Christ came to be a Lamb without spot who by the Sacrifice of himself once made should take away the sins of the world Than which there can be nothing more conducible to the point in hand And to this purpose also when Christ our Saviour was pleased to Authorize his Holy Apostles to preach the good Tidings of Salvations he gave them both a Command and a Commission To go unto all the World and preach the Gospel to every Creature Mark 16.15 So that there was no part of the World nor any Creature in the same that is to say no rational Creature which seems to be excluded from a Possibility of obtaining Salvation by the Preaching of the Gospel to them if with a faith unfeigned they believe the same which the Church further teacheth us in this following Prayer appointed to be used in the Ordering of such as are called to the Office of the holy Priesthood viz. Almighty God and Heavenly Father which of thine Infinite Love and Goodness toward us hast given to us thy only and most Dear Beloved Son Jesus Christ to be our Redeemer and Author of Everlasting Life who after he had made perfect our Redemption by his Death and was ascended into Heaven sent forth abroad into the world his Apostles Prophets Evangelists Doctors and Pastors by whose labour and Ministry he gathered together a great Flock in all the parts of the World to set forth the Eternal Praise of his Holy Name For these so great Benefits of thy Eternal Goodness and for that thou hast vouchsafed to call thy Servant here present to the same Office and Ministry of Salvation of Mankind we render unto thee most hearty thanks and we worship and praise thee and we humbly beseech thee by the same thy Son to grant unto all which either here or elsewhere call upon thy Name that we may shew our selves thankful to thee for these and all other thy benefits and that we may daily increase and go forward in the knowledg and faith of thee and thy Son by the Holy Spirit So that as well by these thy Ministers as by them to whom they shall be appointed Ministers thy Holy Name may be always glorified and thy Blessed Kingdom enlarged through the same thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ who liveth and reigneth with thee in the Vnity of the same Holy Spirit world without end Amen Which Form in Ordering and Consecrating Bishops Priests and Deacons I note this only by the way being drawn up by those which had the making of the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and confirmed by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth of the said King was afterwards also ratified by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth and ever since hath had its place amongst the publick Monuments and Records of the Church of England To these I shall only add one single testimony out of the Writings of each of the three godly Martyrs before remembred the point being so clearly stated by some of our Divines commonly called Calvinists though not by the Outlandish also that any longer insisting on it may be thought unnecessary First then Bishop Cranmer tells us in the Preface to his Book against Gardiner of Winchester aforementioned That our Saviour Christ according to the will of his Eternal Father when the time thereof was fully accomplished taking our Nature upon him came into this World from the high Throne of his Father to declare unto miserable Sinners the Goodness c. To shew that the time of Grace and Mercy was come to give light to them that were in darkness and in the shadow of death and to preach and give Pardon and full Remission of sin to all his Elected And to perform the same he made a Sacrifice and Oblation of his body upon the Cross which was a full Redemption Satisfaction and Propitiation for the sins of the whole World More briefly Bishop Latimer thus The Evangelist saith When Jesus was born c. Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. What is Jesus Jesus is an Hebrew word which signifieth in our English Tongue a Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankind born into the World This Title and Name To save appertaineth properly and principally unto him for he saved us else had we been lost for ever Bishop Hooper in more words to the same effect That as the sins of Adam Pref. to the ten Commandments without Priviledg or Exemption extended and appertained unto all and every of Adams Posterity so did this Promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every and singular of Adams Posterity as to Adam as it is more plainly expressed where God promiseth to bless in the seed of Abraham all the people of the World Next for the point of Vniversal Vocation and the extent of the Promises touching life Eternal besides what was observed before from the Publick Liturgy we find some Testimonies and Authorities also in the Book of Homilies In one whereof it is declared That God received the learned and unlearned and casteth away none Hom. of Holy Scrip. p. 5. but is indifferent unto all And in another place more largely that the imperfection or natural sickness taken in Adam excludeth not that person from the promise of God in Christ except we transgress the limits and bounds of this Original sin by our own folly and malice If we have Christ then have we with him Hom. against fear of death p. 62. and by him all good things whatsoever we can in our hearts wish or desire as Victory over death sin hell c. The truth hereof is more clearly evidenced in the Writings of the godly Martyrs so often mentioned as first of Bishop Latimer who discourseth thus We learn saith he by this sentence that multi sunt vocati that many are called c. that the preaching of the Gospel is universal that it appertaineth to all mankind Serm. Septure that it is written in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum through the whole world their sound is heard Now seeing that the Gospel is universal it appeareth that he would have all mankind be saved that the fault is not in him if they be damned for it is written thus Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri God would have all mankind saved his salvation is sufficient to save all mankind Thus also in another place That the promises of Christ our Saviour are general they appertain to all mankind He made a general Proclamation saying Qui credit in me 1 Serm Lincol habet vitam aeternam Whosoever believeth me hath eternal life And not long after in the same Sermon That we must consider wisely what he saith with his own mouth Venite and me omnes Hook pres to Commo c. Mark here he saith mark here he saith Come all ye wherefore should any body despair or shut out himself from the promises of Christ which be general and appertain to the whole
the Lord Commissioners the Right of Sitting there 1. The Prebends Original Right 2. Their Derivative Right and lastly their Possessory Right Upon hearing the proofs on both sides it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissioners That the Prebends should be restored to their old Seat and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls eldest Sons according to the ancient custom After this there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at any Morning-Prayer and seldom at Evening At this time came out the Doctor 's History of the Sabbath the Argumentative or Scholastick part of which subject was referred to White Bishop of Eli the Historical part to the Doctor And no sooner had the Doctor perfected his Book of the Sabbath but the Dean of Peterborough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincoln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham He received it upon good Friday and by the Thursday following discovered the sophistry mistakes and falshoods of it It was approved by the King and by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licens'd and Publish'd under the title of a Coal from the Altar In less than a twelve-month the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it Entituled The Holy Table Name and Thing but pretended that it was writ long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole a Divine in the days of Queen Mary Dr. Heylyn receiv'd a Message from the King to return a reply to it and not in the least to spare him And he did it in the space of seven weeks presenting it ready Printed to his Majesty and called it Antidotum Lincolniense But before this he answered Mr. Burtons Seditious Sermon being thereunto also appointed by the King In July 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the Kings Cause suspended à Beneficio officio and sent to the Tower where he continued three years and did not in all that space of time hear either Sermon or publick Prayers The College of Westminster about this time presented the Doctor to the Parsonage of Islip now void by the death of Dr. King By reason of its great distance from Alresford the Doctor exchanged it for South-warnborough that was more near and convenient At which time recovering from an ill fit of Sickness he studiously set on writing the History of the Church of England since the Reformation in order to which he obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cottons Library and by Arch-bishop Laud's commendation had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books leaving 200 l. as a Pawn behind him The Commotions in Scotland now began and the Arch Bishop of Canterbury intending to set out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy which he had commended to that Kirk desired the Doctor to translate the Scottish Liturgy into Latin that being Published with the Apology all the World might be satisfied in his Majesties piety as well as the Arch-Bishops care as also that the perverse and rebellious temper of the Scots might be apparent to all who would raise such troubles upon the Recommendation of a book that was so Venerable and Orthodox Dr. Heylyn undertook and went through with it but the distemper and trouble of those times put a period to the undertaking and the Book went no farther than the hands of that Learned Martyr In Feb. 1639. the Doctor was put into Commission of Peace for the County of Hampshire residing then upon this Living into which place he was no sooner admitted but he occasioned the discovery of a horrid Murther that had been committed many years before in that Countrey In the April following he was chosen Clerk of the Convocation for the College of Westminster at which time the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sending a Canon to them for suppressing the farther growth of Popery and reducing Papists to the Church our Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the Peoples farther satisfaction as well as the Churches benefit what was done therein and many other notable things by that Convocation may be seen at large in the History of the Arch-Bishops Life Friday being May the 29th the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy no one dissenting except the Bishop of Glocester who afterward turn'd Papist and died in the Communion of the Romish Church and was all that time of his Life in which he revolted from the Church of England a very great Servant of Oliver Cromwel unto whom he dedicated some of his Books But for his Contumacy in refusing to subscribe the Articles he was voted worthy of Suspension in the Convocation and was actually Suspended by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury which being done the Convocation was ended In Novemb. 3. A.D. 1640. began the Session of the long Parliament At the opening of which a general Rumor was spread abroad that Dr. Heylyn was run away for fear of an approaching storm that was like to fall upon his head as well as on his Grace the Arch-Bishop of Cauterbury but he who was ever of an undaunted spirit would not pusillanimously desert the Cause of the King and Church then in question but speedily hastned up to London from Alresford to confute the common calumny and false report raised on him by the Puritan faction that he appeared the next day in his Gown and Tippet at Westminster-Hall and in the Church with the accustomed formalities of his Cap Hood and Surplice employed then his Pen boldly in defence of the Bishops Rights when the Lords began to shake the Hierarchy in passing a Vote That no Bishop should be of the Committe for Examination of the Earl of Strafford being Causa sanguinis upon which the Doctor drew up a brief and excellent Discourse entituled De jure paritatis Episcopum wherein he asserted all the Bishops Rights of Peerage and principally of this as well as the rest That they ought to sit in that Committee with other Priviledges and Rights maintained by him which either by Law or ancient custom did belong unto them A rare Commendation at this juncture of time for which the Doctor is to be admired that he could command his Parts and Pen of a sudden to write on this subject or any other if there was need that did conduce to the publick good and above all make a quick dispatch in accomplishing what he had once undertaken and begun But for those quick dispatches the Doctor afterward endured many tedious waitings at the backs of Committe-men in that Parliament especially in the business of Mr. Pryn about his Histriomastix for which he was kept four days under examination because he had furnished the Lords of the Privy Council with matters out of that Book which Mr. Pryn alledged was the cause of all his sufferings Great hopes had the Committee by his often dancing attendance after them to sift the Doctor if they could gather any thing by his speeches
Scripture there is no question made amongst Learned men but they were Obligatory to the Church for succeeding Ages The blessing of the Bread the breaking of it and the distributing thereof unto his Apostles the blessing of the Cup and the communicating of the same to all the Company those formal Energetical words Take eat this is my Body and drink ye all of this this is the Cup c. and all this to be done in remembrance of me Are rites and actions so determined words so prescribed and so precisely to be used that it is not in the Churches power unless she mean to set up a Religion of her own devising for to change the same And this I take it is agreed on by all Learned Protestants Certain I am it was so in the Churches practice from the first beginning as may appear to any one who will take the pains to compare the Rites and Form of administration used by S. Paul and his Associates in the Church of Corinth 1 Cor. 11.24.25 with that which was both done and prescribed by Christ according as it is related in the holy Gospel A further proof hereof we shall e're long Nor find I any difference considerable amongst moderate men touching the Priest or Minister ordained by Christ for the perpetuating of this Sacrament for the commemoratingof his death and passion until his coming unto judgement The publick exercises of Religion would be but ill performed without a Priesthood and that would soon be brought to nothing at least reduced unto contempt and scorn if every one that listeth might invade the Office Our Saviour therefore when he did institute this Sacrament or as the Fathers called it without offence in those pious times the Sacrifice of the blessed Eucharist Cum novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem Prenaeus cont hares l. 4. c. 32. to use the words of Irenaeus give an hoc facite unto his Apostles a faculty to them and their successors in the Evangelical Priesthood to do as he had done before that is to take the Bread to bless to break it and to distribute it amongst the Faithful to sanctifie the Cup and then to give it to the Congregation Men of on Orders in the Church may edere bibere as the Lord appointed and happy 't is they are permitted to enjoy such sweet refection But for hoc facere that 's the Priests peculiar And take they heed who do usurp upon the Office lest the Lord strike them with a fouler Leprosie than he did Vzzah 2 Chron. 26.20 when he usurped upon the Priesthood and would needs offer Incense in the House of God These points are little controverted amongst sober men The matter most in question which concerns this business is whether our Redeemer used any other either Prayers or Blessings when he did institute this blessed Sacrament than what were formerly in use amongst the Jews when they did celebrate their Passeover and if he did then whether he commended them unto his Apostles or left them to themselves to compose such Prayers as the necessities of the Church required and might seem best to them and the Holy Ghost This we shall best discover by the following practice in which it will appear on a careful search that the Apostles in their times and the Church afterwards by their example did use and institute such Forms of Prayer and Praise and Benedictions in the Solemnities of the blessed Sacrament of which there is no constat in the Book of God that they were used at that time by our Saviour Christ And if they kept themselves to a prescript Form in celebration of the Eucharist as we shall shortly see they did then we may easily believe it was not long before they did the like in all the acts of publick Worship according as the Church increased and the Believers were disposed of into Congregations And first beginning with the Apostles it is delivered by the Ancients that in the Consecration of the Sacrament of Christs Body and Blood they used to say the Lords Prayer Hierom. adv Pelagium l. 3. There is a place in Hierome which may seem to intimate that this was done by Christs appointment Sic docuit Apostolos suos saith that Reverend Father ut quotidie in corporis illius sacrificio credentes audeant loqui Pater noster c. Whether his words will bear that meaning I can hardly say Certain I am they are alledged to this purpose by a late Learned writer Steph. Durantes de ritibus Ecelesiae Cathol l. 2. c. 46. who saying first Eam i. e. orationem Dominicam in Missae sacro dicendam Christus ipse Apostolos docuit that Christ instructed his Apostles to say the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of that Sacrament or in the Sacrifice of the Mass as he calls it there doth for the proof thereof vouch these words of Hierome But whether it were so or not most sure it is that the Apostles are reported to have used that Prayer as often as they Celebrated the Communion Mos fuit Apostolorum saith S. Gregory ut ad ipsam solummodo orationem Dominicam oblationis hostiam consecrarent It was Gregor M. Epist l. 7. Ep. 54. V. Bellarm. de Missa l. 2. c. 19. Durand Ration divinorum l. 4. saith he the use or custom of the Apostles to Consecrate the Host or Sacrament with reciting only the Lords Prayer Which passage if he took from that of Hierome as some think he did the one may not unfitly serve to explain the other The like saith Durand in his Rationale The Lord saith he did institute the Sacrament with no other words than those of Consecration only Quibus Apostoli adjecerunt orationem Dominicam to which the Apostles added the Lords Prayer And in this wise did Peter first say Mass you must understand him of the Sacrament in the Eastern parts Platina in vita Sixti Platina saith the like as to S. PETER Eum ubi consecraverit oratione Pater noster usum esse That in the Consecration of the Sacrament he used to say the Lords Prayer or the Pater noster See to this purpose Antonius tit 5. cap. 2. § 1. Martinus Polonus in his Chronicon and some later Writers By which as it is clear and evident that the Apostles used the Lords Prayer in the Celebration of the holy Mysteries which is a most strong argument that it was given them to be used or said not to be imitated only So it may seem by Gregories solummodo that they used the Lords Prayer and nothing else And therefore that of Gregory must be understood either that they used no other Prayer in the very act of Consecration or that they closed the Form of Consecration with that Prayer of Christs which may well be without excluding of the words of Consecration which our Saviour used or such preparatory Prayers as were devised by the Apostles for that great solemnity For certainly
Rubr. after the Psal it is appointed in her Rubrick that at the reading of the Lessons the Minister which reads shall stand and turn him so as he may be best heard of all such as be present which shews plainly he was to look another way when he said the Prayers And lest it may be said that the other way was not directly from the people but askew upon them which yet would ill become the Preacher we find it among other things objected by the Puritan faction in Queen Elizabeths time not only that the Ministers did say some part of Divine Service within the Chancel where he must needs look askew upon them but that at other times his face was turned away from them altogether whereof see Hooker l. 5. Sect. 30. which makes me wonder by the way that all or most part of our Reading-pews should be of late so placed that contrary both to the Churches Order and the antient practice the Minister when he readeth the Prayers looks downwards towards the lower end of the Church and not unto the East as he ought to do so then the Preacher in the Pulpit turning himself unto the people and making himself the object of their Eyes as he of their attentions cannot be thought to pray to God but if he pray at all to the people rather and on the other side the Form of Bidding prayers being by way of Exhortation and so purposed doth fit as well the posture of the Preacher as it doth the place Lastly the Form of Bidding prayers stands more with the intention of the Church than that of Invocation because it doth avoid some inconveniences and absurdities which do arise upon the other For first whereas the Church prescribes a set Form of prayer in her publick Liturgy from which it is not lawful for any of her Ministers either to vary or recede she did it principally to avoid all unadvised effusions of gross and undigested prayers as little capable of piety as they are utterly void of Order and this she did upon the reason given in the Milevitan Council viz. lest else through ignorance or want of Care any thing should be uttered contrary to the Rule of Faith ne forte aliquid contra fidem vel per ignorantiam vel per minus studium sit compositum as the Canon hath it But were men suffered to enjoy a liberty of Praying and saying what they listed before their Sermons in vain had the Church bound us to set Forms of prayer in the common Liturgy upon several penalties when men might afterwards run riot how they pleased in their particular prayers before their Sermons without blame or censure And though perhaps in some Churches of the Reformation in which there is no publick Liturgy or set Form of Divine Service to which both Priest and people are obliged to conform themselves it may be lawful for the Preacher to use such prayers both before and after Sermon as the consideration of that great work and the necessities of the people may invite him to yet it is otherwise with us in the Church of England where all these points are carefully provided for in the Book of Common-prayers which in these other Churches are made the Subject of the Preachers Now where some men conceive they obey the Canon in case they pray in that Form or to that effect those who do so conceive it shew in their deeds that they as little care for the effect as for the Form we plainly see by the effects what that effect of theirs would tend to what is the issue of that liberty which most Men have taken too many of that sort who most stand upon it using such passages in their prayers before their Sermons that even their prayers in the Psalmists language are turned into Sin And for the brevity therein required as briefly as conveniently they may they neglect that also and study to spin out their prayers to a tedious length against all convenience Besides whereas the Church intendeth nothing more in her publick Canons than an uniformity in Devotion this leaving men to themselves in such a special part of Gods publick Service as that now is made would bring in a Confusion at the least a Dissonancie and so destroy that blessed Concord which the Church most aims at Both which absurdities or inconveniences call them what you will are happily avoided by that Order of Bidding prayers by the Church intended A third and greater inconvenience than the other two which would and doth arise from that Form of Prayer by way of Invocation is that it doth accuse the publick Liturgy as insufficient and defective For were it thought that the Confession in the Service-book and those particular Prayers Collects Hymns Thanksgivings and Ejaculations which are therein used were either perfect in themselves or acceptable unto God to what end should we add a prayer of our own devising that were to light a Candle before the Sun and therefore they that stand upon it do in effect as much as if a man should say my Friends and Brethren make no account of any thing which you hear from the common-prayer-Common-prayer-book in which is nothing to be found but the voice of Man but hearken unto me and by me what the Churches say to the Spirit or as a Puritan Tradesman once served my old Chamber-fellow Mr. L. D. meeting one time by chance at Dinner my Chamber-fellow being the only Scholar in the Company was requested to say Grace which he did accordingly and having done the Tradesman whom before I spake of lifting up both his hands and whites to Heaven calls upon them saying Dearly beloved Brethren let us praise God better And thereupon began a long Grace of his own conceiving The case is just the same in the present business Nor had those Men who first invented those new Forms of Prayer obtruded them so easily upon the Church but that withal they laboured to persuade weak Men and did persuade them at the last that questionless such prayers were better and more powerful far than any by the Church appointed Now all this fear of bringing down the reputation of the Liturgy and practising to advance our private prayers above the publick are easily avoided by that Bidding of prayers enjoyed by Queen Elizabeth and King Edward VI. and before that in use in the Church of England as doth appear most plainly in King Henries time and therefore questionless it was the meaning of the Canon that it should continue And being it was the meaning of the Canon of them that made it that the said Form of Bidding prayers for avoiding the inconveniences and mischiefs before recited should be still continued the Prelates of the present times have greater reason to see it carefully and duly put in execution by how much the mischiefs and inconveniences arising from neglect thereof and from the liberty which some Men take unto themselves of praying what and how they list in the
that day and wheresoever Divine service was done that day as in Towns which have always Morning and Evening Prayers they were perceived to resort in greater numbers on that day than on any other to the Church As for King James of happy memory he did not only keep the said great Festivals from his youth as there is said but wished them to be kept by all his Subjects yet without abuse and in his Basilicon Doron published Anno 1598. thus declares himself that without superstition Plays and unlawful Games may be used in May and good Cheer at Christmas Now on the other side as they had quite put down those days which had been dedicated by the Church to Religious Meetings so they appointed others of their own authority For in their Book of Discipline before remembred it was thus decreed viz. That in every notable Town a day besides the Sunday should be appointed weekly for Sermons that during the time of Sermon the day should be kept free from all exercise of labour as well by the Master as by the Servant as also that every day in the said great Towns there be either Sermon or Prayers with reading of the Scriptures So that it seemeth they only were afraid of the name of Holy days and were contented well enough with the thing it self As for the Lords day in that Kingdom I find not that it had attained unto the name or nature of a Sabbath day until that Doctrine had been set on foot amongst us in England For in the Book of Discipline set out as formerly was said in 560. they call it by no other name than Sunday ordaining that upon four Sundays in the year which are therein specified the Sacrament of the Lords Supper should be administred to the people and in the year 1592. an Act of King James the third about the Saturday and other Vigills to be kept holy from Evensong to Evensong was annulled and abrogated Which plainly shews that then they thought not of a Sabbath But when the Sabbath doctrine had been raised in England Anno 1595 as before was said it found a present entertainment with the Brethren there who had before professed in their publick Writings to our Puritans here Davison p. 20. that both their causes were most nearly linked together and thereupon they both took up the name of Sabbath and imposed the rigour yet so that they esteem it lawful to hold Fasts thereon quod saepissime in Ecclesia nostra Scoticana factum est and use it often in that Church which is quite contrary unto the nature of a Sabbath And on the other side they deny it to be the weekly Festival of the Resurrection Non sunt dies Dominici festa Resurrectionis as they have resolved it Altare Damasc p. 669. which shews as plainly that they build not the translation of their Sabbath on the same grounds as our men have done Id. 696. In brief by making up a mixture of a Lords day Sabbath they neither keep it as the Lords day nor as the Sabbath And in this state things stood until the year 1618. what time some of the Ancient holy days were revived again in the Assembly held at Perth in which moving some other Rites of the Church of England which were then admitted it was thus determined viz. As we abhor the superstitious observation of festival days by the Papists and detest all licentious and prophane abuse thereof by the common sort of Professors so we think that the inestimable benefits received from God by our Lord Jesus Christ his Birth Passion Resurrection Ascension and sending down of the Holy Ghost was commendably and godly remembred at certain particular days and times by the whole Church of the world and may be also now Therefore the Assembly ordains that every Minister shall upon these days have the Commemoration of the foresaid inestimable benefits and make choice of several and pertinent Texts of Scripture and frame their Doctrine and Exhortation thereunto and rebuke all superstitious observation and licentious prophanation thereof A thing which much displeased some men of contrary persuasion first out of fear that this was but a Preamble to make way for all the other Holy days observed in England And secondly because it seemed that these five days were in all points to be observed as the Lords day was both in the times of the Assembly and after the dissolving of the same But pleased or dispeased so it was decreed and so still it stands But to return again to England It pleased his Majesty now Reigning whom God long preserve upon information of many notable misdemeanors on this day committed 1 Carol. 1. in his first Parliament to Enact That from thence-forwards there should be no Meetings Assemblies or concourse of people out of their Parishes on the Lords day for any sports or pastimes whatsoever nor any Bear-baitings Bull-baitings common Plays Enterludes or any other unlawful Exercises or Pastimes used by any person or persons in their own Parishes every offence to be punished by the forfeiture of 3 s. 4 d. This being a Probation Law was to continue till the end of the first Session of the next Parliament And in the next Parliament it was continued till the end of the first Session of the next 3 Carol. 1. which was then to come So also was another Act made in the said last Session wherein it was enacted That no Carrier Waggoner Wain-man Carman or Drover travel thence-forwards on the Lords day on pain that every person and persons so offending shall lose and forfeit 20 s. for every such offence And that no Butcher either by himself or any other by his privity and consent do kill or sell any Victual on the said day upon the forfeiture and loss of 6 s. 8 d. Which Statutes being still in force by reason that there hath not been any Session of Parliament since they were enacted many both Magistrates and Ministers either not rightly understanding or wilfully mistaking the intent and meaning of the first brought Dancing and some other lawful Recreations under the compass of unlawful Pastimes in that Act prohibited and thereupon disturbed and punished many of the Kings obedient people only for using of such Sports as had been authorized by his Majesties Father of blessed memory Nay which is more it was so publickly avowed and printed by one who had no calling to interpret Laws except the provocation of his own ill spirit That Dancing on the Lords day was an unlawful Pastime punishable by the Statute 1. Carol. 1. which intended so he saith to suppress Dancing on the Lords day as well as Bear-baiting Bull-baiting Enterludes and common Plays which were not then so rife and common as Dancing when this Law was made Things being at this height King Charles Declarat it pleased his excellent Majesty Observing as he saith himself how much his people were debarred of Recreation and finding in some
maxim in the Civil Laws which telleth us Non esse distinguendum ubi lex non distinguit that no distinctions must be made in the explicating or expounding of any Law which is not to be found in the Law it self And therefore for the clear understanding of the Churches meaning we must have recourse in this as in other Articles to the plain words of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper so often mentioned in this work And first we find Bishop Latimer discoursing thus Let us not do saith he as the Jews did which were stiff-necked they would not leave their sins they had a pleasure in the same Bishop Latimer in his 8. Sermon in Linc. they would follow their old Traditions refusing the Word of God therefore their destruction came worthily upon them And therefore I say let us not follow them lest we receive such a reward as they had lest everlasting destruction come upon us and so we be cast out of the favour of God and finally lost world without end And in another place I say there be two manner of men Idem in Serm. Rom. 13.11 some there be that are not justified not regenerate not yet in the state of salvation that is to say not Gods servants they take the Renovation or Regeneration they be not come yet to Christ or if they were be fallen again from him and so lost their justification as there be many of us when we fall willingly into sin against Conscience we lose the favour of God and finally the Holy Ghost But you will say How shall I know that I am in the Book of Life See Ibid. I answer that we may be one time in the Book and another time come out of it again as appeareth by David who was written in the Book of Life but when he sinned foully at that time came out of the favour of God until he repented and was sorry for his faults so that we may be in the Book one time and afterards when we forget God and his Word and do wickedly we come out of the Book which is Christ The like we find in Bishop Hooper Pref. to the Expos on the ten Commandements first telling us that the causes of Rejection or Damnation is sin in man that will not hear neither receive the promise of the Gospel or else after he hath received it by accustomed doing of ill falleth either unto a contempt of the Gospel or will not study to live thereafter or else he hateth the Gospel because it condemneth his ungodly life After which he proceedeth to the Application Refuse not therefore the Grace offered nor once received banish it with ill conversation If we fall let us hear Almighty God that calleth us to repent and with his Word and return let us not continue in sin nor heap one sin upon another lest at last we come to a contempt of God and his Word In the beginning of his Paraphase or Exposition to the thirteenth Chapter of the Romans he speaks as plainly to this purpose which passage might here deserve place also but that I am called upon by Master Tyndal Collect. of his Works by J. Day p. 185. whose testimony I am sure will be worth the having and in the Prologue to his Exposition on the same Epistle he informs us thus None of us saith he can be received to Grace but upon a condition to keep the Law neither yet continue any longer in Grace than that promise lasteth And if we break the Law we must sue for a new pardon and have a new light against sin hell and desperation yet we can come to a quiet faith again and feel that sin is forgiven neither can there be in thee a stable and undoubted faith that thy sin is forgiven thee except there be also a lusty courage in thy heart and trust that thou wilt sin no more for on this condition that thou wilt sin no more is the promise of mercy and forgiveness made unto thee But against all this it is objected that Montague himself both in his Gag and his Appeal confesseth that the Church hath left this undecided Hick in his justi of the Fathers c. Pres Montag Gag cap. 20. p. 171. that is to say neither determining for finally or totally and much less for both And that he doth so in the Gag I shall easily grant where he relateth only to the words of the Article which speaks only of a possibility of falling without relating to the measure or duration of it But he must needs be carried with a very strange confidence which can report so of him in his book called Appello Caesarem in which he both expresly saith and proveth the contrary He saith it first in these words after a repetition of that which he had formerly said against the Gagger I determine nothing in the question that is to say nor totally nor finally Appell Caes cap. 4. p. 28. or totally not finally or totally and finally but leave them all to their Authors and Abetters resolving upon this not to go beyond my bounds the consented resolved and subscribed Articles of the Church of England in which nor yet in the Book of Common-Prayer and other divine Offices is thee any tye upon me to resolve in this much disputed question as these Novellers would have it not as these Novellers would have it there 's no doubt of that For if there be any it is for a possibility of total falling of which more anon He proves it next by several Arguments extracted from the book of Homilies and the publike Liturgy Out of which last he observeth theee passages the first out of the Form of Baptism in which it is declared that the Baptised Infant being born in original sin by the Laver of Regeneration in Baptism is received into the number of the Children of God Ibid. p. 3â— and Heirs of everlasting life the second out of the publick Catechism in which the Child is taught to say that by his Baptism he was made a Member of Christ the Child of God and an Inheritor of the Kingdom of Heaven The third out of the Rubrick before Confirmation in which it is affirmed for a truth that it is certain by Gods Word that Children being Baptized have all things necessary for their salvation and be undoubtedly saved And thereupon he doth observe that it is to be acknowledged for a Doctrine of this Church that Children duly Baptized are put into a state of Grace and salvation And secondly that it is seen by common experience that many Children so Baptized when they come to Age by a wicked and lewd life do fall away from God and from the state of Grace and salvation wherein he had set them to a worse state wherein they shall never be saved From which what else can be inferred but that the Church maintains a total and a final falling from the grace of God Add hereunto that the
was then so generally received and taught in the Reformed Church of England as not to be known to Artificers Tradesmen and Mechanicks and that they were so well instructed in the niceties of it as to believe that though Christ died effectually for all yet the benefit thereof should be effectually applied to none but those who do effectually repent Fourthly I consider that if the Popish Clergy of those times did believe no otherwise of Predestination than that men be elected in respect of good works and so long elected as they do them and no longer as Carelese hath reported of them the Doctrine of the Church hath been somewhat altered since those times there being now no such Doctrine taught in the Schools of Rome as that a man continues no longer in the state of Election than whilst he is exercised in good works And finally I consider the unfortunate estate of those who living under no certain rule of Doctrine or Discipline lie open to the practices of cunning and malicious men by whom they are many times drawn aside from the true Religion For witnesses whereof we have Trew and Carelese above mentioned the one being wrought on by the Papists the other endangered by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries For that Carelese had been tampered with by the Gospellers or Zuinglian Sectaries doth appear most clearly first by the confidence which he had of his own salvation and of the final perseverance of all others also which are the chosen members of the Church of Christ and secondly but more especially for giving the scornful title of a Free-will man to one of his fellow Prisoners who was it seems of different persuasion from him For which consult his Letter to Henry Adlington in the Act. and Mon. Fol. 1749. which happened unto him as to many others when that Doctrine of the Church wanted the countenance of Law and the Doctors of the Church here scattered and dispersed abroad not being able to assist them In which condition the affairs of the holy Church remained till the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth and for some years after But no sooner had that gracious Lady attained the Crown when she took order for the reviewing of the publick Liturgy formerly Authorized by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward VI. The men appointed for which work were Dr. Parker after Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Grindal after Bishop of London Dr. Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr. Cox after Bishop of Elie Dr. May Dean of Pauls Dr. Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster Mr. Whitehead sometimes Chaplain to Queen Anne Bullen designed to be the first Archbishp of this new Plantation and finally Sir Thomas Smith a man of great esteem with King Edw. VI. and the Queen now Reigning By thesE men was the Liturgy reviewed approved and passed without any sensible alteration in any of the Rubricks Prayers and Contents thereof but only the giving of some contentment to the Papists and all moderate Protestants in two particulars the first whereof was the taking away of a clause in the Letany in which the People had been taught to pray to Almighty God to deliver them from the tyranny of the Bishop of Rome and all his detestable enormities The second was the adding of the sentences in the distribution of the Sacrament viz. The Body of our Lord Jesus which was given for thee preserve thy body and soul to everlasting life The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee c. which sentences exclusive of the now following words of participation as they were only in the first so were they totally left out of the second Liturgy of King Edward VI. Other alterations I find none mentioned in the Act of Parliament 1 Eliz. c. 2. but the appointing of certain Lessons for every Sunday in the year which made no change at all in the publick Doctrine before contained in that book and that the People might be the better trained up in the same Religion which had been taught and preacht unto them in the time of King Edward VI. She gave command by her Injunctions published in the first year of her Reign Ann. 1559. that the Paraphrases of Erasmus should be diligently studied both by Priest and People And to that end it was required as formerly in the Injunctions of the said King Edward 1. That the Paraphrases of the said Erasmus Injunct 6. and on the Gospel in the English tongue should be provided at the joynt charges of the Parson and Parishioners and being so provided should be set up in some convenient place of every Church so as the Parishioners may most commodiously resort unto the same and read the same out of the time of common service And secondly Injunct 16. that every Parson Vicar Curate and Stipendary Priest shall provide and have of his own within the time therein limitted the New Testament in Latine and English with the Paraphrases on the same conferring the one with the other And the Bishops by themselves and other Ordinaries and their Officers in Synods and Visitations shall examine the said Ecclesiastical Priests how they have profited in the study of holy Scripture Evident Arguments that there was no intent of setling any other Doctrine in the Church of England than such as was agreeable to the Judgment of that Learned man The next care was for making and perfecting those Homilies of which we find mention at the end of King Edwards book for the necessary edifying of Christian People and the increase of godly living both books sufficiently provided for besides the confirmation of that first Article of the year 1552. in the Rubrick of the second Liturgy where it is said that after the Creed if there be no Sermon shall follow one of the Homilies already set forth or to be set forth by common authority which Rubrick being revised with the rest of the Liturgy put the said books of Homilies as well the second as first part of them into the service of the Church and thereby made them no small part of the publick doctrine But who they were which laboured in this second book whether they were the same that drew up the first or those who in Queen Elizabeths time reviewed the Liturgy or whether they were made by the one and reviewed by the other I have no where found though I have taken no small pains in the search thereof But those few doctrinals which were contained in the Book of Common Prayer or deducible from it not being much taken notice of and the Homilies not confirm'd by that common Authority which was required in the Rubrick the Zuinglians or Gospellers took the opportunity to disperse their doctrines before the door of utterance should be shut against them or any publick course be taken to suppress their practices And this they did with so much diligence and cunning that they encreased exceedingly both in power and numbers of
