another without intitling himself to his Opinions or becoming answerable for his Actions I have expresly treated in the Life of JOHN MILTON and in the just defence of the same under the Title of AMYNTOR The Reasons there alleg'd are Excuse and Authority enough for the Task I have since impos'd on my self which is to transmit to Posterity the worthy Memory of JAMES HARRINGTON a bright Ornament to useful Learning a hearty Lover of his Native Country and a generous Benefactor to the whole World a Person who obscur'd the false Lustre of our Modern Politicians and that equal'd if not exceded all the Antient Legislators BVT there are som People more
is in my Opinion the most perfect Form of Popular Government that ever was so this with his other Writings contain the History Reasons Nature and Effects of all sorts of Government with so much Learning and Perspicuity that nothing can be more preferably read on such occasions LET not those therfore who make no opposition to the reprinting or reading of PLATO's Heathen Commonwealth ridiculously declaim against the better and Christian Model of HARRINGTON but peruse both of 'em with as little prejudice passion or concern as they would a Book of Travels into the Indys for their improvement and diversion Yet so contrary are the Tempers of many to this equitable disposition that DIONYSIUS the Sicilian Tyrant and such Beasts of Prey are the worthy Examples they wou'd recommend to the imitation of our Governors tho if they cou'd be able to persuade 'em they wou'd still miss of their foolish aim for it is ever with all Books as formerly with those of CREMUTIUS CORDUS who was condemn'd by that Monster TIBERIUS for speaking honorably of the immortal Tyrannicides BRUTUS and CASSIUS TACITUS records the last words of this Historian and subjoins this judicious Remark The Senat says he order'd his Books to be burnt by the Ediles but som Copys were conceal'd and afterwards publish'd whence we may take occasion to laugh at the sottishness of those who imagin that their present Power can also abolish the memory of succeding time for on the contrary Authors acquire additional Reputation by their Punishment nor have Foren Kings and such others as have us'd the like severity got any thing by it except to themselves Disgrace and Glory to the Writers But the Works of HARRINGTON were neither supprest at their first publication under the Vsurper nor ever since call'd in by lawful Authority but as inestimable Treasures preserv'd by all that had the happiness to possess 'em intire so that what was a precious rarity before is now becom a Public Good with extraordinary advantages of Correctness Paper and Print What I have perform'd in the History of his Life I leave the Readers to judg for themselves but in that and all my other studys I constantly aim'd as much at least at the benefit of Mankind and especially of my fellow Citizens as at my own particular Entertainment or Reputation THE Politics no less than Arms are the proper study of a Gentleman tho he shou'd consine himself to nothing but carefully adorn his Mind and Body with all useful and becoming Accomplishments and not imitat the servil drudgery of those mean Spirits who for the sake of som one Science neglect the knowlege of all other matters and in the end are many times neither masters of what they profess nor vers'd enough in any thing else to speak of it agreably or pertinently which renders 'em untractable in Conversation as in Dispute they are opinionative and passionat envious of their Fame who eclipse their littleness and the sworn Enemys of what they do not understand BVT Heaven be duly prais'd Learning begins to flourish again in its proper Soil among our Gentlemen in imitation of the Roman Patricians who did not love to walk in Leading strings and to be guided blindfold nor lazily to abandon the care of their proper Business to the management of Men having a distinct Profession and Interest for the greatest part of their best Authors were Persons of Consular Dignity the ablest Statesmen and the most gallant Commanders Wherfore the amplest satisfaction I can injoy of this sort will be to find those delighted with reading this Work for whose service it was intended by the Author and which with the study of other good Books but especially a careful perusal of the Greec and Roman Historians will make 'em in reality deserve the Title and Respect of Gentlemen help 'em to make an advantageous Figure in their own time and perpetuat their illustrious Names and solid Worth to be admir'd by future Generations AS for my self tho no imployment or condition of Life shall make me disrelish the lasting entertainment which Books afford yet I have resolv'd not to write the Life of any modern Person again except that only of one Man still alive and whom in the ordinary course of nature I am like to survive a long while he being already far advanc'd in his declining time and I but this present day beginning the thirtieth year of my Age. Canon near Bansted Novemb. 30. 1699. THE LIFE OF James Harrington 1. JAMES HARRINGTON who was born in January 1611 was descended of an Antient and Noble Family in Rutlandshire being Great Grandson to Sir JAMES HARRINGTON of whom it is observ'd by the * Wright's Antiquitys of the County of Rutland p. 52. Historian of that County that there were sprung in his time eight Dukes three Marquisses seventy Earls twenty seven Viscounts and thirty six Barons of which number sixteen were Knights of the Garter to confirm which Account we shall annex a Copy of the Inscription on his Monument and that of his three Sons at Exton with Notes on the same by an uncertain hand As for our Author he was the eldest Son of Sir SAPCOTES HARRINGTON and JANE the Daughter of Sir WILLIAM SAMUEL of Vpton in Northamtonshire His Father had Children besides him WILLIAM a Merchant in London ELIZABETH marry'd to Sir RALPH ASHTON in Lancashire Baronet ANN marry'd to ARTHUR EVELYN Esq And by a second Wife he had JOHN kill'd at Sea EDWARD a Captain in the Army yet living FRANCES marry'd to JOHN BAGSHAW of Culworth in Northamtonshire Esq and DOROTHY marry'd to ALLAN BELLINGHAM of Levens in Westmorland Esq This Lady is still alive and when she understood my Design was pleas'd to put me in possession of all the remaining Letters and other Manuscript Papers of her Brother with the Collections and Observations relating to him made by his other Sister the Lady ASHTON a Woman of very extraordinary Parts and Accomplishments These with the Account given of him by ANTHONY WOOD in the second Volum of his Athenae Oxonienses and what I cou'd learn from the Mouths of his surviving Acquaintance are the Materials wherof I compos'd this insuing History of his Life 2. IN his very Childhood he gave sure hopes of his future Abilitys as well by his Inclination and Capacity to learn whatever was propos'd to him as by a kind of natural gravity whence his Parents and Masters were wont to say That he rather kept them in aw than needed their correction yet when grown a Man none could easily surpass him for quickness of Wit and a most facetious Temper He was enter'd a Gentleman Commoner of Trinity College in Oxford in the year 1629 and became a Pupil to that great Master of Reason Dr. CHILLINGWORTH who discovering the Errors Impostures and Tyranny of the Popish Church wherof he was for som time a Member attackt it with more proper and succesâ—ful Arms than all before or perhaps any since have
don After considerably improving his Knowlege in the University he was more particularly fitting himself for his intended Travels by learning several Foren Languages when his Father dy'd leaving him under Age. Tho the Court of Wards was still in being yet by the Soccage Tenure of his Estate he was at liberty to chuse his own Guardian and accordingly pitcht upon his Grandmother the Lady SAMUEL a Woman eminent for her Wisdom and Virtue Of her and the rest of his Governors he soon obtain'd a permission to satisfy his eager desire of seeing som other parts of the World where he cou'd make such Observations on Men and Manners as might best fit him in due time to serve and adorn his Native Country 3. HIS first step was into Holland then the principal School of Martial Disciplin and what toucht him more sensibly a place wonderfully flourishing under the influence of their Liberty which they had so lately asserted by breaking the Yoke of a severe Master the Spanish Tyrant And here no doubt it was that he begun to make Government the Subject of his Meditations for he was often heard to say that before he left England he knew no more of Monarchy Anarchy Aristocracy Democracy Oligarchy or the like than as hard words wherof he learnt the signification in his Dictionary For som months he listed himself in my Lord CRAVEN'S Regiment and Sir ROBERT STONE' 's during which time being much at the Hague he had the opportunity of further accomplishing himself in two Courts namely those of the Prince of Orange and the Queen of Bohemia the Daughter of our K. JAMES I. then a Fugitive in Holland her Husband having bin abandon'd by his Father in Law betray'd by the King of Spain and stript of all his Territorys by the Emperor This excellent Princess entertain'd him with extraordinary favor and civility on the account of his Uncle the Lord HARRINGTON who had bin her Governor but particularly for the sake of his own Merit The Prince Elector also courted him into his Service ingag'd him to attend him in a Journy he made to the Court of Denmark and after his return from travelling committed the chief management of all his Affairs in England to his care Nor were the young Princesses less delighted with his Company his Conversation being always extremely pleasant as well as learn'd and polite to which good qualitys those unfortunat Ladys were far from being strangers as appears by the Letters of the great Philosopher CARTESIUS and by the other Writers of those times 4. THO he found many Charms inviting his longer stay in this place yet none were strong enough to keep him from pursuing his main design of travelling and therfore he went next thro Flanders into France where having perfected himself in the Language seen what deserv'd his curiosity and made such Remarks on their Government as will best appear in his Works he remov'd thence into Italy It happen'd to be then as it is now the Year of Jubilee He always us'd to admire the great dexterity wherwith the Popish Clergy could maintain their severe Government over so great a part of the World and that Men otherwise reasonable enough should be inchanted out of their Senses as well as cheated out of their Mony by these ridiculous Tricks of Religious Pageantry Except the small respect he shew'd to the Miracles they daily told him were perform'd in their Churches he did in all other things behave himself very prudently and inoffensively But going on a Candlemass day with several other Protestants to see the Pope perform the Ceremony of consecrating Wax Lights and perceiving that none could obtain any of those Torches except such as kist the Pope's To which he expos'd to 'em for that purpose tho he had a great mind to one of the Lights yet he would not accept it on so hard a condition The rest of his Companions were not so scrupulous and after their return complain'd of his squeamishness to the King who telling him he might have don it only as a respect to a temporal Prince he presently reply'd that since he had the honor to kiss his Majesty's hand he thought it beneath him to kiss any other Prince's foot The King was pleas'd with his answer and did afterwards admit him to be one of his Privy Chamber extraordinary in which quality he attended him in his first Expedition against the Scots 5. HE prefer'd Venice to all other places in Italy as he did its Government to all those of the whole World it being in his Opinion immutable by any external or internal Causes and to finish only with Mankind of which Assertion you may find various proofs alleg'd in his Works Here he furnish'd himself with a Collection of all the valuable Books in the Italian Language especially treating of Politics and contracted acquaintance with every one of whom he might receive any benefit by instruction or otherwise 6. AFTER having thus seen Italy France the Low Countrys Denmark and som parts of Germany he return'd home into England to the great joy of all his Friends and Acquaintance But he was in a special manner the Darling of his Relations of whom he acknowleg'd to receive reciprocal satisfaction His Brothers and Sisters were now pretty well grown which made it his next care so to provide for each of 'em as might render 'em independent of others and easy to themselves His Brother WILLIAM he bred to be a Merchant in which calling he became a considerable Man he was a good Architect and was so much notic'd for his ingenious Contrivances that he was receiv'd a Fellow of the Royal Society How his other Brothers were dispos'd we mention'd in the beginuing of this Discourse He took all the care of a Parent in the education of his Sisters and wou'd himself make large Discourses to 'em concerning the Reverence that was due to Almighty God the benevolence they were oblig'd to shew all mankind how they ought to furnish their minds with knowlege by reading of useful Books and to shew the goodness of their disposition by a constant practice of Virtue In a word he taught 'em the true Rules of humanity and decency always inculcating to 'em that good Manners did not so much consist in a fashionable carriage which ought not to be neglected as in becoming words and actions an obliging address and a modest behavior He treated his Mother in Law as if she were his own and made no distinction between her Children and the rest of his Brothers and Sisters which good Example had such effects on 'em all that no Family has bin more remarkable for their mutual friendship 7. HE was of a very liberal and compassionat nature nor could he indure to see a Friend want any thing he might spare and when the Relief that was necessary exceded the bounds of his Estate he persuaded his Sisters not only to contribute themselves but likewise to go about to the rest of their Relations
Authors 'T is incredible to think what gross and numberless Errors were committed by all the Writers before him even by the best of them for want of understanding this plain Truth which is the foundation of all Politics He no sooner discours'd publicly of this new Doctrin being a man of universal acquaintance but it ingag'd all sorts of people to busy themselves about it as they were variously affected Som because they understood him despis'd it alleging it was plain to every man's capacity as if his highest merit did not consist in making it so Others and those in number the fewest disputed with him about it merely to be better inform'd with which he was well pleas'd as reckoning a pertinent Objection of greater advantage to the discovery of Truth which was his aim than a complaisant applause or approbation But a third sort of which there never wants in all places a numerous company did out of pure envy strive all they could to lessen or defame him and one of 'em since they could not find any precedent Writer out of whose Works they might make him a Plagiary did indeavor after a very singular manner to rob him of the Glory of this Invention for our Author having friendly lent him a part of his Papers he publish'd a small piece to the same purpose intitl'd A Letter from an Officer of the Army in Ireland c. Major WILDMAN was then reputed the Author by som and HENRY NEVIL by others which latter by reason of this thing and his great intimacy with HARRINGTON was by his detractors reported to be the Author of his Works or that at least he had a principal hand in the composing of them Notwithstanding which provocations so true was he to the Friendship he profest to NEVIL and WILDMAM that he avoided all harsh Expressions or public Censures on this occasion contenting himself with the Justice which the World was soon oblig'd to yield to him by reason of his other Writings where no such clubbing of Brains could be reasonably suspected 13. BUT the publication of his Book met with greater difficultys from the opposition of the several Partys then set against one another and all against him but none more than som of those who pretended to be for a Commonwealth which was the specious name under which they cover'd the rankest Tyranny of OLIVER CROMWEL while HARRINGTON like PAUL at Athens indeavor'd to make known to the People what they ignorantly ador'd By shewing that a Commonwealth was a Government of Laws and not of the Sword he could not but detect the violent administration of the Protector by his Bashaws Intendants or Majors General which created him no small danger while the Cavaliers on the other side tax'd him with Ingratitude to the memory of the late King and prefer'd the Monarchy even of a Usurper to the best order'd Commonwealth To these he answer'd that it was enough for him to forbear publishing his Sentiments during that King's life but the Monarchy being now quite dissolv'd and the Nation in a state of Anarchy or what was worse groaning under a horrid Usurpation he was not only at liberty but even oblig'd as a good Citizen to offer a helping hand to his Countrymen and to shew 'em such a Model of Government as he thought most conducing to their Tranquillity Wealth and Power That the Cavaliers ought of all People to be best pleas'd with him since if his Model succeded they were sure to injoy equal Privileges with others and so be deliver'd from their present Oppression for in a well constituted Commonwealth there can be no distinction of Partys the passage to Preferment is open to Merit in all persons and no honest man can be uneasy but that if the Prince should happen to be restor'd his Doctrin of the Balance would be a light to shew him what and with whom he had to do and so either to mend or avoid the Miscarriages of his Father since all that is said of this doctrin may as well be accommodated to a Monarchy regulated by Laws as to a Democracy or more popular form of a Commonwealth He us'd to add on such occasions another reason of writing this Model which was That if it should ever be the fate of this Nation to be like Italy of old overrun by any barbarous People or to have its Government and Records destroy'd by the rage of som merciless Conqueror they might not be then left to their own Invention in framing a new Government for few People can be expected to succede so happily as the Venetians have don in such a case 14. IN the mean time it was known to som of the Courtiers that the Book was a printing wherupon after hunting it from one Press to another they seiz'd their Prey at last and convey'd it to Whitehall All the sollicitations he could make were not able to retrieve his Papers till he remember'd that OLIVER'S favorit Daughter the Lady CLAYPOLE acted the part of a Princess very naturally obliging all persons with her civility and frequently interceding for the unhappy To this Lady tho an absolute stranger to him he thought fit to make his application and being led into her Antichamber he sent in his Name with his humble request that she would admit him to her presence While he attended som of her Women coming into the room were follow'd by her little Daughter about three years old who staid behind them He entertain'd the Child so divertingly that she suffer'd him to take her up in his arms till her Mother came wherupon he stepping towards her and setting the Child down at her feet said Madam 't is well you are com at this nick of time or I had certainly stollen this pretty little Lady Stollen her reply'd the Mother pray what to do with her for she is yet too young to becom your Mistress Madam said he tho her Charms assure her of a more considerable Conquest yet I must confess it is not love but revenge that promted me to commit this theft Lord answer'd the Lady again what injury have I don you that you should steal my Child None at all reply'd he but that you might be induc'd to prevail with your Father to do me justice by restoring my Child that he has stollen But she urging it was impossible because her Father had Children enough of his own he told her at last it was the issue of his brain which was misrepresented to the Protector and taken out of the Press by his order She immediatly promis'd to procure it for him if it contain'd nothing prejudicial to her Father's Government and he assur'd her it was only a kind of a Political Romance so far from any Treason against her Father that he hop'd she would acquaint him that he design'd to dedicat it to him and promis'd that she her self should be presented with one of the first Copys The Lady was so well pleas'd with his manner of Address that he had
in three Books The first which treats of the Foundations and Superstructures of all kinds of Government is an abstract of his Preliminarys to the Oceana and the third Book shewing a Model of Popular Government fitted to the present State or Balance of this Nation is an exact Epitome of his Oceana with short Discourses explaining the Propositions By the way the Pamphlet called the Rota is nothing else but these Propositions without the Discourses and therfore to avoid a needless repetition not printed among his Works The second Book between these two is a full Account of the Commonwealth of Israel with all the variations it underwent Without this Book it is plainly impossible to understand that admirable Government concerning which no Author wrote common sense before HARRINGTON who was persuaded to complete this Treatise by such as observ'd his judicious Remarks on the same Subject in his other Writings To the Art of Lawgiving is annex'd a small Dissertation or a Word concerning a House of Peers which to abridg were to transcribe 26. IN the same year 1659 WREN coms out with another Book call'd Monarchy asserted in vindication of his Considerations If he could not press hard on our Author's Reasonings he was resolv'd to overbear him with impertinence and calumny treating him neither with the respect due to a Gentleman nor the fair dealing becoming an ingenuous Adversary but on the contrary with the utmost Chicanery and Insolence The least thing to be admir'd is that he would needs make the University a Party against him and bring the heavy weight of the Church's displeasure on his sholders for as corrupt Ministers stile themselves the Government by which Artifice they oblige better men to suppress their Complaints for fear of having their Loyalty suspected so every ignorant Pedant that affronts a Gentleman is presently a Learned University or if he is but in Deacons Orders he 's forthwith transform'd into the Catholic Church and it becoms Sacrilege to touch him But as great Bodys no less than privat Persons grow wiser by Experience and com to a clearer discernment of their true Interest so I believe that neither the Church nor Universitys will be now so ready to espouse the Quarrels of those who under pretence of serving them ingage in Disputes they no ways understand wherby all the discredit redounds to their Patrons themselves being too mean to suffer any diminution of Honor. HARRINGTON was not likewise less blamable in being provok'd to such a degree by this pitiful Libel as made him forget his natural character of gravity and greatness of mind Were not the best of men subject to their peculiar weaknesses he had never written such a Farce as his Politicasâ—er or Comical Discourse in answer to Mr. WREN It relates little or nothing to the Argument which was not so much amiss considering the ignorance of his Antagonist but it is of so very small merit that I would not insert it among his other Works as a piece not capable to instruct or please any man now alive I have not omitted his Answer to Dr. STUBBE concerning a select Senat as being so little worth but as being only a repetition of what he has much better and more amply treated in som of his other pieces Now we must note that upon the first appearance of his Oceana this STUBBE was so great an admirer of him that in his Preface to the Good Old Cause he says he would inlarge in his praise did he not think himself too inconsiderable to add any thing to those Applauses which the understanding part of the World must bestow upon him and which tho Eloquence should turn Panegyrist he not only merits but transcends 27. OTHER Treatises of his which are omitted for the same reason are 1. A Discourse upon this Saying The Spirit of the Nation is not yet to be trusted with Liberty lest it introduce Monarchy or invade the Liberty of Conscience which Proposition he disapprov'd 2. A Discourse shewing that the Spirit of Parlaments with a Council in the intervals is not to be trusted for a Settlement lest it introduce Monarchy and Persecution for Conscience 3. A Parallel of the spirit of the People with the spirit of Mr. ROGERS with an Appeal to the Reader whether the spirit of the People or the spirit of men like Mr. ROGERS be the fitter to be trusted with the Government This ROGERS was an Anabaptist a seditious Enthusiast or fifthmonarchy man 4. Pour enclouer le canon or the nailing of the Enemys Artillery 5. The stumbling block of Disobedience and Rebellion cunningly imputed by PETER HEYLIN to CALVIN remov'd in a Letter to the said P. H. who wrote a long Answer to it in the third part of his Letter combat 'T is obvious by the bare perusal of the Titles that these are but Pamphlets solely calculated for that time and it certainly argues a mighty want of Judgment in those Editors who make no distinction between the elaborat Works which an Author intended for universal benefit and his more slight or temporary Compositions which were written to serve a present turn and becom afterwards not only useless but many times not intelligible Of this nature are the Pieces I now mention'd all their good things are much better treated in his other Books and the personal Reflections are as I said before neither instructive nor diverting On this occasion I must signify that tho the History I wrote of MILTON'S Life be prefix'd to his Works yet I had no hand in the Edition of those Volumes or otherwise his Logic his Grammar and the like had not increas'd the bulk or price of his other useful Pieces Our Author translated into English Verse som of Virgil's Eclogs and about six Books of his Aeneids which with his Epigrams and other Poetical Conceits are neither worthy of him nor the light 28. SOM other small Books he wrote which are more deserving and therfore transmitted to Posterity with his greater Works namely 1. Valerius and Publicola or the true form of a Popular Commonwealth a Dialog 2. Political Aphorisms in number 120. 