thirty sixth Canon Directions to the Vice-Chancellor Heads c. Jan. 18. 1616. that no man in the Pulpit or Schools be suffered to maintain Dogmatically any point of doctrine that is not allowed by the Church of England that none be suffered to preach or lecture in the Towns of Oxon or Cambridg but such as were every way conformable to the Church hoth in doctrine and discipline and finally which most apparently conduced to the ruin of Calvinism that young Students in Divinity be directed to study such books as be most agreeable in doctrine and discipline to the Church of England and excited to bestow their time in the fathers and Councils Schoolmen Histories and Controversies and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and abbreviations making them the grounds of their study in Divinity This seemed sufficient to bruite these doctrines in the shell as indeed it was had these directions been as carefully followed as they were piously prescribed But little or nothing being done in pursuance of them the Predestinarian doctrines came to be the ordinary Theam of all Sermons Lectures and Disputations partly in regard that Dr. Prideaux who had then newly succeeded Dr. Rob. Abbot in the Chair at Oxon had very passionately exposed the Calvinian Interest and partly in regard of the Kings declared aversness from the Belgick Remonstrants whom for the reasons before mentioned he laboured to suppress to his utmost power And yet being careful that the Truth should not fear the worse for the men that taught it he gave command to such Divines as were commissionated by him to attend in the Synod of Dort An. 1618. not to recede from the doctrine of the Church of England in the point of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ A point so inconsistent with that of the absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation and generally of the whole Machina of Predestination and the points depending thereupon as they are commonly maintained in the Schools of Calvin that fire and water cannot be at greater difference But this together with the rest being condemned in the Synod of Dort and that Synod highly magnified by the English Calvinists they took confidence of making those disputes the Subject of their common discourses both from the Pulpit and Press without stint or measure and thereupon it pleased his Majesty having now no further fear of any dangers from beyond the Seas to put some water into their Wine or rather a Bridle into their mouths by publishing certain Orders and directions touching Preachers and preaching bearing date the 4th of August 1622. In which it was enjoyned amongst other things Directions of preaching and Preachers That no Preacher of what Title soever under the degree of a bishop or Dean at least do from henceforth presume to teach in any popular Auditory the deep points of Predestination Election Reprobation or of the Vniversality Efficacy Resistability or Irresistability of Gods Grace but rather leave those Theams to be handled by learned men and that modestly and moderately by use and application rather than by way of positive Doctrine as being fitter for Schools and Vniversities than for simple Auditors The violating of which Order by Mr Gabriel Bridges of Corpus Christi Colledg in Oxon by preaching on the 19. of January then next following against the absolute decree in maintenance of universal Grace and the co-operation of mans free-will prevented by it though in the publick Church of the University laid him more open to the prosecution of Dr. Prideaux and to the censure of the Vice-Chancellor and the rest of the Heads than any preaching on those points or any of them could possibly have done at mother time Much was the noise which those of the Calvinian party were observed to make on the publishing of this last Order as if their mouths were stopped thereby from preaching the most necessary doctrines tending towards mans salvation But a far greater noise was raised upon the coming out of Mountagues answer to the Gagger in which he asserted the Church to her primitive and genuine doctrines disclaimed all the Calvinian Tenents as disowned by her and left them to be countenanced and maintained by those to whom they properly belonged Which book being published at a time when a Session of Parliament was expected in the year 1624. The opportunity was taken by Mr. Yates and Mr. Ward two of the Lecturers or Preachers of Ipswich to prepare an Information against him with an intent to prosecute the same in the following Session A Copy whereof being come into Mountagues hands he flies for shelter to King James who had a very great estimation of him for his parts and learning in which he had over-mastred they then though much less Selden at his own Philologie The King had already served his own turn against the Remonstrants by the Synod of Dort and thereby freed the Prince of Orange his most dear Confederate from the danger of Barnevelt and his faction Archbishop Abbot came not at him since the late deplorable misfortune which befell him at Branzil and the death of Dr. James Mountague Bishop of Winton left him at liberty from many importunities and sollicitations with which before he had been troubled so that being now master of himself and governed by the light of his own most clear and excellent Judgment he took both Mountague and his dectrines into his Protection gave him a full discharge or quietus est from all those Calumnies of Popery or Arminianism which by the said Informers were laid upon him iucouraged him to proceed in finishing his just Appeal which he was in hand with commanded Dr. Francis White then lately preferred by him to the Deanry of Carlisle and generally magnified not long before for his zeal against Popery to see it licensed for the Press and finally gave order unto Mountague to dedicate the book when printed to his Royal self In obedience unto whose Command the Dean of Carlisle licensed the book with this approbation That there was nothing contained in the same but what was agreeable to the publick Faith Doctrine and Discipline established in the Church of England But King James dying before the book was fully finished at the Press it was published by the name of Appello Caesarem and dedicated to King Charles as the Son and Successor to whom it properly belonged the Author touching in the Epistle Dedicatory all the former passages but more at large than they are here discoursed of in this short Summary And thus far we have prosecuted our Discourse concerning the Five Points disputed between the English Protestants the Belgick Remonstrants the Melancthonian Lutherans together with the Jesuits and Franciscans on the one side the English Calvinists the Contra Remonstrants the Rigid Lutherans and the Dominican Fryers on the other side In the last part whereof we may observe how difficult a thing it is to recover an old doctrinal Truth when overborn and almost lost by the
continual Prevalency of a busie faction And I have carried it on no further because at this time Bishop Laud to whom the raising and promoting of the Arminian doctrines as they call them is of late ascribed was hardly able to promote and preserve himself opprest with a hard hand by Archbishop Abbot secretly traduced unto the King for the unfortunate business of Early of Devonshire attaining with great difficulty to the poor Bishoprick of St. Davids after ten years service and yet but green in favour with the Duke of Buckingham What happened afterwards towards the countenancing of these Doctrines by the appearing of King Charles in the behalf of Mountague the Letter of the three Bishops to the Duke in defence of the man and his Opinion his questioning and impeachment by the House of Commons and his preferment by the King to the See of Chichester are all of them beyond the bounds which I have prescribed unto my self in this Narration Nor shall I now take notice of his Majesties Proclamation of the 14. of June Anno 1626. For establishing the peace and quiet of the Church of England by which he interdicted all such preaching and printing as might create any fresh disturbance to the Church of England or for his smart Answer to that part of the Remonstrance of the House of Commons Anno 1628. which concerned the danger like to fall on this Church and Kingdom by the growth of Arminianism or of the Declaration prefixed before the book of Articles in the same year also for silencing the said Disputes or finally of his Majesties Instructions bearing date Decemb. 30. 1629. for causing the Contents of the Declaration to be put in execution and punctually observed for the time to come By means whereof and many fair encouragements from many of our Prelates and other great men of the Realm the Anti-Calvinist party became considerable both for power and number A POSTSCRIPT TO THE READER Concerning some particulars in a scurrilous Pamphlet intituled A Review of the Certamen Epistolare c. PRimâ dicta mihi summâ dicenda camaenâ with thee good Reader I began and with thee I must end I gave thee notice in the Preface of a scurrilous Libel the Author whereof had disgorged his foul stomach on me and seemed to glory in the shame But whether this Author be a Cerberus with three heads or a Smectymnuus with fire or but a single Shimei only for it is differently reported is all one to me who am as little troubled with the noise of Billings-gate as the cry of an Oyster-wife It is my confidence that none of the dirt which he most shamefully confesseth himself to have thrown in my face will be found upon it P. 175. notwithstanding that necesse est ut aliquid haereat may be sometimes true Omitting therefore the consideration of his many Obscenities which every where are intermingled for the flowers of his Rhetorick I cannot but do my self so much justice as to satisfie the Reader in the truth of some things which otherwise may be believed to my disadvantage I am content to suffer under as much obloquie as any foul-mouth'd Presbyterian can spit upon me but I am not willing to be thought a slanderer a profane person or ungrateful for the sinallest favours all which the Author of that scurrilous Pamphlet hath imposed upon me In the first place it is much laboured to make me guilty of ingratitude and disaffection to Magd. Coll. of which I had the honour to be once a member P. 22. and do retain so high an estimation of it that whensoever I shall write or speak any thing to the reproach of that foundation let my tongue cleave unto the roof of my mouth and my right hand forget its cunning But I am able to distinguish between the duty I own to the House it self and that which every member of it is to challenge from me quid civitati quid civibus debeam in the Orators Criticism And therefore I would not have the Libeller or his Partners think that his or their taking Sanctuary under the name of Magdalen Colledge shall so far priviledge them in their actings either against the Church in general or my own particular but that I shall as boldly venture to attacque them there without fear of sacriledge as Joab was smitten by Benaiah at the horns of the Altar But the best is that I am made to have some ground for my disaffection though there be no less falshood in the fundamentals than the superstructure And a fine tale is told of some endeavours by me used for bringing one of my own brood into that foundation the failing of which hopes must of necessity occasion such an undervaluing of that Colledge as to change it from a nest of Sparrows to a nest of Cucknes P. 22. But the truth is that the party for whom I was a suitor was so far from being one of my own brood as not to be within the compass of my Relations so much a stranger to my blood that he was no otherwise endeared unto me than by the extraordinary opinion which I had of his parts and industry And therefore I commended him no further unto Dr. Goodwin than that it was not my desire to have him chosen if any abler Scholar should appear for the place And it was well for the young man that I sped no better Periisset nisi periisset as we know who said For within less than two years after he was elected into the Society of Merton Colledge to their great honour be it spoken upon no other commendation than his own abilities In the next place I am made a slanderer for saying that the new Sabbath speculations of Dr. bound and his adherents had been embraced more passionately of late than any one Article of Religion here by Law established How so Because saith he or they 't is no matter which it is well known that they do more passionately embrace the great truths of Christs Divinity and the Divine Authority of Scripture c. than any opinion about the Sabbath What may be meant by the c. it is hard to say perhaps the Presbyterian Discipline or the Calvinian Doctrines of Predestination the two dear Helena's of the Sects as sacred and inviolable in their estimation as any of their new opinions about the Sabbath But whether the great truths of Christs Divinity the Divine Authority of Scripture or any Article of Religion here by Law established be embraced by them with the like passion as their new Saint Sabbath may be discerned by that impunity which is indulged by them to all Anabaptists Familists Ranters Quakers and all other Sectaries by whom the great Truths of Christs Divinity and the Divine Authority of holy Scripture and almost all the Articles of the Christian Faith have been called in question And yet we cannot choose but know with what severity they proceeded when they were in power against all persons whatsoever
too much to our ancient Martyrs c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert Page 547 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers but much to the Augustine Confession the Writings of Melancthon Page 548 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus his Paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward VI. and the Reasons why ibid. 4. The Bishops Book in order to a Reformation called The institution of a Christian man commanded by King Henry VIII 1537. correcied afterwards with the Kings own hand examined and allowed by Cranmer approved by Parliament and finally published by the name of Necessary Doctrine c. An. 1543. ibid. 5. The Doctrine of the said two Books in the points disputed agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward VI. Page 549 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward VI. and the manner of them the testimony given unto the first and the alterations in the second Page 550 7. The first Book of Homilies by whom made approved by Bucer and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed ibid. 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles with the Harmony or consent in judgment between Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. Page 551 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points ibid. 10. An Answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them Page 552 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee Page 553 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensible or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why ibid. CHAP. IX Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles the Homilies the publique Liturgies and the Writings of some of the Reformers 1. The Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party and the true English Protestants with the best way to find out the true sense thereof Page 555 2. The definition of Predestination and the most considerable points contained in it ibid. 3. The meaning of those words in the definition viz. Whom he hath chosen in Christ according to the Exposition of S. Ambrose S. Chrysostom S. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and the Book of Homilies Page 556 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer as a means to Licentiousness and Carnal living ibid. 5. For which and making God to be the Author of sin condemned as much by Bishop Hooper ibid. 6. Our Election to be found in Christ not sought for in Gods secret Councils according to the judgment of Bishop Hatimer Page 557 7. The way to find out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop and by Bishop Hooper with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies ibid. 8. The Doctrine of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense Page 558 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute personal and irrespective decree of Predestination in the publique Liturgie ibid. 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgie as seem to favour that opinion as also touching the number of Gods Elect. CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation and Universal Redemption 1. The absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgie Page 560 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self and not in Gods Decrees according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper ibid. 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article Page 561 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ ibid. 5. The Vniversal Redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ declared in many places of the publick Liturgie and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles Page 502 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests ibid. 7. The same confirmed by the Writings of Archbishop Cranmer and the two other Bishops before mentioned Page 563 8. A Generality of the Promises and an Vniversality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops ibid. 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men to be found only in themselves ibid. CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and a mans cooperation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles Page 564 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England Page 565 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and approved by some passages in the Liturgie and Book of Homilies ibid. 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper ibid. 5. The necessity of Grace Preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publique Liturgie Page 566 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper ibid. 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others Page 567 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer ibid. 9. And their gain-sayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books Page 568 And 10. The Book of Homilies ibid. CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation An. 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine Page 569 2. The Article of Free-will in all the powers and workings of it agreed on by the Prelates and Clergie of that Convocation agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England ibid. 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergie in that Convocation Page 571 4. The Article of Free-will approved by King Henry VIII and Archbishop Cranmer Page 572 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of
Divinity as well as undertake the profession of it but afterward persuaded thereto by a Right Reverend and Learned Person Mr. Buckner he seriously applied himself to this Study and holy Profession receiving the Orders of Deacon and Priest but at distinct times in S. Aldates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson And when he was Ordained Priest he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon these words of our Blessed Saviour to S. Peter Luk. 22.32 And when thou art Converted strengthen thy Brethren What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies he informs us with his own Pen Theol. Vit. praef to the Reader When I began my Studies in Divinity I thought no course so proper and expedient for me as the way commended by King James which was that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils School-men Histories and Controversie and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators His Geography was in less than three years Reprinted And in this second Edition was enlarged and again presented by him to the Prince of Wales and by him graciously received with most affectionate commendations of the Author But it met with another kind of entertainment from King James for the Book being put into the hands of that Learned Monarch by Dr. Young then Dean of Winton who design'd nothing but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn thereby the King at first exprest his great value he had for the Author but unfortunatly falling on a passage wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King and called France the more famous Kingdom King James became very much offended and ordered the Lord Keeper to call the Book in The Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties displeasure and advised him to repair to Court and make use of the Princes Patronage as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound But he rather chose to abide in Oxford and acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business afterward sent an Apology and Explanation of his meaning That the burden under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime and that mistake not his own but the Printers which was after corrected and amended In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France where he visited more Cities and made more observations in five weeks time for he stayed no longer than many others have done in so many years The particulars of this Journey he reduced into writing and some years after gratifi'd his Countrey with the publication of it together with some other excellent remarks made by him when he went in attendance upon the Earl of Danby to the Isle of Gernsey and Jersey Anno Dom. 1628. Had King James lived to have perused that Book Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely favour and protection For never was the vanity and levity of the Monsieurs and deformity and sluttishness of their Madams more ingeniously exposed both in Verse and Prose than in the account that he gives of his Voyage into France On April the 18th 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School and on Tuesday the 24th following he answered pro formâ upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis An Ecclesia possit errare Both which he determined in the Negative Upon occasional discourse with him he was pleased once to shew me his Supposition which I read over in his House at Lacies-Court in Abingdon but I had not then either the leisure or good luck to transcribe a Copy of it which would have been worth my pains and more worthy of the Press to the great satisfaction of others For my part I can truly say that I never read any thing with more delight for good Latin Reason and History which that Exercise was full of but since both it and many other choice Papers in his Study through the carelesness of those to whose custody they are committed I suppose are utterly lost and gone ad blattarum tinearum Epulas In stating of the first Question that caused the heats of that day he fell upon a quite different way from that of Dr. Prideaux the Professor in his Lecture De Visibilitate Ecclesiae and contrary to the common opinion of other Divines who generally prove the visibility of the Protestant Church from the poor persecuted Christians dispersed in several places as the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England and the Hussiets in Bohemia which manner of proceeding being disliked by Mr. Heylyn as that which utterly discontinued the Succession of the Hierarchy which the Church of England claims from the very Apostles and their immediate Successors He rather chose to find out a continual visible Church in Asia Ethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Roman Bishop when he was the chief Patriarch which Mr. Heylyn from his great knowledge and more than ordinary abilities in History strenuously asserted and proved to which the Professor could make but weak replies as I have heard from knowing persons who were present at that Disputation because he was drawn out of his ordinany byass from Scholastical Disputation to forein Histories in which encounter Mr. Heylyn was the invincible Ajax Nec quisquam Ajacem superare possit nisi Ajax But chiefly the quarrel did arise for two words in Mr. Heylyns Hypothesis after he had proved the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from the Berengarians Wicklifists c. who held many Heterodoxies in Religion as different from the established Doctrine of our Church as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome that the Writers of that Church Bellarmin himself hath stood up as cordially in maintenance of some fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Anti-Trinitarians Anabaptists and other Heretiques of these last Ages as any our Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches which point Mr. Heylyn closed up with these words Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis at which words the Reverend Doctor was so impatient in his Chair that he fell upon the Respondent in most vile terms calling him Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius c. to draw the hatred of the University upon him according to the saying Fortiter calumniare aliquid adhaerebit grievously complaining to the younger sort of his Auditors unto whom he made his chiefest addresses of the unprofitable pains he took among them if Bellarmin whom he had laboured to confute for so many years should be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus Notwithstanding the Respondent acquitted himself bravely before the Company ascribing no more honour to Bellarmin
themselves Against this History Dr. Hackwel appeared in Print of which the King hearing sent for Mr. Heylyn commanding him to consider the Arguments of his Antagonist and withal sent him to Windsor to search the Records of the Order This occasioned a second Edition of the History wherein were answered all Dr. Hackwels Arguments and Allegations to which there was never made a reply but on the contrary in his Book about the supposed Decay of Nature a Retractation of the passages relating to S. George About this time he had a presentation given him by one Mr. Bridges to the Parsonage of Meysie-Hampton in the Diocess of Glocester unto the Bishop whereof he made his Application but found him already preingaged to further the pretended Title of Corpus Christi Coll. in Oxon. However his Lordship promised not to give Institution to any person till the title was cleared and therefore advised Mr. Heylyn to leave his presentation with him and to enter a Caveat in his Court But he who was false to God and his Mother-church could never be faithful to the engagements which he made to Man The one he deserted by turning Papist being the only Bishop of the English Hierarchy that renounced a persecuted Church to embrace the Idolatries and Errors of the Roman Communion And the other he violated by giving one Mr. Jackson who came from C.C.C. Institution so soon as ever he requested it which occasioned a tedious suit at Law after Neither was this the only disappointment he met with in the way of his Preferment For not long after Preaching at Court in his second Attendance his Majesty express'd a very high opinion of him to many noble Lords about him and in a few months after gave him a Presentation to the Rectory of Hemingford in the County of Huntingdon But this also missed of the desired effect which his Majesties bounty designed and Mr. Heylyns necessity after a long suit of Law for the other Living required For the Bishop of Lincoln unto whom he made Application with his Presentation would not allow the King to have any title to the Living so he was constrained to return back to London re infecta The Bishop was much offended that a young Divine should have so great knowledge in Law which was the beginning of all the following Differences between them for Mr. Heylyn made good the Kings Right upon the passages of the conveyances of the other party His Majesty presently understood the entertainment he met with at Bugden and sent him this gracious Message That he was sorry he had put him to so much charge and trouble but it should not be long before he would be out of his debt And he soon performed his Royal promise for within a week after he bestowed upon him a Prebendship of Westminster void by the death of Mr. Danel to the extream vexation of his Lordship who was then Dean of the same Church And that which added to the honour of this preferment was not only his being initiated the very same day into the acquaintance and friendship with the Attorney-General Mr. Noye but the gracious Message that came along with the Royal gift viz. That he bestowed that Prebendship on him to bear the charges of his last Journey but still he was in debt for the Living Being possessed of this Preferment the first honourable Visit that he received in his new Habitation was from the Learned Lord Falkland who brought along with him one Capt. Nelson that pretended to find out a way for the discovery of the Longitude of the Sea the Captain had imparted his design to many learned Mathematicians who by no means could approve of or subscribe to his demonstrations But the King refer'd him to Mr. Heylyn who told that noble Lord That his Majesty was mistaken in him his skill and knowledge lying more in the Historical than the Philosophical part of Geography yet notwithstanding he gave a full account thereof in writing according to the best of his judgment which is too long to set down here His mind being intent rather upon useful than notional Learning therefore about this time he began with great diligence to read over the Statute Laws of the Nation and to compare them with the time and circumstances that occurr'd in story which he carefully perused the better to inable himself for his Majesties Service who then had the Small-pox appearing on him but he soon recovered from that distemper Mr. Heylyn to testifie his joy turn'd Poet making a Copy of English Verses which one of his Friends presented to the King and they were so well lik'd that both their Majesties gave him the honour of their thanks But his Majesty found employment rather for the judgment than fancy of the Chaplain and therefore upon Jan. 27. 1632. sent for him to the Council Table where he received his Royal commands to read over that Book of Mr. Pryns called Histriomastix and to collect thence all such passages as were scandalous or dangerous to the King or State and to reduce them into method The Book was delivered to him and a fortnights time assigned him to perform that Task imposed But he had learned from the wisest of men that diligence in business and a quick dispatch of it would qualifie him for the service of Kings and not mean Persons And therefore he finished what was expected from him and carried it to the Secretary of State in less than four days for which he had his Majesties thanks as also new commands to revise his Papers and to write down such Logical Inferences as might naturally arise from the premises of Mr. Pryn About this time and upon this occasion he wrote a small Tract touching the punishments due by Law and in point of practice unto such offenders as Mr. Pryn. And this was observable in the tryal of that Person that nothing was urged by the Council to aggravate his faults than what was contained in Mr. Heylyns Collections For the reward of which and other good services that with wonderful prudence as well as diligence he faithfully performed His Majesty was graciously pleased to requite him by bestowing on him the Parsonage of Houghton in the Bishoprick of Durham worth near 400 l. per annum which afterward he exchanged with Dr. Marshal for the Parsonage of Alresford in Hampshire that was about the same value to which exchange he was commanded by his Majesty that he might live nearer the Court for readiness to do his Majesties Service Neither was he envied for this or his other Preferments because every one knew his merits the only cause of his promotion Into this Living he was no sooner Instituted and Inducted but he took care for the Service of God to be constantly performed by reading the Common Prayers in his Church every Morning that gave great satisfaction to the Parish being a populous Market Town and for the Communion Table where the blessed Sacrament is Consecrated he ordered that it should
be placed according to ancient custom at the East end of the Chancel and railed about decently to prevent base and profane usages and where the Chancel wanted any thing of repairs or the Church it self both to be amended Having thus shewed his care first for the House of God to set it in good order the next work followed was to make his own dwelling House a fit and convenient Habitation that to the old Building he added a new one which was far more graceful and made thereto a Chappel next to the Dining-room that was beautified and adorned with silk Hangings about the Altar in which Chappel himself or his Curate read Morning and Evening Prayer to the Family calling in his Labourers and Workfolks for he was seldom without them while he liv'd saying that he loved the noise of a Work-mans hammer for he thought it a deed of Charity as well as to please his own fancy by often building repairing to set poor People a work and encourage painful Artificers and Tradesmen in their honest Callings Yet after his death his Eldest Son was sued for Dilapidations in the Court of Arches by Dr. Beamont his Fathers Successor but the ingenious Gentleman pleaded his cause so notably before Sir Giles Swet then Judge of the Court that he was discharged there being no reason or justice he should be troubled for Dilapidations occasioned by the long War when his Father was unjustly turn'd out of his House and Living In July 1630. he took his Degree of Batchelor in Divinity His Latin Sermon was upon these words Mal. 4.19 Facim vos fieri piscatores hominum Upon the Sunday following being the time of the Act he Preach'd in the Afternoon on Matth. 13.25 In Feb. 13. A. D. 1633. He took his Degree of Dr. in Divinity an honour not usually in those days conferr'd upon men of such green years but our young Doctor verified those excellent words of the Son of Syrach That honourable Age is not that which standeth in length of time nor that is measured by number of years but Wisdom is the grey unto men and an unspotted life is an old Age Wisd 4.8 9. He entertain'd some hopes that Dr. Prideaux his animosities in so long a Tract of time as from 1627. to 1633. might have cooled In his first Disputation he had insisted on the Churches Visibility and now he resolved to assert and establish its Authority and to that purpose made choice to answer for his Degree upon these three questions viz. An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem In determinandis fidei controversus An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem Interpretandi S. scripturas An Ecclesia habeat Authoritatem Decernendi Ritus Caeremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the 20th Article But Dr. Prideaux was as little pleased with these questions and the Respondents stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create unto the Respondent a greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publick Doctrine of the Church and changed the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive caeremonias c. which was not to be found in the whole body of it and for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesiae quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Respondent readily answered That he perceived by the bigness of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the harmony of Confessions published at Geneva A. D. 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward VI. A.D. 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation A. D. 1562. The Respondent caused the Book of Articles to be sent for out of the Book-sellers shop which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecution of that particular But Dr. Heylyn was resolved to proceed on no further Vsquedum liberaverit animam suam ab ista calumnia as his own words were At the coming in of the Book the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of Faith c. Which done he delivered the Book to one of the Standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied The Regius Professor had no other subterfuge but this He went to prove that not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament had power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion And he could find no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Edward Coke in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument that Dr. Heylyn gratified with no better answer than Non Credendum est cuique extra suam artem For these things and the Professors ill words in the former Disputation Dr. Heylyn caused him to be brought before the Council Table at Woodstock where he was publickly reprehended And upon the coming out of the Kings Declaration concerning lawful sports Dr. Heylyn translated the Regius Professors Lecture upon the Sabbath into English and putting a Preface before it caused it to be Printed a performance which did not only justifie his Majesties proceedings but took off much of that opinion which Dr. Prideaux had amongst the Puritanical Faction in those days A. D. 1634. The grievances which the Collegiate Church of Westminster suffered under the Government of John Lord Bishop of Lincoln then Commendatory Dean thereof became so intolerable that Dr. Heylyn with Dr. Tho. Wilson Dr. Gabriel Moor and Dr. Lud. Wemys with other of the Prebends drew up a Charge of no less than 36 Articles against the Bishop and by way of complaint humbly Petitioned his Majesty for redress of these grievances Whereupon a Commission was issued out to the Arch-Bishops of Canterbury and York the Earl of Manchester Earl of Portland the Lord Bishop of London and the two Secretaries of State Authorizing them to hold a Visitation of the Church of Westminster to examine the particular Charges made against John Lord Bishop of Lincoln who afterwards calling the Prebends to meet him in the Jerusalem-Chamber desired to know of them what these things were that were amiss that so he might presently redress them But to that Dr. Heylyn replied that seeing they had put the business into his Majesties hands it would but ill become them to take the matters out of his into their own Amongst other grievances the Bishop had most disgracefully turned out the Prebends of the great Seat or Pew under the Pulpit Dr. Heylyn being chosen Advocate for his Brothren did prove before
enough to resist a greater Force than came against it were both treacherously delivered up to the hands of their Enemies in three days time and now every House full of Soldiers quartered amongst them poor Dr. Heylyn was in more danger than ever had not Mr. Lizard taken care of him as his dearest Guest and hid him in a private Room as Providence ordained to save his life which Room formerly was supposed to be made for the hiding of Seminary Priests and Jesuits because the House heretofore belonged to a Papist Family and indeed it was so cunningly contrived that there was no door to be seen nor entring into it but behind an old Beds head and if the Bed had not been there the door was so neatly made like the other Wainscot of the Chamber that it was impossible for a Stranger to find it out in which Room instead of a Papist a right Protestant Doctor who was a professed Enemy both to Popery and Puritanism was now secured from the rage and violence of the Soldiers who sought after him with no less eagerness than if he had been a Heretick followed by the Spanish Inquisition when he good man was in the very next Room to them adjoyning to the Dining-chamber where he could hear all their raillery and mirth their gaming at Cards and Dice for those idle Lurdanes spent their time only in riot and pleasure at home and when they went abroad they would tread the Maze near the Town He took his opportunity on the Market-day to put on his travelling robes with a long Staff in his hand and so walked out of the Town confidently with the Country croud bidding adieu to the little Room that he left for the next distressed Gentleman in the mean while his Wife and Daughter he entrusted to Mr. Lizard's care his faithful Friend And now he must again travel to seek his Fortune which proved more kind to him than she did before yet he met with a hard Adventure not many miles from Winchester where some stragling Soldiers lighting on him and catching hold of his hand felt a Ring under his Glove which through hast of his escape he forgot to pull off which no sooner discover'd but they roughly swore he was some Run-away Cavalier the Ring being hard to get off the poor Doctor willingly helped them in which time came galloping by some of the Parliaments Scouts who said to their Fellow-soldiers Look to your selves the Cavaliers are coming at which words being affrighted they took that little money that was in his Pocket and so rid away without further search and he good man jog'd on to the next Friends House with some pieces of Gold that he had hid in his high Shooes which if the Rogues had not been so hastily frighted away would have been undoubtedly found and might have cost him his life by further suspicions of him At what Friends House he was now secured from danger though I have heard him named indeed I have forgot but from thence he travelled to Dr. Kingsmill a Loyal person of great worth an ancient Family where he continued and sent for his Wife and Daughter from Winchester to him and from thence removed to Minster Lovel in Oxfordshire the pleasant Seat of his Elder Brother in the year 1648. which he Farmed of his Nephew Colonel Heylyn for six years Being deprived of his Ecclesiastical preferments he must think of some honest way for a Livelihood Yet not withstanding he followed his Studies in which was his chief delight for though the Usurp'd Powers had silenced his Tongue from Preaching they could not with-hold his Pen from Writing and that in an acute and as sharp a style as formerly At the same time he enlarged his Book of Geography into a large Folio which was before but a little Quarto and entituled it with the name of Cosmography of which it may be truly said it does contain a World of Learning in it as well as the Description of the World and particularly sheweth the Authors most excellent abilities not only in History and smoothness of its style that maketh the whole Book delightful to the Reader but in Chronology Genealogy and Heraldry in which last any one may see that he could blazon the Arms and describe the descent and pedigree of the greatest Families in Europe In which pleasing study while he spent his time his good Wife a discreet and active Lady looked both after her Housewifery within doors and the Husbandry without thereby freeing him from that care and trouble which otherwise would have hindred his laborious Pen from going through so great a work in that short time And yet he had several divertisements by company which continually resorted to his House for having God be thanked his temporal Estate cleared from Sequestration by his Composition with the Commissioners at Goldsmiths-Hall and this Estate which he Farmed besides he was able to keep a good House and relieve his poor Brethren as himself had found relief from others Charity that his House was the Sanctuary of Sequestred men turn'd out of their Livings and of several Ejected Fellows out of Oxford more particularly of some worthy Persons which I can name as Dr. Allibone Mr. Levite Mr. Thornton Mr. Ashwell who would stay for two or three months at his House or any other Acquaintance that were suffering men he chearfully receiv'd them and with a hearty Welcome might tarry as long as they pleased A vertue highly to be prais'd and most worthy of Commendation in it self Mr. Marchamont Needham then a zealous Loyalist and scourge to the Rump Parliament being violently pursued by them was sheltered in the Doctors House while the storm was over the good Doctor now as his Tutelary Angel preserved him in a high Room where he continued writing his Weekly Pragmaticus yet he afterward like Balaam the Son of Beor hired with the Wages of Unrighteousness corrupted with mercenary gifts and bribes became the only Apostate of the Nation and writ for the pretended Common-wealth or rather I may say for a base Democracy for which the Doctor could never after endure the mention of his name who had so disobliged his Countrey and the Royal Party by his shameful Tergiversation The good Doctors Charity also did not only extend it self to ancient Friends and Acquaintance but to mere Strangers by whom he had like to run himself into a praemunire for word being carried to him in his Study there was a Gentleman at the door who said he was a Commander in the Kings Army and earnestly desired some relief and harbour for that Night and his Son with him the Doctor presently went to him and finding by his discourse and other circumstances what he said was true received him into his House and made him very Welcome The Gentleman was a Scotch Captain who having a Scotch Diurnal in his Pocket they read it fearing no harm thereby but it proved otherwise for one of the Doctors Servants listning at the
door went streight-way to Oxford and informed the Governor Colonel Kelsey that his Master had received Letters from the King whereupon the Governour sent a party of Horse to fetch him away Strange news it was knowing his own innocence to hear that Soldiers had beset his House so early in the Morning before he was out of bed But go he must to appear before the Governour and when he came that treacherous Rogue his Man did confidently affirm that he heard the Letters read and was sure he could remember the very words if his Master would produce the Letters upon which the Doctor relates the whole story to the Governour and withal shews the Diurnal which the Governor read to the Fellow often asking him is this right is this the same you heard to whom he answered yes Sir yes that is the very thing and those words I remember upon which the Governor caused him to be soundly whipt instead of giving him a reward for Intelligence and dismiss'd the Doctor with some Complements ordering the same party of Horse that fetcht him to wait upon him home Being thus delivered from the Treachery of this Servant his great care was to provide one more faithful which the good Lady Wainman his Neighbour hearing of commended to him one of her own Servants whom Sir Francis her Husband had bred up from a Child whose fidelity he need not fear in the worst of times when a mans Enemies may be of his own Houshold as Q. Vibius Serenus was betrayed by his own Son Reus pater accusator filius Tac. Annal. lib. 4. idem index testis saith the Historian The Son was both Accuser and Witness against the Father In the year 1653. he removed to Lacies-Court in Abingdon which Seat he bought for the pleasantness of its Situation standing next the Fields and not distant above five miles from Oxford where he might be furnished with Books at his pleasure either from the Book-sellers Shops or the Bodleian-Library for such a fresh appetite to Study and Writing he still retained in his old Age that he would give his mind no time of vacancy and intermission for those labours in which he was continually exercised When Monarchy and Episcopacy was trodden under foot then did he stand up a Champion in defence of both and feared not to Publish The Stumbling block of Disobedience and his Certamen Epistolare in which Mr. Baxter fled the Field because there was impar congressus betwixt him and as I may say an old Soldier of the Kings who had been used to fiercer Combats with more famous Goliahs Also Mr. Thomas Fuller was sufficiently chastized for his Church History as he deserved a most sharp correction because he had been a Son of the Church of England in the time of her prosperity and now deserted her in her adverse fortune and took to the Adversaries side And it was then my hap having some business with Mr. Taylor Fellow of Lincoln College in Oxon and then Chaplain to the Lord Keeper Mr. Nathaniel Fiennes to see Mr. Fuller make a fawning address to my Lord with his great Book of Church History hugged under his arm which he presented to the Keeper after an uncouth rustical manner Epis 13. as Horace describeth Sub ala fasciculum portas Librorum ut rusticus agnum The many falsities defects and mistakes of that Book the Doctor discovered and refuted of which Mr. Fuller afterward being ingeniously ashamed came to the Doctors House in Abingdon where he made his peace both became very good Friends and betwixt them for the future was kept an inviolable bond of Friendship In the year 1656. he Printed some Observations upon the History of the Reign of King Charles by H. L. Esq with whom he dealt very candidly and modestly corrected some of his mistakes in most mild and amicable terms telling him viz. Between us both the History will be made more perfect and consequently the Reader will be better satisfied Obser Epist Ded. which makes me somewhat confident that these few Notes will be so far from making your History less vendible than it was before that they will very much advantage and promote the sale And if I can do good to all without wrong to any I hope no man can be offended with my pains and industry In answer to which Mr. Hammond L'Estrange led by his passion and not by reason fell upon the Doctor in such uncivil words unbecoming a Gentleman that as the Doctor saith he never was accustomed to such Billinsgate language There was indeed a time saith he when my name was almost in every Libel Extr. cap. Epist which exercised the patience of the State for seven years together and yet I dare confidently say that all of them together did not vomit so much filth upon me as hath proceeded from the mouth of the Pamphleter whom I have in hand Therefore the Doctor returned a quick and sharp reply in his Book Entituled Extraneus Vapulans wherein with admired wit and eloquence he gave Mr. L'Estrange a most severe yet civil correction In the year 1657. he put out in Print Ecclesia Vindicata or the Church of England justified which he dedicated as a grateful testimony of his mind to his Master then living Mr. Edward Davis formerly School-master of Burford and now Vicar of Shelton in the County of Berks to whom he ever shewed a Love and Reverence and had the Doctors power been answerable to his will and intention he had design'd more considerable Preferments for him but the sudden and unexpected alteration in his own affairs prevented so soon almost as himself was preferred that he could shew no other specimen of his gratitude What saith the Heathen Diis parentibus praeceptoribus non redditur aequivalens An amends can never be made to God our Parents and Tutors and certainly he hath but little of a Christian in him that can forget this lesson yet some are so unnatural as the Child that loveth not his Nurse About the same time he was harassed before Olivers Major General for the decimation of his Estate he thinking there had been an end of those troubles by compounding for his Estate in Goldsmiths-Hall he argued his Case notably with them but all in vain for Arguments though never so acutely handled are obtuse weapons against the edge of the sword One Captain Allen formerly a Tinker and his Wife a poor Tripe-wife took upon him to reprove the Doctor for maintaining his Wife so highly like a Lady to whom the Doctor roundly replied That he had Married a Gentlewoman and did maintain her according to her quality and so might he his Tripe-wife adding withal that this rule he always observed For his Wife to go above his Estate his Children according to his Estate and himself below his Estate so that at the years end he could make all even Soon after these things came out the Order for Decimation against him Notwithstanding which
that why should you think of any thing but despising this as Tully did unto Mark Antony Catilinae gladios contempsi non timebo tuos Why may you not conclude with David in the like sense and apprehensions of Gods preservation that he who saved him from the Bear and Lion would also save him from the sword of that railing Philistine and you may see that the Divine Providence is still awake over that poor remnant of the Regular and Orthodox Clergy which have not yet bowed their knees to the golden Calves of late erected by putting so unexpectedly a hook into the Nostrils of those Leviathans which threatned with an open mouth to devour them all I will not say as Clemens of Alexandria did in a case much like that it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to indulge too much to apprehensions of this nature in matters which relate to Gods publick service All I shall add is briefly this that having presented you with these Considerations I shall with greediness expect the sounding of the Bell to morrow morning and in the mean time make my Prayers to Almighty God so to direct you in this business as may be most for his glory your own particular comfort and the good of this people with which expressions of my Soul I subscribe my self Your most affectionate Friend and Brother in Christ Jesus PETER HEYLYN After this good Letter Mr. Huish went on in his prayers as formerly and this little Church withstood all the batteries and fierce assaults of its Enemies who were never able to demolish it or unite it to Saint Ellens So well had the Doctor managed the business for the publick good and benefit of the Parish for as to his own particular he might have spared that pains and charge having in his house an Oratory or little Chappel which he built after his coming thither where he had constant Prayers and Sacraments for his own Family and some particular Neighbors who had a desire to hear the Service and receive the Sacrament according to the Church of England He was a strict keeper of Lent save only Sundays and an exact observer of the Holy-days And as he was a strict observer of all the Rites and Orders of our Church so he was a perfect abhorrer of Popery and Romish superstitions in so much that he would not hold a correspondency with a Papist or with one so reputed as I can instance an example of one Mr. Hood whose Family and the Doctors were very kind when he lived at Minster being near Neighbors the Gentleman afterward turning Papist and coming to Abingdon to give him a Visit the Doctor sent his man Mr. Gervis to him to bid him be gone and shut the doors against him saying that he heard he was turn'd Papist for which he hated the sight of him and so my Gentleman went away never daring to give him another Visit In the Year 1658. he put forth Respondet Petrus or his Answer to Dr. Bernards Book entituled The Judgment of the late Primate of Ireland c. at the same time Dr. Bernard who was before an Irish Dean but was now Chaplain to Oliver one of his Almoners and Preacher in Grayes Inn would have procured an Order from Olivers Privy Council not only for suppressing but the burning of that Book which caused a common report that Dr. Heylyns Book was publickly burnt but it was a mistake for the Book never saw either the Fire or any Answer At the same time the Doctor printed an Appendix to Respondet Petrus in answer to certain passages in Mr. Sandersons History of the Life and Reign of King Charles in which he layeth a scandal upon the Doctor that he was an Agent for the See of Rome The Doctor indeed in all his Writings did ever assert the Kings Prerogative and the Churches Rights for which he incurr'd the Odium of the opposire Party with whom 't is ordinary to brand such persons with the ignominious name of Papists or being Popishly affected as abhor the other extreme of Puritanism in which kind of Calumnies the Doctor hath sufficiently had his share though no man hath written more sharply against the Church of Rome as appears from most of his Books and particularly in his Theologia Veterum and his Sermons upon the Tares but though these have not been able to secure him from the malicious Tongues and Pens of ill men yet his innocence hath found very worthy Advocates Among whom I thank particularly the Reverend and Learned Dr. Stillingfleet in his Answer to T.G. who would have made use of the Puritans accusation for the Papists purpose but the worthy Doctor quickly refuted him out of the fourth Sermon of Doctor Heylyn upon the Tares where he lays at the door of the Papists the most gross Idolatry greater than which was never known among the Gentiles But against these things 't is commonly said and as commonly believed that some persons and those of most illustrious quality have been perverted from the Protestant Faith to Popery by reading some of the Doctors Books and particularly that which he writ about the History of the Reformation called Ecclesia Restaurata And Mr. Burnet in his late History upon the same subject has done all he can to confirm the world in that belief For after a short commendation of Dr. Heylyns style and method it being usual with some men slightly to praise those at first whom they design to sting and lash afterward he presumes to tell his Reader that either the Doctor was ill inform'd or very much led by his passions and he being wrought on by most violent prejudices against some that were concerned in that time delivers many things in such a manner and so strangely that one would think that he had been secretly set on to it by those of the Church of Rome though I donbt not but he was a sincere Protestant but violently carried away by some particular conceits In one thing he is not to be excused that he never vouched any Authority for what he writ which is not to be forgiven any who write of Transactions beyond their own time and deliver us things not known before This Objection having many particular Charges contained in it will require as many distinct Answers which I shall give in short And first if it be true that any have embraced the Roman Faith by means of that Book he may enclude them to be very incompetent Judges in the matters of Religion that will be prevailed upon to change it upon the perusal of one single History and especially in the Controversies between us and the Papists which do not depend upon matter of fact or an Historical Narration of what Occurrences happened in this Kingdom but upon doctrine of Faith what we are to believe and disbelieve in order to our serving God in this life and being Eternally blessed with him in the next Secondly As for his vouching no Authority for what he writ which is
the Jews or Christians Considering therefore they appeal'd to the ancient practice of the Jews and Christians I was resolved that to the ancient practice they should go for their justification and to that end drew down the Pedigree and Descent of Liturgies among the Jews from the time of Moses unto CHRIST carrying it on thorow the constant practice of the Greeks and Romans and finally thorow the whole state of the Christian Church from the time of CHRIST our Saviour till the death of Saint Augustin when Liturgies and Set Forms of Prayer were universally received in all parts of Christendom But hardly had I finished my Undertaking Plutarch in Mario when the War broke out and I knew well as Marius was once heard to say in another case That the voice of the Laws could not be heard for the noise of Weapons the Dispute being then like to be determin'd by stronger Arguments than could be urged on either side by pen and paper On which consideration the Work lay by me as it was till the Ordinance of the third of January 1644. did seem to put an end to the Disputation by abolishing the Book of Common Prayer and authorizing the Directory or New Form of Worship to be observed in the three Kingdoms But finding in that Directory that all set times of Publick Worship were reduced to One that one supposed to be commanded in the Scripture and that the Festival days vulgarly called Holy-days Direct pag. ult having no warrant in the Word of God were not to be continued longer I took that hint or opportunity to enlarge my self in laying down the ancient practice both of Jews and Christians in appointing Holy-days and recommending them to the pious practice of all men which did desire to live conformably to establisht Laws And finding afterwards that notwithstanding the Care taken by that Directory That Places of publick assembling for worship among us should be continued and employed to their former use Ibid. some Men began to threaten them with a speedy destruction and breathed out nothing but Down with them Down with them even unto the ground reproaching them in the mean time with the name of Steeple-houses I interserted also in convenient places the pious care of the Jewish Nation in erecting Synagogues and Oratories for Gods publick Worship and of the Primitive Christians not to say any thing of the like care in the ancient Gentiles in building consecrating and adorning Churches for the like employments And this I did to let the Reader understand that the accustomed times and places which were designed and set apart for Gods publick service had more authority to rest on than those Men gave out the Liturgy it self being apt enough to be beaten down without any such Ordinance if once those times and places should be discontinued By these degrees and on these several occasions the whole Work came to that perfection in which it is now presented to thee not to be now presented to thee neither if the necessity of doing my Duty unto God and the Church and offering something unto the consideration of the Higher Powers had not prevailed with me above all respects of my private interest Liturgies and Set Forms of Worship being thus asserted my next care was to vindicate the Church in that Form of Prayer which is prescribed to be used by Preachers before their Sermons Can. 55. For certainly the Church had not sufficiently provided for the Common peace if she had tied her Ministers to Set Forms in the Daily Office and left them to their own liberty in conceiving Prayers to be used by them in the Pulpit before their Sermons The inconvenience which that liberty hath brought upon us in these latter days being so apparent that it is very hard to say whether the Liberty of Prophesying or the Licenciousness in Praying what and how we list hath more conduced to these distractions which are now amongst us And if there were no such effect too visible of this licentiousness which I desire the present State to take notice of the scandal which is thereby given unto our Religion in speaking so irreverently with such vain repetitions and tautologies to Almighty God as in extemporary and unpremeditated Prayers is too frequently done seems a sufficient consideration to bring us back again to that ancient Form which the wisdom of the Church prescribed to prevent the Mischief Such was the care and providence of the elder times and happiest ages of the Church as to ordain that no unlearned person should make use of any of those Prayers which himself had framed nisi prius eas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit Concil Carthag Can. 23. before he had conferred about them with more learned men The reason of which is thus given in the Council of Milevis Can. 12. Ne forte aliquid contra fidem vel per ignorantiam vel per minus studium sit compositum for fear lest any thing should escape them against faith and piety either through the ignorance of the Composer or carelesness in the Composition And if such care were taken of Mens private Prayers no question but a greater care is to be observed in ordering those publick Prayers which are to be offered unto God in the Congregation Never did Men so literally offer unto God the Calves of their lips as they have done of late since the extemporary way of Praying hath been taken up And if it were prohibited by the Law of Moses to offer any thing unto God in the way of the legal Sacrifices which was maim'd spotted or imperfect how can it rationally be conceived that God should be delighted with those Oblations or Spiritual Sacrifices which have nothing almost in them but maims spots and blemishes In which respect I have subjoyned to the Tract of Liturgies a brief Discourse about restraining Preachers to that Form of Prayer which is prescribed them by the Church and that not only in the Canon of 603. but in the Injunction of King Harry the 8th King Edward the 6th and Queen Elizabeth of famous memories till the predominating Humour of drawing all Gods publick Worship to the Pulpit-prayer carried all before it But here it is to be observed that one of the chief reasons for abolishing the publick Liturgy was that the Ministers might put forth themselves to exercise the Gift of Prayer with which our Lord Jesus Christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants whom he calls to that Office Pref. to the Direct p. 2 3. and that nothing was less effected than the end intended For first the Directory which prescribes not alone the Heads but the sense and scope which is the whole matter of the Prayers and other parts of publick Worship Ibid. p. 4. doth in effect leave nothing to the Ministers spirit but the wording of it which if it be not a restraining of the Gift of Prayer I am much to seek the Spirit being as much restrained and
most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him whom he required freely and plainly to declare as well what their opinion was of the aforesaid Pamphlets as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue And they upon mature advice and deliberation unanimously condemned the aforesaid Books of Heresie and Blasphemy no smaller crime then for translating of the Scriptures into the English tongue they agreed all with one assent that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Sovereign Prince who might do therein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions but that with reference to the present estate of things it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons than to permit it to be read promiscuously by all sorts of men yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laily that if they did renounce their errours and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Books and Bibles which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood and any of them had in keeping his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time for the use of his Subjects This was the sum and substance of the present Conference which you shall find laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not only prohibiting the buying reading or translating of any the aforesaid Books but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Books of Scripture either of the Old Testament or of the New in the English Tongue to bring them in without delay But for the other part of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation if they delivered in the false or that at least which was pretended to be false I find no word at all in the Proclamation That was a work reserved unto better times or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves and other Learned men who had given the counsel by whom indeed the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires And so indeed it proved at last For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the Authority of the Pope being abrogated and Cranmer fully settled in the See of Canterbury the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King That he would graciously indulge unto his Subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose According to which godly motion his Majesty did not only give Order for a new Translation which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL his Vicar General to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English after the Translation then in Use which was called commonly by the name of Matthews Bible but was no other than that of Tindal somewhat altered to be kept in every Parish-Church throughout the Kingdom for every one that would repair thereunto and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monuments p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised and so long expected was compleat and finished Printed at London by the Kings Authority and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch-Bishop Cranmer the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as is before said to provide themselves before All-hallowtide next following and to cause the Bible so provided to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Ordinaries to take special care to see his said commands put in execution And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes the better to possess the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benefit of such Heavenly Treasure and to direct them in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort the reformation of their lives and the peace and quiet of the Church Which Proclamation and Instructions are still preserved in that most admirable Treasury of Sir Robert Cotton And unto these Commands of so great a Prince both Bishops Priests and People did apply themselves with such chearful reverence that Bonner even that bloody Butcher as he after proved caused six of them to be chained in several places of St. Paul's Church in London for all that were so well inclined to resort unto for their edification and instruction the Book being very chargeable because very large and therefore called commonly for distinctions sake The Bible of the greater Volum Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfully translated into the English Tongue the Bible publickly set up in all Parish-Churches that every one which would might peruse the same and leave permitted to all people to buy them for their private Uses and read them to themselves or before their Families and all this brought about by no other means than by the Kings Authority only grounded on the advice and judgment of the Convocation But long it was not I confess before the Parliament put in for a share and claimed some interest in the work but whether for the better or the worse I leave you to judge For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperour He caused a complaint to be made unto him in this Court of Parliament That the Liberty granted to the people in having in their hands the Books of the Old and New Testament had been much abused by many false glosses and interpretations which were made upon them tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort and the raising of sedition within the Realm And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to his former gracious Proclamations That all manner of Books of the Old and New Testament of the crafty false and untrue Translation of Tindal be forthwith abolished and forbidden to be used and kept As also that all other Bibles not being of Tindals Translation in which were found any Preambles or Annotations other than the Quotations or Summaries of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotations either by cutting them out or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read And finally That the Bible be not read openly in
and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces Subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the pains and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in express words and sentences plainly and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32 H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two Houses of Parliament were so far from medling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those Learned men whom his Majesty had then Assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such pains and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appears by the Book it self still extant in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further pains upon it to the end that being to come forth in the King's Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardness the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not only to suppress all such Books and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his Subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain Form of pure and sincere Teaching agreable to God's Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Books and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the King's life shall be set forth by his Highness and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous pains which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the Book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done he caused the said Book to be Imprinted in the year next following under the Title of A necessary Doctrine for all sorts of People prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of Practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that they did make way to a Book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy only revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metropolitan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall find the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the Book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Clergy only in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurring with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a Book of Articles containing the chief Heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such Points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli de quibus in Synodo London Anno 1552. ad tollendum opinionum dissentionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis viros Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the Confirmation of the Book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. An Act declaring which days only shall be kept for Holy days and which for Fasting days C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulness of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine and the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parliament you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation and stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked not on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the Statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawful I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the Learned Clergy of this realm
in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Q. Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then only the said Articles of K. Edward's Book and that which was delivered in the Book of Homilies of the said Kings time In which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the Book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Q. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562. for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens Authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of Approbation or of Confirmation not one word occurs either in any of the Printed Books or the Publick Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a Statute for the Redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were Ordained Priests or Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be Ordained or permitted to Preach or to be instituted into any Benefice with Cure of souls should publickly subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said Book of Articles yet the said Book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria-Religio should pass so long without controle unless perhaps it was in reference to our Forms of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alledged by some out of Bishop Jewel in his Answer to the Cavil of Dr. Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Laws of King Ina King Alfred King Edward c. That our Godly Fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the Common State before all Controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6. chap. 2. sect 1. But the answer unto this is easie For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councils call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Jewel speaks of not only Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their Votes and Suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-Council in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convocati Communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sir H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councils Anno 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leads the way in Bishop Jewel it was saith the same Sr. H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum Populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book against Dr. Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines whatsoever Unless he means upon the post fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily find that this relates only to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councils nor in any other General Cuncil adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Heretick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the Body of all Christian people 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the Forms of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THIS Rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Forms of Worships as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publick Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-noster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our Phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such days and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the Service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them
the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather than for any other weighty cause As the Statutes 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the Use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the only part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Arch-Bishops Bishops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in Gods Laws by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King only was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blind obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the Book of Common-prayer so Printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Q. Elizabeth when the Common-prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was committed to the care of some learned men that is to say to M. Whitehead once Chaplain to Q. Anne Bullen Dr. Parker after Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Dr. Grindal after Bishop of London Dr. Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr. Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr. May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sir Tho. Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more ado or troubling any Committee of both or either Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in Kings Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statutes made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the Book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King James his time being small in the Rubrick only and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisme which were not in the Book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done only by Authority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by virtue only of His Proclamation which you may find before the Book the charge of buying the said Book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Forms of Prayer for the Inauguration-day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publick Fasts All which without the help of Parliaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy-days observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Churches power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number of the Holy-days was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrift and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. For cutting off of many superstitious and superfluous Holy-days and the reducing them into the number in which they now stand save that St. George's day and Mary Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin had their place amongst them according to which Canon there went out a Monitory from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to all the Suffragans of his Province respectively to see the same observed in their several Diocesses which is still extant on Record But being the Authority of the Church was then in the wane it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction which did accordingly come forth with this Form or preamble That the abolishing of the said Holy-days was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority as Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation lawfully Assembled and Congregate Of which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1246 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541. the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy-days to which they had been so long accustomed published his Proclamation of the twenty-third of July for the abolishing of such Holy-days amongst other things as were prohibited before by his Injunctions both built upon the same foundation namely the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present business no days being to be kept or accounted Holy but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office and not all those neither For whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of St. Paul and the day of St. Barnabas the Apostles neither of these are kept as Holy-days nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the Holy-days is precisely specified which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common-prayer-Book but it is not so
came out in some years succeeding for the taking away of Images and Reliques with all the Ornaments of the same and all the Monumens and writings of feigned Miracles and for restraint of offering or setting up Lights in any Churches but only to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar in which he was directed chiefly by Arch-Bishop Cranmer as also those for eating of white meats in the time of Lent the abolishing the Fast on St. Marks day and the ridiculous but superstitious sports accustomably used on the days of St. Clement St. Katherine and St. Nicholas All which and more was done in the said Kings Reign without help of Parliament For which I shall refer you to the Acts and Mon. fol. 1385 1425 1441. The like may also be affirmed of the Injunctions published in the name of K. E. 6. An. 1547. and printed also then for the Use of the Subjects And of the several Letters missive which went forth in his Name prohibiting the bearing of Candles on Candlemas-day of Ashes in Lent and of Palms on Palm-sunday for the taking down of all the Images throughout the Kingdom for administring the Communion in both kinds dated March 13 1548. for abrogating of private Masses June 24 1549. for bringing in all Missals Graduals Processionals Legends and Ordinals about the latter end of December of the same year for taking down of Altars and setting up Tables instead thereof An. 1550. and the like to these All which particulars you have in Foxes Book of Acts and Mon. in King Edwards life which whether they were done of the Kings meer motion or by advice of his Council or by consultation with his Bishops for there is little left upon Record of the Convocations of that time more than the Articles of the year 1552 certain I am that there was nothing done nor yet pretended to be done in all these particulars by the Authority of Parliament Thus also in Q. Elizabeths time before the new Bishops were well settled and the Queen assured of the affections of her Clergy she went that way to work in the Reformation which not only her two Predecessors but all the Godly Kings and Princes in the Jewish State and many of the Christian Emperours in the Primitive times had done before her in the well ordering of the Church and People committed to their care and government by Almighty God and to that end she published her Injunctions An. 1559. A Book of Orders An. 1561. Another of Advertisements An. 1562. All tending unto Reformation unto the building up of the new Jerusalem with the advice and counsel of the Metropolitan and some other Godly Prelates who were then a-about her by whom they were agreed on and subscribed unto before they were presented to her without the least concurrence of her Court of Parliament But when the times were better settled and the first difficulties of her Reign passed over she left Church-work to the disposing of Church-men who by their place and calling were most proper for it and they being met in Convocation and thereto Authorised as the Laws required did make and publish several Books of Canons as viz. 1571. An. 1584. An. 1597. Which being confirmed by the Queen under the broad Seal of England were in force of Laws to all intents and purposes which they were first made but being confirmed without those formal words Her Heirs and Successors are not binding now but expired together with the Queen No Act of Parliament required to confirm them then nor never required ever since on the like occasion A fuller evidence whereof we cannot have than in the Canons of year 1603. being the first year of King James made by the Clergy only in the Convocation and confirmed only by the King for though the old Canons were in force which had been made before the submission of the Clergy as before I shewed you which served in all these wavering and unsettled times for the perpetual standing rule of the Churches Government yet many new emergent cases did require new rules and whilst there is a possibility of Mali mores there will be a necessity of bonae Leges Now in the confirmation of these Canons we shall find it thus That the Clergy being met in their Convocation according to the Tenour and effect of his Majesties Writ his Majesty was pleased by virtue of his Prerogative Royal and Supream Authority in causes Ecclesiastical to give and grant unto them by his Letters Patents dated April 12. and June 25. full free and lawful liberty licence power and authority to convene treat debate consider consult and agree upon such Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions as they should think necessary fit and convenient for the honour and service of Almighty God the good and quiet of the Church and the better government thereof from time to time c. to be kept by all persons within this Realm as far as lawfully being members of the Church it may concern them which being agreed on by the Clergy and by them presented to the King humbly requiring him to give his Royal assent unto them according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8. and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents for himself his Heirs and lawful Successors straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjects diligently to observe execute and keep the same in all points wherein they do or may concern all or any of them No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men that there wanted any Act for their confirmation which the law could give them 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party BUT against this all which hath been said before it will be objected That being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian and have no more Authority and Jurisdiction nisi à Parliamentis derivatum but that which is conferred upon them by the power of Parliaments as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say whatsoever they shall do or conclude upon either in Convocation or in more private conferences may be called Parliamentarian also And this last calumny they build on the several Statutes 24 H. 8. c. 12. touching the manner of Electing and Consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen and what Seals they shall use these of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. 5. 6 E. 6. for Authorizing of the Book of Ordination But chiefly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in Consecrating any Arch Bishop or bishop within this Realm To give a general answer to each several cavil you may please to know that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England derive their Calling together with
their Authority and power in Spiritual matters from no other hands than those of Christ and his Apostles their Temporal honours and possessions from the bounty and affection only of our Kings and Princes their Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in causes Matrimonial Testamentary and the like for which no action lieth at the common Law from continual usage and prescription and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm and owe no more unto the Parliament than all sort of Subjects do besides whose Fortunes and Estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon that of the 24 H. 8. doth only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and consecrated without recourse to Tome for a confirmation which formerly had put the Prelates to great charge and trouble but for the form and manner of their Consecration the Statute leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was performed and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were Lawfully and Canonically ordained and consecrated the Bishops of that time not only being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawful and Canonical Bishops but called on to assist at the Consecration of such other Bishops Cardinal Pool himself for one as were promoted in her Reign whereof see Masons Book de Minist Ang. l. c. Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonical Consecrations it was repealed in Terminis in the first of Queen Maries Reign and never stood in force nor practice to this day That of the Authorizing of the Book of Ordination in two several Parliaments of that King the one à parte ante and the other à parte post as before I told you might indeed seem somewhat to the purpose if any thing were wanting in it which had been used in the formula's of the Primitive times or if the Book had been composed in Parliament or by Parliament-men or otherwise received more Authority from them then that it might be lawfully used and exercised throughout the Kingdom But it is plain that none of these things were objected in Queen Maries days when the Papists stood most upon their points the Ordinal being not called in because it had too much of the Parliament but because it had too little of the Pope and relished too strongly of the Primitive piety And for the Statute of 8 of Q. Elizabeth which is chiefly stood on all that was done therein was no more than this and on this occasion A question had been made by captious and unquiet men and amongst the rest by Dr. Bonner sometimes Bishop of London whether the Bishops of those times were lawfully ordained or not the reason of the doubt being this which I marvel Mason did not see because the book of Ordination which was annulled and abrogated in the first of Queen Mary had not been yet restored and revived by any legal Act of Queen Elizabeths time which Cause being brought before the Parliament in the 8th year of her Reign the Parliament took notice first that their not restoring of that Book to the former power in terms significant and express was but Casus omissus and then declare that by the Statute 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been added to the Book of Common-prayer and Administration of the Sacraments as a member of it at least as an Appendant to it and therefore by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. was restored again together with the said Book of Common-prayer intentionally at the least if not in Terminis But being the words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doubts they therefore did revive now and did accordingly Enact That whatsoever had been done by virtue of that Ordination should be good in Law This is the total of the Statute and this shews rather in my judgment that the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them than that they were conceived to have had too much And so I come to your last Objection which concerns the Parliament whose entertaining all occasions to manisest their power in Ecclesiastical matters doth seem to you to make that groundless slander of the Papists the more fair and plausible 'T is true indeed that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times have been very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs as well Ecclesiastical as Civil into their own hands And some there are who being they cannot hope to have their sancies Authorized in a regular way do put them upon such designs as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments nor the Authority of the King nor with the privileges of the Clergy nor to say truth with the esteem and reputation of the Church of Christ And this hath been a practice even as old as Wickliffe who in the time of K. R. 2. addressed his Petition to the Parliament as we read in Walsingham for the Reformation of the Clergy the rooting out of many false and erroneous Tenets and for establishing of his own Doctrines who though he had some Wheat had more Tears by odds in the Church of England And lest he might be thought to have gone a way as dangerous and unjustifiable as it was strange and new he laid it down for a position That the Parliament or Temporal Lords where by the way this ascribes no Authority or power at all to the House of Commons might lawfully examine and reform the Disorders and Corruptions of the Church and a discovery of the errors and corruptions of it devest her of all Tithes and Temporal endowments till she were reformed But for all this and more than this for all he was so strongly backed by the Duke of Lancaster neither his Petition nor his Position found any welcome in the Parliament further than that it made them cast many a longing eye on the Churches patrimony or produced any other effect towards the work of Reformation which he chiefly aimed at than that it hath since served for a precedent to Penry Pryn and such like troublesome and unquiet spirits to disturb the Church and set on foot those dreams and dotages which otherwise they durst not publish And to say truth as long as the Clergy were in power and had Authority in Convocation to do what they would in matters which concerned Religion those of the Parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such business as concerned the Clergy for fear of being questioned for it at the Churches Bar. But when that Power was lessened though it were not lost by the submission of the Clergy to K. H. 8. and by the Act of the Supremacy which ensued upon it then did the Parliaments