3. Seven Models of a Commonwealth Antient and Modern or brief Directions shewing how a fit and perfect Model of Popular Government may be made found or understood These are all the Commonwealths in the World for their kinds tho not for their number 4. The Ways and means wherby an equal and lasting Commonwealth may be suddenly introduc'd and perfectly founded with the free consent and actual confirmation of the whole People of England 5. There is added The Petition of divers well affected Persons drawn up by HARRINGTON and containing the Abstract of his Oceana but presented to the House of Commons by HENRY NEVIL the 6 th of July 1659 to which a satisfactory answer was return'd but nothing don 6. Besides all these finding his Doctrin of Elections by Balloting not so well understood as could he desir'd he publish'd on one side of a large sheet of
and refin'd Judgment in many others and knowing that he that had so many able Wits at command might easily give their Oracles thro his Mouth But suppose the things generous and fit to live as I am not yet convinc'd yet what commendation is this to a King who should have other business than spinning and weaving fine Theorys and engaging in School Chiquaneries which was well understood by HENRY the Fourth who hearing som men celebrat him with these Attributes yes answer'd he very tartly He is a fine King and writes little Books 'T IS true he was a good Drol and possibly after Greec Wine somwhat factious But of his substantial and heroic Wisdom I have not heard any great Instances He himself us'd to brag of his King-craft which was not to render his People happy and to prosecute the ends of a good King but to scrue up the Prerogative divert Parlaments from the due disquisition and prosecution of their Freedoms and to break them up at pleasure and indeed his parting with the Cautionary Towns of the Low Countrys and that for so small a Sum shew'd him a Person not so quicksighted or unfit to be overreach'd FOR his peaceable Reign honorable and just Quarrels he wanted not but sloth and cowardice witheld him and indeed the ease and luxury of those times fomented and nourish'd those lurking and pestilent humors which afterwards so dangerously broke out in his Son's Reign WE shall not trouble his Ashes with the mention of his personal Faults only if we may compare God's Judgments with apparent Sins we may find the latter end of his Life neither fortunat nor comfortable to him His Wife distasted by him and som say languishing of a soul Disease his eldest Son dying with too violent symtoms of Poison and that as is fear'd by a hand too much ally'd his second against whom he ever had a secret antipathy scarce return'd from a mad and dangerous Voyage his Daughter all that was left of that Sex banish'd with her numerous Issue out of her Husband's Dominion and living in miserable Exile and lastly himself dying of a violent death by poison in which his Son was more than suspected to have a hand as may be infer'd from BUCKINGHAM'S Plea that he did it by the Command of the Prince and CHARLES'S dissolution of the Parlament that took in hand to examin it and lastly his indifferency at Buckingham's death tho he pretended all love to him alive as glad to be rid of so dangerous and so considerable a Partner of his Guilt Yet the miter'd Parasits of those times could say that one went to Heaven in Noah's Ark the other in Elisha's Chariot he dying of a pretended Fever she as they said of a Dropsy CHARLES having now obtain'd his Brother's Inheritance carry'd himself in managing of it like one that gain'd it as he did The first of his Acts was that glorious attemt upon the I le of Rhee The next that Noble and Christian betraying of Rochel and consequently in a manner the whole Protestant Interest in France The middle of the Reign was heightening of Prerogative and Prelacy and conforming our Churches to the pattern of Rome till at last just Indignation brought his Subjects of Scotland into England and so forc'd him to call a Parlament which tho he shamelesly says in the first line of the Book call'd his was out of his own inclination to Parlaments yet how well he lik'd them may appear by his first tampering with his own Army in the North to surprize and dissolve them then with the Scots who at that time were Court proof then raising up the Irish Rebellion which has wasted millions of Lives and lastly his open secession from Westminster and hostility against the two Houses which maintain'd a first and second sharp War that had almost ruin'd the Nation had not Providence in a manner immediatly interpos'd and rescu'd us to Liberty and made us such signal Instruments of his Vengeance that all wicked Kings may tremble at the example IN a word never was Man so resolute and obstinat in a Tyranny never People more strangely besotted with it To paint the Image of DAVID with his face and blasphemously to parallel him with CHRIST would make one at first thought think him a Saint But to compare his Protestations and Actions his Actions of the Day his Actions of the Night his Protestant Religion and his courting of the Pope and obedience to his Wife we may justly say he was one of the most consummat in the Arts of Tyranny that ever was And it could be no other than God's hand that arrested him in the height of his Designs and Greatness and cut off him and his Family making good his own Imprecations on his own Head OUR Scene is again in Scotland which has accepted his Son whom for distinction sake we will be content to call CHARLES the Second Certainly these People were strangely blind as to God's Judgment perpetually pour'd out upon a Family or else wonderfully addicted to their own Interest to admit the spray of such a stock one that has so little to commend him and so great improbability to further their Designs and Happiness a Popish Education if not Religion too however for the present he may seem to dissemble it France the Jesuits and his Mother good means of such an improvement the dangerous Maxims of his Father besides the Revenge he ows his Death of which he will never totally acquit the Scots his Hate to the whole Nation his Sense of MONTROSE'S Death his backwardness to com to them till all other means fail'd both his foren beg'd Assistances his Propositions to the Pope and Commissions to MONTROSE and lastly his late running away to his old Friends in the North so that any man may see his present compliance to be but histrionical and forc'd and that as soon as he has led them into the Snare and got power into his own hands so as that he may appear once more bare-fac'd he will be a scourge upon them for their gross Hypocrisy and leave them a sad Instance to all Nations how dangerous it is to espouse such an Interest against which God with so visible and severe a hand dos fight carry'd on by and for the support of a tyrannizing Nobility and Clergy and wherin the poor People are blindly led on by those afrighting but false and ungrounded pretensions of Perfidy and Perjury and made instrumental with their own Estates and Blood towards inslaving and ruining themselves THE Commonwealth OF OCEANA To his HIGHNESS The Lord Protector of the Common-wealth of England Scotland and Ireland Quid rides mutato nomine de te Fabula narratur Horat. The Introduction or Order of the Work Pliny's Description of Oceana OCEANA is saluted by the Panegyrist after this manner O the most blest and fortunat of all Countrys OCEANA How deservedly has Nature with the bountys of Heaven and Earth indu'd thee Thy ever-fruitful
which was not only a ship but a gust too could never open her sails but in danger to overset her self neither could make any voyage nor ly safe in her own harbor The Wars of later ages says VERULAMIUS seem to be made in the dark in respect of the glory and honor which reflected on men from the Wars in antient times Their shipping of this sort was for Voyages ours dare not lanch nor lys it safe at home Your Gothic Politicians seem to me rather to have invented som new Ammunition or Gunpowder in their King and Parlament than Government For what is becom of the Princes a kind of People in Germany blown up Where are the Estates or the Power of the People in France blown up Where is that of the People in Arragon and the rest of the Spanish Kingdoms blown up On the other side where is the King of Spain's Power in Holland blown up Where is that of the Austrian Princes in Switzerland blown up This perpetual peevishness and jealousy under the alternat Empire of the Prince and of the People is obnoxious to every Spark Nor shall any man shew a reason that will be holding in prudence why the People of Oceana have blown up their King but that their Kings did not first blow up them The rest is discourse for Ladys Wherfore your Parlaments are not henceforth to com out of the Bag of AEOLUS but by your Galaxys to be the perpetual food of the Fire of VESTA YOUR Galaxys which divide the House into so many Regions are three one of which constituting the third Region is annually chosen but for the term of three years which causes the House having at once Blossoms Fruit half ripe and others dropping off in full maturity to resemble an Orange-tree such as is at the same time an Education or Spring and a Harvest too for the People have made a very ill choice in the Man who is not easily capable of the perfect knowlege in one year of the Senatorian Orders which Knowlege allowing him for the first to have bin a Novice brings him the second year to practice and time enough For at this rate you must always have two hundred knowing Men in the Government And thus the Vicissitude of your Senators is not perceivable in the steadiness and perpetuity of your Senat which like that of Venice being always changing is for ever the same And tho other Politicians have not so well imitated their Pattern there is nothing more obvious in Nature seeing a Man who wears the same Flesh but a short time is nevertheless the same Man and of the same genius and whence is this but from the constancy of Nature in holding a Man to her Orders Wherfore keep also to your Orders But this is a mean Request your Orders will be worth little if they do not hold you to them wherfore imbark They are like a Ship if you be once aboard you do not carry them but they you and see how Venice stands to her tackling you will no more forsake them than you will leap into the Sea BUT they are very many and difficult O my Lords what Seaman casts away his Card because it has four and twenty Points of the Compass and yet those are very near as many and as difficult as the Orders in the whole circumference of your Common-wealth Consider how have we bin tost with every wind of Doctrin lost by the glib