begin to intrench upon the Churches Rights to offer at and entertain such businesses as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only next to dispute their Charters and reverse their privileges and finally to impose some hard Laws upon them And of these notable incroachments Matthew Parker thus complains in the life of Cranmer Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire tum absentis Cleri privilegia sensim detrahere juraque duriora quibus Clerus invitus teneretur Constituere But these were only tentamenta offers and undertakings only and no more than so Neither the Parliaments of K. Edward or Q. Elizabeths time knew what it was to make Committees for Religion or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the Ark though he saw it tottering That was a work belonging to the Levites only none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it But as the Puritan Faction grew more strong and active so they applyed themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament but specially to the House of Commons putting all power into their hands as well in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Causes as in matters Temporal This amongst others confidently affirmed by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book called Anti-Arminianism where he avers That all our Bishops our Ministers our Sacraments our Consecration our Articles of Religion our Homilies Common-prayer Book yea and all the Religion of the Church is no other way publickly received supported or established amongst us but by Acts of Parliament And this not only since the time of the Reformation but That Religion and Church affairs were determined ratified declared and ordered by Act of Parliament and no ways else even then when Popery and Church men had the greatest sway Which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a Scribe was forthwith chearfully received amongst our Pharisees who hoped to have the highest places not only in the Synagogue but the Court of Sanhedrim advancing the Authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch that by degrees they fastened on them both an infallibility of judgment and an omniotency of power Nor can it be denied to deal truly with you but that they met with many apt Scholars in that House who either out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments by making new precedents for Posterity or out of faction or affection or what else you please began to put their Rules in practice and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court In which their embracements were at last so general and that humour in the House so prevalent that one being once demanded what they did amongst them returned this answer That they were making a new Creed Another being heard to say That he could not be quiet in his Conscience till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of theirs Which passages if they be not true and real as I have them from an honest hand I assure you they are bitter jests But this although indeed it be the sickness and disease of the present Times and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament can be no prejudice at all to the way and means of the Reformation amongst sober and discerning men the Doctrine of the Church being settled the Liturgy published and confirmed the Canons authorized and executed when no such humour was predominant nor no such power pretended to by both or either of the Houses of Parliament But here perhaps it will be said that we are fallen into Charybdis by avoiding Scylla and that endeavouring to stop the mouth of this Popish Calumny we have set open a wide gap to another no less scandalous of the Presbyterians who being as professed Enemies of the Kings as the Popes Supremacy and noting that strong influence which the King hath had in Ecclesiastical affairs since the first attempts for Reformation have charg'd it as reproachfully on the Church of England and the Religion here established that it is Regal at the best if not Parliamentarian and may be called a Regal Faith and a Regal Gospel But the Answer unto this is easie For first the Kings intended by the Objectors did not act much in order to the Reformation as appears by that which hath been said but either by the advice and co-operation of the whole Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations or by the Counsel and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church men in particular Conferences which made it properly the work of the Clergy only the Kings no otherwise than as it was propouned by him or finally confirmed by the Civil Sanction And secondly had they done more in it than they did they had been warranted so to do by the Word of God who hath committed unto Kings and Sovereign Princes a Supreme or Supereminent power not only in all matters of a Temporal or Secular nature but in such as do concern Religion and the Church of Christ And so St. Augustine hath resolved it in his third Book against Cresconius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pertinent ad humanum societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his seemed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Jesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowel against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that Reverend person he did ingenously confess that there was no Authority ascribed to the Kings of england in Ecclesiastical affairs but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affimed by him that calleth himself Franciscus de S. Clara though a Jesuite too that you mjay see how much more candid and ingenuous the Jesuits are in this point than the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your Letter of the 4th of January in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condescending to your weakness as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithal you did request me to give you leave to propound those other scruples which were yet behind relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant-Churches either too little
Elders as Josephus telleth us Antiqu. Jud. 1. cap. was no less pleasing unto God nor less valid in the eyes of all his Subjects than those of Jehosaphat and Hezekiah in their riper years and perhaps acting singly on the strength of their own judgments only without any advice Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church that those Liturgies should be celebrated in a Language understood by the people That in those Liturgies there should be some prescribed Forms for giving the Communion in both kinds for Baptizing Infants for the reverent celebration of Marriage performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals hath been a thing of primitive and general practice in the Christian Church And being such though intermitted or corrupted as before is said the King advising with his Bishops and other Church-men though not in a Synodical way may cause the same to be revised and revived and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit The Kingdom of Heaven said Reverend Isidore of Sevil doth many times receive increase from these earthly Kingdoms in nothing more than by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration appointing Hymns and Songs for the Jewish Festivals ordaining Singing-men to sing and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration Which what else was it but a Regulating of the Worship of God the putting it into a solemn course and order to be observed from time to time in succeeding Ages Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions especially when all they do is rathe the reviving of the Ancient Forms than the Introduction of a new Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it so possibly there might be good reason why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs thought it not safe to put the managing of the business to a Convocation The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead raised as great advantage as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning than what was taught them in the Massals and other Rituals and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves So that as well in point of Reputation as in point of Profit besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumpsimus it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down had it been put into the power of a Convocation especially under a Prince in Nonage and a state unsettled And yet it was not so carried without them neither but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book or the approbation of it rather when it passed in Parliament the Bishops in that time and after till the last vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility making the most considerable if not the greatest part of the House of Peers and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of without their consent And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion because I find that none but Tunstal Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument that none but they dissented or refused conformity Add here that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were nto consulted with at first for the Reasons formerly recited yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people and had by little and little weaned themselves from their private interesses they all confirmed it on the Post-fact passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesiae linguae quae fit Populo nota which is the 25th Article in King Edwards Book Lay all that hath been said together and the result of all will be briefly this that being the setting out of the Liturgy in the English Tongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive times that the King with so many of his Bishops and others of the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it resolved upon the doing of it that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation the Book being then under a review did avow and justifie it The result of all I say is this that as the work it self I say was good so it was done not in a Regal but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platforms of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not here by which they did invest the King with a Supream Authority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in execution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which formerly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a parallel Case in the Roman Empire in which there had been once a time when the Supream Majesty of the State was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor were as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plebiseita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Justinians Institutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigorem The like may be affirmed of the Church of England immediately before and in the Reign of K. Henry VIII The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did bind all the Subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their Supream Head and by the Act of Submission not long after following they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successors By doing whereof they did not only disable themselves upon concluding any thing in their Convocations
the Patriarchs were not meer dumb shews a bare and naked ceremony and no more than so But being their devotions were occasional as before was said we have no reason to presume that they had any prescript and set form of Prayer which of congruity was to change and vary according to the several occasions presented to them And yet it seems it was not long before besides the tendry of their Oblations Gods Book makes mention of a further duty that of Invocation the calling on the name of the Lord their God In the beginning of that Chapter we find Cain and Abel bringing their Offerings to the Lord and in the end thereof on the birth of Enos we find that men began to call on the Name of the Lord. Gen. 4.26 Which Text by reason of the different readings and no less differing expositions is not yet so clear but that a question may be made whether an holy and religious Invocation on the Name of God be there meant or not and if it be whether it were a private or a publick duty For howsoever we read it in the Text of our English Bibles Then began men to call on the Name of the Lord yet in the Margin it is otherwise Then began men to call themselves by the Name of the Lord And Aynsworth differing from them both Then began men to call profanely on the Name of Jehovah So also for the several Glosses made upon the Text not to insist upon the different readings either of the Greek or Latine Bibles the Chaldee Paraphrase had it thus Tunc in diebus ejus inceperunt filii hominum ut non orarent in nomine Domini Chald. Paraph. in Gen. Then in his days began the Sons of men not to invoke or call upon the Name of God which is directly contrary unto the English S. Hierome thus according to the tendries of the Jews as himself informs us Tunc primum in nomine Domini in similitudine ejus fabricata sunt idola then began men to set up Idols both in the Name and after the Similitude of God Hieronym Qu. Hebraic in Gen. Maymonides one of the Learnedest of the Rabbins as he is vouched by Aynsworth thus That in those days Idolatry took its first beginning and the People Worshipped the Stars and the Host of Heaven And as for those that do adhere unto the reading of the vulgar Latine Ap. Aynsw in his notes on Gen. 4. Iste coepit invocare nomen Domini which differs very little from the English Bible they are not very well agreed amongst themselves though most of them do agree in this that it is meant of publick Worship and which is more than so of set forms of worship Junius amongst the Protestants doth conceive it so Prius quidem invocavit Adam sed in familia nunc invocarunt multi sed in Ecclesiam recepti Junii Annot. in Gen. Adam saith he did in the first beginning call upon the Name of God but it was only as it were in his private Family Now began many men to do the like but such as were assembled to that purpose in a Church or body Paraeus is more plain and positive Sed an prius non fuit invocatum Had not the Name of God been called on in the former times Yes that it had saith he but privately and by a few But now the Family of Seth increasing the Church and the Religion in the same professed Paraeus in cap. 4. Gen. became much improved Et certa cultus forma fuit constituta and there was constituted and established a set form of Worship The like Pererius hath for the Pontificians who first expounding it of the Exemplary piety of Enos by preaching and instructing others in the fear of God then adds that Enos is first said to call upon the Name of the Lord Pererius in Gen. cap. 4. quia iste primus certas quasdam precationum formulas condidit because he was the first that did compose set forms of Prayer and devised several rites and ceremonies for the advancement of Gods Service Of the same mind also is Torniellus as to the gathering of Gods People into Congregations the setting out of certain forms of Prayer and Praises for the performance of Religious Worship and the appointing of set times and places for those pious duties Tunc primum institutos fuisse spirituales quosdam conventus quasdam devotas precationes puta Psalmos aut Hymnos in summi Dei laudem Torniell Annal sacri anno 236. certis temporibus locis pie cultis communiter recitandos as his words there are In which he saith no more in substance than did those before But where he adds Praecipuè diebus Sabbati that this was specially observed on the Sabbath day he hath not only found a reach beyond his fellows but plainly contradicted what he said before in another place where we are told that there had been no sanctifying of a Sabbath here on earth Id. Ibid. D. 7. till the time of Moses quando sub praecepto data est filiis Israel when as it was imposed by a Commandment on the House of Israel Thus have we found according to the Expositions of these Learned men a prescribed form of Common-prayer in the time of Enos even in the cradle of the World But being the Text hath different readings and no less different explications as before was shewn I dare not hold it a fit ground whereon to raise the building which I have in hand And if we find not here what we have in search there is but little hope to meet with it in any of the publick Acts of Noah or Abraham Gen. 8.20.12 7 13 4 c. Gen. 12.8.13.4 c. Gen. 26.25 Gen. 35.1 Gen. 33.20 of both which it is said that they built Altars and offered Sacrifice of Abraham that he called also on the Name of God Of Isaac it is also said that he built an Altar and called on the Name of the Lord and it is said of Jacob the Son of Isaac that he built two Altars the one at Bethel by the Lords appointment the other at El-Elohe-Israel of his own devotion But with what rites those Sacrifices were accompanied which were performed upon those Altars and in what solemn form of words or whether with any solemn form of words they did pour forth their prayers to Almighty God I am not able to determine Most like it is that their Devotions being occasional their Prayers and Hymns were fitted unto those occasions as before was said And that the several Actions of Religious worship which are recorded of the Patriarchs in the Book of God were occasional only without relation either to set times or places may be easily seen by looking over the particulars The Sacrifice of Noah as it was remarkable so it was occasional an Eucharistical oblation for that great deliverance which had befallen him and his Family by Gods grace
in the time of Moses 3. The prescribed rites and form of the legal Sacrifices 4. Set forms of Prayer and Benediction used at the offering of the Sacrifices in the time of Moses 5. The Song of Moses made a part of the Jewish Liturgie 6. The form and rites used in the Celebration of the Passeover according unto Joseph Scaliger 7. The same together with the Hymnes then used described by Beza 8. The several Prayers and Benedictions which were used therein according to the Jewish Rabbins 9. A form of Blessing of the People prescribed by God unto the Priests A prescribed form used by the People at the offering of their first fruits and tithes 10. The like in burning of their Leaven and in confessing of their Sins to Almighty God as also in the Excommunicating of Impenitent persons 11. An Answer to two main objections from and against the Jewish Rabbins 12. The form of Marriage and rites of Burial used amongst the Jews HItherto we have looked into the Actions and devotions of the blessed Patriarchs during the time they sojourned in the Land of Canaan in which we find not any apparent footstep either of appointed times or determinate places or set forms of worship more than the Consecrating of Jacobs Pillar and giving to the place the name of Bethel Follow them in their journey towards the Land of Egypt and we find Israel offering Sacrifices at Beersheba being in his way upon the rode unto the God of his Father Isaac Gen. xlvi 1. Which Sacrifice if we observe it as we ought Bersabe fuit ultima villa terra Chanaan eundi versus Aegyptum Lyran in Gen. 46. Ayns Annot. in Gen. 46.1 will prove to be as much occasional as any of the rest which we saw before It being very well observed by Aynsworth that Jacob in his Sacrifice upon the way did both give thanks to God for the good tidings which he heard of Joseph and also consulted with the Lord about his going into Egypt whither his Father Isaac had been forbidden to go in a time of Famine as this was Gen. xxvi Besides Beersheba being the last Town of the Land of Canaan in the way of Egypt this might be the last time for ought he could tell wherein he might have opportunity of offering Sacrifice to the Lord his God or tendring to him any publick testimony of his faith and duty And so it proved in the event nor he nor any one of his Posterity being permitted whilst they were in Egypt to offer any Sacrifice unto the Lord as before they used to do And this appears by the request which Moses made to Pharaoh in behalf of the House of Israel that he would suffer them to go three days journey into the Wilderness to offer Sacrifice therein to the Lord their God To which when Pharaoh made reply Exod. 5.3 that rather than let the People go he would permit them for that once to offer Sacrifice unto the Lord in the Land of Egypt Not so said Moses it is not meet we should do so for we shall Sacrifice the abomination of the Egyptians before their eyes and they will stone us Exod. 8.26 His reason was because the Gods of the Egyptians were Bulls and Rams and Sheep and Oxen as Lyra notes upon the place Talia vero animalia ab Hebraeis erailt immolanda Lyran. in Exod cap. 8. quod non permisissent Aegyptii in terrasua And certainly the Egyptians could not well endure to see their gods knocked down before their faces So that for all the time that they lived in Egypt the piety and devotion of Gods people did consist especially in the integrity and honesty of their conversation and in those private exercises of Religion which might be done within their own walls in their several Families Nothing to make it known that they were Gods Servants 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it is observed by Epiphanius but that they feared the Lord and were Circumcised Epiphan adv haeres l. 1. haer 5. nothing but that they did acknowledge one only God and exercised themselves in justice and in modesty in patience and long-suffering both towards one another and amongst the Egyptians framing their lives agreeably unto the will of God and the law of Nature But no sooner by a mighty hand and an out-stretched arm had God delivered them from thence but he disposed them being now grown numerous like to the Stars in Heaven for numbers into a constituted Church appointing them set times and places for Religious Worship ordaining a peculiar Priesthood for his publick service prescribing with what Rites and Ceremonies that publick service that religious worship was to be performed And first the time appointed for this purpose was the Sabbath-day Exod. 16.23 the keeping of the which was the first of the Commandments which God gave by Moses from whence the Hebrew Doctors say that the Commandment of the Sabath is the foundation and ground of all the rest quod ante alia praecepta hoc datum sit quando Manna acceperunt as being given before them all in the fall of Manna Hospini de Fest Judaeorum cap. 3. A day to be observed and sanctified both by Priest and People by the Priest in adding to the daily Sacrifice an offering of two Lambs of an year old without blemish one in the morning and the other in the evening and by the people in an absolute resting from the works of labour that they might give themselves the better to divine contemplation Unto which day it pleased God afterwards to adde divers solemn Festivals to be observed in their several and appointed seasons viz. the New-moons Lev. 1.23 the Feasts of Trumpets and of Tabernacles the Feasts of Pentecost and of the Passeover although this last had the precedency indeed both in regard of institution and of observation over all the rest this being both ordained and kept at their departure out of Egypt the other not enjoyned till they were come unto mount Sinai even in the bowels of the Wilderness The times being thus appointed and determined Exod. 12. per tot the next particular we meet withal is the designation of the place which was contrived by the direction of Almighty God according to the present condition of his People For being they were then in motion towards Canaan not yet setled there they were to be provided of a portable Temple if I may so call it which might be carried and removed according to the stations and removes of Israel This we find called in holy Scripture by the name of the Tabernacle the Tabernacle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exod. 26. 31. 35. and by way of eminency the making and materials of the which are layed down at large in the xxvi Chapter of the Book of Exodus And it continued a long time the place of publick Worship for the Tribes of Israel not only when they were in their way or journeys
them which is the moral part thereof A thing which God might please to leave unto the wisdom of his Church and the Rulers of it in that being moral duties and so by consequence imprinted in the minds of men by the stamp of nature there needed not so punctual and precise a prescription of them as of the outward ceremonies which were meerly legal Now that there were set forms of Prayers and Praises used in the celebratien of these legal Sacrifices even from the very times of Moses appeareth by a memorable passage in an old Samaritan Chronicle belonging once unto the Library of Joseph Scaliger now in the custody of the Learned Primate of Armagh In which Book after relation of the death of Adrian the Emperour whom the Jews curse with Conterat Deus ossa ejus as certainly he was a deadly enemy of theirs it followeth thus Quo tempore abstulit librum optimum qui penes illos fuit Clted by the L. B. of Exeter now B. of Norwich in his Answer to the Vindication jam inde à diebus illis tranquillis pacificis qui continebat cantiones preces sacrificiis praemissas Singulis enim Sacrificiis singulas praemiserunt cantiones jam tum diebus pacis usitatas quae omnia acourato conscripta in singulas transmissa subsequentes generationes à tempore Legati Mosis sc ad hunc usque diem per ministerium Pontificum Maximorum These are the words at large as I find them cited the substance of the which is this That after the decease of Adrian the High Priest then being took away that most excellent Book which had been kept amongst them ever since the calm and peaceable times of the Israelites which contained those Songs and Prayers which were ever used before their Sacrifices there being before every several Sacrifice some several Song or Hymn still used in those times of peace all which being accurately written had been transmitted to the subsequent generations from the time of Moses the Legat or Ambassador of God to that very time by the Ministry of the High Priests of the Jewish Nation A book to which the Chronicle aforesaid gives this ample testimony Eo libro historia nulla praeter Pentateuchum Mosis antiquior invenitur that there was not to be found a more antient piece except the Pentateuch of Moses And though some men no friends to Liturgy out of a mind and purpose to disgrace the evidence have told us that the most contained in the aforesaid book Smectymn Vindicat. p. 24. were only divine Hymns wherein there was always something of Prayer In saying so they have given up their verdict for us and confirmed our evidence For if there were set Hymns or Songs premised before every Sacrifice and if that every Hymn had somewhat in it of a Prayer there must be then set forms of Hymns and Prayers used at every Sacrifice which was the matter to be proved and by them denied But to descend unto particulars there was a Song composed and sung by Moses Exod. 15. on the defeat of Pharoah and the host of Egypt which is still extant in Gods book A song sung Quire-wise as it seemeth Moses as Chanter in that holy Anthem singing verse by verse and Mary the Prophetess Aaron's Sister and all the residue of the Women with Instruments of Musick in their hands saying or singing at each verses end CANTATE DOMINO Sing ye to the Lord for he hath triumphed gloriously the horse and the rider hath he thrown into the Sea vers 21. Aynsworth doth so conceive it in his Notes on Exodus and Lyra on the place differs little from it Egressae sunt mulieres quibus Maria praecinebat sec quod oportebat fieri aliae respondebant sicut solet fieri in tympanis choris eodem modo fecit Moyses respecu virorum Cajetan though he differ from them both in the manner of it yet he agrees upon the matter that this Hymn or Anthem was sung Quire-wise or alternatim it being his opinion that the Women singing some spiritual song to the praise of God Cajetan in Exod. c. 15.21 Mary to every verse made answer CANTATE DOMINO Innuitur saith he quod tot choris mulierum tanquam ex una parte canentibus aliquid in divinam laudem Maria sola tanquam ex altera parte canebat initium supra scripti Cantici that viz. which was sung by Moses But whatsoever manner there was used in the singing of it it seems the Jews did afterwards make Use thereof in their publick Liturgy For thus saith Hooker in his Book of Ecclesiastical Polity Hook Eccl. Pol. lib. 5. n. 26. That very Hymn of Moses whereof now we speak grew afterwards to be a part of the ordinary Jewish Liturgie and not that only but sundry others since invented their Books of Common prayer containing partly Hymns taken out of the holy Scriptures partly Thanksgivings Benedictions and Supplications penned by such as were from time to time the Governors of that Synagogue All which were sorted into several times and places some to begin the Service of God withal and some to end some to go before and some to follow after and some to be interlaced between the divine readings of the Law and Prophets Nor is there any thing more probable than that unto their custom of finishing the Passeover with certain Psalms the holy Evangelist doth evidently allude saying That after the Cup delivered by our Saviour unto his Apostles they sung and so went forth to the Mount of Olives What ground that eminent and learned man had for the first part of his Assertion viz That the song of Moses grew afterwards to be a part of the Jewish Liturgy although he hath not pleased to let us know yet I am confident he had good ground for what he said But for the latter part thereof that the Evangelist doth allude unto certain Psalms used at the finishing of the Jewish Passeover I think there is not any thing more clear and evident For proof whereof and that we may the better see with what set form of Prayers and Praises the Passeover was celebrated by the Jews of old Joseph Scalig. de emend Temp. 1.6 we will make bold to use the words of Joseph Scaliger who describes it thus All things being readily prepared and the guests assembled Offam azymam in Embamma intingebat Paterfamilias c. The Father of the Family or Master of the House dipped the unleavened bread into the sawce which was forthwith eaten Another part thereof being carefully reserved under a napkin was broke into as many pieces as there were several guests in the Paschal Chamber each piece being of the bigness of an Olive and each delivered severally to the guests as they sate in order That done he takes the Cup and having drank thereof gives it to the next he to a second and so in order to the rest till they all had
Christ Synag l. 6. c. 6. Which if it were so as I have no reason to suspect the Author it was not without good cause affirmed by the Historian if one should look no further than those outward circumstances Novos illic ritus caeteris mortalibus contrarios Tacit. hist l. 5. the very same with that which is affirmed of them in the book of Hester viz. their Laws are diverse from all people Finally Hester 3.8 at the ending of their prayers the people which were present used to say Amen which word from thence hath been derived and incorporated into all the Languages which make profession of the faith Only observe that they had several Amens amongst them Christ Synag l. 1. c. 6. § 5. The first of which they called Pupillum when one understandeth not what he answers the second Surreptum when he saith Amen before the prayer be fully ended the third is Otiosum when a man thinks of something else and so saith it idly the fourth Justorum of the just when a mans mind is set on his devotions and thinks upon no other thing And so much of the Rites and Gestures which they used in prayer But it is well observed by Aynsworth that as the Lamps mention whereof is made in the 30th of Exodus do signifie the light of Gods Word and Incense the Sacrifice of prayers Aynsw Annot. in Exod. 30. so the doing of both these at one time the Incense being to be offered when the Lamps were either dressed or lighted as before was said did signifie the joyning of the word with prayer We must look therefore in the next place what room there was or whether any room at all for reading of the Law in Gods holy Temples And first for that of Solomon taking the Temple in the largest and most ample sense not only for the House but the Courts and Out-works it was ordained by Moses in the book of Deuteronomy that there the Law should publickly be read at the end of every seven years to the Congregation At the end of every seven years saith he in the solemnity of the year of release at the feast of Tabernacles when all Israel is come to appear before the Lord their God in the place that he shall choose thou shalt read this Law before all Israel Deut. 31.11 in their hearing But then withal we must take notice that such a reading as is there commanded could not be taken as a part of the publick Liturgy For by the order and prescript of Moses the Law was to be read publickly before the people in the seventh year only in the year of release because then Servants being manumitted from their bondage and Debtors from the danger of their Creditors they might attend the hearing of the Law with the greater chearfulness And in the feast of Tabernacles because it lasted longer than the other Festivals and so it might be read with the greater leisure and then it was but this Law too the book of Deuteronomy This as it was to be performed in that place alone in which the Lord should choose to place his Tabernacle and afterwards to build his Temple so makes it little if at all unto the frequent reading of the Law in the House of God It 's true that Philo tells us in a book not extant that Moses did ordain the publick reading of the Law every Sabbath day Philo. ap Euseb de Praepar Evang. l. 8. c. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. What then did Moses order to be dene on the Sabbath day He did appoint saith he that we should meet all in some place together and there sit down with modesty and a general filence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hear the Law that none plead ignorance thereof Which custom we continue still saith he breakning with wonderful silence to the Word of God unless perhaps we give some joyful acclamation on the bearing of it some of the Priests if any present or otherwise some of the Elders reading the Law and then expounding it till the night came on But hereof by the leave of Philo we must make some doubt This was indeed the custom in our Saviours time and when Philo lived and he was willing as it seems to setch the pedigree thereof as high as might be So Salianus tells him on the like occasion Videtur Philo Judaeorum morem in Synogogis disserendi antiquitate donare voluisse quem à Christe Apostolis observatum legimus Salian Annal. anno m. 25 46. n. 10. And we must make the same Answer to Josephus also who tells us of their Law-maker that he appointed not that they should only hear the Law once or twice a year no oftner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Joseph contr Apion l. 2. but that once every week we should come together to hear the Law that so we might become the more perfect in it Which thing saith he all other Law givers did omit And so did Moses too by Josephus's leave For besides that no such order or command is to be found in the books of Moses there were not then nor long time after any set places destinate to religious Uses but the holy Tabernacle And how the people being planted all about the Countrey could be assembled every week before the Tabernacle or afterwards unto the Temple weekly let Philo and Josephus judge And this appears more plainly by the Book of God where we are told that K. Jehosaphat sent abroad his Visitors who carried the Book of the Law of the Lord with them 2 Chron. 17.7 9. and went through all the Cities of Judaea and taught the people A needless Office had it been as those Authors tell us if all the people met together weekly to be taught the Law But that which follows of Josiah is more full than this Of whom it is recorded that when Hilkiah the High Priest in looking over the decays and ruins of the Temple had found a book of the Law which lay hidden there and brought the same unto the King how the good Prince upon the hearing of the words of the Law rent his Garments 2 King 22.11 23.1 2. and not so only but gathered together all the Elders of Judah and Hierusalem and read in their ears all the words of the Book and joyned together in a Covenant with the Lord their God Had it been formerly the custom to read the law each Sabbath every week once at least unto all the people neither had that religious Prince been so ignorant of it nor had the finding of the book been counted for so strange an accident nor could it be to any purpose to call the People altogether from their several dwellings only to hear the Law read to them and go home again if it were read amongst them weekly on the Sabbath days and that of ordinary course So that whatever Philo and Josephus say there was no weekly reading
of the Law either as a distinct and special duty or as an ordinary part of the publick Liturgy during the standing of the first Temple which was that of Solomon For further proof whereof if we but look into Chronology it will there appear that the finding of the book of God before remembred did happen in the 3412. yer of the worlds Creation Tornielli Annales A. M. 3412. not forty years before the desolation of that Temple in which short space the Princes being careless and the times distracted we have no reason to expect such a blessed Ordinance But in the second Temple or rather whilst it stood and flourished the Law of Moses grew to be read more constantly unto the people than it had been formerly Not every seventh year only on the feast of Tabernacles as had before been ordered and set down by Moses but upon every Sabbath day and each solemn meeting and sometimes on the week-days also nor only in the Temple of Hierusalem as it used to be but in the Towns and principal places of each several Tribe and then and there they did not only read the book of Deuteronomy which was the book prescribed by Moses but the whole body of the Law Which excellent and useful Ordinance is generally referred to Ezra a Priest by calling and very skilful in the Laws of Moses who having taken great pains to seek out the Law and other parts and portions of the book of God digested and disposed them in that form and method in which we have them at the present Of this see Irenaeus l. 3. c. 25. Tertullian de habitu mulierum Clemens Alexandr Strom. l. 1. Chrysost Homil. 8. in epist ad Hebraeos and divers others And if we place this Ordinance or Institution introduced by Ezra Id. anno 3610. in the 3610. year of the Creation which was the time wherein that solemn reading of the Law was kept which we find mentioned in the viii of Nehemiah there will occur betwixt that time and the first general Council holden in Hierusalem 490. years or thereabouts Which might be ground enough to the Apostle to affirm of Moses that in the old time he had them that preached him being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day Act. 15.21 and yet not go so high as Philo and Josephus do to setch the pedigree or original rather of the Institution This then I take to be unquestionable that the weekly reading of the Law was brought into the Jewish Church in the time of Ezra and being brought in I take it as unquestionable that it was used as a part of the daily Office an ordinary portion of the publick Liturgy Not to be read at the discretion of the Minister as his own choice or chance directed and much les as an exercise to take up the time whilst one man tarried for anothers coming until the Congregation were grown full and fit for other business as in some Churches of the Reformation it is used of late but as a special portion of the service which they did to God And this appears by the division of the Law of Moses into those great sections which they call the Parasha being in number 54. which they read in the 52 Sabbaths of the year joyning two of the shortest twice together that the whole might be finished in a years space Aynsw Annot. in Gen. 6. Of this thus write the Hebrew Doctors It is say they a common custom throughout all Israel that they finish wholly the reading of the Law in one year beginning in the Sabbath which is after the feast of Tabernacles at the first section of Genesis in the second at These are the Generations of Noah in the third at The Lord said to Abraham Gen. xii 1. c. So they read and go on in this order till they have ended the Law at the feast of Tabernacles Maim ap Aynsw ibid. By which it seems that as the form of their publick service was not voluntary so neither were the parts thereof uncertain but all set down in rule and order by the authority of the Church and the wisdom of the Governours and chief Rulers in it as might conduce best to the glory of God and the edification of his people Nor was this all that Ezra did in the advancement of Gods service of his publick worship For unto him appointed thereunto by the Authority of the Consistory the Rabbins generally ascribe those eighteen Prayers or Benedictions so much in use amongst the Jews Of which thus Maimony Descripsit cunctas benedictiones Ezra Maim ap Selden in Eutych Alex. p. 51. c. Ezra saith he composed all those Benedictions which by the Consistory were enjoyned to be perpetually observed so that it was not lawful to change or alter them neither to add unto them or diminish from them every alteration of those formulas which by their Wise-men were devised and confirmed in those Benedictions being accounted for a fault And this was done as the same Rabbin doth inform us in another place Vt scilicet in cujuslibet ore bene disponerentur omnesque eas discerent c. That every man might have them in his mouth and be perfect in them Id. ap eundem p. 44. and that thereby the prayers of the rude and ignorant might be as compleat as those of a more eloquent tongue Of these eighteen the three first and the three alst related to the glory of God the other twelve as it is noted in the Gemara Hierosolymit ad ea quae humano generi necessaria Ap. tundem Pâ— 43. to such things as were necessary for the life of man or as it is inlarged by Maimony to all those things quae singulis hominibus habenda in votis which either do concern particular men or are thought necessary to the State or Nation These Prayers or Benedictions thus composed were not alone thought necessary for all sorts of people and therefore called by the Jews preces officii necessario praestandi an office of necessity to be performed Ap. tund p. 47. but used both by Priest and People as an ordinary part of their publick Liturgy Whereof we are thus told by Rabbi Maimony Publicus Minister seu universitatis aut populi Apostolus liberat plebem ab officio suo hic praestando c. Id. p. 47.48 The publick Minister or the Apostle as they called him of the Congregation did ease the people of this service if when he said the prayers they did hearken to him and unto every Benediction answered AMen for by so doing the people also are conceived to pray But this saith he is only in such cases w hen the people is not perfect in those prayers or cannot say the same by heart for they who can repeat the prayers do not aright discharge their duty as they ought to do in case they did not pray themselves with the publick Minister And so much for the
dictates yet so that I will pray with the understanding that is saith he in etiam ab aliis intelligar alios instituam that I may be understood of others for their information And this might be I mean they might affect to pray in an unknown tongue although the Prayers themselves had been predetermined of both for Form and matter Chrysostom if I understand him rightly seems to say no less For writing on these following words Else when thou shalt bless with the spirit i. e. saith Beza in peregrima lingua 1 Cor. 14.16 in an unknown tongue how shall he which occupieth the room of the unlearned say Amen at thy giving of thanks seeing he understandeth not what thou sayest He thus gives the sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chrysost In 1. ad Cor. Homil. 35. c. If thu blessest in a barbarous or unknown tongue the Laity for he had said before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that by the unlearned there he meant the Laity not understanding what thou sayest nor being able to interpret cannot by Amen because not hearing this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say world without end with which the prayer or blessing is concluded he cannot say Amen unto it Theophylact from him to the same effect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. ibid. Theophyl in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For whilst thou sayest world without end obscurely in an unknown tongue he hears not what thou used in the Congregation were prescribed and known or else how could the close or end thereof be so known and certain Nor is this my collection only it is Peter Martyrs too as well as mine Chrysostomus hunc locum tractans P. Martyr in 1 ad Cor. c. 14. c. So Chrysostom on this place saith he tell us that if the people did not hear these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they could by no means say Amen Ex quo loco habemus etiam primis illis temporibus preces publicas consuevisse per haec verba in secula seculorum absolvi And from this place we may perceive that world without end even in those first times was used in the close of their publick prayers So far Peter Martyr And this may yet appear more plainly by that other part of publick worship which S. Paul here speaks of viz. that of singing For if they did not sing at random as the spirit moved them but did confine themselves unto such Psalms or Hymns as were received in the Church it may the better be believed that they did hearken also to such prayers as their spiritual guides had provided for them Now that they did not sing at random every one as the spirit moved him needs no other argument but that confusion both of tune and matter especially if they used also Instruments of Musick whereof more anon which must needs follow thereupon more dreadful than the noise of Babel Nor is it evident that he to whom the spirit did first prompt such a Psalm or Hymn did like the Chanter in our Quires or any other of our Vicars Choral sign the verse alone and then the Congregation sing it after him as the Quire or Consort For though Paraeus seem to be of this question alios decantare hymnos sacros à spiritu dictatos vel meditatos Paraeus in 1. ad Corinth c. 14. That some according to their gifts did sing some holy Hymns which had been dictated by the spirit Yet I subscribe rather unto that of Calvin who thinks that it is meant of Davids Psalms which were accustomed to be sung in the Christian church even from the first beginnings of it according as before in that of Jewry Nec vero mihi dubium est as he states it there quin ritum Judaicae Ecclesiae statim ab initio in Psalmis fuerint imitati Calvin in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. Musculus is of this mind also save that to Davids Psalms he adds such other Hymns and spiritual songs sive Psalmos Davidis five alia quaedam cecinerint which were composed for the use of the Congregation Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. And certainly it is a matter past all question that these Coelestial songs of David and such others if more such there were who did contribute to the making up of the Book of Psalms have been a special part of Gods publick worship even from the cradle of the Church It had not else been grown to so considerable an esteem in the publick Liturgy in and before the time of Trajan and consequently of S. John as we find in Pliny who tells us of the Christians then that they did stato die ante lucent convenire Plin. Epist l. 10. Epist 97. carmenque Christo quasi deo dicere secum invicem Assemble before light on the days appointed and sing praise or Hymns to Christ as God with one another But we shall speak with Pliny more at large hereafter In the mean time if any question should be moved what the Apostle did dislike in the act of singing for somewhat he disliked most certain we answer as before in the case of prayer that he disliked their affectation in singing the accustomed Psalms in an unknown language Ambros in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. S. Ambrose toucheth on this string where he observeth homines Latinos Grace cant are that many of the Latines used to sing in Greek being taken only with the smooth cadence of the words nescientes tamen quid dicant but yet not knowing what they said But Musculus is more express and positive to the point in hand conceiving that the fault here found by the Apostle was that some of them used to sing Davids Psalms in the Hebrew tongue Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. which was not understood by the Corinthians being most part Grecians and that he therefore did admonish them sub sua persona as speaking of himself in his own person to sing the Psalms in such a Tongue as might be understood of the Congregation If any shall observe yet further from the present Text that besides the use of Psalms and Anthems in the Congregation they used also Instruments of Musick in those early times when and as often as they sung those Hymns or Psalms per me licet I will be no hinderance The word there used in the Orignial will bear it well Stephanus Constantin in verbo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Musculus in 1. ad Cor. c. 14. P. Mart. ibid. Beza ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Citharam pulsantes fidibus canentes and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 proprie de sonitu fidium dicitur say no mean Grammarians And this is noted also by as great Divines Psallere proprie est ad instrumentum canere as we read in Musculus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Graecos non est canere simpliciter sed ad musicum instrumentum and from thence came the Instrument