Tongues of your Demagogs and Grandees in our own Havens A company of Fidlers that have disturb'd your rest for your Groat two to one three thousand pounds a year to another has bin nothing And for what Is there one of them that yet knows what a Commonwealth is And are you yet afraid of such a Government in which these shall not dare to scrape for fear of the Statute THEMISTOCLES could not fiddle but could make of a small City a great Commonwealth these have fiddel'd and for your Mony till they have brought a great Commonwealth to a small City IT grieves me while I consider how and from what causes imaginary Difficultys will be aggravated that the foregoing Orders are not capable of any greater clearness in discourse or writing But if a Man should make a Book describing every trick or passage it would fare no otherwise with a game at Cards and this is no more if a Man plays upon the square There is a great difference says VERULAMIUS between a cunning Man and a wise Man between a Demagog and a Legislator not only in point of honesty but in point of ability As there be that can pack the Cards and yet cannot play well so there be som that are good in Canvasses and Factions that are otherwise weak men Allow me but these Orders and let them com with their Cards in their sleeves or pack if they can Again says he it is one thing to understand Persons and another to understand Matters for many are perfect in mens humors that are not greatly capable of the real part of Business which is the constitution of one that has study'd Men more than Books But there is nothing more hartful in a State than that cunning men should pass for wise His words are an Oracle As DIONYSIUS when he could no longer exercise his Tyranny among men turn'd Schoolmaster that he might exercise it among Boys Allow me but these Orders and your Grandees so well skil'd in the Baits and Palats of Men shall turn Ratcatchers AND wheras Councils as is discretely observ'd by the same Author in his time are at this day in most places but familiar meetings somwhat like the Academy of our Provosts where matters are rather talk'd on than debated and run too swift to order an Act of Council give me my Orders and see if I have not puzzel'd your Demagogs IT is not so much my desire to return upon hants as theirs that will not be satisfy'd wherfore if notwithstanding what was said of dividing and chusing in our preliminary Discourses men will yet be returning to the Question Why the Senat must be a Council apart tho even in Athens where it was of no other Constitution than the popular Assembly the distinction of it from the other was never held less than necessary this may be added to the former Reasons that if the Aristocracy be not for the Debate it is for nothing but if it be for debate it must have convenience for it And what convenience is there for debate in a croud where there is nothing but jostling treading upon one another and stirring of Blood than which in this case there is nothing more dangerous Truly it was not ill said of my Lord EPIMONUS That Venice plays her game as it were at Billiards or Nineholes and so may your Lordships unless your Ribs be so strong that you think better of Footbal for such sport is Debate in a popular Assembly as notwithstanding the distinction of the Senat was the destruction
* Deus Populi Judaici Rex crat veluti politicus civilis Legislator In Diatriba de Voto Jephthae God was a Political King and Civil Legislator of the Jews And for the use I have made of the word Ecclesia as no man can read such as have written of the Grecian Commonwealths and miss it so I do not remember that Mr. HOBBS has spoken of it To these things fuller satisfaction will be given in the second Book which nevertheless I do not speak to the end I might wave Obligation to so excellent an Author in his way It is true I have oppos'd the Politics of Mr. HOBBS to shew him what he taught me with as much disdain as he oppos'd those of the greatest Authors in whose wholsom Fame and Doctrin the good of Mankind being concern'd my Conscience bears me witness that I have don my duty Nevertheless in most other things I firmly believe that Mr. HOBBS is and will in future Ages be accounted the best Writer at this day in the world And for his Treatises of human Nature and of Liberty and Necessity they are the greatest of new Lights and those which I have follow'd and shall follow CHAP. VIII Whether a Commonwealth coming up to the perfection of the kind coms not up to the perfection of Government and has no flaw in it WHAT a Commonwealth coming up to the perfection of the kind is I have shewn both by the definition of an equal Commonwealth and the Exemplification of it in all the parts THE Definition is contain'd in the first of my Preliminarys which because it is short I shall repeat An equal Commonwealth is a Government establish'd upon an equal Agrarian arising into the Superstructures or three Orders the Senat debating and proposing the People resolving and the Magistracy executing by an equal Rotation or interchangeable Election thro the suffrage of the People given by the Ballot The Exemplification is the whole Common-wealth Book I of Oceana Each of which by him who if his Doctrin of pure and absolute Monarchy be observ'd can be no Englishman is call'd an Irish Bog as in som sense it is seeing the Prevaricator has set never Consid p. 43. a foot in it that will stand nor has more to say than that Where there is one ambitious poor man or one vicious rich man it is impossible there should be any such Government as can be secure from Sedition WHICH First is rather to make all Governments ineffectual or to make all Governments alike than to object against any seeing That there should not be one ambitious poor man or one vicious rich man is equally if not more improbable in a Monarchy than in a Common-wealth SECONDLY That one man alone whether he be rich or poor should without a Party be able to disturb a Commonwealth with Sedition is an absurdity nor is such a party as may be able in som sort to disturb the Peace by robbing upon the Highway or som such disorder always able to disturb a Government with Sedition Wherfore this feat gos not so much upon the ability of any one man rich or poor as the Power of the Party he is able to make and this strength of the Party gos upon the nature of the Government and the content or discontents thence deriving to the Few or the Many The Discontents whether of the Few or the Many derive from that which is or by them is thought to be som bar to their Interest and those Interests which are the causes of Sedition are three the desire of Liberty the desire of Power and the desire of Riches nor be there any more for where the People thro want of Bread thro Violence offer'd to their Women or Oppression rise up against their Governors it relates to the desire of Liberty those also under the name of Religion make not a fourth but com to one of the three NOW to speak in the first place of the Many and anon of the Few the People in an equal Commonwealth have none of these three Interests Not the desire of Liberty because the whole Frame of an equal Commonwealth is nothing else but such a method wherby the Liberty of the People is secur'd to them Not of Power because the Power which otherwise they could not exercise is thus estated in them Nor of Riches because where the Rich are so bounded by an Agrarian that they cannot overbalance and therfore neither oppress the People nor exclude their Industry or Merit from attaining to the like Estate Power or Honor the whole People have the whole Riches of the Nation already equally divided among them for that the Riches of a Commonwealth should not go according to the difference of mens Industry but be distributed by the Poll were inequal Wherfore the People in an equal Commonwealth having none of those Interests which are the causes of Sedition can be subject to no such effect TO affirm then with the Considerer that the whole of this Libration is reduc'd to the want of Power to disturb the Commonwealth must needs be a mistake seeing in the Commonwealth propos'd the People have the Power but can have no such Interest and the People having no such Interest no Party can have any such Power it being impossible that a Party should com to overbalance the People having their Arms in their own hands The whole matter being thus reduc'd to the want of Power to disturb the Government this according to his own Argument will appear to be the Libration in which the Power wherof the Governor is possest so vastly excedes the Power remaining with those Chap. 8 who are to obey which in case of contest must be so small a Party that it would be desperatly unreasonable for them to hope to maintain their Cause If the true method then of attaining to perfection in Government be to make the Governor absolute and the People in an equal Commonwealth be absolute then there can be none in this Government that upon probable terms can dispute the Power with the Governor and so this State by his own Argument must be free from Sedition Thus far upon occasion of the ambitious poor Man objected I have spoken of the Many and in speaking of the Many implicitly of the Few for as in an equal Commonwealth for example in England during the Peerage or Aristocracy the Many depended upon or were included in the Few so in an equal Commonwealth the Few depend upon or are included in the Many as the Senat of Venice depends upon or is included in the Great Council by which it is annually elected in the whole or in som part So what was said in an equal Common-wealth of the Many or the poorer sort is also said of the Few or of the Richer who thro the virtue of the Agrarian as in Oceana or of other Orders supplying the defect of an Agrarian as in Venice not able to overbalance the People can never have
For remedy wherof or to avoid this there can be no way but to make the Commonwealth very inequal IN answer to this there will need no more than to repeat the same things honestly Mr. HARRINGTON speaks of the national Balance of Empire p. 40. to this sense Where the Nobility holds half the Property or about that proportion and the People the other half the shares of the Land may be equal but in regard the Nobility have much among Few and the People little among Many the Few will not be contented to have Authority which is all their proper share in a Commonwealth but will be bringing the People under Power which is not their proper share in a Commonwealth wherfore this Commonwealth must needs be inequal And except by altering the Balance as the Athenians did by the Sisacthia or recision of Debts or as the Romans went about to do by an Agrarian it be brought to such an equality that the whole Power be in the People and there remain no more than Authority to the Nobility there is no remedy but the one with perpetual feud will eat out the other as the People did the Nobility in Athens and the Nobility the People in Rome Where the Carcase is there will be the Eagles also where the Riches are there will be the Power So if a few be as rich as all the rest a few will have as much Power as all the rest in which case the Common-wealth is inequal and there can be no end of staving and tailing till it be brought to equality Thus much for the national Balance For the provincial there Power dos not follow Property but the contrary This the Prevaricator having acknowledg'd le ts slip to the end he may take a gripe of Venice which because the three or four thousand of which originally consisted and now consists that whole Government having acquir'd Provinces and increase of their City by later comers do not admit these to participation of Power he says is an inequal Commonwealth He will be a Mill-horse whether the Cake be dow or not for this is to draw in a circle and Rome which by his former Arguments should have bin equal by this again must be inequal seeing Rome as little admitted her Provinces into the body of the Commonwealth as dos Venice This clash is but by way of Parenthesis to return therfore to the business in present agitation THE Estates be they one or two or three are such as was said by virtue of the Balance upon which the Government must naturally depend Wherfore constitutively the Government of France and all other Monarchys of like Balance was administer'd by an Book I Assembly of the three Estates and thus continu'd till that Nation being vanquish'd by the English CHARLES the 7 th was put to such shifts as for the recovery of himself in the greatest distress he could make To which recovery while the Estates could not be legally call'd he happening to attain without them so order'd his affairs that his Successors by adding to his Inventions came to rule without this Assembly a way not suting with the nature of their Balance which therfore requir'd som Assistance by force and other concurring Policys of like nature wherof the foren Guards of that Monarchy are one the great baits alluring the Nobility another and the emergent Interest of the Church a third TO begin with the last of these the Church except it be in a War for Religion as when they join'd with the Princes of Lorrain and what Party of the French Nobility were made or they could make against the King of Navar are not of themselves so hot at hand or promt to Arms but the King being to use their word no Heretic thro their great apprehension of the third Estate as that which is most addicted to the Protestant Religion may be confident they will never side with the People So by this emergent Interest or Accident he has the Church sure enough FOR the Nobility which is exceding gallant this Change has the greatest baits for wheras the Church being not spar'd the third Estate is laden and the Peasant overladen with Taxes the Nobility is not only at better ease in this regard but for the greater or more considerable part receives advantage by it the King having always whether in Peace or War a great Cavalry than which there is no better in the world for the Exercise Entertainment and Profit of the Nobility Governments of Citys Castles Provinces in abundance which he rarely distributes to any other The greater Nobility are Marechals Generals the less Officers in the Armys specially of the Horse the Emoluments wherof they receive also in time of Peace and many of this Order being Pensioners taste of the King's Liberality without taking pains or having any Imployment at all By which both that France is a Monarchy by a Nobility and how she holds her Nobility is apparent NOW the Church and the Nobility standing thus ingag'd to the King by which means he has two parts of the Balance to one it is demonstrable that the Government must be quiet Nor seeing the Church for the reason shewn is sure enough coms the Government since the Protestant Citys and Holds were demolish'd to be otherwise disquieted than by the flying out of the Nobility which whenever it happens in any party considerable either for the Number or the Interest causes the Crown to shake for it seldom coms to pass upon this occasion but the third Estate or som part of it takes Arms immediatly In which place it is worthy to observ'd that Wealth according to the distribution of the Balance has contrary motions The third Estate in France having Riches and those laden with Taxes com to have somthing to lose and somthing to save which keeps them in continual fear or hope The Nobility holding to the King the third Estate has somthing to lose which withholds them from Arms thro fear but the Nobility flying out the third Estate has somthing to save which precipitats them into Arms thro hope wheras the Peasant having nothing to save or to lose to hope or to fear never stirs The case standing thus the sufficiency of the French Chap. 9 Politician since the Masterpiece of Cardinal RICHLIEU in demolishing those Walls of the Protestants which had otherwise by this time bin a Refuge for the third Estate and perhaps overturn'd the Monarchy lys altogether in finding for the Nobility work abroad or balancing them in such sort at home that if a Party flys out there may be a stronger within to reduce it or at least to be oppos'd to it In this case lest the native Interest of the Nobility since the Assemblys of the three Estates were abolish'd might cool the remaining Party or make them slower in the redress of such Disorders or Discontents than were requisit the King is wisely provided of Foren Guards which being always in readiness and not obnoxious to the
is affirm'd to have vindicated the Batavian Freedom is still the same and Genoa tho happy in her DORIA remains as she was before he was born Nor did the Family of the MEDICIS banish'd out of Florence where by virtue of their prodigious Wealth and the inevitable consequence of the Balance their Ancestors had bin Princes many years before CHARLES the Fifth was a Soldier any more by the help of his Arms those of the Pope at that time of the same Family and their Party at home than get into their known saddle To insist a little more at large upon the Storys of Genoa and Florence because upon these the Prevaricator sets up his rest that Mr. HARRINGTON must needs be afflicted Genoa was and is an Oligarchy consisting of twenty eight Familys making the Great Council or Aggregation as they call it none but these being capable of the Senat or of Magistracy and if ever it could be said of a Commonwealth that she had broken her self it might be said at the time related to of Genoa where not only the Faction of the Guelphs and Gibelins which had destroy'd many Citys in Italy then reign'd but the feud between the People included and the Subject excluded was as great as ever had bin between the Nobility and the People in Rome Besides the quarrel of the FIESCHI and the ADORNI two Familys like CAESAR and POMPEY which having many years together as it were ingrost the Magistracy of Duke were nevertheless perpetually striving each with other which should have it and if one of these as it did brought in the King of France there is nothing plainer than that this Commonwealth was subdu'd by her own Sedition nor is there a man knowing any thing of her affairs that makes any doubt of it That of Florence indeed if the Prevaricator could shew it had bin ever up I should grant were down but to relate the Story of this City I must relate that of the House of MEDICIS From COSIMO a Citizen famous throout Europe both for his Wisdom and Book I his Riches this Family for the space of sixty years exercis'd under the pretext of som Magistracy very great Power in Florence To Comines P. Jovius Macchiavel COSIMO succeded PETER to PETER LAURENCE a man in Prudence and Liberality resembling his Grandfather save that he us'd more absolute Power in managing the Commonwealth yet with gentleness and not altogether to the suppression of Liberty Nevertheless he obtain'd of the Signory which did for the most part as he would have them som small Guard for his Person he was a man renown'd thro Italy and look'd upon by foren Princes with much respect To him succeded his Son another PETER who thro Youth and Rashness conceiving the Power exercis'd by his Predecessors to be no more than his due took upon him the Government as absolute Lord of all and standing most formidably upon his Guard grew sottishly profuse of the public Mony and committed many Absurditys and Violences By which means having incurr'd the hatred of the Citizens he was banish'd by the Signory with Cardinal JOHN and JULIAN his Brothers This JOHN coming after to be Pope LEO the Tenth requir'd the revocation of his Brother's Banishment and the restitution of the House of MEDICIS to which finding the prevailing Party of the Florentins to be refractory he stir'd up the Arms of the Emperor CHARLES the Fifth against them by whose joint aid the City after a long siege was reduc'd to her old Ward and ALEXANDER of MEDICIS Nephew to the Pope and Son in law to the Emperor set in the known Saddle of his Ancestors This is the Action for which the Prevaricator will have a Common-wealth to have bin conquer'd by the Arms of a Monarch tho whoever reads the Story may very safely affirm First That Florence never attain'd to any such Orders as could deserve the name of a Common-wealth and next That the Purse of COSIMO had don that long before which is here attributed to the Arms of the Pope and the Emperor Reason and Experience as I said are like the Roots and the Branches of Plants and Trees As of Branches Fruits and Flowers being open and obvious to the ey the smell the touch and taste every Girl can judg so examples to vulgar capacitys are the best Arguments Let him that says a Commonwealth has bin at any time conquer'd by a Monarch to it again and shew us the example But tho Fruits and Flowers be easily known each from other their Roots are latent and not only so but of such resemblance that to distinguish of these a man must be a Gardiner or a Herbalist In this manner the reason why a Commonwealth has not bin overcom by a Monarch has bin shewn in the distribution of Arms those of a Prince consisting of Subjects or Servants and those of a Common-wealth rightly order'd of Citizens which difference relates plainly to the perfection or imperfection of the Government Consid p. 51. BVT says the Prevaricator this seems intended for a trial of our Noses whether they will serve us to discover the fallacy of an inference from the prosperous success of Arms to the perfection of Government If the University who should have som care of the Vinyard of Truth shall ly pigging of wild Boars to grunt in this manner and fear with their tusks and I happen to ring som of them as I have don this Marcassin for rooting there is nothing in my faith why such trial of their Noses should be Sin but for fallacious Inferences such I leave to them whose Caps are squarer than their Play FOR all that Great and well policy'd Empires says he have bin Chap. 10 subverted by People so eloign'd from the perfection of Government that we scarce know of any thing to ty them together but the desire of Booty Where or how came he to know this What Reason or Experience dos he allege for the proof of it May we not say of this it is for the trial of our Noses whether they will serve us to discover that a Conclusion should have som Premises He gives us leave to go look and all the Premises that I can find are quite contrary Judg. ch 1 2. THE Arms of Israel were always victorious till the death of JOSHUA wherupon the Orders of that Commonwealth being neglected they came afterwards to be seldom prosperous ISOCRATES in his Oration to the Areopagits speaks thus of Athens The Lacedemonians who when we were under Oligarchy every day commanded us somthing now while we are under popular Administration are our Petitioners that we would not see them utterly ruin'd by the Thebans Nor did Lacedemon fall to ruin till her Agrarian the Foundation of her Government was first broken The Arms of Rome ever noted by Historians and clearly evinc'd by MACCHIAVEL to have bin the Arte della Guerra result of her Policy during the popular Government were at such a pitch
such Objections as they afford me it should be alleg'd that to prove an Order in a Commonwealth I instance in a Monarchy as if there were any thing in this Order monarchical or that could if it had not bin so receiv'd from the Commonwealth have bin introduc'd by the Kings to whom in the judgment of any sober man the Prevaricator only excepted who has bin huckling about som such Council for his Prince no less could have follow'd upon the first frown of the People than did in REHOBOAM who having 1 Kings 12. us'd them roughly was depos'd by the Congregation or the major part It is true that while Israel was an Army the Congregation as it needed not to assemble by way of Election or Representative so I believe it did not but that by all Israel assembl'd to this end should be meant the whole People after they were planted upon their Lots and not their Representative which in a political sense is as properly so call'd were absurd and impossible Nor need I go upon presumtion only be the same never so strong seeing it is said in Scripture of the Korathites that they were keepers of the Gates of the Tabernacle and their Fathers 1 Chron. 9. 