better claim to that or somewhat of this kind than the name and title By whom we are informed Ordinem Missae vel orationem quibus oblata Deo sacrificia consecrantur primum à sancto Petro institutum esse that the order of the Mass and the prayers thereof wherewith the Sacrament or Sacrifice is consecrate was Instituted first by S. Peter and is the very same saith he cujus celebrationem uno eodemque modo universus peragit orbis Isidor Hispal de offici is divin l. 1. c. 15. which is now universally received over all the world He means the Western world you must take him so That attributed to S. Mark if scanned and canvassed with a diligent eye will be discerned to be no other than the Liturgy of the Church of Alexandria of which he was the first Bishop as is elsewhere proved and will appear to be so on painful search by the agreement which it carrieth with that of Cyril one of S. Marks successors in that See and a prime pillar of the Church in the time he lived As also by comparing it with the Ethiopick Liturgy derived from Alexandria as the mother City and extant with it in the bibliotheca whither I refer you But that whereof there is the greatest evidence is that ascribed unto S. James which if not his is questionless the ancient Liturgy of the Church of Hierusalem of which he once was supream Pastor under Christ our Saviour The publisher hereof in Greek and Latine gives us this short note Biblioth patrum Gr. lat To. 2. p. 1. S. Cyrillum Hierosol Catechesi quinta Mystagogica plura ex illa mutuatum That Cyril Bishop of Hierusalem in the fifth of his Mystagogical Catechizings did borrow many things from hence And certainly the observation is exceeding true as will appear on the examination and comparison of the several passages which are still extant in them both Baron in Annal Eccles anno 35 1. Now Cyril B. of Hierusalem lived about the year 350 and was then at his height both for power and credit and if we grant the Liturgy ascribed to James to be but 60 years before him it must needs fall within the compass of the first three hundred This though it be enough we will venture further and ask what inconvenience would ensue if this Apostle be affirmed for the Author of it I mean as to the main and substance of it though not of all the intersertions and additions which are found therein That S. James did compose a Liturgy is proved by Sixtus Senensis out of Proclus sixtus Senes Biblioth Sanct. l. 2. Concil Trullan can 32. sometimes the Patriarch of constantinople a man of special eminence in the Ephesine Council The Fathers of the Synod surnamed of Trullo affirmed of James whom they avow for the first Bishop of Hierusalem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he did leave a Liturgy behind in writing alledging the Authority thereof for proof that water was to be mingled with the wine in the blessed Sacrament Liturgia Jacobi in Bilioth p. 13. Cassand in Liturgicis which passageis still extannt in the Liturgy intituled to him And when we find in Hegesippus as he is cited by Eusebius Eum ab Apostolis primum constitutum fuisse Episcopum Liturgum as Cassander reads it Why may we not conceive that he had that adjunct as the first Author of a Liturgy for the publick use This may be said in the behalf thereof if one list to plead it And were there nothing else to persade me otherwise than that it is affirmed by Rivet has omnes profectas esse ab inimico homine Smectym vindicat p. 28. c. that this with those before remembred proceeded from that Enemy who sowed his Tares in the middle of the good Seed whilst the Servants slept I should not much be set against them Although I honour Rivet for his parts in learning I never held his words for Gospel no not although they come apparelled in the Gospel phrase That it is ancient yea and holy too they have not the courage to deny and yet have so much confidence which I wonder at as to ascribe them to the Devil to whom I hope no holy thing whatever is to be ascribed Neither Rivet nor any of the Moderns are so competent Judges in this point as the Fathers in Trullo nor of like credit with S. Austin who speaking of that noted passage of Sursum Corda used in the Liturgy of his time and long time before saith they were Verba ab ipsorum Apostolorum temporibus petita words borrowed from the times of the very Apostles This being said touching the Liturgies themselves we should proceed unto the course and order in the same observed and to the Forms of Prayer and Benediction contained therein But that would be too large a trouble the business of this Inquisition not being to transcribe whole Liturgies but to find them out besides that most of the material passages whereof such ancient writers as are of an unquestionable credit have left us any trace or memory will call us back to look upon them in convenient time On therefore to the next that followeth whom if we rank according to the place and time which is assigned him by the Pontificians will be the famous Areopagite even Dionysius one of S. Pauls first fruits in Athens I know the Books ascribed unto him have been much questioned in these searching days whether his or not Nor do I mean to meddle in so vexed a question And therefore though I rank him here according to the time and place assigned him by the learned men of the Roman party yet I desire no further credit should be given him than that which he affirms is made good by others who lived most near the time assigned unto him Now for the Celebration of the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist he describes it thus Dionys Areopag de Eccl. Hierarchia p. 89. edit gr lat ' O 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Bishop having ended the Preparatory Prayers said usually at the holy Altar doth then and thence begin to cense the place till he hath compassed it about Returning back unto the Altar he begins the Psalms the Clergy which are present singing with him Then do the Ministers read the holy Scriptures 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in their appointed and determinate order Which done the Catechumeni and such as are possessed with unclean spirits or are under penance are removed out of the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those only being left behind who were to be partakers of the holy Mysteries The Ministers some stand before the Church-doors to keep them shut others attend those Ministrations which appertain unto their Order Some of whom chosen for that purpose present the Bread and Cup of Benediction upon the Altar 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a general Confession being first made by the whole Congreation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Apologet cap. 39. disciplinam nihilominus praeceptorum inculcationibus densamus We meet saith he in an Assembly or Congregation that we may besiege God in our prayers as with an Army Such violence is acceptable unto God We pray for Emperors and their Ministers and Potestates for the state of the whole world the quiet government of the affairs thereof and for the putting off of the last day We are assembled to commemorate or hear the holy Scriptures if the condition of our present state doth either need to be premonished or reviewed Assuredly by the repetition of those holy words our faith is nourished our hope assured our confidence confirmed yet so that the severity of discipline is strengthened by the frequent inculcating of Gods Commandments In which description of their meetings there is no mention of the Eucharist not that it was not Celebrated then in all publick Assemblies but because as Cassander well observeth ad Paganos nondum initiatos sermo haberetur he did address his whole discourse to Heathen-men such as were not yet initiated in the faith of Christ to whom the Christians of those times imparted not the knowledge of the holy Mysteries In other of his books especially in those entituled ad uxorem there 's enough of that Nor is it to be thought because Tertullian speaks not of the present place nor Justin Martyr in the passage produced before that they sung no Psalms nor gave that part of worship no convenient place in the performance of their Service We find that and the course of their publick worship thus pointed at unto us in another place Jam vero prout Scripturae leguntur aut Psalmi canuntur aut adlocutiones proferuntur Id. de Anima cap. 9. aut petitiones delegantur ita inde materae visionibus subministrantur Now saith he as the Scriptures are read or Psalms sung or Exhortations made or Prayers tendred so is matter ministred unto her visions Where we may see that singing of the Psalms was in use amongst them as well as any other part of publick worship of what sort soever Conceive by singing here as in other Books and Authors about this time such singing of the Psalms as is now in use in the Cathedrals of this Kingdom after a plain tune as it is directed in the Rubricks of the Common-prayer book and not the singing of the Psalms in Metre as hath been used and is still in Parochial Churches The singing in those times in use was little more than a melodious pronunciation though afterwards upon occasion of a Canon made in the Council of Laodicea it came to be more perfect and exact according to the rules of harmony and in St. Austins time was so full and absolute that he ascribes a great cause of his conversion to the powers thereof calling to mind those frequent tears quas fudi ad cantus Ecclesiae tuae which had been drawn from him by this sacred Musick by which his soul was humbled and his affections raised to the height of godliness But whatsoever was the Musick of these first times Musick assuredly they had in their publick service as Tertullian tells us whom we may credit in this point And if we please to look we may be also sure to find the same in that place of Pliny which before we touched at Which here take more at large in the Authors words The Christians on examination did acknowledge Plin. Ep. 97. l. 10. Euser hist Eccl. l. ◠c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod soliti essent state die ante lucem convenire carmenque Christo tanquam Deo canere secum invicem seque sacramento non in scelus aliquod obstringere sed ne furta ne larocinia ne adulteria committerent ne fidem fallerent ne depositum appellati abnegarent His peractis morem sihi discedendi fuisse rursusque coeundi ad capiendum cibum promiscuum tamen innoxium They did confess saith he that they were accustomed to assemble on their appointed times before day-light and to sing Hymns or Songs of praise to Christ as to a god amongst themselves and to bind themselves by Oath or Sacrament not to the doing of any wickedness but not to commit Thefts Robberies or Adulteries demanded and this being done they used to depart and then meet again to eat together their meat being ordinary and the manner of their eating inoffensive Which last was added as I take it to clear them of the slander which was raised against them by their malicious Enemies who charged them with eating humane flesh and the blood of Infants as you may see in most of the Apologies which the Christians published in those times Note also that their meeting thus to eat together which is here last spoken of by Pliny was for their Love-feasts or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 described so fully by Tertullian in his Apologetick and by him also joyned to the description of their course or order at their publick meetings But here perhaps it will be said that the question is not at the present about a set order or Rubrick of Administrations but about set and imposed Forms of prayer Vindication of Smectymn p. 19 And that although Tertullian do describe a set course and order yet he is quite against a set From of prayer where he saith That the Christians of those times did in their publick Assemblies pray sine monitore quia de pectore without any prompter but their own hearts Smectym p. 7. And say they that it should be so the same Father as they call him proves in his Treatise de Oratione Sunt quae petuntur c. There are some things to be asked according to the occasions of every man the lawful and ordinary prayer that is the Lords prayer being laid as a foundation it is lawful to build upon that foundation other prayers according to every ones occasion So they and to them it may thus be answered that either those two passages of Tertullian are ill laid together or else they must be understood of private not of publick prayer For that the latter place is meant of those private prayers which every man may make for his own occasions is beyond all question And in their private Prayers it is not denied but men may use what words and what Forms they please so they consider as they ought what it is they ask and of whom they ask it And if this place be meant of private prayer as by the Authors drift and scope it appears to be then must the other passage be so understood or else they are ill laid together as before was said Now that the other place so insisted on is also meant of private not of publick Prayers will appear by this that there Tertullian speaks of the private carriage of the Christians and of their good affections to the Roman Emperors but medleth not with their behaviour as a publick body assembled and convened for a
publick end For if he should it must needs sound exceeding harshly that every Member in the Congregation should be left unto the liberty of his own expression and their Devotions if so ordered could be entituled nothing less than Common-prayers by which name Justin Martyr calls them as before was shewn But that we may the better understand Tertullians meaning we will first take the words at large Tertullian Apologet c. 30. and then conjecture at the sense The words are these Illuc suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis quia innocuis capite nudo quia non erubescimus sine monitore quia de pectore oramus precantes summs omnes semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus vitam illis prolixam imperium securum domum tutam exercitus fortes senatum fidelem populum probum orbem quietum quaecunque hominis vel Caesaris vota sunt We Christians looking towards Heaven pray with our hands stretched out to protest our innocence bare-headed because not ashamed without a Monitor because by heart an happy Reign a secure House valiant Souldiers faithful Counsellors an industrious People and whatsoever else the Prayers of a private man for it is hominis not hominum or those even of the Emperor himself can extend unto And this he sheweth to be the subject of those Prayers which he himself did use to make for the Roman Emperors in the words next following Haec ab alio orare non possum quam à quo me scio consecuturum I pray for all this to no other than to him alone of whom only I am certain to obtain the same And sure Tertullian was a private person nor de we find that he prayed thus with others in the Congregation or if he did yet being the heads are certain which are spoke of here the Form may also be prescribed for ought appears unto the contrary which was used there And for the Monitor 't is true the Gentiles had of old their Monitors not only to direct them in what words but to what God also they should make their Prayers Which thing the Christians needed not who knew they were to make their Prayers unto God alone and being accustomed to pray in the Congregation according to the Form prescribed for the Emperors safety and the prosperity of his affairs could without any Monitor or Prompter pray by heart for those things which concerned the weal and safety of the Emperors and those who were in Office and Authority by and under them What the Prayers were used by the Christians of those times it is hard to say there being so little of them extant in Authors of unquestioned credit but that they used set Forms of prayer is not hard to prove as we shall see in the next Century when we have looked into the works of Origen and spent a little time in S. Cyprians writings If in their Books one of which was cotemporary with Tertullian the other living very near him if not with him also we find prescribed Forms of prayer I hope it will be granted without great difficulty that in Tertullians time they had prescribed Forms although those Forms appear not upon good record But first before we come to that we will lay down the course and order of the ministration according as I find it in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens The Author of the which whosoever he was lived about these times and may perhaps be credited in a matter of fact although of no Authority with the Learned in a point of Doctrine Now he describeth both the Churches and the service thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Constitut Clement l. 2. c. 57. c. When thou he speaks unto the Bishop doest call the Congregation to Assemble as being the Master of the Ship command thy Deacons as the Mariners that places be provided for the Brethren who are as passengers therein First let the Church be built in form of an Oblongum looking towards the East and let the Bishops Throne or Chair be placed in the midst thereof the Presbyters sitting on each side of him and the Deacons ready and prepared to attend the Ministry to whom it appertaineth to place the lay-people in their ranks and seats and set the Women by themselves Then let the Reader from the Desk or Pulpit placed in the middle of the people read the Books of Moss as also those of Josuah Judges Kings and Chronicles and that of Ezra touching the return from Babylon as also those of Job and Solomon and the sixteen Prophets 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Two Chapters being read let one begin the Psalms of David and let the people answer the Acrosticks i. e. the closes or the burden of the song as we use to say Then let the Acts be read and the Epistles of S. Paul which he inscribed to several Churches by the suggestion of the Holy Ghost Afterwards let the Presbyter or Dacon read the Gospels which Matthew Mark Luke and John have left behind them And whilst they read the Gospel let the people stand and hearken to the same with silence For it is written Take heed and hearken O Israel and in another place Stand thou there and hearken Then let the Presbyters speak a word of Exhortation to the people not all at once but one by one and the Bishop last This done all of them rising up and turning towards the East the Catechumeni and those which are under Penance being first departed let them direct their Prayers to God after which some of the Deacons are to attend upon the Sacrifice of the holy Eucharist others to have an eye on the Congregation and to see that silence be well kept Then let the Deacon which assists the Bishops thus bespeak the people 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no man here have malice against his Brother let no man harbour any dissimulation Which said the men salute the men the women those of their own Sex with an holy kiss After the Deacon saith the Prayer for the whole Church the universal World and the parts thereof as also for fertility for the Priests the Magistrates for the Bishop and King and the peace of all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This done Id. l. 8. c. 22. the Deacons are to bring the offerings to the Bishop laying the same upon the Altar the Priests assisting on each side as the Disciples do their Master Then the Bishop praying to himself together with the Priests or Presbyters and being arrayed in a white Vesture standing at the Altar and maing the sign of the Cross upon his forehead shall say The Grace of God Almighty and the love of our Lord Jesus Christ and the fellowship of the Holy Ghost be with you all and all the people shall return this Answer And with thy spirit Then shall the Bishop say Lift up your hearts and they reply We lift them up unto the Lord. The Bishop thus Let us give thanks unto the Lord the people
next It is meet and right so to do And then the Bishop It is meet right and our bounden duty above all things to praise thee the true God who wast from all eternity before the foundation of the world was laid Finally this being done let the Bishop give unto the people the blessing of peace Id. l. 2. c. 57. And as Moses did command the Priests to bless the people in these words The Lord bless thee and keep thee the Lord make his Face to shine upon thee and grant thee peace So shall the Bishop use this Form Conserva Domine populum tuum incolumen c. Preserve O Lord thy people in safety and bless thine inheritance which thou possessest and hast purchased with the Blood of Christ and callest a Royal Priesthood and holy Nation Afterwards let him go to the Consecration all the people standing and praying softly to themselves and the Oblation being made let every one severally receive the Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour coming in order thereunto and with fear and reverence the Women being also veiled or covered as becomes their Sex And whilst that this is doing let the doors of the Church be shut that neither any Infidel or Vnbaptized person be present at it So far and to this purpose Clemens or whosoever was the Author of the Constitutions which how it doth agree with the publick Forms still extant on record in the works and monuments of such Ancient Writers of whom there is no question amongst Learned men we shall see anon One thing must first be taken into consideration and that is whether in the reading of the holy Scripture the Minister was left to his own Election although not for the number of the Sections or Chapters as we call them now yet to read what and where he would without appointment of the Church A point which hath already been resolved by the Church of England declaring The Preface to the Book of Common Prayer How it was so ordered by the ancient Fathers that all the whole Bible or the greatest part thereof should be read over once every year intending thereby that the Clergy and especially such as were Ministers of the Congregation should by often reading and meditation of Gods words be stirred up to godliness themselves and be more ale to exhort others by wholesome Doctrine and to confute them that were Adversaries to the truth And further that the people by daily hearing of holy Scripture read in the Church should copntinually profit more and more in the knowledge of God and be the more inflamed with the love of his true Religion And certainly it was a good and godly institution savouring most abundantly of the primitive wisdom though now I know not how it comes to pass it be made a matter of no moment sive biennio sive triennio absolvatur lectio sacrae Scripturae Altare Damasc c. 10. p. 633. whether the Scriptures be read over in two years or three so it be read at all in the Congregation So little thanks or commendations hath this unhappy Church of England for labouring to revive the ancient orders of the Primitive times and to bring the people of the Lord to be acquainted with his holy Word But it is said that in the Primitive times there was no such custom but all was left both for the choice and number of the Lessons arbitrio Ecclesiae * Id. Ibid. to the discretion of the Church that is to say for nothing else can be the meaning to the discretion of the Minister And this they prove from that of Justin Martyr produced before where it is said that they did read the writings of the Prophets and Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. as they translate it quoad tempus fert as the time would bear But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if translated rightly is indeed quantum licet as much as is lawful and permitted which quite destroyeth their meaning and confirms the Churches 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concedo admitto Hinc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 impersonaliter exponitur licet locus est facultas est in the common Lexicon * v. Stephant Thesaurum And this appears further by the best classick Authors 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non licebat manere in Xenophon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam primum licuerit in Herodotus so in others also And that it was thus in the antient practice appeareth very plainly by that of Austin though of a later standing than the times we speak of where it is said that in the meeting or assembly for religious Worship scripturarum divinarum lecta sunt solennia †Augustin de civit Dei l. 22. cap. 8. the solemn and appointed Lessons out of holy Scripture were read unto the Congregation And if they were solennia then that is set out determined and appointed for times and seasons I cannot think thatthey were otherwise in these former days unless it were on extraordinary and great occasions in which that course might possibly be dispensed withal as in the times of persecution and the like extremities And so we come unto the third age of the Church and there we shall begin with Origen who grew into esteem and credit in the beginning of this Century and so continued till the midst By him it is observed and exceeding rightly in Ecclesiasticis observationibus nonnulla esse hujusmodi quae omnibus quidem facere necesse est nec tamen rationem eorum omnibus patere that in the usages of the Church there are many things which of necessary are to be done by every man although the reason of them be not known to all * Origen in Numer cap. 4. Homil 5. Which said in general he thus descends unto particulars Nam quod genua flectimus orantes quod ex omnibus coeli plagis ad solam Orientis partem conversi orationem fundimus non facile cuique puto ratione compertum Sed Eucharistiae sive percipiendae sive eo ritus quo geritur explicandae vel eorum quae geruntur in baptismo verborum gestorumque ordinum atuqe interrogationum ac responsionum quis facile explicet rationem Et tamen omnia haec operta relata portamus super humeros nostros cum ita implemus ea exequimur ut à magno Pontifice ab ejus filiis tradita commendata suscepimus For when we kneel saith he in the time of Prayer and that of all the points in Heaven we turn unto the East when we make our prayers I think the reason why we do so is not known to any Or who can readily assign a reason of those Rites and Ceremonies used both in the receiving of the Eucharist or at the consecrating of the same or of those many things which are done in baptism the words and gestures the order there observed the Interrogatories and the Answers And yet all these we undergo whether revealed
before out of the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens and will now further prove it by Tertullian also who thus brings it home Aquam ingressi Christianam fidem in suae legis verba profitemur Tertullian de spectaculis c. 1. renunciare nos Diabolo pompis ejus ejus ore nostro contestamur Entring saith he into the water we make profession of the Christian faith in the very words of his own law and with our own mouth do contest that we renounce the Devil and his pomps and Angels Compare these words with those of Clemens formerly delivered and tell me if you can where the difference lieth And there 's another passage in that book of Cyprians which points us to the hours of prayer at that time in use viz. The third the sixth the ninth Which having shewed to have been formerly in use with Daniel and other holy men of God he addeth that besides those hours observed of old Orandi spatia sacramenta creverunt Cyprian de orat Dominica the times and the occasions of prayer were both increased Nam mane orandum est ut resurrectio Domini matutina oratione celebretur recedente item sole ac die cessante necessario orandum est c. For in the morning we must pray that the Lords resurrection may be celebrated by our Morning prayer and when the Sun is down and the day determined we must needs pray also that praying for the returning of the light we may desire of God our Saviours coming who will conduct us all unto light eternal So great assurance have we of the point in hand both for the Form and hours of prayer from this book of Cyprians that any further search were almost unecessary Now lest it may be said as I know some say that this is none of Cyprians true and genuine writings but thrust upon him by some Sciolist of a later standing S. Austin shall come in for witness who very frequently doth attest unto it as viz. Epist 47. 107. lib. de gratia libero arbitrio cap. 13. lib. 1. contra Julianum de bono perseverantiae cap. 2. Finally to dismiss S. Cyprian the Magdeburgians though no great Friends unto the antient usages of the Church were so convinced or satisifed to say the least with this book of his that they resolve it for a certainty past all peradventure that anciently there were set Forms of publick prayer Histor Ecclesiast Cent. 3. cap. 6. Formulas denique precationum absque dubio habuernunt as they state it there and for the proof thereof refer us to this book of Cyprians This being thus proved IX we may affirm with grief as some do with scorn that great must be our loss who are so unhappily deprived of the best improvement the Church made of her peace and happiness Smectymn p. 9. during the first three hundred years No question but the Liturgies which were then composed did savour strongly both of the piety and affectionof those blessed times Whether the blessed Constantine was herein as unhappy as our selves or whether he needed not have composed a Form of Prayer for his Guard to be used by them on the Lords day but rather might and would have taken them out of the former Liturgies if there had been any will prove a very easie Quaere with whatsoever confidence it be made a difficulty For certainly there might be former Liturgies and yet no Form of prayer found in them for that use and purpose for whch that prayer was made by blessed Constantine For we have now a Liturgie in the Church of England and 't is my prayer we may long have it naugre the machinations of unquiet Men in which are many Forms of prayer for Gods publick worship yet not so many nor so sutable to all occasions but that some Men make bold to set forth their own Besides the Emperours Army did consist as the time then were Eusebius de vita constant l. 4. c. 18. partly of Christians and partly of the Gentiles and possibly it had not proved such an easie matter to bring the Gentiles to the use of a Form of prayer the Christian Souldiers being suffered to repair unto the Church upon Sundays and there to make their prayers to the Lord their God which had been wholly taken from the Liturgies of the Christian Church But for the prayer enjoyned by the blessed Constantine Ibid. cap. 20. it was as followeth Te solum Deum agnoscimus te Regem profitemur te adjutorem invocamus per te victorias consecuti sumus per te hostes superavimus à te praesentem felicitatem consecutos fatemur futuram adepturos speramus tui omnes supplices sumus à te petimus ut Constantinum Imperatorem nostrum una cum piis ejus liberis quam diutissime salvum victorem conserves In English thus We do acknowledg thee for the only God we confess thee to be the King we call upon thee as our helper and defender by thee alone it is that we have got the victory and subdued our Enemies to thee as we do refer all our present happiness so from thee also we expect our future Thee therefore we beseech that thou wouldst-keep in health and safety our noble Emperour Constantine with his hopeful progeny This was the very Form imposed And I believe the blessed Constantine would never have troubled himself to compose this Form had he not though that set and prescribed Forms of prayer had been very necessary and more to be considered of than the extemporary prayers of his ablest Ministers For doubtless in a CAmp wherein there were so many of the Gentiles there must be some Priests to offer sacrifice unto the Gods whom those Gentiles worshipped And it is told us by Eusebius Id. that he had always in his Camp for divine Offices divers Priest and Bishops Chaplains in ordinary to his Majesty and it were hard if none of them could have made a shift to vent some short extemporary prayers for the use of the Army The blessed Constantine had been most unhappy if it had been so and pity 't was that some of those who are so vehemently bent against all set Forms had not been Preachers to his Army Assuredly they would have eased him of that needless trouble Especially since we are told what liberty every Man might take unto himself in praying both what and how he listed For as they say this liberty in Prayer was not taken away nor set and imposed Forms introduced Smeclymn until the time that the Arian and Pelagian Heresies did invade the Church and then because those Hereticks did convey and spread their poyson in their Forms of Prayer and Hymns the Church thought it convenient to restrain the liberty of making and using publick forms A piece of Learning not more new than strange to us who never heard of the like before and such as in conclusion doth destroy it self
prayers been left to the discretion or ability of him that made them assuredly the Bishop or the Presbyters being men of greater gifts and more practised in them than the Deacons were supposed to be would not have left a business of that weight and moment to be discharged by men of the lowest Order themselves attending on the service as if not concerned And so much for and on occasion of the so Celebrated Council of Laodicea one of the ancientest upon true record in the Church of Christ You see by this that in the time of the renowned Constantine and long time before the Church was sorted and disposed into ranks and files and every sort of men had a particular Form of Service fitted and framed thereunto besides those Common-prayers wherein all did joyn We will next see whether they were not in condition as well to amplifie the times and beautifie the places of Gods publick worship as to agree upon the Forms and then we will go forwards in our purposed search till we have set the business above all gain-saying And for the times we shewed before with what a general consent they had transferred the Jewish Sabbath on the which God rested unto the first day of the week on the which Christ rose Nor was it long before they had their daily meetings and thereon their set hours of Prayer Morning and Evening as was proved before from S. Cyprians words To which was after added as appeareth by the Council of Laodicea before remembred an hour of prayer at nine of the Clock Concil Laodicen Can. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Text which hours are still observed at nine of the Clock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Text which hours are still observed in all the Cathedrals of this Kingdom Besides these as their numbers multiplied and their affairs were crowned by God with peace and happiness they instituted several Annual Festivals to be observed with greater solemnity and concourse of people than any of their ordinary Assemblies in memory of especial blessings which God had given them by his Son or conferred on them by his Saints Of these the Feasts of Easter and Whitsontide as they are most eminent so they are most antient as being instituted in the times of the Lords Apostles to which were added in short time the two days next following that so those seacred Festivals might be solemnized with the greater measure of devotion in which regard Easter is called by Gregory Nyssen Gregor Nyssen Homil. 1. de Paschat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the three days Feast See of this also Augustin de Civitate Dei l. 22. cap. 8. The Feast of Christis Nativity began if not before in the second Age. Theophilus Caesariensis who lived about the times of Commodus and Severus makes mention of it and placeth it on the 25th of December quocunque die 8. Calend. Januar. venerit so his own words are as we still observe it A Festival of so great erninency that Chrysostom entituleth it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the mother or Metropolis of all other Feasts Chrysost Orat. de Phalagon See for this also in Nicephorus where it will be found to have been universally received before the time of Dioclesians persecution who burnt many eminent Christians at Nicomedia whilst they were Celebrating this great Festival in the House God Niceph. histor Eccl. l. 7. c. 6. That of the Incarnation was ordained in the beginning of the third Century there being an Homily of Gregory surnamed Thaumaturgus who lived An. 230. entituled de Annunciatione B. Virginis another for of this there is made some question writ by Athanasius who lived in the beginning of the following Age whereof there is no doubt amongst Learned men That of the Passion or Good-Friday as we call it now is of the same Antiquity as the other was for we find mention of it in the Books of Origen Origen contra Celsum l. 4. And for the Feasts of the Apostles Evangelists and other blessed Saints of God they took beginning most of them in the time of Constantine who by his Edict gave command to all the Deputies and Lieutenants of the Roman Empire that the memorials of the Martyrs should be duely honoured Euseb de vita Constat l. 4. c. 23 and solemn Feasts to be appointed for that end and purpose most of which brought their Fasts or Vigils along with them The Church lost nothing of that power by our Saviours coming which she enjoyed and practised in the times before but did ordain both Feasts and Fasts too if she saw occasion and as she found it might conduce to the advantage of Gods publique worship Now as the Christians of these two Ages did augment the Times so they increased the places also of Gods publique worship In the first Age they had their meeting or Assemblies in some privage Houses which being separated from all profane and common use were by the Owners dedicated to Religious exercises and therefore honoured in the Scriptures with the name of Churches But as they grew in numbers so they grew in confidence and in these Ages had their Churches visible and obvious to the eyes of all men Witness hereto Ignatius the Apostles Scholar and Successor to St. Peter in the See of Antioch who lived in the beginning of the second Century and writing to the Magnesians an Epistle hitherto unquestioned by our modern Criticks doth exhort them thus Omnes ad orandum in idem loci convenite Ignat. Epist ad Magnes una sit communis precatio una mens una spes in charitate c. That is to say Assemble all together in the same place to pour fourth your prayers unto the Lord let there be one Common-prayer amongst you one mind one onely hope in love and an unblamable faith in Jesus Christ run all together as one man to the Temple of God as to one Altar as to Jesus Christ the High Priest of the uncreated and immortal God Witness hereto for the middle of this second Century two several Epistles of Pope Pius the first and those unquestioned hitherto which we shall have occasion to make use of in the last Chapter of this Tract and the sixth Section of that Chapter And finally witness hereunto for the close thereof these words of Clemens Alexandrinus where speaking of the spiritual Church or the Congregation of Gods Elect he doth phrase it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem Alex. Strom. lib. 7. I call not now saith he the place but the Congregation of Gods Elect by the name of the Church By which it is mosT plain and evident that the word Ecclesia or the Church signified in his time as well the place of the Assembly as the general body of the Congregation or Elect of God Now that these Churches mentioned by Ignatius in the first beginning and specially by Clemens in the latter end of this second Century were not only some rooms
the third Council of Carthage I shall bethink my self of an Answer to it But sure I am that in the third Council of Carthage Caesario Attico Coss as it is said to be in all Collections of the Councils were made but 24 Canons as it is in balsamon but five and twenty as in zonaras whereof this is none And no less sure that it is told me by Baronius haud omnes in hac Synodo sanciri that all the Canons attributed to this Council were not made therein Baron Annal. Eccla An. 397. n. 46. nor is it to be found in the Collection of the Canons of the Councils of Carthage either of Zonaras or Balsamon or in the Codex Canonum published by Justellus and therefore in all probability made in none at all Next look we on the other parts of the publick Liturgies for other parts there were besides the ministration of the Sacraments and the daily Service and we shall find as undeniable Authorities for defence of those as any of the former before remembred Of these I shall insist upon no more at this present time than the Form of ordering Bishops Priests and Deacons and that of solemnizing Matrimony to which we shall adjoyn their Form and Rites of Burial and so descend at last to a conclusion And first for that of Ordination whereas the ancient Form thereof had been interrupted and many of the Rulers of the Church had been too sensibly indulgent to their own affections in the dispensing of the same it pleased the Fathers in the fourth Council of Carthage not so much to ordain and constitute new Forms and Ordinances as revive the old A Council of that note and eminance that as the Acts thereof were approved and ratified by Pope Leo the great if that add any thing unto them Binius in titulo Concil To. 1. p. 587. edit Col. Id. Ibid. p. 591. so by the same the following Ages of the Church did use to regulate and dispose the publick Discipline Adeo ut hoc Concilium Ecclesiae disciplinae ad pristinam consuetudinem revocatae quasi promptuarium semper meritoque apud posteros habitum fuit as saith Binius truly Now amongst those they which first lead the way unto all the rest declare the Form and manner to be used in all Ordinations whether of Bishops Priests and Deacons or of inferiour Officers in the Church of Christ And first for Bishops especial care being taken for an inquisition into their Doctrine Life and Conversation Concil Carthag IV. can 1. it is decreed that when a Bishop is to be ordained two other Bishops are to hold the Book of the holy Gospel over his head and whilest one of them doth pronounce the blessing the rest there present lay their hands upon his head Episcopus cum ordinatur Ib. Can. 2. duo Episcopi panant teneant Evangeliorum codicem super caput cervicem or rather verticem ejus uno super eum fundente benedictionem reliqui omnes Episcopi qui adsunt manibus suis caput ejus tangant So the canon goeth And this is still observed in the Church of England save that the laying of the Book on the parties head is turned and as I think with more significancy into the putting of the same into his hand Then for the ordering of the Priest or Presbyter it is thus declared Presbyter cum ordinatur Episcopo eum benedicente manum super caput ejus tenente Ib. Can. 3. etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant When a Presbyter is to be ordained the Bishop giving the benediction or saying the words of Consecration and holding his hand upon his head all other Presbyters then present are to lay their hands upon his head near the hand of the Bishop And this is also used and required in the Church of England save that more near unto the Rule and prescript of Antiquity three Presbyters at least are to be assistant in laying hands upon the party to be ordained And last of all for that of Deacons it was thus provided solus Episcopus qui eum benedicit manum super caput illius ponat Ibid. Can. 4. that the Bishop only who ordains should lay his hand upon his head The reason of the which is this quia non ad Sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur because he is not consecrated to the Office of Priesthood but to an inferiour ministry in the house of God Nor is the Deacon otherwise ordained than thus in the Church of England Here are the Rites the visible and external signs but where I pray you are the Forms the prescribed words and prayers which are now in use I answer that they are included in those two phrases benedicere and fundere benedictionem to bless to give the benediction or pronounce the blessing For as a Writer of our own very well observes Benedicere hic nibil aliud est quam verba proferre Mason de Minist Angl. l. 2. cap. 17. per quae horum Ordinum potestas traditur To bless saith he or give the benediction is nothing more nor less than to say those words by which the power of Order is conferred on every or either of the parties which receive the same And that the Form of words then used was prescribed and set not left unto the liberty of every Prelate to use what Form of words he pleased so he kept the sense we saw before in that of Zonaras where he affirmed that the Canon formerly remembred about the using prescribed Forms in the Church of God did reach to Ordination also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Ordinations Zonaras in Concil Carth. Can. 117. saith the Scholiast the Bishop or Chief Priest laying his hands on him that came to be ordained was to recite the usual and accustomed Prayers Statas preces exequi solitus est as the Translator of the Scholiast And this may be observed withal that though this Council be of good antiquity as being held An. 398. yet almost all the Acts thereof and those especially amongst the rest were rather declaratory of the antient Customs of the Church of CHRIST Baron Annal. Eccl. An. 398. than introductory of new as both Baronius and Binius do affirm and justifie That which remains concerns the Form of Marriage and Rites of Burial to which a little shall be added of those pious Gestures used by them in the Act of publick Worship and that being done I shall conclude And first for Marriage there is no question to be made but that from the beginning of Christianity it hath been celebrated by the Priest or Minister with publick Prayers and Benedictions and most times with the celebration of the blessed Eucharist whereof thus Tertullian Vnde sufficiam ad felicitatem ejus matrimonii enarrandam Tertullian ad uxorem l. 2. quod Ecclesia conciliat confirmat