29. being over the Host of the Lord were keepers of the Entry That is according to the Interpretation of GROTIUS the Korathites were Book I now keepers of the Gates as it appears in the Book of Numbers their Numb 4. Ancestors the Kohathites had bin in the Camp or while Israel was yet an Army But our Translation is lame in the right foot as to the true discovery of the antient manner of this service which according to the Septuagint and the vulgar Latin was thus they were keepers of the Gates of the Tabernacle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 familiae eorum per vices and their Fathers by turns or Rotation So that Offices and Services by Courses Turns or Rotation are plainly more antient than Kings in the Commonwealth of Israel tho it be true that when the Courses or Rotation of the Congregation or Representative of the People were first introduc'd is as hard to shew as it would be how after the People were once planted upon their Lots they could be otherwise assembl'd If Writers argue well and lawfully from what the Sanhedrim was in the institution by JEHOSAPHAT to what it had more antiently bin to argue from what the Congregation was in the institution by DAVID to what it had more antiently bin is sufficiently warranted THESE things rightly consider'd there remains little doubt but we have the courses of Israel for the first example of Rotation in a popular Assembly Now to com from the Hebrew to the Grecian Prudence the same is approv'd by ARISTOTLE which he exemplifys in the Commonwealth of THALES MILESIUS where the People Pol. l. 4. c. 14. he says assembl'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by turns or Rotation Nor is the Roman Prudence without som shadow of the like Proceding where the Prerogative pro tempore with the jure vocatae being made by Lot gave frequently the Suffrage of the whole People But the Gothic Prudence in the Policy of the third State runs altogether upon the Collection of a Representative by the Suffrage of the People tho not so diligently regulated by Terms and Vacations as to a standing Assembly were necessary by Turns Rotation Parembole or Courses as in the election of the late House of Commons and the constitutive Vicissitude of the Knights and Burgesses is known by sufficient experience WHEN the Rotation of a Commonwealth is both in the Magistracy and the People I reckon it to be of a fourth kind as in Israel where both the Judg and the Congregation were so elected THE fifth kind is when the Rotation of a Commonwealth is in the Magistracy and the Senat as in those of Athens of the Achaeans of the Aetolians of the Lycians and of Venice upon which Examples rather for the influence each of them at least Athens may have upon the following Book than any great necessity from the present occasion I shall inlarge in this place THE Commonwealth of Athens was thus administer'd Epitome of the Athenian Commonwealth THE Senat of the Bean being the proposing Assembly for that of the Areopagits call'd also a Senat was a Judicatory consisted of four hundred Citizens chosen by Lot which was perform'd with Beans These were annually remov'd all at once By which means Athens became frustrated of the natural and necessary use of an Aristocracy while neither her Senators were chosen for their parts nor remain'd long enough in this Function to acquire the right understanding of their proper Office These thus elected were subdivided by Lot into four equal parts call'd Prytanys each of which for one quarter of the year was in office The Prytany or Prytans in office elected ten Presidents Chap. 12 call'd Proedri out of which Proedri or Presidents they weekly chose one Provost of the Council who was call'd the Epistata The Epistata and the Proedri were the more peculiar Proposers to the Prytans and to the Prytans it belong'd especially to prepare business Petit. de Leg Att. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Senat. They gave also audience to any that would propose any thing concerning the Common-wealth which if when reported by the Prytans it were approv'd by the Senat the party that propos'd might promulgat the business and Promulgation being made the Congregation assembl'd and determin'd of it Sic data concio Laelio est processit ille Graecus apud Graecos Cic. pro Flac non de culpa sua dixit sed de poena questus est porrexerunt manus Psephisma natum est THE Prytans and their Magistrats had right to assemble the Senat and propose to them and what the Senat determin'd upon such a Proposition if forthwith to be offer'd to the People as in privat cases was call'd Proboulema but if not to be propos'd till the People had a years trial of it as was the ordinary way in order to Laws to be enacted it was call'd Psephisma each of which words with that difference signifys a Decree A Decree of the Senat in the latter sense had for one year the power of a Law after which trial it belong'd to the Thesmothetae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hang it in writing upon the Statues of the Heros and assemble the Congregation These Magistrats were of the Ulpiâ—n ad Phil. 1. number of the Archons which in all were nine the chief more peculiarly so call'd was ARCHON EPONYMUS he by whose name the year was reckon'd or denominated his Magistracy being of a Civil Poll. l. 8. c. 8. concernment the next was the King a Magistrat of a Spiritual concernment the third the Polemarch whose Magistracy was of a Military concernment the other six were the Thesmothetae who had several Functions common with the nine others peculiar or proper to themselves as 〈◊〉
introduc'd otherwise than by the interposition of foren Arms that could have subsisted naturally without Violence or Reluctancy or steddily without frequent Changes Alterations and Plunges except that only of the Commonwealth propos'd II. WHETHER the Balance in Land so standing as has bin shewn the Commonwealth propos'd being once establish'd were without the immediat hand of God as by Pestilence Famin or Inundation to be alter'd or broken and which way To the Godly Man I. WHETHER Human Prudence be not a Creature of God and to what end God made this Creature II. WHETHER the Commonwealth of Israel in her main Orders that is to say the Senat the People and the Magistracy was not erected by the same Rules of human Prudence with other Commonwealths III. WHETHER JETHRO were not a Heathen IV. WHETHER God did not approve of the Advice of JETHRO in the Fabric of the Commonwealth of Israel V. WHETHER the natural Body of a Godly Man can any otherwise be said to support and nourish it self in the Air or between Heaven and Earth than by a figurative Speech or whether it be any more possible for the Political Body of a People so to do than for the natural Body of a Godly Man To the Grandee or Learned Commonwealthsman I. WHETHER a noble Housekeeper has a Horsekeeper that is as well to live as himself and whether the Housekeeper should he lose his Estate would not be a Horsekeeper rather than want Bread II. WHETHER Riches and Poverty more or less do not introduce Command or Obedience more or less as well in a public as in a privat Estate III. WHETHER the Introduction of Command or Obedience more or less either in a public or private Estate dos not form or change the Genius of a Man or of a People accordingly Or what is the reason why the Peasant in France is base and the lower People in England of a high Courage IV. WHETHER the Genius of the People of Oceana has bin of late years or be devoted or addicted to the Nobility and the Clergy as in former times V. WHETHER the Genius of the People of Oceana not being addicted to the Nobility and Clergy as formerly can be said to be for Monarchy or against it VI. WHETHER the People be not frequently mistaken in Names while as to Things they mean otherwise or whether the People of Oceana desiring Monarchy in Name do not in Truth desire a Government of Laws and not of Men VII WHETHER for these Reasons not to know how to hold the Balance or Foundation of a Government steddy nor yet to reform or vary the Orders of the same as the Foundation coms to vary be not to deliver a Nation to certain Ruin and Destruction To the Rational Man I. WHETHER there be any thing in this Fabric or Model that is contradictory to it self to Reason or to Truth II. WHETHER a Commonwealth that is fram'd intire or complete in all her necessary Orders without any manner of contradiction to her self to Reason or to Truth can yet be false or insufficient THE SECOND BOOK OR A Political Discourse CONCERNING ORDINATION Against Dr. H. HAMMOND Dr. L. SEAMAN And the Authors they follow Optat Aprum aut fulvum descendere monte Leonem E. W. Advertisment to the READER BOOKS especially whose Authors have got themselves Names are Leaders wherfore in case any of these err in Leading it is not only lawful but matter of Conscience to a man that perceives it as far as he is able to warn others This were Apology enough for my writing against Dr. HAMMOND and Dr. SEAMAN and yet I have happen'd to be brought under a farther Obligation to this enterprise their Books having bin sent me by way of Objection against what I have formerly said of Ordination and am daily more and more confirm'd I shall make good However there can be no great hurt in this Essay Truth being like Venison not only the best Quarry but the best Game Order of the Discourse TO manage the present Controversy with the more Clearness I have divided my Discourse into five Parts or Chapters THE First explaining the words Chirotonia and Chirothesia paraphrasticaly relates the Story of the Perambulation made by the Apostles PAUL and BARNABAS thro the Citys of Lycaonia Pisydia c. by way of Introduction THE Second shews those Citys or most of them at the time of this Perambulation to have bin under popular Government In which is contain'd the whole Administration of a Roman Province THE Third shews the Deduction of the Chirotonia from Popular Government and of the Original Right of Ordination from the Chirotonia In which is contain'd the Institution of the Sanhedrim or Senat of Israel by MOSES and of that at Rome by ROMULUS THE Fourth shews the Deduction of the Chirothesia from Monarchical or Aristocratical Government and the second way of Ordination from the Chirothesia In which is contain'd the Commonwealth of the Jews as it stood after the Captivity THE Fifth debates whether the Chirotonia us'd in the Citys mention'd was as is pretended by Dr. HAMMOND Dr. SEAMAN and the Authors they follow the same with the Chirothesia or a far different thing In which are contain'd the divers kinds of Church-Government introduc'd and exercis'd in the age of the Apostles I AM entring into a Discourse to run much for the Words upon a Language not vulgar which therfore I shall use no otherwise than by way of Parenthesis not obstructing the Sense and for the Things upon Customs that are foren which therfore I shall interpret as well as I can Now so to make my way into the parts of this discourse that wheras they who have heretofore manag'd it in English might in regard of their Readers have near as well written it in Greec I may not be above the vulgar capacity I shall open both the Names wherof and the Things wherupon we are about to dispute by way of Introduction A Chap. 1 Political Discourse CONCERNING ORDINATION The INTRODUCTION OR First Chapter THE Names or Words wherof we are about to dispute are Greec the one Chirotonia the other Chirothesia The first signification of the word Chirotonia in SUIDAS imports a certain leud action of the hand which seems also by the Greec that renders it by the same word to have bin intimated in Isa 5. 9. In the second signification with SUIDAS it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Election that is no say of Magistrats or Ratification that is to say of Laws by the Many which amounts both by his Testimony and that generally of antient Authors to this that the most usual and natural signification of the word Chirotonia is Popular Suffrage whether given as when they speak of Athens by the holding up of hands or as when they speak as dos SUIDAS in the place mention'd of Rome and other Commonwealths whose Suffrage was not given with this Ceremony without holding up of hands CHIROTHESIA 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a word