oblatio obsignatum Angeli enunciant Pater ratum habet How can I be sufficient saith this antient Writer to declare the happiness of that Marriage which the Church celebrates the Sacrament confirmeth which being solemnized is proclaimed by the Angels and ratified by our heavenly father To add S. Ambrose to Tertullian a latter to a former Author may be thought impertinent yet being a Father of the Church and one against whom no exception lieth take him with you also and you shall find in him Ambros Epist 70. ad Vigilium Conjugium sacerdotali benedictione sanctificari oportere that Marriage was to be sanctified with the Priests blessing The Ring in Marriage is as antient as Tertullian also who mentioneth it in his Apologetick cap. 6. and it is given saith Isidore by the Bridegroom to his Spouse or Wife Vel propter mutuae fidei signum Isidor Hisp de officiis l. 2. c. 59. vel ut eodem pignore eorum corda jungantur either to testifie their mutual faith or rather for a pledg of that Conjunction which is agreed upon between them both in heart and mind The reason it is put on the fourth Finger was observed before which lest it should be thought to be meerly gentile you shall also have it from a Christian Author Id. ibid. Quod in eo vena quaedam sanguinis ad cor usque perveniat because there goeth a vein from thence to the very heart That the Brides antiently went to Church in white Apparel appeareth in the same Author also though it was mixt with Purple then which is now disused and that they were conducted to the Church by Paranymphs or Bridemen as we call them now is no less evident but from an antienter Record Where it is said Sponsus Sponsa cum benedicendi sunt à Sacerdote à parentibus suis vel Paranymphis offerantur Concil Carthag IV. Can. 13. That both the Bridegroom and the Bride must be conducted to the Church to receive the benediction of the Priest either by their Parents or their Bridefolks Finally to the making of a Marriage in those early days Isidor Hispal de divin fficiis l. 2. c. 19. they had their Tabulas dotales their Writings and Instruments of Dowry by which the married couple became possessed of each others goods from whence it comes that in the Liturgy of the Church of England the Man doth actually endow his Wife with all his worldly goods and that in facie Ecclesiae even in the sight and hearing of the Congregation Next for their Form or Rites of Burial not to speak any thing of those preparatory actions which were done within doors in the embalming of the Body and making it ready for the Sepulture the Corps was brought unto the Grave with Psalms and spiritual Hymns and being had into the Church the Priests and people said the accustomed Prayers such as were destinate to that business This we shall clearly see by those Funeral Rites with which the body of Macrina the Sister of Gregory Nyssen was brought unto her burial as himself describes it Gregor Nyssen de vita S. Macrinae The Bier saith he being carried by Men of eminency in the Clergy was on both sides attended by no small number of Deacons and other Ecclesiastical Officers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 each with a Taper in his hand And this was not without some mysters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Psalmody continued most melodiously from the beginning to the end in consort not unlike the so much celebrated Song of the three Children The space betwixt the house from whence we came and the burial-place being seven or eight furlongs so that by reason of the throng which hindred us from hasting forward we spent all the day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Being come within the Church we set down the Bier and first betook our selves to Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which moved much sorrow in the people then unto Psalms again which were much interrupted by the cryes and lamentations of the Virgins which were then in place But we requiring them by signs to keep silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Deacon preparing unto Prayer and crying to the people in the accustomed words they put themselves into a posture of Prayer though with much ado Prayers being done the Body was committed to the Grave and all the company departed to their several houses A short collation being prepared at an house near hand for the principal Mourners to which were sometimes added the poor and needy the Widow and the fatherless Child pupillos viduas saturantes as it is in Origen Origen lib. 3. in Job More of these Rites who list to see let him consult for the first part hereof the Psalmody Nazianzen orat in laudem Caesarii Hierom in vita S. Pauli and his Epistle ad Eustochium de Paulae obitu s. Chrysostom Homil. 70. ad populum Antiochen Augustin Confessionum l. 6. c. 12. And for the latter part the Prayers accustomably used in those Solemnities see Cyprian Epist l. 1. Ep. 9. austin Confession l. 6. c. 12. Paulinum in vita S. Ambrosii Cyrillum Hierosol Catech. mystag 5. Euseb de vita Constant l. 4. c. 71. and others Finally for the Funeral Sermon although condemned of late in some of the Reformed Churches there is no Man so much a stranger to antiquity none who hath ever looked into the works of the fathers Basil or Ambrose Nazianzen or Nyssen and indeed whose not who finds them not to be exceeding frequent in those pious times For by that means the Dead were honoured in the commemoration of their faith and piety and those who were alive received both comfort and instruction in being perswaded to the imitation of their very Examples Sic defunctis praemium futuris dabatur exemplum as Minutius hath it Next for the Rites and Gestures which were in use even in the best and purest times of the Christian Church at the performance of all Acts of publick Worship I find some proper to the Priest some common both to Priest and People That which was proper to the Priests to such as did attend at the holy Altar was that they did attire themselves in a distinct Habit at the time of the ministration not only from the rest of the common people but even from that which themselves used to wear at other times though both grave and decent The colour white and the significancy thereof to denote that Holiness wherewith the Ministers of God ought to be apparelled and seems to have been much of the same condition both for use and meaning with the Surplice still retained in the Church of England This we find clearly evidenced in the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens as may be seen in the sixth Chapter of this book num V. and there the Reader may observe it Besides which being as I take it of unquestioned credit to the point in
of work since the time of the old Martin Mar-prelat began to teem again with a new brood of Libellous Pamphlets the Females of Sedition as a Learned Gentleman truly calls them in which the Bishops were reproached with Innovating in the Worship of God here by Law established in order to some dark design to bring in Popery The antient usages of the Church grounded on Law required by Canon and Authorized by the stamp of Supream Authority had lien so long under the Rubbish of neglect and discontinuance by the remisness to say no worse of it of the former Government that the endeavour of reducing them to use and practice was forthwith clamorously branded with the odious name of an Innovation though when it came unto the trial the Innovation lay at their doors who had raised he clamor Amongst which Innovations so unjustly charged there was none made a greater and more general noise than the requiring a set Form of Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons imputed by H. E. to the late Archb. as an act of his and yet confessed so much he was transported by his spleen and passion to be prescribed in the Canon of 603. full 30 years before that Prelate had attained the See of Canterbury During these heats I was requested by the Right Reverend Father in God the Lord Bishop of W. to ease him of some pains in searching into the constant practice of this Church since the Reformation as to that particular as also to consider of the grounds and motives which might induce the Bishops of those times to compose the Canon in which that Form had been prescribed that haing satisfied himself in all points which concerned that Argument towards which my poor endeavours were not likely to contribute much he might with greater confidence require the Clergy of his Diocess to conform unto it An employment which I undertook with a ready chearfulness as one that had been always trained up in the School of obedience and looked upon the just motions of my Superiors as in the nature of commands What satisfaction this discourse then gave unto hisLordship I forbear to add and what contentment it may give to the Reader now I forbear to guess The fate of Books depends not in these times as in those before on the capacity of the Reader but on his private interess so as it is not to be hoped that such as are approved by some will be liked of all though most of those who may mislike may give no sufficient reason for it All therefore which I have to do is to submit it to the judgment of the equaland unbyassed Reader from whom I am as willing to receive satisfaction in any controverted point as to use my best endeavours to give it to him And so good Reader I conclude with those words of the Poet Tu vergo si quid novisti rectius istis Candidus imperti si non his utere mecum If thou hast better reasons lend me thine Or otherwise make bold with these of mine A BRIEF DISCOURSE Touching the Form of Prayer c. 1. The Introduction to the whole 2. The Canon of the year 1603. 3. The meaning and purpose of that Canon 4. The Injunction of Qu. Elizabeth to the same effect 5. The Injunction of King Edward VI. to the same effect 6. The like Injunction of King Henry VIII 7. The ground and reason of the Injunction of that King and the exemplification of it in the practice of Bishop Latimer 8. The difference between Invocation and that bidding of Prayer which is required by the Canon 9. The Canon justified by the practice of Bishop Andrews 10. By the practice of Bishop Jewel in Qu. Elizabeths time 11. By the practice of Archbishop Parker in King Edwards time 12. By the like practice of Bishop Latimer in that Kings time also 13. More of the practice of Bishop Latimer in this point 14. The same proved also by the practice of Bishop Gardiner 15. The result arising both from the precept and the practice of the Church herein 16. How the now Form of Prayer by way of Invocation was first taken up 17. No Prayer by way of Invocation used by the Antients in their Sermons 18. The Prayer appointed by the Canon and Injunctions used rather heretofore as a part of the Sermon than as a preparation to it 19. Bidding of Prayer more consonant unto the meaning of the Law than any set Prayer in the way of Invocation 20. Bidding of Prayer more proper for the place or Pulpit which was not made for Prayer but for Exhortation 21. The like concluded from the posture of the Preacher also 22. Some inconveniences arising from the Form of Prayer by Invocation 23. More inconveniencies of that nature by accusing the Liturgie as defective 24. The conclusion and submission of the whole to his Lordships judgment INventae erant Epistolae ut certiores faceremus absentes si quid esset quod eos scire aut nostrum aut ipsorum interesset Epistles were devised as Tully writes to Curio to this end and purpose that we might certifie the absent of those things which are most proper for their knowledge and our relation They are our Messengers for love our Posts for business our Agents in the managing and dispatch of the weightiest Affairs such as most nearly do concern us which being a chief Use and Benefit of Letters no marvail if they have been used in all former Ages not only to maintain an intercourse between Friends in point of Amity but to lay down in them our resolutions as occasion is in point of Controversie The several Writings in this kind of the antient Authors as well the Christian as the Gentile what are they but so many precepts and directions by which to regulate our Conversations or reasons and authorities on the which to rest our judgments Upon which ground my most Honoured Lord I have adventured to declare by this way of Letter what I have found upon due search in answer to the proposition which your Lordship recommended to me touching the Form of Prayer appointed in the Canon to be used by Preachers before the Sermon Of which such question hath been made in these busie times whether it ought to be by way of Invocation as a formal Prayer or else by way of Exhortation as a bidding of Prayer For resolution of the which I shall first lay down the very Canon and after briefly shew unto you what is most like to be the true intention of it out of the publick Monuments of this Church and constant practice of those men who are above exception for the point in hand and also by such other pregnant reasons as I have thought most proper to confirm the same Now for the title of the Canon it runs thus Can. 55. The Form of a Prayer to be used by Preachers before their Sermons The body of it is this Before all Sermons Lectures and Homilies Preachers
bring greater trouble to the Clergy than is yet considered and far less profit to the Countrey than is now pretended which is the third and last of my Propositions and is I hope sufficiently and fully proved or at the least made probable if not demonstrative I have said nothing in this Tract of the right of Tithes or on what motive or considerations of preceding claim the Kings of England did confer them upon the Clergy Contenting my self at this time with the matter of fact as namely that they were setled on the Church by the Kings of this Realm before they granted out Estates to the Lords and Gentry and that the Land thus charged with the payment of Tithes they passed from one man to another Ante Concilium Lateranense bene toterant Laici decimas sibi in feudum retinere vel aliis quibuscunque Ecclesiis dare Lindw in Provinc cap. de decimis until it came unto the hands of the present Occupant which cuts off all that claim or title which the mispersuaded subject can pretend unto them I know it cannot be denied but that notwithstanding the said Grants and Charters of those ancient Kings many of the great men of the Realm and some also of the inferiour Gentry possessed of Manours before the Lateran Council did either keep their Tithes in their own hands or make Infeodations of them to Religious houses or give them to such Priests or Parishes as they best affected But after the decree of Pope Innocent the third which you may find at large in Sir Edw. Cokes Comment upon Magna Charta and other old Statutes of this Realm in the Chapter of Tithes had been confirmed in that Council Anno 1215 and incorporated into the Canons and conclusions of it the payment of them to the Minister or Parochial Priest came to be setled universally over all the Kingdom save that the Templars the Hospitalers and Monks of Cisteaux held their ancient priviledges of being excepted for those Lands which they held in Occupancy from this general rule Nor have I said any thing of Impropriations partly because I am persuaded that the Lords and Gentry who have their Votes or Friends in Parliament will look well enough to the saving of their own stakes but principally because coming from the same original grant from the King to the Subjects and by them setled upon Monasteries and Religious houses they fell in the ruine of those houses to the Crown again as of due right the Tithes should do if they be taken from the Clergy and by the Crown were alienated in due form of Law and came by many mean conveyances to the present Owners Onely I shall desire that the Lords and Commons would take a special care of the Churches Patrimony for fear lest that the prevalency of this evil humour which gapes so greedily after the Clergies Tithes do in the end devour theirs also And it concerns them also in relation to their right of Patronage which if this plot go on will be utterly lost and Churches will no longer be presentative at the choice of the Patron but either made Elective at the will of the People or else Collated by the Trustees of the several Counties succeeding as they do in the power of Bishops as now Committee-men dispose of the preferments of the Sequestred Clergy If either by their power and wisdom or by the Arguments and Reasons which are here produced the peoples eyes are opened to discern the truth and that they be deceived no longer by this popular errour it is all I aim at who have no other ends herein but only to undeceive them in this point of Tithes which hath been represented to them as a publick grievance conducing manifestly to the diminution of theâ—â— gain and profit If notwithstanding all this care for their information they will run headlong in the ways of spoil and sacrilege and shut their eyes against the light of the truth shine it never so brightly let them take heed they fall not into that â—â—â—â—tuation which the Scripture denounceth that seeing they shall see but shall not perceive and that the stealing of this Coal from the Altars of God burn not down their Houses And so I shut up this discourse with the words of our Saviour saying that no man tasteth new wine but presently he saith that the old is better ECCLESIA VINDICATA OR THE Church of England VINDICATED PART II. Containing the Defence thereof V. In retaining the Episcopal Government AND VI. The Canonical Ordination of Priests and Deacons Framed and Exhibited in an HISTORY of EPISCOPACY By PETER HEYLYN D. D. HEB. XIII 17. Obedite Praepositis vestris subjacete eis Ipsi enim pervigilant quasi rationem pro Animabus vestris reddituri ut cum gaudio hoc faciant non gementes CYPRIAN Epist LXV Apostolos id est EPISCOPOS Praepositos Dominus elegit Diaconos autem post Ascensum Domini in coelos Apostoli sibi constituerunt Episcopatus sui Ecclesiae Ministros LONDON Printed by M. Clark to be sold by C. Harper 1681. THE PREFACE TO THE READER THE Quarrels and Disputes about Episcopacy had reposed a while when they broke out more dangerously than in former times In order whereunto the people must be put in fear of some dark design to bring in Popery the Bishops generally defamed as the principal Agents the regular and establisht Clergy traduc'd as the subservient Instruments do drive on the Plot Their actings in Gods publick Worship charged for Innovations their persons made the Common subjects of reproach and calumny The News from Ipswich Bastwicks Let any and the Seditious Pamphlets from Friday-street with other the like products of those times what were they but Tentamenta Bellorum Civilium preparatory Velitations to that grand encounter in which they were resolved to assault the Calling The Calling could not be attempted with more hopes of Victory than when it had received such wide wounds through the sides of those persons who principally were concerned in the safety or defence thereof The way thus opened and the Scots entring with an Army to make good the pass the Smectymnuans come upon the Stage addressing their discourse in Answer to a Book called An Humble Remonstrance to the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled Anno 1640. amongst whom they were sure beforehand of a powerful party to advance the Cause which made them far more confident of their good suocess than otherwise they had reason to expect in a time less favourable And in this Confidence they quarrelled not the Rocket or the Officers Fees the Oath ex officio the Vote in Parliament or the exorbitant jurisdiction of the High-Commission at which old Martin and his followers clamoured in Queen Elizabeths time Non gaudet tenui sanguine tanta sitis Their stomach was too great to be satisfied with so small a sacrifice as the excrescences and adjuncts of Episcopacy which seemed most offensive to their Predecessors
Judaic l. 12. as Josephus hath it which cometh to seventy two in all But both the seventy two Elders are generally called the Seventy as the Translators of the Bible are called the Septuagint both of them ad rotundationem numeri even as the Magistrates in Rome were called Centumviri though being three for every Tribe they came unto an hundred and five in all Calvin in harm Evang. ut supra And this is that which Calvin hath observed in the present business viz. that the Consistory of the Jewish Judges to which the number of the Disciples is by him proportioned consisted of no less than 72 though for the most part ut fieri solet in talibus numeris they are called the Seventy So then to reconcile the Latin with the Greek Original there were in all 72 Disciples according to the truth of the calculation and yet but seventy in account according to the estimation which was then in use And therefore possibly the Church of England the better to comply with both computations though it have seventy in the new Translations yet still retains the number of seventy two in the Gospel appointed for Saint Lukes day in the book of Common-prayer confirmed by Parliament This being the number of the Disciples it will then fall out that as there were six Elders for every Tribes so here will be six Presbyters or Elders for every one of the Apostles For those which have compared the Church of Christ which was first planted by the Apostles with that which was first founded by the Lord himself resemble the Bishops in the Church to the twelve Apostles the Presbyters or Priests unto the Seventy Which parallel how well it holdeth and whether it will hold or not we shall see hereafter Mean while it cannot be denied but that the Apostles were superiour to these Seventy both in place and power The Fathers have so generally affirmed the same that he must needs run cross unto all antiquity that makes question of it The Council of Neocaesarea which was convened some years before that of Nice Leo Ep. 88. declareth that the Chorepiscopi which were but Presbyters in fact though in Title Bishops 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil Neocasar 1. Can. 13. were instituted according to the pattern of the Seventy Saint Hierom in his Tractate ad Fabiolam speaking of the twelve fountains of Elim and the seventy Psalms that grew thereby doth resolve it thus Nec dubium quin de duodeeim Apostolis sermo sit c. It is not to be doubted but that the Scripture speaketh here of the twelve Apostles the waters issuing from whose fountains have moistned the barren driness of the whole World and that the seventy Psalms that grew thereby are the Teachers of the second rank or order Luca testante duodecim fuisse Apostolos septuaginta Discipulos minoris gradus Saint Luke affirming that there were twelve Apostles and seventy Disciples of a lower order whom the Lord sent two and two before him In this conceit Saint Ambrose led the way before him likening unto those Psalms the Seventy qui secundo ab Apostolis gradu who in a second rank from the Apostles were by the Lord sent forth for the salvation of mankind Serm. 24. Damasus their co-temporary doth affirm as much viz. non amplius quam duos ordines Epist 5. that there were but two Orders amongst the Disciples of Christ viz. that of the twelve Apostles and the Seventy Theophylact concurrs with Hierom in his conceit about the twelve Fountains and the seventy Palm-trees and then concludes Theoph. in Luc. 10. that howsoever they were chosen by Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet were they inferiour to the twelve and afterwards their followers and Scholars Add hereunto the testimony and consent of Calvin who giving the preheminence unto the Apostles Calvin in Institut l. 4. c. 3. § 4. as the chief builders of the Church adds in the next place the Evangelists such as were Timothy and Titus fortassis etiam septuaginta Discipuli quos secundo ab Apostolis loco Dominus designavit and peradventure also the seventy Disciples whom Christ appointed in the second place after his Apostles Besides S. Hierom giveth it for a Maxim Qui provehitur Ep. ad Oceanum de minore ad majus provehitur that he which is promoted is promoted from a lower rank unto an higher Matthias therefore having been formerly of the Seventy and afterwards advanced into the rank and number of the Twelve in the place of Judas it must needs follow that the twelve Apostles shined in an higher sphere than these lesser luminaries Now that Matthias had before been one of the seventy appeareth by the concurrent testimonies of Euseb l. 1. Eccles Hist c. 12. l. 2. cap. 1. and of Epiphanius contr haeres 20. n. 4. to whom for brevity sake I refer the Reader And this the rather because the Scripture is so full and pregnant in it it being a condition or qualification if you will required by S. Peter in those that were the Candidates for so high a Dignity Acts 1. v. 21. that they accompanied the Apostles all the time that the Lord Jesus went in and out amongst them And that we know none did but the Seventy only So then it is most clear and manifest both by authority of Scripture and consent of Fathers that our Saviour instituted in his Church two ranks of Ministers the one subordinate unto the other and consequently laid the first foundations of it in such a Fatherly and moderate imparity as bound all following times and ages that would not willingly oppose so Divine an Ordinance to observe the like And yet it is not to be thought that this superiority thus by him established doth contradict those other passages of holy Scripture wherein he doth prohibit all dominion over one another They much mistake the business who conceive it so The Jews in general and all the followers of Christ particularly expected that the promised Messiah should come with power restore again the lustre of the Jewish Kingdom and free them from that yoke and bondage which by the Romans had been laid upon them We thought said Cleophas that this had been he that should have delivered Israel Acts 24.21 And what he thought was solemnly expected by all the rest Acts 1.6 Domine si in tempore hoc restitues regnum Israel Lord say they even in the very moment of his Ascension wilt thou at this time restore again the Kingdom unto Israel Upon which fancy and imagination no marvail if they harboured some ambitious thought every one hoping for the nearest places both of power and trust about his person This was the greatness which they aimed at and this our Saviour laboured to divery them from by interdicting all such power and Empire as Princes and the favourites of Princes have upon their Vassals Ye know saith he that the Princes of the
the governance of the Church was trusted one who was vested with a constant and fixed preheminence as well over the Clergy as the Laity committed to his charge such as both Timothy and Titus are described to be in S. Pauls Epistles V. Chap. 5. De civ Dei l. 19. c. 19. of whom we shall say more hereafter S. Austin rightly understood the word and the original of it when he told us this Graecum est enim atque inde ductum vocabulum quod ille qui praeficitur eis quibus praeficitur superintendit c. The word saith he is Greek originally and from thence derived shewing that he which is preferred or set over others is bound to take the oversight and care of those whom he is set over And so proceeding unto the Etymology or Grammar of the word he concludes it thus ut intelligat se non esse Episcopum qui praeesse dilexerit non prodesse that he deserves not to be called a Bishop which seeketh rather to prefer himself than to profit others Saint Austin being himself a Bishop knew well the meaning of the word according to the Ecclesiastical notion and sense thereof And in that notion the Scriptures generally and all the Fathers universally have used the same out of which word Episcopus whether Greek or Latine the Germans had their Bischop and we thence our Bishop If sometimes in the holy Scripture the word be used to signifie an ordinary Presbyter it is at such times and such places only when as the Presbyters had the chief governance of the Flocks next and immediately under the Apostles and where there was no Bishop properly so called established over them as we shall see hereafter in the Churches of S. Pauls plantation Having thus seen the sudden and miraculous growth of the Church of God in and about the City of Hierusalem and seen the same confirmed and setled in Episcopal government our next enquiry must be made into the Clergy which were to be subordinate to him and to participate of the charge to him entrusted according to his directions And in this search we first encounter with the Presbyters the first as well in time as they are in dignity The Deacon though exceeding ancient yet comes short in both We shewed you in the former Chapter how our Redeemer having chosen the Twelve Apostles appointed other Seventy also and sent them two and two before him 1 Cor. 12. Eph. 4.8 to prepare his way Of these the Lord made choice of some to be Evangelists and others to be Prophets some to be Pastors and Teachers and others to be helps in Government according to the measure and the purpose of his grace bestowed upon them in the effusion of his Spirit And out of these thus fitted and prepared for the work of God I doubt not but there were some chosen to assist S. James in the discharge of the great trust committed to him by the common Counsel and consent of the Apostles Such as were after added unto them according to the exigences of that Church I take it to be all of Saint James ordaining who being a Bishop and Apostle is not to be denied the priviledg of ordaining Presbyters it being a thing which both the Apostle Paul did do in all the Churches which he planted and all succeeding Bishops since have done in their several Dioceses Certain it is that there were Presbyters in the Church of Hierusalem before the election of the Seven Ignat. ep ad Hieron Ignatius telling us that Stephen did minister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. to James and to the Presbyters which were in Hierusalem And certain also it is that the Apostles first and Bishops afterwards ordained Presbyters to be assistant with them and subservient to them in their several charges and this they did according as the Fathers say in imitation of our Lord and Saviour who having chose his twelve Apostles Hier. ad Fabiolam appointed Seventy others of a lower rank Seciendos Christi Discipulos as S. Hierom calls them Not that the Presbyters of the Church do succeed the Seventy who were not founded in a perpetuity by our Saviour Christ De Rep. Eccles l. 2. c. 2. n. 6. Concil Neo-Caesar Can. 13. as the Arch-Bishop of Spalato hath well observed but only that they had a resemblance to them and were ordained 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Council of Neo-Caesarea affirmed before as secondary and subservient Ministers in the Church of God And this is that which Beda tells us in his Comment on the Gospel of Saint Luke Beda in Luc. 10. that as the Twelve Apostles did premonstrate the Form of Bishops so the Presbyters did bear the figure of the Seventy Another resemblance between the Presbyters and the Seventy may perhaps be this that as our Saviour in the choicing of these Disciples related to the number of the Elders in the state of Jewry so the Apostles thought it fit to give unto the Ministers thus by them ordained though they regarded not the number the name of Elders according to the custom of that State before Presbyters they are called in the Greek originals which being often rendred Seniores in the vulgar Latin occasioned that our first Translators who perhaps looked no farther than the Latin turned it into Elders though I could heartily have wished they had retained the name of Presbyters as the more proper and specifical word of the two by far But for these Presbyters of the Church of Hierusalem from whencesoever they may borrow or derive their name we find thrice mention of them in the Book of the Acts during the time Saint James was Bishop viz. in the 11.15.21 In the first place we read that when the Disciples which dwelt at Antioch Acts 11. ult Cap. 18. in Act. Apostol had made a contribution for the brethren of Judaea they sent it to the Elders there by the hands of Barnabas and Saul Ask Oecumenius who these Elders were and he will tell you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they were the Apostles And like enough it is that the Apostles may be comprehended in that general name In Act. 11. they being indeed the elder brethren Ask Calvin why this contribution was sent unto the Presbyters or Elders being there were particular Officers appointed to attend the poor as is set down in the 6. Chapter of the Acts and he will tell you that the Deacons were so appointed over that business that notwithstanding they were still inferiour unto the Presbyters nec quicquam sine eorum auctoritate agerent v. 18.19 c. and were not to do any thing therein without their authority So for that passage in the 21. S. Luke relates how Paul at his last going to Hierusalem went in unto James and that all the Elders were present and adds withal what counsel and advice they gave him for his ingratiating with the Jews Here find we James the Bishop
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apoc. 2.24 I say to you the rest in Thyatira the spirit there addressing his discourse to those godly men that had not known the depths of Satan And so besides the antient Copy sent hither by the Patriarch of Constantinople and cited by my L. B. of Exeter Def. of the humble Remonstr p. 105. Primasius in Apoc. l. 1. c. 2. doth Primasius read it Vobis autem dico reliqui qui estis Thyatirae Paraeus also doth observe Veterem sine copula that the old Latine hath not the conjunction and that Andreas and Montanus do adhere to that So that for all this observation the Angel of this Church was a singular person And this doth further yet appear since we are fallen upon these Criticisms by some antient readings of the 20. verse For whereas now we read in our usual Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the woman Jesebel Cited in the Def. of the Remonstr p. 105. the old Greek Copy from Constantinople writ above 1300 years ago doth read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thy Wife Jesebel and so doth that also of Aretas Caesariensis And this doth seem to be the ancienter and the truer reading as being followed by S. Cyprian and Primasius also In Can. Apoc. Epistola 52. In Can. Apoc. Vindication c. p. 140. in marg the first of which lived 1400 years agone in whom we read uxorem tuam And though I grant that the Original standing thus may be translated thy woman Jesebel or that woman of thine Jesebel as I perceive some men would have it yet then it must be granted therewithal that the Angel of this Church was one singular individual person not a body collective It could not otherwise be thine but yours The fifth in order of these Angels is he of Sardis Ecclesiae Antistes the Bishop of that Church as Paraeus noteth and he observes withal veteres quosdam Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. v. 1. that some ancient writers conceive that Melito of whom Eusebius speaketh lib. 4. cap. 26. was then the Bishop of this Church and probably it might be so For howsoever he excepteth against this opinion because that Melito was Bishop of this place under Antoninus tamdiu vero Melitonem Sardibus praefuisse non est verisimile and therefore that it is not likely that he should so long hold this Bishoprick yet granting it in Polycarpus tamdiu Smyrnensibus praefuisse that he was Bishop of Smyrna for as long a time I see no reason why the like may not be granted of the other also As for his other reason that Melito is commended for his sanctimony and the Angel here accused for his Hypocrisie it may well be that though this Angel were accused of Hypocrisie at the present time yet having many good things in him he might be brought unto a sense thereof upon this admonition from our Lord and Saviour and so become a careful and a painful Pastor So that the ancient Writers as Paraeus saith reporting that this Angel was that Melito may be believed for ought I see unto the contrary in that affirmation and this I am the rather inclined to think Euseb hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 25. because I find a tract of Melito's inscribed Onesimo Fratri unto Onesimus his Brother who was the Angel of the Church of Ephesus as before was said which shews they lived together in one age or time The Angel of the Church of Philadelphia must be looked on next whom some conceive to be Quadratus a Scholar or Disciple of the Apostles of whom Eusebius speaks lib. 3. cap. 37. Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. But surely if Eusebius speaks of him at all it is as Bishop of Athens not of Philadelphia unless perhaps we may conceive that being first Bishop of Philadelphia he was translated afterwards to Athens Publius the Bishop being dead whom he there succeeded which I somewhat doubt But whatsoever was his name or whether he were that Demetrius who as Clemens saith was by S. Paul made Bishop of this place I take him for the very man whom Ignatius speaks of in his Epistle to this People where speaking of their Bishop he tells them this that at the very first sight of him he did plainly see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignat. ad Philadelphens that neither of his own desire nor by choice of man was he preferred unto that place but by the love of Jesus Christ and God the Father commending him for modesty and for a careful walking in Gods Commandments being like Zachary without reproof and finally not only free from passion but perfectly adorned with all kind of vertue A commendation very well agreeing with that bestowed upon this Angel by the Holy Ghost as did the Character of the Angel of the Church of Smyrna agree unto the quality of Polycarpus the then Bishop of it it being generally observed as it is most true that only these two Angels are presented to us without fault or blemish Last of all for the Angel of the Church of Laodicea Paraeus in Apocal cap. 3. Paraeus as before conceiveth that he was the Bishop quis vero fuerit nos latet but who this Bishop was that he cannot tell Only he notes him for a man qui Episcopi titulum perfunctoriè sustineret that only had the name of Bishop but not one lively spark of Piety being wholly taken up with luxury and the love of money But whether he were Lucius mentioned by S. Paul Rom. 16. whom Dorotheus makes to be Bishop here or one Archippus said by Clemens to be the Bishop of this Church or Sagaris Euseb hist Eccl. l. 5. c. 23. who by Polycrates is affirmed to be the Bishop of this place I am not able to say positively Though I incline rather unto Sagaris whose Martyrdom being touched upon by Melito Id. l. 4. c. 25. in his books de Paschate is a strong argument that he departed some good time before him and so most like to be the man Nor is it any obstacle unto this conjecture Apocal. 3.16 that Christ did threaten to spew this Angel out of his mouth being he called him to repentance V. 19 20 21. and promised him a throne if he overcame To bring this business to an end these Angels as they had a singularity in reference unto that personal Authority which each of them enjoyed in his several Church so had they all and every one of them a singularity in the succession thereunto For sure it were no difficult matter to a diligent eye to find out many of their Successors in those several Sees since that of Laodicea which was in most apparent danger to lose its Candlestick retained a continual and constant successions of Bishops there from the death of Sagaris to the Nicene Council and a long time after Where by the way I must needs rectifie Paraeus in this one particular who shewing that this Church of Laodicea
I think we may according to the general meaning of that word in its native sense the Presbyters and Deacons both being but subservient Ministers unto the Bishop who did allot them out their turns and stations in the officiating of Gods divine Service the Presbyters not having yet assigned them their particular bounds wherewith to execute the same as in the time succeeding it is plain they had Of which more hereafter In the mean time we must examine whether the Church of Corinth to which Clemens writ had not been setled by the Apostle in that Form of Government which had been every where established in the neighbour Cities And certainly I can see no reason why Corinth should not have a Bishop aswell as Athens or Philippi or the Thessalonians Hierom. in Titum cap. 1. in Epist ad Euagr. or any other Church of Greece or Macedon I see much reason why it should For if that Bishops were first instituted in Schismatis remedium for remedy of Schism as Saint Hierom saith assuredly the Church of Corinth being first pestered with that foul Disease should first of all in all congruity be fitted with the remedy so proper and peculiar to it A Bishop then they were to have by Saint Hieroms Rule and that as soon as any other Church what ever but who this Bishop was is not yet so evident By Dorotheus in Synopsi Silas Saint Pauls most individual Companion is said to be the Bishop of this Church Corinthiorum constitutus est Episcopus as his words there are Baron in Rom. Martyrol Julii 13. wherein Hippolitus concurring with him doth make the matter the more probable And though I will not take upon me to justifie the reports of Dorotheus where there is any reason to desert him as there is too often yet when the point by him delivered doth neither cross the holy Scripture nor any of the ancient Writers as in this he doth not I know not why his word may not pass for currant Nay if we please to search the Scripture we may find some hint for the defence of Dorotheus in this one particular For whereas we find often mentioned that Silus did accompany Saint Paul in many of his peregrinations the last time that we find him spoke of is in the 18. of the Acts which time he came unto Saint Paul Verse 5 to Corinth After there is no mention of him in the book of God And possibly the reason of it may be this in brief that he was left there by Saint Paul to look unto the government of that mighty City Which when he could not do by the Word and Doctrine Saint Paul reserving for a time the jurisdiction to himself V. Chap. 4. n. 5. as before was said and that the Factions there did increase and multiply for want of ordinary power to suppress the same Saint Paul might then invest him with authority making him Bishop of the place both in Power and Title This if it may be counted probable I desire no more And then as we have found the first Bishop in the Church of Corinth we shall with greater ease and certainty find out a second though his name were Primus for proof of whose being Bishop here Ap. Easeb Hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 21. x 6. Ibid. c. 24. x 5. Id. lib. 5. c. 21. x 6. we have the testimony of Egisippus who took him in his Journey towards Rome and abode long with him giving him special commendation both for his Orthodoxy and Humanity After succeeded Dionysius next to him Bachyllus of both which we shall speak hereafter in convenient place From the Epistle of this Clemens unto those of Corinth which is his undoubtedly proceed we next unto the Canons commonly called the Apostles Canons Bellarm. Baron alii Tertul. adver Praxeam supposed to be collected by him but so supposed that still there is a question of it whether his or not That they are very ancient is unquestinable as being mentioned by Tertullian and cited in some of the ancientest Councils whereof the acts and monuments are now remaining on Record But being it is confessed on all hands Binius in natis ad Can. Apo. quosdam ab haereticis corruptos that some of them have been corrupted by the Hereticks of old the better to advance their cause by so great a Patronage we must be very wary how we build upon them And howsoever Bellarmine be exceeding confident Lib. De Seriptor Eccl. in Clemente Annal. An. 102. n. 17. that the first 50 are most true and genuine and probably it may so be yet I conceive it safe to admit them on those sober cautions which are commended to us by Baronius who on a full debate of the point in question doth resolve it thus Illi tantum nobis ex Apostolieis fontibus c. Those Canons only seem to us saith he to be derived from the Apostolical fountains which have either been admitted and incorporated by the Fathers into the Canons of succeeding Councils or confirmed by the authority of the Bishops of Rome aut in communem usum Ecclesiasticae disciplinae or otherwise have been continually practiced in the Churches Discipline The first and last these three cautions I conceive to be exceeding sound and should not stumble at the second had the Decrees and Ordinances of the ancient Popes come incorrupted to our hands Which ground thus laid we will now see what the Apostles Canons have delivered in the present business and that we shall distribute as it doth relate to Bishops either in point of their Admission how and by whom they are to be Ordained or of their carriage and behaviour being once admitted how far to disoblige themselves from the employments of the World or of their Jurisdiction over the inferiour Clergy whom they are to govern These are the points which are most clearly offered us to be considered of in the aforesaid Canons and these we shall present and then consider of them accordingly And first in way of their Admission to that sacred Function it seemeth to be the first care of the Collector that it be done according to the mind and meaning of the holy Apostles and therefore it is put in the very front viz. That a Bishop is not to be ordained but by three Bishops or by two at the least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Canon hath it Canon Apost 1. A Canon which hath all the Rules and cautions required by Baronius for proof of its antiquity and Apostolical institution as being confirmed by many of the Decretals in case they were of any credit incorporated first into the Canons of the Council of Arles Concil Arelat Can. 21. Nicen. Can. 4. as afterwards in those of Nice and generally continued in the constant practice and perpetual usage of the Church Only the difference is that the old Canon doth admit of Ordinations made by two Bishops if a third may not conveniently be had
fratres charissimi Cypr. Ep. 33. vii l. 2. Ep. 5. solemus vos ante consulere mores merita singulorum communi consilio ponderare which is full and large Whatever he saith elsewhere to the same effect is in effect no more than what here is said and therefore we shall save the labour of a further search Nor was this Cyprians custom only It had prevailed as it seems in most parts of Christendom and was so universally received that even the Roman Emperours took notice of it For Alexander Severus one of the hopefullest young Princes in the declining times of the Roman Empire noting this custom of the Christians Lamprid. in vita Alex. Siveri was wont when he promoted any unto the Government of Provinces to post up as it were the names of the persons inviting the People to come in against them if they could charge them on just proof with any crimes And used to say it were a shame not to observe that care in chusing of the Rulers of Provinces to whom mens lives and fortunes were to be committed cum id Christiani Judaei facerent in praedicandis sacerdotibus qui sunt ordinandi when as the Jews and Christians did it in publishing the merit of those Priests which were to be ordained by them Which kind of publication of the life and merits of the party that was to be Ordained may possibly relate as well unto the popular manner of Electing Bishops at that time in use But as there is no general observation but doth and must give way unto particular occasions so neither was this Rule so generally observed but that sometimes it was neglected Even Cyprian himself how much soever it concerned him to continue in the Peoples favour would many times make use of his own authority in chusing and ordaining men to Functions and Employments in the Church without consulting with the People or making them acquainted with his mind therein Cypr. Ep. 33. For minding to advance Aurelius unto the Office of a Reader an Office but no Order in the Church of God he tarried not the Peoples liking and consent but did it first and after gave them notice of it not doubting of their taking it in good part quod vos scio libenter amplecti and so commends him to their Prayers Id. Epi. 34. The like we find of Celerinus a man highly prized admitted first into the Clergy by him and his Colleagues then present with him in his exile and then acquainteth the People that he had so done non humana suffragatione sed divina dignatione not being guided in it by any humane suffrage but by Gods appointment And although Celerinus and Aurelius being known unto the People by their former merits the matter might be taken with the less resentment yet this no way can be affirmed of Numidicus who being before a Presbyter in some other Church Baron in Annal Anno 253. n. 94. Cypr. Ep. 35. as Baronius very well observeth and in all likelihood utterly unknown de facie to those of Carthage was by Saint Cyprian of his sole authority without consulting either with Presbyters or People for ought which doth appear taken into the number of the Presbyters of that Church ut nobiscum sedeat in Clero and so to have a place together with the Bishop himself amongst the Clergy of the same and that we do not find as yet in Saint Cyprians Writings that the People had any special power either in the Election or Ordination of their Presbyters more than to give testimony of their well deservings or to object against them if they were delinquent And more than that is still remaining to them in the Church of England in which the People are required at all Ordinations Book of Ordination that if they know any notable crime in any of them which are to be Ordained for which he ought not to be received into the Ministery to declare the same and on the declaration of the same the Bishop must desist from proceeding further This is as much as was permitted to them in the Primitive times for ought I perceive and yet the Church of England gives them more than this the Presbyter who is to serve the Cure in particular Churches being elected by the Patrons of them for and in the name of the rest of the People As for the power of Excommunication I do not find but that St. Cyprian reckoned of it as his own prerogative a point peculiar to the Bishop in which he neither did advise either with the Presbyters or People When as the wickedness of Felicissimus the leader of the Faction raised against him was grown unto the height the Father of his own authority denounced him Excommunicant abstentum se à nobis sciat Cypr. Ep. 38. vel l. 5. Ep. 1. as the phrase then was as he did also on Augendus and divers others of that desperate party committing the execution of his sentence to Herculanus and Caldonius two of his Suffragan Bishops and to Rogatianus and Numidicus two of the Presbyters of his charge whom as for other matters so for that he had made his Substitutes or Commissaries if you will Cum ego vos pro me Vicarios miserim as the words are And they accordingly being thus authorized proceed in execution of the same and that in a formality of words which being they present unto us the ancient form of the Letters of Excommunication used of old Apud Cypr. Epist 39. I will here lay down Abstinuimus communicatione Felicissimum Augendum item Repostum de extorribus Irenem Rutilorum Paulam Sarcinatricem quod ex annotatione mea scire debuistis In which we may observe that this Excommunication was so published that all the residue of the Clergy to whom the publication of it was committed might take notice of it quod ex Annotatione mea or nostra rather as Pamelius very probably conjectureth scire debuistis So that the process of the whole is this that those Incendiaries were denounced excommunicate by St. Cyprian himself the execution of it left to those above remembred whom he had authorized in that behalf and they accordingly proceeding made certificate of it unto the Clergy of Carthage that publication might be made thereof unto the People Which differs very little in effect from what is now in use amongst us Nor did St. Cyprian do thus only of himself de facto but he adviseth Rogatianus one of his neighbouring Bishops to exercise the like authority as properly belonging to his place de jure Rogatianus had complained as it seems Cyp. Ep. 65. of some indignities and affronts which had been offered to him by his Deacon which his respect in making his complaint unto him as Cyprian took exceeding kindly so he informeth him withal that he had the Law in his own hands and that pro Episcopatus vigore Cathedrae authoritate haberet potestatem qua
to make sure work of it I must send Doctor Ames to school to Calvin who tells us on this Text of Moses non contexuit Moses historiam suo ordine sed narratione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 interposita melius confirmat c. Indeed it could not well be otherwise interpreted For how could Aaron lay up a pot of Mannah to be kept before the Testimony when as yet there was neither Ark nor Tabernacle and so no Testimony before which to keep it To bring this business to an end Moses hath told us in the place before remembred Verse 35 that the children of Israel did eat Mannah forty years which is not otherwise true in that place and time in which he tells it but by the help and figure of anticipation And this St. Austin noted in his questions upon Exodus Qu. 62. significat scriptura per Prolepsin i. e. hoc loco commemorando quod etiam postea factum est And lastly where Amesius sets it down for certain that no man ever thought of an anticipation in this place of Moses Verse supra qui praejudicio aliquo de observatione diei Dominicae non prius fuit prius anticipatus who was not first possessed with some manifest prejudice against the sanctifying of the Lords day this cannot possibly be said against Tostatus who had no Enemy to encounter nor no opinion to oppose and so no prejudice We conclude then that for this passage of the Scripture we find not any thing unto the contrary but that it was set down in that place and time by a plain and meer anticipation and doth relate unto the time wherein Moses wrote And therefore no sufficient warrant to setch the institution of the Sabbath from the first beginnings One only thing I have to add and that 's the reason which moved Moses to make this mention of the Sabbath even in the first beginning of the Book of God and so long time before the institution of the same Which doubtless was the better to excite the Jews to observe that day from which they seemed at first to be much averse and therefore were not only to be minded of it by a Memento in the front of the Commandment but by an intimation of the equity and reason of it even in the entrance of Gods Book derived from Gods first resting on that day after all his works Theodoret hath so resolved it in his Questions on the Book of Genesis Maxime autem Judaeis ista scribens necessario posuit hoc sanctificavit eum Qu. 21. ut majore cultu prosequantur Sabbatum Hoc enim in legibus sanciendis inquit sex diebus creavit Deus c. I say an intimation of the Equity and Reason of it for that 's as much as can be gathered from that place though some have laboured what they could to make the sanctifying of the seventh day therein mentioned a Precept given by God to our Father Adam touching the sanctifying of that day to his publick worship Of this I shall not now say much because the practice will disprove it Only I cannot but report the mind and judgment of Pererius a learned Jesuit Who amongst other reasons that he hath alledged to prove the observation of the Sabbath not to have taken beginning in the first infancy of the World makes this for one that generally the Fathers have agreed on this Deum non aliud imposuisse Adamo praeceptum omnino positivum nisi illud de non edendo fructu arboris scientiae c that God imposed no other Law on Adam than that of the forbidden fruit of the Tree of knowledg Of which since he hath instanced in none particularly I will make bold to lay before you some two or three that so out of the mouths of two or three witnesses the truth hereof may be established And first we have Tertullian who resolves it thus Adv. Judaeos Namque in principio mundi ipsi Adae Evae legem dedit c. In the beginning of the World the Lord commanded Adam and Eve that they should not eat of the fruit of the tree which is in the midle of the Garden Which Law saith he had been sufficient for their justification had it been observed For in that Law all other Precepts were included which afterwards were given by Moses St. Basil next who tells us first De jejunio that abstinence or fasting was commanded by the Lord in Paradise And then 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. the first Commandment given by God to Adam was that he should not eat of the Tree of knowledg The very same which is affirmed by St. Ambrose in another language Et ut sciamus non esse novum jejunium primam illic legem Lib. de Elia jejunio c. 3. i. e. in Paradise constituit de jejunio So perfectly agree in this the greatest lights both of African the Eastern and the Western Churches If so if that the law of abstinence had been alone sufficient for the justification of our Father Adam as Tertullian thinks or if it were the first Law given by God unto him as both St. Basil and St. Ambrose are of opinion then was there no such Law at all then made as that of sanctifying of the Sabbath or else not made according to that time and order wherein this passage of the Scripture is laid down by Moses And if not then there is no other ground for this Commandment in the Book of God before the wandring of Gods people in the Wilderness and the fall of Mannah A thing so clear that some of those who willingly would have the Sabbath to have been kept from the first Creation and have not the confidence to ascribe the keeping of it to any Ordinance of God but only to the voluntary imitation of his people And this is Torniellus way amongst many others Anno 236. who though he attribute to Enos both set Forms of Prayer and certain times by him selected for the performance of that Duty praecipue vero diebus Sabbati In die 7. especially upon the Sabbath yet he resolves it as before that such as sanctified that day if such there were non ex praecepto divino quod nullum tunc extabat sed ex pietate solum id egisse Of which opinion Mercer seems to be as before I noted So that in this particular point the Fathers and the Modern Writers the Papist and the Protestant agree most lovingly together Much less did any of the Fathers or other ancient Christian Writers conceive that sanctifying of the Sabbath or one day in seven was naturally ingrafted in the mind of man from his first creation It 's true they tell us of a Law which naturally was ingrafted in him So Chrysostom affirms that neither Adam In Rom. 7.12 hom 12. nor any other man did ever live without the guidance of this Law and that it was imprinted in the soul of man
we should have heard thereof in the holy Scriptures And finding nothing of it there it were but unadvisedly done to take it on the word and credit of a private man Non credimus quia non legimus was in some points Saint Hieroms rule and shall now be ours As little likelihood there is that the Angels did observe this day and sanctifie the same to the Lord their God yet some have been so venturous as to affirm it Sure I am Torniellus saith it Annal. d. 7. And though he seem to have some Authors upon whom to cast it yet his approving of it makes it his as well as theirs who first devised it Quidam non immerito existimarunt hoc ipso die in Coelis omnes Angelorum choros speciali quadam exultatione in Dei laudes prorupisse quod tam praeclarum admirabile opus absolvisset Nay he 38.4.6 and they whoever they were have a Scripture for it even Gods word to Job Where wast thou when I laid the foundations of the earth when the morning stars sang together and all the Sons of God shouted for joy Who and from whence those Quidam were that so interpreted Gods words I could never find and yet have took some pains to seek it De Civit. Dei l. 11. c. 9. Sure I am Saint Austin makes a better use of them and comes home indeed unto the meaning Some men it seems affirmed that the Angels were not made till after the six days were finished in which all things had been created and he refers them to this Text for their confutation Which being repeated he concludes Jam ergo erant Angeli quando facta sunt sydera facta autem sunt sydera die quarto Therefore saith he the Angels were created before the Stars and on the fourth day were the Stars created Yet Zanchius and those Quidam be they who they will fell short a little of another conceit of Philos De vita Mosis lib. 3. who tells us that the Sabbath had a priviledge above other days not only from the first Creation of the World though that had been enough to set out the Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but even before the Heavens and all things visible were created If so it must be sanctified by the holy Trinity without the tongues of Men and Angels and God not having worked must rest and sanctifie a time when no time was But to return to Torniellus however those Quidam did mislead him and make him think that the first Sabbath had been sanctified by the holy Angels Annal. d. 7. yet he ingenuously confesseth that sanctifying of the Sabbath here upon the earth was not in use till very many Ages after not till the Law was given by Moses Veruntamen in terris ista Sabbati sanctificatio non nisi post multa secula in usum venisse creditur nimirum temporibus Mosis quando sub praecepto data est filiis Israel So Torniellus So Torniellus and so far unquestionable For that there was no Sabbath kept amongst us men till the times of Moses the Christian Fathers generally and some Rabbins also have agreed together Which that we may the better shew I shall first let you see what they say in general and after what they have delivered of particular men most eminent in the whole story of Gods Book until the giving of the Law And first that never any of the Patriarchs before Moses time did observe the Sabbath Justin the Martyr hath assured us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dial. cum Tryph. None of the righteous men saith he and such as walked before the Lord were either circumcised or kept the Sabbath until the several times of Abraham and Moses And where the Jews were scandalized in that the Christians did eat hot meats on the Sabbath days the Martyr makes reply that the said just and righteous men not taking heed of any such observances 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 obtained a notable testimony of the Lord himself Adv. haeres l. 4. c. 30. So Irenaeus having first told us that Circumcision and the Sabbath were both given for signs and having spoken particularly of Abraham Noah Lot and Enoch that they were justified without them adds for the close of all that all the multitude of the faithful before Abraham were justified without the one Et Patriarcharum eorum qui ante Mosen fuerunt and all the Patriarchs which preceded Moses without the other Adv. Judaeos Tertullian next disputeth thus against the Jews that they which think the Sabbath must be still observed as necessary to salvation or Circumcision to be used upon pain of death Doceant in Praeteritum justos sabbatizasse aut circumcidisse sic amicos Dei effectos esse ought first of all saith he to prove That the Fathers of the former times were Circumcised or kept the Sabbath or that thereby they did obtain to be accounted the friends of God Then comes Eusebius the Historian and he makes it good Hist l. 1. c. 4. that the Religion of the Patriarchs before Moses Law was nothing different from the Christian And how proves he that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 They were not Circumcised no more are we they kept not any Sabbath no more do we they were not bound to abstinence from sundry kinds of meats which are prohibited by Moses nor are we neither Which argument he also useth to the self-same purpose in his first book de demonstr Evang. and sixth Chapter And in his seventh de praeparatione he resolves it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cap. 6. c. The Hebrews which preceded Moses and were quite ignorant of his Law whereof he makes the Sabbath an especial part disposed their ways according to a voluntary kind of piety 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 framing their lives and actions to the law of nature This argument is also used by Epiphanius Adv. haereses l. 1. n. 5. who speaking of the first Ages of the World informs us that as then there was no difference among men in matters of opinion no Judaism nor kind of Heresie whatsoever 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but that the faith which doth now flourish in Gods Church was from the beginning If so no Sabbath was observed in the times of old because none in his I could enlarge my Catalogue but that some testimonies are to be reserved to another place when I shall come to shew you that the Commandment of the Sabbath was published to Gods People by Moses only See Ch. 4. and that to none but to the Jews After so many of the Fathers the modern Writers may perhaps seem unnecessary yet take one or two First Musculus 2 Edit p. 12. as Doctor Bound informs me for I take his word who tells us that it cannot be proved that the Sabbath was kept before the giving of the Law either from Adam to Noah or from the Flood to the times of Moses or
what is said before out of Theodoret and Sedulius Chap. 1. n. 6. Hesychius goes yet further and will not have the fourth Commandment to be any of the ten Etsi decem mandatis insertum sit non tamen ex iis esse In Levit. l. 6. c. 26. and howsoever it is placed amongst them yet it is not of them And therefore to make up the number divides the first Commandment into two as those of Rome have done the last to exclude the second But here Hesychius was deceived in taking this Commandment to be only Ceremonial whereas it is indeed of a mixt or middle nature for so the Schoolmen and other learned Authors in these later times grounding themselves upon the Fathers have resolved it generally Moral it is as to the Duty that there must be a time appointed for the service of God and Ceremonial as unto the Day to be one of seven and to continue that whole day and to surcease that day from all kind of work As moral placed amongst the ten Commandments extending unto all mankind and written naturally in our hearts by the hand of Nature as Ceremonial appertaining to the Law Levitical peculiar only to the Jews and to be reckoned with the rest of Moses Institutes Aquinas thus c. 2. 2ae qu. 122. art 4. resp ad primum Tostatus thus in Exod. 20. qu. 11. So Petr. Galatinus also lib. 11. cap. 9. and Bonaventure in his Sermon on the fourth Commandment And so divers others I say the fourth Commandment so far as it is Ceremonial in limiting the Sabbath day to be one of seven and to continue all that day and thereon to surcease from all kind of labour which three ingredients are required in the Law unto the making of a Sabbath is to be reckoned with the rest of Moses Institutes and proper only to the Jews For proof of this we have the Fathers very copious And first that it was one of Moses Institutes Justin the Martyr saith expresly Dial. eum Triphone 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. As Circumcision began from Abraham and as the Sabbath Sacrifices Feasts and Offerings came in by Moses so were they all to have an end And in another place of the same discourse seeing there was no use of Circumcision until Abrahams time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor of the Sabbath until Moses by the same reason there is as little use now of them as had been before So doth Eusebius tell us 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 De praeparat l. 7. c. 6. c. That Moses was the first Law-giver amongst the Jews who did appoint them to observe a certain Sabbath in memory of Gods rest from the Worlds Creation as also divers anniversary Festivals together with the difference of clean and unclean Creatures and of other Ceremonies not a few Next Athanasius lets us know that in the Book of Exodus we have the Institution of the Passeover Synopsis sacrae Script the sweetning of the bitter waters of Marah the sending down of Quails and Mannah the waters issuing from the rock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what time the Sabbath took beginning and the Law was published by Moses on Mount Sinai Macarius a Contemporary of Athanasius doth affirm as much viz. that in the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hom. 35. which was given by Moses it was commanded as in a figure or a shadow that every man should rest on the Sabbath day from the works of labour In Ezech. 20. Saint Hierom also lets us know though he name not Moses that the observation of the Sabbath amongst other Ordinances was given by God unto his People in the Wilderness Haec praecepta justificationes observantiam Sabbati Dominus dedit in deserto which is as much as if he had expresly told us that it was given unto them by the hand of Moses Then Epiphanius God saith he rested on the seventh day from all his labours De Pond mensur n. 22. which day he blessed and sanctified 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by his Angel made known the same to his servant Moses See more unto this purpose advers haeres l. 1. haer 6. n. 5. And lastly Damascen hath assured us De fide Orthod lib. 4. c. 24. that when there was no Law nor Scripture that then there was no Sabbath neither but when the Law was given by Moses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then was the Sabbath set apart for Gods publick worship Add here that Tacitus and Justin refer the Institution of the Sabbath unto Moses only of which more hereafter Next that the Sabbath was peculiar only to the Jews or those at least that were of the house of Israel the Fathers do affirm more fully than they did the other For so Saint Basil 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Sabbath was given unto the Jews in his first Homily of Fasting Saint Austin so Sabbatum datum est priori populo in otio corporali Epistola 119. Sabbatum Judaeis fuisse praeceptum in umbra futuri de Gen. ad lit l. 4. c. 11. and in the 13. of the same Book unum diem observandum mandavit populo Hebraeo The like to which occurs Epist 86. ad Casulanum The Jews the Hebrews and the former People all these three are one and all do serve to shew that Saint Austin thought the Sabbath to be peculiar unto them only That it was given unto the Jews exclusively of all other Nations is the opinion and conceit also of the Jews themselves This Petrus Galatinus proves against them on the authority of their best Authors Ch. 16.29 Sic enim legitur apud eos in Glossa c. We read saith he in their Gloss on these words of Exodus The Lord hath given you the Sabbath What mean say they these words he hath given it you Quia vobis viz. Judaeis dedit non gentibus saeculi because it was given unto the Jews and not unto the Gentiles It is affirmed also saith he by R. Johannan that whatsoever statute God gave to Israel he gave it to them publickly except the Sabbath and that was given to them in secret according unto that of Exodus Exod. 31.17 Ainsworth in Exod. 13.9 It is a sign between me and the Children of Israel Quod si ita est non obligantur gentes ad sabbatum If so saith Galatinus the Gentiles were not bound to observe the Sabbath A sign between me and the Children of Israel It seems the Jews were all of the same opinion For where they used on other days to wear their Phylacteries on their arms or foreheads to be a sign or token to them as the Lord commanded they laid them by upon the Sabbaths because say they the Sabbath was it self a sign In Gen. 2. So truly said Procopius Gazaeus Its Judaeis imperavit supremum numen ut segregarent à caeteris deibus diem septimum c. God saith he did command the Jews
sacrifice with a meat-offering and a drink-offering thereunto proportioned on the New-moons and all the Annual Sabbaths before remembred the sacrifices were enlarged nay more than trebled as is expressed in the 28 and 29 of the book of Numbers Nay if it hapned any time as sometimes it did that any of these Festivals did fall upon the weekly Sabbath or that two of them as the New-moons and the Feast of Trumpets fell upon the same the service of the weekly Sabbath lessened not at all the sacrifices destinate to the Annual Sabbath but they were all performed in their several turns Ap. Ainsworth in Num. 28. The Text it self affirms as much in the two Chapters before specified and for the practice of it that so it was it is apparent to be seen in the Hebrew Calendars Only the difference was this as Rabbi Maimony informs us that the addition of the Sabbath was first performed and after the addition of the New-moon and then the addition of the Good day or other Festival So that in case the weekly Sabbath had a priviledge above the Annual in that the Shew-bread or the loaves of proposition were only set before the Lord on the weekly Sabbaths the Annual Sabbaths seem to have had amends all of them in the multiplicity of their sacrifices and three of them in the great solemnity and concourse of people all Israel being bound to appear before the Lord on those three great Festivals the Passeover the Pentecost and the Feast of Tabernacles As for the penalty inflicted on the breakers of these solemn Festivals it is expresly said of the weekly Sabbath that whosoever doth any work therein shall be put to death Exod. 31.15 And in the Verse before that whosoever doth any work therein that soul shall be cut off or as the Chaldee Paraphrase reads it that man shall be destroyed from amongst his People Whic if it signifie the same as by the Chaldee Paraphrase it seems to do it is no more than what is elsewhere said of the Expiation for so saith the Text. And whatsoever soul it be that doth any work in that same day Levit. 23.30 that soul will I destroy from amongst his People But if the phrase be different as the Rabbins say the difference is no more than this that they that break the weekly Sabbath are to be put to death by the Civil Magistrate and they that work upon the Feast of Expiation shall be cut off by God by untimely deaths As for the other Annual Sabbaths the rabbins have determined thus Ap. Ainsworth in Levit. 23.7 That whosoever doth in any of them such works as are not necessary for food as if he build or pull down or weave and the like he breaketh a Commandment and transgresseth against this prohibition Ye shall not do any servile work and if he do and there be Witnesses and evident proof he is by law to be beaten or scourged for it So that we see that whether we regard the institution or continuance of these several Sabbaths or the solemnities of the same either in reference to the Priests the Sacrifices and concourse of People or finally the punishment inflicted on the breakers of them the difference is so little it is scarce remarkable considering especially that if the weekly Sabbaths do gain in one point they lose as often in another For the particulars we shall speak of them hereafter as occasion is As for the time when they began their Sabbaths and when they ended them they took beginning on the Evening of the day before and so continued till the Evening of the Feast it self The Scripture speaks it only as I remember of the Expiation which is appointed by the Lord to be observed on the tenth day of the seventh month Lev. 23.27 yet so that it is ordered thus in the 31. It shall be unto you a Sabbath of rest and ye shall afflict your souls on the ninth day of the month at even And then it followeth From even to even shall ye celebrate your Sabbath But in the Practice of the Jews it was so in all either because they took those words for a general precept or else because they commonly did accompt their day from even to even For where the Romans and Egyptians began the day at midnight â—mend Temp. l. 1. the Chaldees and the Persians with the rising Sun and the Vmbri an Italian People reckoned theirs from noon to noon the Jews and the athenians took the beginning of their day ab occasu solis from Sun-setting as Scaliger and divers others have observed Yet sure I am Honorius Augustodunensis De imagine mundi l. 2. who lived four hundred years ago and upwards placeth the Jews together with the Persians and Chaldeans as men that do begin their day at the Sun-rising However in this case it is not to be thought that the Even was any part of the Sabbath following for the additional sacrifices were offered only on the Morning and the Evening of the several Sabbaths but a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or preparation thereunto which preparation if it were before the weekly Sabbath it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 if before any of the Annual it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In imitation of the Gentiles the Latine Writers call these Parasceve's or Evens of preparation by the name of Coena pura as Augustine noteth upon the nineteenth of S. John because of some resemblance that was between them but yet they had a difference too Exer. 16. n. 100. For Casaubon hath taught us this that in the Coena pura amongst the Gentiles a part of the ceremony did consist in the choice of meats where no such thing occurs at all in these preparations of the Jews Now these Parasceves or preparation days the Jews did afterward divide into these four parts The first was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a preparative as it were to the preparation which began in the morning and held on till noon The second was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 largely taken from Noon until the Evening-sacrifice of the day The third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the approaching of the Sabbath which began after the Evening sacrifice continued till Sun-set and was properly called the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the fourth was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or entrance of the Sabbath which lasted from Sun-set unto the dawning of the day They had amongst them a tradition or a custom rather that on the whole day from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 till Sun-set they might not travel above twelve miles lest coming home too late they might not have sufficient leisure to prepare things before the Sabbath Synag Jud. c. 10. The time was as Buxdorfius tells us quo cornu vel inflata tuba daretur signum when there was publick warning given by sound of Trumpet that every man should cease from work and make all things ready for the Sabbath though in
Galatine reports from their own Records that in their latter exposition on the Book of Numbers upon those words send men that they may search the land of Canaan Chap. 13.2 they thus resolve it Nuncio praecepti licitum est c. A Messenger that goes upon Command may travail any day at what time be will And why because he is a Messenger upon Command Nuncius autem praecepti excludit sabbatum The phrase is somwhat dark but the meaning plain that those which went upon that Errand did not keep the Sabbath Certain it also is that for all that time no nor for any part thereof the people did not keep the Sabbath compleatly as the Law appointed For where there were two things concurring to make up the Sabbath first rest from labour and secondly the sacrifices destinate unto the day however they might rest some Sabbaths from their daily labours yet sacrifices they had none until they came into the Land of Canaan Now that they rested sometimes on the Sabbath day and perhaps did so generally in those forty years is manifest by that great and memorable Business touching the man that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath The case is briefly this the people being in the Wilderness Numb 15. Verse 32. ad 37. found a man gathering sticks on the Sabbath day and brought him presently unto Moses Moses consulted with the Lord and it was resolved that the offender should be stoned to death which was done accordingly The Law before had ordered it that he who so offended should be put to death but the particular manner of his death was not known till now The more remarkable is this case because it was the only time that we can hear of that execution had been done upon any one according as the Law enacted and thereupon the Fathers have took some pains to search into the reasons of so great severity De vit Mos l. 3. Philo accuseth him of a double crime in one whereof he was the principal and an Accessary only in the other For where it was before commanded that there should be no fire kindled on the Sabbath day this party did not only labour on the day of rest but also laboured in the gathering of such materials 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which might administer fuel to prohibited fire Saint Basil seems a little to bemoan the man De judicio Dei in that he smarted so for his first offence not having otherwise offended either God or Man and makes the motive of his death neither to consist in the multitude of his sins or the greatness of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but only in his disobedience to the will of God But we must have a more particular motive yet than this And first Rupertus tells us per superbiam illud quod videbatur exiguum commisit In locum that he did sin presumptuously with an high hand against the Lord and therefore God decreed he should die the death God not regarding either what or how great it was sed qua mente fecerat but with what mind it was committed But this is more I think than Rupertus knew being no searcher of the heart Rather I shall subscribe herein unto Saint Chrysostom Who makes this Quaere first Hom. 39. in Matth. 12. seeing the Sabbath as Christ saith was made for man why was he put to death that gathered sticks upon the Sabbath And then returns this answer to his own demand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. because in case God had permitted that the Law should have been slighted in the first beginning none would have kept it for the future Theodoret to that purpose also ne autor fieret leges transgrediendi Qu. 31. in Num. lest other men encouraged by his example should have done the like the punishment of this one man striking a terrour unto all No question but it made the people far more observant of the Sabbath than they would have been who were at first but backwards in the keeping of it as is apparent by that passage in the sixteenth of Exod. v. 27. And therefore stood the more in need not only of a watch-word or Memento even in the very front of the Law it self but of some sharper course to stir up their memory Therefore this execution was the more requisite at this instant as well because the Jews by reason of their long abode in a place of continual servile toil could not be suddenly drawn unto contrary offices without some strong impression of terrour as also because nothing is more needful than with extremity to punish the first transgressours of those Laws that do require a more exact observation for the times to come What time this Tragedy was acted is not known for certain By Torniellus it is placed in the year 2548. of the Worlds Creation which was some four years after the Law was given More than this is not extant in the Scripture touching the keeping of the Sabbath all the life of Moses What was done after we shall see in the Land of Promise In the mean time It is most proper to this place to take a little notice of those several Duties wherein the sanctifying of the Sabbath did consist especially that we may know the better what we are to look for at the peoples hands when we bring them thither Two things the Lord commanded in his holy Scripture that concern the Sabbath the keeping holy of the same one in relation to the People the other in reference to the Priest In reference to the People he commanded only rest from labour that they should do no manner of work and that 's contained expresly in the Law it self In reference to the Priest he commanded sacrifice that on the Sabbath day over and above the daily sacrifice there should be offered to the Lord two Lambs of an year old without blemish one in the morning and the other in the evening Numb 28. as also to prepare first and then place the Shewbread being twelve loaves one for every Tribe continually before the Lord every Sabbath day These several references so divided the Priest might do his part without the People and contrary the People do their part without the Priest Of any Sabbath duties which were to be performed between them wherein the Priest and People were to join together the Scriptures are directly silent As for these several Duties that of the Priest the Shew-bread and the sacrifice was not in practice till they came to the Land of Canaan and then though the Priest offered for the People yet he did not with them So that for forty years together all the life of Moses the sanctifying of the Sabbath did consist only for ought we find in a Bodily rest a ceasing from the works of their weekly labours and afterwards in that and in the Sacrifices which the Priest made for them Which as they seem to be the greater of the two so
was there nothing at all therein in which the People were to do no not so much except some few as to be Spectators the sacrifices being offered only in the Tabernacle as in the Temple after when they had a Temple the people being scattered over all the Country in their Towns and Villages Of any Reading of the Law or exposition of the same unto the People or publick form of Prayers to be presented to the Lord in the Congregation we find no footstep now nor a long time after None in the time of Moses for he had hardly perfected the Law before his death the Book of Deuteronomy being dedicated by him a very little before God took him None in a long time after no not till Nehemiahs days as we shall see hereafter in that place and time The resting of the people was the thing commanded in imitation of Gods Rest when his Works were finished that as he rested from the works which he had created so they might also rest in memorial of it But the employment of this Rest to particular purposes either of Contemplation or Devotion that 's not declared unto us in the Word of God but left at large either unto the liberty of the People or the Authority of the Church Now what the people did how they employed this rest of theirs that Philo tells us in his third Book of the life of Moses Moses saith he ordained that since the World was finished on the seventh day all of his Common-wealth following therein the course of Nature should spend the seventh day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Festival delights resting therein from all their works yet not to spend it as some do in laughter childish sports or as the Romans did their time of publick Feastings in beholding the activity either of the Jester or common Dancers but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and a little after 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the study of true Philosophy and in the contemplation of the works of Nature And in another place He did command De Decalog saith he that as in other things so in this also they should imitate the Lord their God working six days and resting on the seventh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and spending it in meditation of the works of Nature as before is said And not so only but that upon that day they should consider of their actions in the week before if haply they had offended against the Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that so they might correct what was done amiss and be the better armed to offend no more So in his Book de mundi opisicio he affirms the same that they imployed that day in divine Philosophy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 even for the bettering of their manners and reckoning with their Consciences That thus the Jews did spend the day or some part thereof is very probable and we may take it well enough upon Philo's word but that they spent it thus by the direction or command of Moses is not so easily proved as it is affirmed though for my part I willingly durst assent unto it For be it Moses so appointed yet this concerns only the behaviour of particular persons and reflects nothing upon the publick Duties in the Congregation It 's true that Philo tells us in a Book not extant how Moses also did ordain these publick meetings Ap Eâ—seb Praepar l. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 What then did Moses order to be done on the Sabbath day He did appoint saith he that we should meet all in some place together and there sit down with modesty and a general silence 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to hear the Law that none plead ignorance of the same Which custom we continue still harkning with wonderful silence to the Law of God unless perhaps we give some joyful acclamation at the hearing of it some of the Priests if any present or otherwise some of the Elders reading the Law and then expounding it unto us till the night come on Which done the people are dismissed full of divine instruction and true Piety So he or rather out of him Eusebius But here by Philo's leave we must pause a while This was indeed the custom in our Saviours time and when Philo lived and he was willing as it seems to fetch the pedigree thereof as far as possibly he could Annales An. 2546. n. 10. So Salianus tells him on the like occasion Videtur Philo Judaeorum merem in synagogis disserendi antiquitate donare voluisse quem à Christo Apostolis observatum legimus The same reply we make to Josephus also who tells us of their Law-maker that he appointed not that they should only hear the Law once or twice a year Cont. Ap. 2. Deut. 6.7 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but that once every week we should come together to hear the Laws that we might perfectly learn the same Which thing saith he all other Law-makers did omit And so did Moses too by Josephus leave unless we make a day and a year all one For being now to take his farewel of that people and having oft advised them in his Exhortation to meditate on the words that he had spoken even when they tarried in their houses and walked by the way when they rose up and when they went to bed he called the Priests unto him Verse 31.9 Verse 10. Verse 11. and gave the Law into their hands and into the hands of all the Elders of Israel And he commanded them and said At the end of every seven years in the solemnity of the year of Release at the Feast of Tabernacles when all Israel is come to appear before the Lord their God in the place that thou shalt choose thou shalt read this Law before Israel in their hearing that they may hear and that they may learn and fear the Lord your God and observe all the words of this Law to do them Verse 12. This was the thing decreed by Moses and had been needless if not worse in case he had before provided that they should have the Law read openly unto them every Sabbath day So then by Moses order the Law was to be read publickly every seventh year only in the year of Release because then servants being manumitted from their Bondage and Debtours from their Creditours all sorts of men might hear the Law with the greater chearfulness and in the Feast of Tabernacles because it lasted longer than the other Festivals and so it might be read with the greater leisure and heard with more attention and then it was but this Law too the Book of Deuteronomy This to be done only in the place which the Lord shall choose to be the seat and receptacle of his holy Tabernacle not in inferiour Towns much less petty Villages and yet this thought sufficient to instruct the people in the true knowledg of Gods Law and keeping of his Testimonies And indeed happy had they been had