to succede MOSES requir'd the Wisdom of God or of MOSES and therfore was not yet safe to be ventur'd upon a People so new in their Government For these reasons I say MOSES us'd the Chirothesia for once and no more or let them shew me among all the Dictators Judges or Kings that succeded JOSHUA any one that was chosen by the Chirothesia and be all Dictators It is now above three thousand years since the institution of the Sanhedrim from which time the ambitious Elders first then the Talmudists and of latter ages Divines have bin perpetually striving for or possessing themselves of this same Oligarchical Invention of the Chirothesia pretended to be deriv'd from MOSES tho there be neither any such Precept of God or Christ in the Old or New Testament nor any unanimous result upon the point either by the Talmudists or Divines themselves And for the clear words quoted by the Doctor out of MAIMONIDES they are such to which I shall in due time shew MAIMONIDES to be elswhere of a clear contrary opinion But in this Controversy without som clearer deduction of the Chirothesia we shall make no happy progress in this therfore I shall follow SELDEN the ablest Talmudist of our age or of any THE Commonwealth of Lacedemon if I could stand to shew it has strange resemblances to that of Israel not only in the Agrarian which is nothing to the present purpose but in the Senat which to prevent catching another time I do not say was a Judicatory only but not only a Senat but a Judicatory also For LYCURGUS of all other Legislators was in this the likest to God or to MOSES that his work was so exquisitly perfected at once and his Laws so comprehensive that if the Senat had had no other function than to make or propose new Laws there being little or nothing of that wanting they would have had little or nothing to do Now it being thus and much more than thus in Israel the Sanhedrim was not only the Senat but the supreme Judicatory And because one Court in a Territory of any Extent is no where sufficient to this end therfore the Sanhedrim had divers branches distended not only to the Citys of Judea but even to the Villages these were call'd the Lesser Sanhedrim or the Jethronian Prefectures Book II THE Great Sanhedrim consisting as has bin shewn of 70 Elders Selden de Syn. sat first in the Tabernacle and afterwards in the Court of the Temple THE Jethronian Prefectures consisted som of three and twenty Elders and others but of three Of the former kind there were two in the gates of the Temple and one sitting in the gates of every City of the latter there was one almost in every Village THE power of the Jethronian Court consisting of twenty three Elders was in matter of Judicature equal with that of the great Sanhedrim Vid. Grot. ad Deut. 17. 8. only in cases of difficulty they observ'd this Precept If there arise a matter too hard for thee in judgment between Blood and Blood between Plea and Plea between Stroke and Stroke being matter of Controversy within thy gates then shalt thou arise and get thee up into the place which the Lord thy God shall chuse in the future for the Common-wealth was yet but design'd not planted and thou shalt com to the Priests and the Levits and to the Judg that shall be in those days and inquire and they shall shew thee the sentence of Judgment That is thou shalt consult the Sanhedrim or if there be no Sanhedrim the Suffes or Judg of Israel The reason why the Sanhedrim in this Text is mention'd under the name of the Priests and Levits is that these about the beginning of this Commonwealth having as were also the Egyptian Priests at the same time bin the learnedst Men whether for Lawyers or Physicians there were scarce any other chosen into the Sanhedrim tho towards the latter end it happen'd to be far otherwise For wheras sacrificing was feasting the Priests injoying a fat Idleness became in latter times so heavy that as to the Election of the Sanhedrim not only the Levits of inferior rank were upon the matter wholly laid by but the High-Priest himself somtimes omitted the rest of the Tribes far excelling this in Learning THE power of the Triumvirats or three Judges in the Villages extended no farther than to inflict stripes to a certain number and pecuniary mulcts to a certain sum These possibly had the same recourse upon occasion of difficulty to the Judges in the Gates as the Judges in the Gates had to the Sanhedrim but their power is not so much to the present purpose which regards only their manner of Election This having bin institutively exercis'd as has bin shewn by the Chirotonia or Ballot of the People came sooner or later I find no man that can resolve upon the certain time to the Chirothesia For tho when a Judg in the Gates was dead that Court elected his Successor out of their Disciples each Court in the Gates had 99 Disciples that were their constant Auditors or out of the Triumvirats and when an Elder of the Sanhedrim dy'd the Sanhedrim elected his Successor out of the Courts in the Gates more particularly those in the Gates of the Temple by Suffrages yet no man was capable of being elected into any of these Courts that was not a Presbyter nor was any man a Mikotzi Misna Gemara Presbyter that had not receiv'd the Chirothesia nor could any man confer the Chirothesia that had not first receiv'd it or bin so ordain'd a Presbyter himself nor tho he were so ordain'd could he confer the like Ordination but in the presence of two others whether ordain'd or not ordain'd and no Ordination could be confer'd but either this way or Abr. Zacuth Maimonides by som one of the Judicatorys The manner how this Ordination was confer'd if the party were present was either by laying on of Hands or by saying a Verse or Charm or if he were absent by a Letter or Patent AN Elder thus ordain'd was call'd Rabbi might have Disciples Chap. 4 teach practise or expound the Law declare what was therby free Rab. Jonah Rab. Nathan or forbidden which with them was call'd binding and loosing ordain others with the assistance mention'd or be capable of Election into som one or any Court of Justice according to the nature of his Ordination the Conditions mention'd at the conferring of the same or the gift that was in him by the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery which in som extended no farther than to shew how Meat should be kill'd and dress'd how Uncleanness should be purify'd what were Vices of the body what might be eaten or drunk and what not in others it extended to som one or more or all the Facultys express'd but I am inclining to believe that a plenary Ordination us'd not to be confer'd but by the Great Sanhedrim
Halac San. C. 4. S. 11. should happen that in all the Holy Land there remain'd but one Presbyter that Presbyter assisted by two other Israelites might ordain the seventy or great Sanhedrim and the Sanhedrim so constituted might constitute and ordain the lesser Courts I am of opinion that were there no Presbyter in the Land yet if all the Wise Men of Israel should agree to constitute or ordain Judges they might do it lawfully enoug But if so then how coms it to pass that our Ancestors have bin so solicitous lest Judicature should fail in Israel Surely for no other cause than that from the time of the Captivity the Israelites were so dispers'd that they could not upon like occasions be brought together Now I appeal whether the clear Words of MAIMONIDES where he says that our Master MOSES ordain'd the Sanhedrim by the Chirothesia be not more clearly and strongly contradicted in this place than affirm'd in the other since acknowleging that if the People could assemble they might ordain the Sanhedrim he gives it for granted that when they did assemble they had power to ordain it and that MOSES did assemble them upon this occasion is plain in Scripture Again if the power of Ordination falls ultimatly to the People there is not a stronger argument in Nature that it is thence primarily deriv'd To conclude the Chirothesia of the Presbyterian Party in Israel is thus confess'd by the Author no otherwise necessary than thro the defect of the Chirotonia of the People which Ingenuity of the Talmudist for any thing that has yet past might be worthy the imitation of Divines IN tracking the Jews from the restitution of their Commonwealth after the Captivity to their dispersion it seems that the later Monarchy in Israel was occasion'd by the Oligarchy the Oligarchy by the Aristocracy and the Aristocracy by the Chirothesia but that this Monarchy tho erected by magnanimous and popular Princes could be no less than Tyranny deriv'd from another Principle that is the insufficiency of the balance For tho from the time of the Captivity the Jubile was no more in use yet the Virgin MARY as an Heiress is affirm'd by som to have bin marri'd to JOSEPH by virtue of this Law Every Daughter that possesses an Inheritance in any Tribe of the Children of Israel Numb 27. 8. shall be Wife to one of the Family of the Tribe of her Fathers c. By which the Popular Agrarian may be more than suspected to have bin of greater vigor than would admit of a well-balanc'd Monarchy THE second Presbytery which is now attain'd to a well balanc'd Empire in the Papacy has infinitly excel'd the pattern the Lands of Italy being most of them in the Church This if I had leisure might be track'd by the very same steps At first it consisted of the seventy Parish Priests or Presbyters of Rome now seventy Cardinals creating to themselves a High Priest or Prince of their Sanhedrim the Pope but for the Superstition wherto he has brought Religion Book II and continues by his Chirothesia to hold it a great and a Reverend Monarch establish'd upon a solid Foundation and governing by an exquisit Policy not only well balanc'd at home but deeply rooted in the greatest Monarchys of Christendom where the Clergy by virtue of their Lands are one of the three States THE Maxims of Rome are profound for there is no making use of Princes without being necessary to them nor have they any regard to that Religion which dos not regard Empire All Monarchys of the Gothic Model that is to say where the Clergy by virtue of their Lands are a third estate subsist by the Pope whose Religion creating a reverence in the People and bearing an aw upon the Prince preserves the Clergy that else being unarm'd becom a certain Prey to the King or the People and where this happens as in HENRY the Eighth down gos the Throne for so much as the Clergy loses falls out of the Monarchical into the Popular Scale Where a Clergy is a third Estate Popular Government wants Earth and can never grow but where they dy at the root a Prince may sit a while but is not safe nor is it in nature except he has a Nobility or Gentry able without a Clergy to give balance to the People that he should subsist long or peaceably For wherever a Government is sounded on an Army as in the Kings of Israel or Emperors of Rome there the saddest Tragedys under Heaven are either on the Stage or in the Tiring-house These things consider'd the Chirothesia being originally nothing else but a way of Policy excluding the People where it attains not to a balance that is sufficient for this purpose brings forth Oligarchy or Tyranny as among the Jews And where it attains to a balance sufficient to this end produces Monarchy as in the Papacy and in all Gothic Kingdoms THE Priests of Aegypt where as it is describ'd by SICULUS their Revenue came to the third part of the Realm would no question have bin exactly well fitted with the Chirothesia pretended to by modern Divines Suppose the Apostles had planted the Christian Religion in those Parts and the Priests had bin all converted I do not think that Divines will say that having alter'd their Religion they needed to have deserted their being a third Estate their overbalance to the People their Lands their Preeminence in the Government or any part of their Policy for that and I am as far from saying so as themselves ON the other side as PAUL was a Citizen of Rome let us suppose him to have bin a Citizen of Athens and about 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to constitute the Christian Religion in this Commonwealth where any Citizen might speak to the People Imagin then he should have said thus Men of Athens that which you ignorantly seek I bring to you the true Religion but to receive this you must not alter your former Belief only but your antient Customs Your Political Assemblys have bin hitherto call'd Ecclesiae this word must lose the antient sense and be no more understood but of Spiritual Consistorys and so wher as it has bin of a Popular it must henceforth be of an Aristocratical or Presbyterian signification For your Chirotonia that also must follow the same rule insomuch as on whomsoever one or more of the Aristocracy or Presbytery shall lay their hands the same is understood by virtue of that Action to be chirotoniz'd How well would this have sounded in Aegypt and how ill in Athens Certainly the Policy of the Church of CHRIST admits of more Prudence Chap. 5 and Temperament in these things Tho the Apostles being Jews themselves satisfy'd the converted Jews that were us'd to Aristocracy by retaining somwhat of their Constitutions as the Chirothesia yet when PAUL and BARNABAS com to constitute in Popular Commonwealths they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chirotonizing them Elders in every Congregation CHAP. V.
likewise regardless of this point into which nevertheless he saw so far as not seldom to prophesy sad things to his Successors neither his new Peerage which Chap. 3 in abundance he created nor the old avail'd him any thing against that dread wherin more freely than prudently he discover'd himself to stand of Parlaments as now mere Popular Councils and running to popularity of Government like a Bowl down a hill not so much I may say of Malice prepens'd as by natural instinct wherof the Petition of Right well consider'd is a sufficient Testimony All persuasion of Court Eloquence all patience for such as but look'd that way was now lost There remain'd nothing to the destruction of a Monarchy retaining but the name more than a Prince who by contending should make the People to feel those advantages which they could not see And this happen'd in the next King who too secure in that undoubted right wherby he was advanc'd to a Throne which had no foundation dar'd to put this to an unseasonable trial on whom therfore fell the Tower in Silo. Nor may we think that they upon whom this Tower fell were Sinners above all men but that we unless we repent and look better to the true foundations must likewise perish We have had latter Princes latter Parlaments In what have they excel'd or where are they The Balance not consider'd no effectual work can be made as to settlement and consider'd as it now stands in England requires to settlement no less than the Superstructures natural to Popular Government and the Superstructures natural to Popular Government require no less than the highest skill or art that is in Political Architecture The sum of which Particulars amounts to this That the safety of the People of England is now plainly cast upon skill or sufficiency in Political Architecture it is not enough therfore that there are honest men addicted to all the good ends of a Commonwealth unless there be skill also in the formation of those proper means wherby such Ends may be attain'd Which is a sad but a true account this being in all experience and in the judgment of all Politicians that wherof the Many are incapable And tho the meanest Citizen not informing the Commonwealth of what he knows or conceives to concern its safety commits a hainous Crime against God and his Country yet such is the temper of later times that a man having offer'd any light in this particular has scap'd well enough if he be despis'd and not ruin'd BUT to procede if the Balance or state of Property in a Nation be the efficient cause of Government and the Balance being not fix'd the Government as by the present Narrative is evinc'd must remain inconstant or floting then the process in the formation of a Government must be first by a fixation of the Balance and next by erecting such Superstructures as to the nature therof are necessary CHAP. III. Of Fixation of the Balance or of Agrarian Laws FIXATION of the Balance of Property is not to be provided for but by Laws and the Laws wherby such a Provision is made are commonly call'd Agrarian Laws Now as Governments thro the divers Balance of Property are of divers or contrary natures Book I that is Monarchical or Popular so are such Laws Monarchy requires of the standard of Property that it be vast or great and of Agrarian Laws that they hinder recess or diminution at least in so much as is therby intail'd upon Honor But Popular Government requires that the standard be moderat and that its Agrarian prevent accumulation In a Territory not exceding England in Revenue if the It is at present in more hands but without fixation may com into fewer Balance be in more hands than three hundred it is declining from Monarchy and if it be in fewer than five thousand hands it is swerving from a Commonwealth which as to this point may suffice at present CHAP. IV. Shewing the Superstructures of Governments The Superstructures of Absolute Monarchy THAT the Policy or Superstructures of all absolute Monarchs more particularly of the Eastern Empires are not only contain'd but meliorated in the Turkish Government requires no farther proof than to compare them but because such a work would not ly in a small compass it shall suffice for this time to say that such Superstructures of Government as are natural to an absolute Prince or the sole Landlord of a large Territory require for the first story of the Building that what Demeans he shall think fit to reserve being set apart the rest be divided into Horse quarters or Military Farms for life or at will and not otherwise And that every Timariots Tenant for every hundred pounds a year so held be by condition of his Tenure oblig'd to attend his Soverain Lord in Person in Arms and at his proper cost and charges with one Horse so often and so long as he shall be commanded upon service These among the Turks are call'd Timariots Beglerbegs THE second Story requires that these Horse quarters or Military Farms be divided by convenient Precincts or Proportions into distinct Provinces and that each Province have one Governor or Commander in chief of the same at the will and pleasure of his Grand Signior or for three years and no longer Such among the Turks unless by additional honors they be call'd Bashaws or Viziers are the Beglerbegs Janizarys and Spahys FOR the third Story there must of necessity be a Mercenary Army consisting both of Horse and Foot for the Guard of the Prince's Person and for the Guard of his Empire by keeping the Governors of Provinces so divided that they be not suffer'd to lay their arms or heads together or to hold correspondence or intelligence with one another Which Mercenary Army ought not to be constituted of such as have already contracted som other interest but to consist of Men so educated from their very childhood as not to know that they have any other Parent or native Country than the Prince and his Empire Such among the Turks are the Foot call'd Janizarys and the Horse call'd Spahys The Divan and the Grand Signior THE Prince accommodated with a Privy Council consisting of such as have bin Governors of Provinces is the Topstone This Council among the Turks is call'd the Divan and this Prince the Grand Signior THE Superstructures proper to a regulated Monarchy or to the Chap. 4 Government of a Prince three or four hundred of whose Nobility The Superstructures of Regulated Monarchy or of whose Nobility and Clergy hold three parts in four of the Territory must either be by his personal influence upon the Balance or by virtue of Orders IF a Prince by easing his Nobility of Taxes and feeding them with such as are extorted from the People can so accommodat their Ambition and Avarice with great Offices and Commands that a Party rebelling he can overbalance and reduce them
highest Mystery of Popular Government and indeed the supreme Law wherin is contain'd not only the Liberty but the Safety of the People FOR the remainder of the Civil part of this Model which is now but small it is farther propos'd Rule for Vacations THAT every Magistracy Office or Election throout this whole Commonwealth whether annual or triennial be understood of consequeuce to injoin an interval or vacation equal to the term of the same That the Magistracy of a Knight and of a Burgess be in this relation understood as one and the same and that this Order regard only such Elections as are National or Domestic and not such as are Provincial or Foren Exception from the Rule THAT for an exception from this Rule where there is but one Elder of the Horse in one and the same Parish that Elder be eligible in the same without interval and where there be above four Elders of the Horse in one and the same Parish there be not above half nor under two of them eligible at the same Election OTHERWISE the People beyond all manner of doubt would elect so many of the better sort at the very first that there would not be of the Foot or of the meaner sort enough to supply the due number of the Popular Assembly or Prerogative Tribe and the better sort being excluded subsequent Elections by their intervals there would not be wherwithal to furnish the Senat the Horse of the Prerogative Tribe and the rest of the Magistracys each of which Obstructions is prevented by this Exception Where by the way if in all experience such has bin the constant temper of the People and can indeed be reasonably no other it is apparent what cause there can be of doubt who in a Commonwealth of this nature must have the leading Yet is no man excluded from any Preferment only Industry which ought naturally to be the first step is first injoin'd by this Policy but rewarded amply seeing he who has made himself worth one hundred Pounds a year has made himself capable of all Preferments and Honors in this Government Where a man from the lowest state may not rise to the due pitch of his unquestionable Merit the Commonwealth is not equal yet neither can the People under the Limitations propos'd make choice as som object of any other than Book III the better sort nor have they at any time bin so inclining to do where they have not bin under such Limitations Be it spoken not to the disparagement of any man but on the contrary to their praise whose Merit has made them great the People of England have not gon so low in the election of a House of Commons as som Prince has don in the election of a House of Lords To weigh Election by a Prince with Election by a People set the Nobility of Athens and Rome by the Nobility of the old Monarchy and a House of Commons freely chosen by the Nobility of the new There remains but the Quorum for which it is propos'd The Quorum THAT throout all the Assemblys and Councils of this Commonwealth the Quorum consist of one half in the time of Health and of one third part in a time of Sickness being so declar'd by the Senat. HOW the City Government without any diminution of their Privileges and with an improvement of their Policy may be made to fall in with these Orders has * In Oceana elswhere bin shewn in part and may be consider'd farther at leisure Otherwise the whole Commonwealth so far as it is merely Civil is in this part accomplish'd Now as of necessity there must be a natural Man or a Man indu'd with a natural Body before there can be a spiritual Man or a Man capable of Divine Contemplation so a Government must have a Civil before it can have a Religious part And if a man furnisht only with natural parts can never be so stupid as not to make som Reflections upon Religion much less a Commonwealth which necessitats the Religious part of this Model CHAP. II. Containing the Religious Part of this Model propos'd practicably THERE is nothing more certain or demonstrable to common Sense than that the far greater part of Mankind in matters of Religion give themselves up to the public Leading Now a National Religion rightly establish'd or not coercive is not any public driving but only the public leading If the Public in this case may not lead such as desire to be led by the Public and yet a Party may lead such as desire to be led by a Party where would be the Liberty of Conscience as to the State Which certainly in a well order'd Commonwealth being the public Reason must be the public Conscience Nay where would be the Liberty of Conscience in respect of any Party which should so procede as to shew that without taking their Liberty of Conscience from others they cannot have it themselves If the Public refusing Liberty of Conscience to a Party would be the cause of Tumult how much more a Party refusing it to the Public And how in case of such a Tumult should a Party defend their Liberty of Conscience or indeed their Throats from the whole or a far greater Party without keeping down or tyrannizing over the whole or a far greater Party by force of Arms These things being rightly consider'd it is no wonder that Men living like men have not bin yet found without a Government or that any Government has not bin yet found without a National Religion that is som orderly and known way of public Chap. 2 leading in divine things or in the Worship of God A NATIONAL Religion being thus prov'd necessary it remains that I prove what is necessary to the same that is as it concerns the State or in relation to the Duty of the Magistrat CERTAIN it is that Religion has not seen corruption but by one of these three causes som Interest therwith incorporated som ignorance of the truth of it or by som complication of both Nor was ever Religion left wholly to the management of a Clergy that escap'd these Causes or their most pernicious Effects as may be perceiv'd in Rome which has brought Ignorance to be the Mother of Devotion and indeed Interest to be the Father of Religion Now the Clergy not failing in this case to be dangerous what recourse but to the Magistrat for safety specially seeing these Causes that is Interest and Ignorance the one proceding from evil Laws the other from the want of good Education are not in the right or power of a Clergy but only of the Civil Magistracy Or if so it be that Magistrats are oblig'd in duty to be nursing Fathers and nursing Mothers to the Church Isa 49. 23. how shall a State in the sight of God be excusable that takes no heed or care lest Religion suffer by Causes the prevention or remedy wherof is in them only To these therfore it