one other Reading of it publickly and before the people related in the thirteenth of Nehemiah when it was neither Feast of Tabernacles nor sabbatical year for ought we find in holy Scripture Therefore most like it is that it was the Sabbath which much about those times began to be ennobled with the constant reading of the Word in the Congregation First in Hierusalem and after by degrees in most places else as men could fit themselves with convenient Synagogues Houses selected for that purpose to hear the Word of God and observe the same Of which times and of none before those passages of Philo and Josephus before remembred Chap. 6. n. 4. touching the weekly reading of the Law and the behaviour of the people in the publick places of Assembles are to be understood and verified as there we noted For that there was no Synagogue nor weekly reading of the Law before these times besides what hath been said already we will now make manifest No Synagogue before these times for there is neither mention of them in all the body of the old Testament nor any use of them in those days wherein there were no Congregations in particular places And first there is no mention of them in the old Testament For where it is supposed by some that there were Synagogues in the time of David and for the proof thereof they produce these words Psal 74.8 they have burnt up all the Synagogues of God in the Land the supposition and the proof are alike infirm For not to quarrel the Translation which is directly different from the Greek and vulgar Latine and somewhat from the former English this Psalm if writ by David was not composed in reference to any present misery which fefell the Church There had been no such havock made thereof in all Davids time as is there complained of Therefore if David writ that Psalm he writ it as inspired with the spirit of Prophecy and in the spirit of Prophecy did reflect on those wretched times wherein Antiochus laid waste the Church of God and ransacked his inheritance To those most probably must it be referred the miseries which are there bemoaned not being so exactly true in any other time of trouble as it was in this Magis probabilis est conjectura ad tempus Antiochi referri has querimonias as Calvin notes it In Psal 74. And secondly there was no use of them before because no reading of the Law in the Congregation of ordinary course and on the Sabbath days For had the Law been read unto the people every Sabbath day we either should have found some Commandment for it or some practice of it but we meet with neither Rather we find strong arguments to persuade the contrary We read it of Jehosaphat 2 Chron. 17.7 that in the third year of his reign he sent his Princes Ben-hail and Obadiah and Zechariah and Nathaneel and Micaiah to teach in the Cities of Judah These were the principal in Commission and unto them he joyned nine Levites and two Priests to bear them company and to assist them It followeth And they taught in Judah Verse 9. and had the book of the Law of the Lord with them and they went about throughout all the Cities of Judah and taught the people And they taught in Judah and had the Book of the Law with them This must needs be a needless labour in case the people had been taught every Sabbath day or that the Book of the Law had as then been extant and extant must it be if it had been read in every Town and Village over all Judaea Therefore there was no Synagogue no reading of the Law every Sabbath day in Jehosaphats time But that which follows of Josiah is more full than this 2 Kings 12. That godly Prince intended to repair the Temple and in pursuit of that intendment Hilkiah the Priest to whom the ordering of the work had been committed found hidden an old Copy of the Law of God which had been given unto them by the hand of Moses This Book is brought unto the King and read unto him And when the King had heard the words of the Law he rent his cloths And not so only Verse 11. Chap. 23.1 2. but he gathered together all the Elders of Judah and Hierusalem and read in their ears all the words of the Book of the Covenant which was found in the house of the Lord. Had it been formerly the custom to read the Law each Sabbath unto all the people it is not to be thought that this good King Josiah could possibly have been such a stranger to the Law of God or that the finding of the Book had been related for so strange an accident when there was scarce a Town in Judah but was furnished with them Or what need such a sudden calling of all the Elders and on an extraordinary time to hear the Law if they had heard it every Sabbath and that of ordinary course Nay so far were they at this time from having the Law read amongst them every weekly Sabbath that as it seems it was not read amongst them in the sabbath of years as Moses had before appointed For if it had been read unto them once in seven years only that vertuous Prince had not so soon forgotten the contents thereof Therefore there was no Synagogue no weekly reading of the Law in Josiabs days And if not then and not before then not at all till Ezras time The finding of the Book of God before remembred is said to happen in the year 3412. of the Worlds Creation not forty years before the people were led Captives into Babylon in which short space the Princes being careless and the times distracted there could be nothing done that concern'd this business Now from this reading of the Law in the time of Ezra unto the Council holden in Hierusalem there passed 490 years or thereabouts Acts 15.21 Antiquity sufficient to give just cause to the Apostle there to affirm that Moses in old time in every City had them that preached him being read in the Synagogues every Sabbath day So that we may conclude for certain that till these times wherein we are there was no reading of the Law unto the people on the Sabbath days and in these times when it was taken up amongst them it was by Ecclesiastical institution only no divine Authority But being taken up on what ground soever it did continue afterwards though perhaps sometimes interrupted until the final dissolution of that Church and State and therewithal grew up a liberty of interpretation of the holy words which did at last divide the people into sects and factions Petrus Cunaeus doth affirm that howsoever the Law was read amongst them in the former times either in publick or in private De repub l. 2. ca. 17. yet the bare Text was only read without gloss or descant Interpretatio magistrorum commentatio nulla But in
and to make ready for the Sabbath That done they take no work in hand Only the Women when the Sun is near its setting light up their Sabbath-lamps in their dining rooms and stretching out their hands towards them give them their Blessing and depart To morrow they begin their Sabbath very early and for entrance thereunto array themselves in their best Cloaths and their richest Jewels it being the conceit of Rabby Solomon that the Memento in the front of the fourth Commandment was placed there especially to put the Jews in mind of their Holiday Garments Nay so precise they are in these Preparations and the following Rest that if a Jew go forth on Friday and on the night falls short of home more than is lawful to be travelled on the Sabbath day there must he set him down and there keep his Sabbath though in a Wood or in the Field or the High-way side without all fear of wind or weather of Thieves or Robbers without all care also of Meat and Drink Periculo latronum praedonumque omui penuria item omni cibi potusque neglectis as that Authour hath it For their behaviour on the Sabbath and the strange niceties wherewith they abuse themselves he describes it thus Equus aut asinus Domini ipsius stabulo exiens Id. cap. 11. froenum aut capistrum non aliud quicquam portabit c. An Horse may have a Bridle or an Halter to lead not a Saddle to load him and he that leadeth him must not let it hang so loose that it may seem he rather carrieth the Bridle than leads the Horse An Hen must not wear her Hose sowed about her Leg They may not milk their Kine nor eat any of the milk though they have procured some Christian to do that work unless they buy it A Taylor may not wear his Needle sticking on his sleeve The lame may use a staff but the blind may not They may not burthen themselves with Cloggs or Pattens to keep their feet out of the dirt nor rub their Shoos if foul against the ground but against a wall nor wipe their dirty Hands with a Cloth or Towel but with a Cows or Horses tail they may do it lawfully A wounded Man may wear a Plaster on his sore that formerly was applyed unto it but if it fall off he may not lay it on anew or bind up any wound that day nor carry money in their Purses or about their Clothes They may not carry a Fan or flap to drive away the Flies If a Flea bite they may remove it but not kill it but a Lowse they may yet Rabbi Eliezer thinks one may as lawfully kill a Camel They must not fling more Corn unto their Poultry than will serve that day lest it may grow by lying still and they be said to sow their Corn upon the Sabbath To whistle a tune with ones Mouth or play it on an Instrument is unlawful utterly as also to knock with the ring or hammer of a Door or knock ones hand upon a Table though it be only to still a Child So likewise to draw Letters either in dust or ashes or on a wet Board is prohibited but not to fancy them in the Air. With many other infinite absurdities of the like poor nature wherewith the Rabbins have been pleased to afflict their Brethren and make good sport to all the World which are not either Jews or Jewishly affected Nay to despite our Saviour as Buxdorfius tells us they have determined since that it is unlawful to life the Ox or Ass out of the Ditch which in the strictest time of the Pharisaical rigours was accounted lawful Indeed the marvel is the less that they are so uncharitable to poor Brute creatures when as they take such little pitty upon themselves Crantzius reports a story of a Jew of Magdeburg who falling on a Saturday into a Privy would not be taken out because it was the Sabbath day and that the Bishop gave command that there he should continue on the Sunday also so that between both the poor Jew was poisoned with the very stink The like our Annals do relate of a Jew of Tewkesbury whose story being cast into three riming Verses according to the Poetry of those times I have here presented and translated Dialogue-wise as they first made it Tende manus Solomon ut te de stercore tollam Sabbata nostra colo de stercore surgere nolo Sabbata nostra quidem Solomon celebrabis ibidem Friend Solomon thy Hands up-rear And from the Jakes I will thee bear Our Sabbath I so highly prize That from the place I will not rise Then Solomon without more adoe Our Sabbath thou shalt keep there too For the continuance of their Sabbath as they begin it early on the day before so they prolong it on the day till late at night And this they do in pity to the souls in Hell who all the while the Sabbath lasteth have free leave to play For as they tell us silly wretches upon the Eve before the Sabbath it is proclaimed in the Hall that every one may go his way and take his pleasure and when the Sabbath is concluded they are recalled again to the house of Torments I am ashamed to meddle longer in these trifles these Dreams and dotages of infatuated men given over to a reprobate sense Nor had I stood so long upon them but that in this Anatomy of the Jewish follies I might let some amongst us see into what dangers they are falling For there are some indeed too many who taking his for granted which they cannot prove that the Lords Day succeeds into the place and rights of the Jewish sabbath and is to be observed by vertue of the fourth Commandment have trenched too near upon the Rabbins in binding men to nice and scrupulous observances which neither we nor our Fore-fathers were ever able to endure But with what warrant they have made a sabbath day in the Christian Church where there was never any known in all times before or upon what Authority they have presumed to lay heavy Burthens upon the Consciences of poor men which are free in Christ we shall the better see by tracing down the story from our Saviours time unto the times in which we live But I will here sit down and rest beseeching God who enabled me thus far to guide me onwards to the end Tu qui principio medium medio adjice finem THE HISTORY OF THE SABBATH The Second BOOK From the first preaching of the Gospel to these present Times By PETER HEYLYN D.D. COLOSS. ii 16 17. Let no man judge you in meat or in drink or in respect of an holy day or of the new Moon or of the SABBATH Days which are a shadow of things to come but the Body is of Christ LONDON Printed by M. Clark to be sold by C. Harper 1681. To the Christian Reader AND such I hope to meet with in this Part especially which treating
of the affairs of the Christian Church cannot but be displeasing unto them which are not Christianly affected Our former Book we destinated to the Jewish part of this enquiry wherein though long it was before we found it yet at the last we found a Sabbath A Sabbath which began with that state and Church and ended also when they were no longer to be called a Nation but a dispersed and scattered ruin of what once they were In that which followeth our Enquiry must be more diffused of the same latitude with the Church a Church not limited and confined to some Tribes and Kindreds but generally spreading over all the World We may affirm it of the Gospel what Florus sometimes said of the state of Rome Ita late per orbem terrarum arma circumtulit ut qui res ejus legunt non unius populi sed generis humani facta discunt The history of the Church and of the World are of like extent So that the search herein as unto me it was more painful in the doing so unto thee will it be more pleasing being done because of that variety which it will afford thee And this Part we have called the History of the Sabbath too although the institution of the Lords Day and entertainment of the same in all times and Ages since that institution be the chief thing whereof it treateth For being it is said by some that the Lords Day succeeded by the Lords appointment into the place and rights of the Jewish Sabbath so to be called and so to be observed as the Sabbath was this Book was wholly to be spent in the search thereof whether in all or any Ages of the Church either such doctrine had been preached or such practice pressed upon the Conscience of Gods people And search indeed we did with all care and diligence to see if we could find a Sabbath in any evidence of Scripture or writings of the holy Fathers or Edicts of Emperours or Decrees of Councils or finally in any of the publick Acts and Monuments of the Christian Church But after several searches made upon the alias and the pluries we still return Non est inventus and thereupon resolve in the Poets language Et quod non invenis usquam esse putes nosquam that which is no where to be found may very strongly be concluded not to be at all Buxdorfius in the 11th Chapter of his Synagoga Judaica out of Antonius Margarita tells us of the Jews quod die sabbatino praeter animam consuetam praediti sunt alia that on the Sabbath day they have an extraordinary soul infused into them which doth enlarge their hearts and rouze up their spirits Ut Sabbatum multo honorabilius peragere possint that they may celebrate the Sabbath with the greater bonour And though this sabbatarie soul may by a Pythagorical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seem to have transmigrated from the Jews into the Bodies of some Christians in these later days yet I am apt to give my self good hopes that by presenting to their view the constant practice of Gods Church in all times before and the consent of all Gods Churches at this present they may be dispossessed thereof without great difficulty It is but anima superflua is Buxdorfius calls it and may be better spared than kept because superfluous However I shall easily persuade my self that by this general representation of the estate and practice of the Church of Christ I may confirm the wavering in a right persuasion and assure such as are already well affected by shewing them the perfect harmony and agreement which is between this Church and the purest times It is our constant prayer to Almighty God as well that he would strengthen such as do stand and confirm the weak as to raise up those men which are fallen into sin and errour As are our prayers such should be also our endeavours as universal to all sorts of men as charitable to them in their several cases and distresses Happy those men who do aright discharge their Duties both in their prayers and their performance The blessing of our labours we must leave to him who is all in all without whom all Pauls planting and Apollo's watering will yield poor encrease In which of these three states soever thou art good Christian Reader let me beseech thee kindly to accept his pains which for thy sake were undertaken that so he might in some poor measure be an instrument to strengthen or confirm or raise thee as thy case requires This is the most that I desire and less than this thou couldst not do did I not desire it And so fare thee well THE HISTORY OF THE SABBATH The Second Book CHAP. I. That there is nothing found in Scripture touching the keeping of the Lords Day 1. The Sabbath not intended for a perpetual Ordinance 2. Preparatives unto the dissolution of the Sabbath by our Saviour Christ 3. The Lords day not enjoyned in the place thereof either by Christ or his Apostles but instituted by the Authority of the Church 4. Our Saviours Resurrection on the first day of the week and apparitions on the same make it not a Sabbath 5. The coming down of the Holy Ghost upon the first day of the week makes it not a Sabbath 6. The first day of the week not made a Sabbath more than others by Saint Peter Saint Paul or any other of the Apostles 7. Saint Paul frequents the Synagogue on the Jewish Sabbath and upon what reasons 8. What was concluded against the Sabbath in the Council holden in Hierusalem 9. The preaching of Saint Paul at Troas upon the first day of the week no argument that then that day was set apart by the Apostles for religious exercises 10. Collections on the first day of the week 1 Cor. 16. conclude as little for that purpose 11. Those places of Saint Paul Galat. 4.10 Colos 2.16 do prove invincibly that there is no Sabbath to be looked for 12. The first day of the week not called the Lords day until the end of this first Age and what that title adds unto it WE shewed you in the former Book what did occur about the Sabbath from the Creation of the World to the destruction of the Temple which comprehended the full time of 4000 years and upwards in the opinion of the most and best Chronologers Now for five parts of eight of the time computed from the Creation to the Law being in all 2540 years and somewhat more there was no Sabbath known at all And for the fifteen hundred being the remainder it was not so observed by the Jews themselves as if it had been any part of the Law of Nature but sometimes kept and sometimes broken either according as mens private businesses or the affairs of the republick would give way unto it Never such conscience made thereof as of Adultery Murder Blasphemy or Idolatry no not when as the Scribes and Pharisees had most made it
said in holy Scripture that he was seen of them by the space of forty days as much on one as on another His first appearing after the night following his Resurrection which is particularly specified in the Book of God was when he shewed himself to Thomas who before was absent That the Text tells us John 20.26 was after eight days from the time before remembred which some conceive to be the eighth day after or the next first day of the week and thereupon conclude that day to be most proper for the Congregations or publick Meetings of the Church Diem octavum quo Christus Thomae apparuit In Joh. l. 17. cap. 18. Dominicum diem esse necesse est as Saint Cyril hath it Jure igitur sanctae congregationes die octavo in Ecclesia fiunt But where the Greek Text reads it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 post octo dies in the vulgar Latine after eight days according to our English Bibles that should be rather understood of the ninth or tenth than the eighth day after and therefore could not be upon the first day of the week as it is imagined Now as the premisses are untrue so the Conclusion is unfirm For if our Saviours apparition unto his Disciples were of it self sufficient to create a Sabbath then must that day whereon Saint Peter went on fishing John 21.3 be a Sabbath also and so must holy Thursday too it being most evident that Christ appeared on those days unto his Apostles So that as yet from our Redeemers Resurrection unto his Ascension we find not any word or Item of a new Christian Sabbath to be kept amongst them or any evidence for the Lords day in the four Evangelists either in precept or in practice The first particular passage which doth occur in holy Scripture touching the first day of the week is that upon that day the Holy Ghost did first come down on the Apostles and that upon the same Saint Peter Preached his first Sermon unto the Jews and Baptized such of them as believed there being added to the Church that day three thousand souls This hapned on the Feast of Pentecost which fell that year upon the Sunday or first day of the week as elsewhere the Scripture calls it but as it was a special and a casual thing so can it yield but little proof if it yield us any that the Lords Day was then observed or that the Holy Ghost did by selecting of that day for his descent on the Apostles intend to dignifie it for Sabbath For first it was a casual thing that Pentecost should fall that year upon the Sunday It was a moveable Feast as unto the day such as did change and shift it self according to the position of the Feast of Passeover the rule being this that on what day soever the second of the Passeover did fall upon that also fell the great Feast of Pentecost Emend Temp. l. 2. Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 semper eadem est feria quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Scaliger hath rightly noted So that as often as the Passeover did fall upon the Saturday or Sabbath as this year it did then Pentecost fell upon the Sunday But when the Passeover did chance to fall upon the Tuesday the Pentecost fell that year upon the Wednesday sic de caeteris And if the rule be true as I think it is that no sufficient argument can be drawn from a casual fact and that the falling of the Pentecost that year upon the first day of the week be meerly casual the coming of the Holy Ghost upon that day will be no argument nor authority to state the first day of the week in the place and honour of the Jewish Sabbath There may be other reasons given why God made choice of that time rather than of any other As first because about that very time before he had proclaimed the Law upon Mount Sinai And secondly that so he might the better conntenance and grace the Gospel in the sight of men and add the more authority unto the doctrine of the Apostles The Feast of Pentecost was a great and famous Festival at which the Jews all of them were to come unto Hierusalem there to appear before the Lord and amongst others those which had their hands in our Saviours blood And therefore as S. Chrysostom notes it did God send down the Holy Ghost at that time of Pentecost In Act. 2. because those men that did consent to our Saviours death might publickly receive rebuke for that bloody act and so bear record to the power of our Saviours Gospel before all the World 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as that Father hath it So that the thing being casual as unto the day and special as unto the business then by God intended it will afford us little proof as before I said either that the Lords Day was as then observed or that the Holy Ghost did select that day for so great a work to dignifie it for a Sabbath As for Saint Peters Preaching upon that day and the Baptizing of so many as were converted to the faith upon the same it might have been some proof that now at least if nor before the first day of the week was set apart by the Apostles for religious exercises had they not honoured all days with the same performances But if we search the Scriptures we shall easily find that all days were alike to them in that respect no day in which they did not preach the word of life and administer the Sacraments of their Lord and Saviour to such as either wanted it or did desire it Or were it that the Scriptures had not told us of it yet natural reason would inform us that those who were imployed in so great a work as the Conversion of the World could not confine themselves unto times and seasons but must take all advantages whensoever they came But for the Scripture it is said in terms express first generally that the Lord added daily to the Church such as should be saved and therefore without doubt Acts 2.47 the means of their salvation were daily ministred unto them and in the fifth Chapter of the Acts Verse 42 and daily in the Temple and in every house they ceased not to teach and preach Jesus Christ Acts 8. So for particulars when Philip did Baptize the Eunuch either he did it on a working day as we now distinguish them and not upon the first day of the week and so it was no Lords day duty or else it was not held unlawful to take a journey on that day as some think it is Saint Peters Preaching to Cornelius and his Baptizing of that house was a week-days work as may be gathered from Saint Hierom. That Father tells us that the day whereon the vision appeared to Peter was probably the Sabbath Advers Jovinian l. 2. or the Lords Day as we call it now fieri potuit ut
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his own Language Catech. orat 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the morrow after the Lords day Cat. 14. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Catech. Mystag 2. The like is very frequent in Saint Ambrose also Hesterno die de fonte disputavimus De Sacram lib. 3. cap. 1. Hesternus noster sermo ad sancti altaris sacramentum deductus est lib. 5. cap. 1. and in other places The like in Chrysostom as in many other places too many to be pointed at in this place and time so in his 18. Hom. on the 3d of Gen. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But this perhaps was only in respect of Lectures or Expositions of the Scriptures such as were often used in the greater Cities where there was much people and but little business for I conceive not that they met every day in these times to receive the Sacraments Epl. 289. Of Wednesday and of Friday it is plain they did not to say any thing of the Saturday till the next Section Saint Basil names them all together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. It is saith he a profitable and pious thing every day to communicate and to participate of the blessed Body and Blood of Christ our Saviour he having told us in plain terms that Whosoever eateth his flesh and drinketh his blood hath eternal life We notwithstanding do communicate but four times weekly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 viz. on the Lords day the Wednesday the Friday and the Saturday unless on any other days the memory of some Martyr be perhaps observed Expos fid Cath. 21.22 Epiphanius goeth a little farther andn he deriveth the Wednesdays and the Fridays Service even from the Apostles ranking them in the same Antiquity and grounding them upon the same Authority that he doth the Sunday 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Only it seems the difference was that whereas formerly it had been the custom not to administer the Sacrament on these two days being both of them fasting-days and so accounted long before until towards Evening It had been changed of late and they did celebrate in the Mornings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as on the Lords day was accustomed Whether the meeting on these days were of such Antiquity as Epiphanius saith they were I will not meddle Certain it is that they were very antient in the Church of God as may appear by that of Origen and Tertullian before remembred So that if we consider either the preaching of the Word the ministration of the Sacraments or the publick Prayers the Sunday in the Eastern Churches had no great prerogative above other days especially above the Wednesday and Friday save that the meetings were more solemn and the concourse of people greater than at other times as it is most likely The footsteps of this ancient custom are yet to be observed in this Church of England by which it is appointed that on Wednesdays and Fridays weekly Can. 15. though they be not holy days the Minister at the accustomed hours of Service shall resort to Church and say the Letany prescribed in the Book of Common-prayer As for the Saturday that retained its wonted credit in the Eastern Church little inferiour to the Lords day if not plainly equal not as a Sabbath think not so but as a day designed unto sacred meetings The Constitutions of the Apostles said to be writ by Clemens one of Saint Peters first successours in the Church of Rome appoint both days to be observed as solemn Festivals both of them to be days of rest that so the servant might have time to repair unto the Church Lib. 8. c. 33. for this Edification 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So the Constitution Not that they should devote them wholly unto rest from labour but only those set times of both which were appointed for the meetings of the Congregation Yet this had an exception too the Saturday before Easter day Lib. 1. cap. 19. whereupon Christ rested in the Grave being exempt from these Assemblies and destinated only unto grief and fasting And though these Constitutions in all likelihood were not writ by Clemens there being many things therein which could not be in use of a long time after yet ancient sure they were as being mentioned in Epiphanius De Scrip. Ecc. in Clemente and as the Cardinal confesseth à Graecis veteribus magni factos much made of by the ancient Grecians though not of such authority in the Church of Rome How their authority in this point is countenanced by Ignatius we have seen already and we shall see the same more fully throughout all this Age. Can. 16. And first beginning with the Synod held in Laodicea a Town of Phrygia Anno 314. there passed a Canon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 touching the reading of the Gospels with the other Scriptures upon the Saturday or Sabbath Canon 49. that in the time of Lent there should be no oblation made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but on the Saturday and the Lords day only neither that any Festival should be then observed in memory of any Martyrs Canon 51. but that their names only should be commemorated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon the Lords day and the Sabbaths Nor was this only the particular will of those two and thirty Prelates that there assembled it was the practice too of the Alexandrians S. Athanasius Patriarch there affirms that they assembled on the Sabbath days not that they were infected any whit with Judaism which was far from them Homil de Semente but that they came together on the Sabbath day to worship Jesus Christ the Lord of the Sabbath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Father hath it So for the Church of Millain which as before I said in some certain things followed the Churches of the East it seems the Saturday was held in a fair esteem and joyned together with the Sunday Crastino die Sabbato De Sacrament Lib. 4. cap. 6. dominice de orationis ordine dicemus as S. Ambrose hath it And probably his often mention of hesternus dies remembred in the former Section may have relation to the joynt observance of these two days and so may that which is reported then out of S. Chrysostom and S. Cyril Eastern Doctors both Hist Eccles Lib. 6. cap. 8. Sure I am Socrates counts both days for weekly Festivals 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that on them both the Congregation used to be assembled and the whole Liturgy performed Which plainly shews that in the practice of those Churches they were both regarded both alike observed Gregory Nyssen speaks more home and unto the purpose Some of the People had neglected to come unto the Church upon the Saturday and on the Sunday he thus chides and rebukes them for it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. With what face saith the Father wilt thou look upon the lords day De Castigatione which hast dishonoured the
Enemy be at hand though otherwise not to be done where no danger was These are the special points observed and published by Tostatus And these I have the rather exactly noted partly that we may see in what estate the Lords day and the other Holy days were in the Church of Rome what time the reformation of Religion was first set on foot but principally to let others see how near they come in their new fancies and devices unto the Niceties of those men whom they most abhor Thus stood it as before I said both for the Doctrine and the Practice till men began to look into the Errours and abuses in the Roman Church with a more serious eye than before they did and at first sight they found what little pleased them in this particular Their Doctrine pleased them not in making one day holier than another not only in relation to the use made of them but to a natural and inherent holiness wherewith they thought they were invested Nor did their practice please much more in that they had imposed so many burdens of restraint upon the consciences of Gods people and thereby made that day a punishment which was intended for the ease of the labouring man Against the doctrine of these men and the whole practice of that Church Calvin declares himself in his book of Institutions And therewith taxeth those of Rome L. 2. cap. 8. p. 34. qui Judaica opinione populum superioribus seculis imbuerunt who in the times before possessed the peoples minds with so much Judaism that they had changed the day indeed as in dishonour of the Jew but otherwise retained the former sanctity thereof which needs must be saith he if there remain with us as the Papists taught the same opinion of the mysteries and various significations of days and times which the Jews once had And certainly saith he we see what dangerous effects have followed on so false a Doctrine those which adhere to their instructions having exceedingly out gone the Jews crassa carnalique Sabbatismi superstitione in their gross and carnal superstitions about the Sabbath In Apocal. 1. v. 10. Beza his Scholar and Achates sings the self-same Song that howsoever the Assemblies of the Lords day were of Apostolical and divine Tradition sic tamen ut Judaica cessatio ab omni opere non observaretur quoniam hoc plane fuisset Judaismum non abolere sed tantum quod ad diem attinet immutare yet so that there was no cessation from work required as was observed among the Jews For that saith he had not so much abolished Judaism as put it off and changed it to another day And then he adds that this cessation was first brought in by Constantine and afterwards confirmed with more and more restraints by the following Emperours by means of which it came to pass that that which first was done for a good intent viz. that men being free from their worldly businesses might wholly give themselves to hearing of the Word of God in merum Judaismum degenerarit degnerated at the last into down-right Judaism So for the Lutheran Churches Chemnitius challengeth the Romanists of superstition quasi dominicae diei reliquis diebus festis per se peculiaris quaedam insit sanctitas because they taught the people that the Holy days considered only in themselves had a Native Sanctity And howsoever for his part he think it requisite that men should be restrained from all such works as may be any hinderance unto the sanctifying of the day yet he accounts it but a part of the Jewish leaven nimis scrupulose diebus festis prohibere operas externas quie vel quando non impediunt publicum ministerium so scrupulously to prohibit such external Actions which are at all no hindrance to Gods publick service and mans Sabbath Duties Bueer goes further yet and doth not only call it a superstition In Mat. 12. but an Apostacy from Christ to think that working on the Lords day in it self considered is a sinful thing Si existimetur operari in eo die per se esse peccatum superstitio gratiae Christi qui ab elementis mundi nos suo sanguine liberavit negatio est as his own words are Then adds that he did very well approve of the Lords day meetings si eximatur è cordibus hominum opinio necessitatis if men were once dispossessed of these opinions that the day was necessary to be kept that it was holier in it self than the other days and that to work upon that day in it self was sinful Lastly the Churches of the Switzers profess in their Confession that in the keeping of the Lords day they give not the least hint to any Jewish superstitions Neque enim alteram diem altera sanctiorem esse credimus nec otium Deo per se probari existimamus For neither Cap. 24. as they said do we conceive one day to be more holy than another or think that rest from labour in it self considered is any way pleasing unto God By which we plainly may perceive what is the judgment of the Protestant Churches in the present point Indeed It is not to be thought that they could otherwise resolve and determine of it considering what their Doctrine is of the day it self how different they make it from a Sabbath day which Doctrine that we may perceive with the greater ease we will consider it in three Propositions in which most agree 1. That the keeping holy one day of seven is not the Moral part of the fourth Commandment or to be reckoned as a part of the law of Nature 2. That the Lords day is not founded on Divine Commandment but only on the authority of the Church and 3. That the Church hath still authority to change the day and to transfer it to some other First for the first it seems that some of Rome considering the restraints before remembred and the new Doctrine thence arising about the Natural and inherent holiness which one day had above another had altered what was formerly delivered amongst the Schoolmen and made the keeping of one day in seven to be the Moral part of the fourth Commandment This Calvin chargeth them withal that they had taught the people in the former times Instit l. 1. Cap. 8.11 34. that whatsover was ceremonial in the fourth Commandment which was the keeping of the Jews seventh day had been long since abrogated remanere vero quod morale est nempe unius diei observationem in hebdomade but that the moral part thereof which was the keeping of one day in seven did continue still With what else is it as before was said than in dishonour of the Jews to change the day and to affix as great a sanctity thereunto as the Jews ever did And for his own part he professeth that howsoever he approved of the Lords day meetings Non tamen numerum septennarium ita se morari ut ejus servituti Ecclesias
especially appointed for the same are called Holy days Rot for the matter or the nature either of the time or day c. for to all days and times are of like holiness but for the nature and condition of such holy works c. whereunto such times and days are sanctified and hallowed that is to say separated from all prophane uses and dedicated not unto any Saint or Creature but only unto God and his true worship Neither is it to be thought that there is any certain time or definitive number of days prescribed in holy Scripture but the appointment both of the time and also of the number of days is left by the authority of Gods Word unto the liberty of Christs Church to be determined and assigned orderly in every Countrey by the discretion of the Rulers and Ministers thereof as they shall judg most expedient to the true setting forth of Gods glory and edification of their people Nor is it to be thought that all this Preamble was made in reference to the Holy days or Saints days only whose being left to the authority of the Church was never questioned but in relation to the Lords day also as by the Act it self doth at full appear for so it followeth in the Act Be it therefore enacted c. That all the days hereafter mentioned shall be kept and commanded to be kept Holy days and none other that is to say all Sundays in the Year the Feasts of the Circumcision of our Lord Jesus Christ of the Epiphanie of the Purification with all the rest now kept and there named particularly and that none other day shall be kept and commanded to be kept holy day and to abstain from lawful bodily labour Nay which is more there is a further Clause in the self-same Act which plainly shews that they had no such thought of the Lords day as that it was a Sabbath or so to be observed as the Sabbath was and therefore did provide it and enact by the Authority aforesaid a bat it shall be lawful to every Husbandman Labourer Fisherman and to all and every other person or persons of what estate degree or condition be or they he upon the holy days aforesaid in Harvest or at any other times in the year when necessity shall so require to labour ride fish or work any kind of work at their free-wills and pleasure any thing in this Act unto the contrary notwithstanding This is the total of this Act which if examined well as it ought to be will yield us all those propositions or conclusions before remembred which we collected from the writings of those three particular Martyrs Nor is it to be said that it is repealed and of no Authority Repealed indeed it was in the first year of Queen Mary and stood repealed in Law though otherwise in use and practice all the long Reign of Queen Elizabeth but in the first year of King James was revived again Note here that in the self-same Parliament the Common Prayer-Book now in use being reviewed by many godly Prelates was confirmed and authorized wherein so much of the said Act as doth concern the Names and Number of the Holy days is expressed and as it were incorporate into the same Which makes it manifest that in the purpose of the Church the Sunday was no otherwise esteemed of than another Holy day This Statute as before we said was made in Anno 5. 6. of Edward the sixth And in that very Parliament as before we said the Common-Prayer-Book was confirmed which still remains in use amongst us save that there was an alteration or addition of certain Lessons to be used on every Sunday of the Year 1 Eliz. cap. 2. the form of the Letany altered and corrected and two Sentences added in the delivery of the Sacrament unto the Communicants Now in this Common Prayer-Book thus confirmed in the fifth and sixth years of King Edward the sixth Cap. 1. it pleased those that had the altering and revising of it that the Commandments which were not in the former Liturgy allowed of in the second of the said Kings Reign should now be added and accounted as a part of this the people being willed to say after the end of each Commandment Lord have mercy upon us and incline our hearts to keep this Law Which being used accordingly as well upon the hearing of the fourth Commandment as of any others hath given some men a colour to persuade themselves that certainly it was the meaning of the Church that we should keep a Sabbath still though the day be changed and that we are obliged to do it by the fourth Commandment Assuredly they who so conclude conclude against the meaning of the Book and of them that made it Against the meaning of the Book for if the Book had so intended that that Ejaculation was to be understood in a literal sence according as the words are laid down in terminis it then must be the meaning of the Book that we should pray unto the Lord to keep the Sabbath of the Jews even the seventh day precisely from the Worlds Creation and keep it in the self-same manner as the Jews once did which no man I presume will say was the meaning of it For of the changing of the day there is nothing said nor nothing intimated but the whole Law laid down in terminis as the Lord delivered it Against the meaning also of them that made it for they that made the Book and reviewed it afterwards and caused these Passages and Prayers to be added to it Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Ridley Bishop of London and certain others of the Prelates then and there assembled were the same men by whose advice and counsel the Act before remembred about keeping Holy days was in the self-same Parliament drawn up and perfected And is it possible we should conceive so ill of those reverend persons as that they would erect a Sabbath in the one Act and beat it down so totally in the other to tell us in the service-Service-Book that we are bound to keep a Sabbath and that the time and day of Gods publick Worship is either pointed out in the fourth Commandment or otherwise ordained by Divine Authority and in the self-same breath to tell us that there is neither certain time nor definite number of days prescribed in Scripture but all this left unto the liberty of the Church I say as formerly I said it is impossible we should think so ill of such Reverend persons nor do I think that any will so think hereafter when they have once considered the non sequitur of their own Conclusions As for the Prayer there used we may thus expound it according to the doctrine and the practice both of those very times viz. that their intent and meaning was to teach the people to pray unto the Lord to incline their hearts to keep that Law as far as it contained the Law of Nature and had been
the week to come together in yet not the seventh day which the Jews kept but the Lords day the day of the Lords resurrection the day after the seventh day which is the first day of the week c. Sithence which time Gods 〈◊〉 hath always in all Ages without any gain-saying used to come together â—â— the Sunday to celebrate and honour the Lords blessed Name and carefully to 〈◊〉 that 〈…〉 If it and quietness both Man and Woman Child Servant and Stranger So far the Homily and this is all thereof which is doctrinal The residue consists in reprehension of two sorts of men one of the which if they had any business to do though there were no extream need would not spare the Sunday but med all days alike the holy-days and work-days all as one the other so consumed the day in gluttony and drunkenness and such fleshly filthiness that as it is there said the Lord was more dishonoured and the I euil better served on the Sunday than upon all the days in the week besides This saith the Homily and this hath often been alledged as well to prove a Lords day Sabbath to be allowed of by the doctrine of the Church of England as at this present time to justifie the disobedience of those men who have refused to publish the Princes pleasure in point of Recreations But this if well examined will as little help them as Lord have mercy upon us in the Common-Prayer book For first it is here said that there is no more of the fourth Commandment to be retained and kept of good Christian people than whatsoever is found in it appertaining to the law of Nature But we have proved before that there is nothing in the fourth Commandment of the law of Nature but that some time be set apart for Gods publick service the precept so far forth as it enjoyns one day in seven or the seventh day precisely from the worlds creation being avowed for ceremonial by all kind of Writers Secondly it is said not that the Lords day was enjoyned by Divine Authority either by Christ himself or his Apostles but chosen for a standing day to come together in by godly Christian people immediately after the Ascension of our Lord Christ If chose by them then not enjoyned by the Apostles if not till after the Ascension of our Saviour Christ then not at all by him commanded Thirdly whereas they chose themselves a standing day in the week to come together in they did not this by any obligation laid upon them by the fourth Commandment but only by a voluntary following of Gods example and the Analogy or equity of Gods Commandment which was they do not say which is that he would have amongst the Jews a solemn time and standing day in the week wherein the people 〈◊〉 have in remembrance his wonderful benefits and render thanks to him for the same For it is said that this example and Commandment of God the gody Christian people began to follow after Christs Ascension So that it seems they might have chosen whether they would have followed them or not Fourthly when they had chosen this day which we now observe for their publick meetings they did not think themselves obliged by the fourth Commandment to forbear work and labour in time of great necessity or to the precise keeping of the same after the manner of the Jews both which they must have done had they conceived the keeping of one day in seven to be the moral part of the fourth Commandment and to oblige us now no less than it did them formerly as some men have taught us Now whereas some have drawn from hence these two conclusions First that according to this Homily we ought to keep one day in seven by the fourth Commandment and secondly that we must spend it wholly in religious exercises I would fain know how those conclusions can be raised from the former premises It 's true the Homily hath told us that by the fourth Commandment we ought to have a time as one day in the week wherein we ought to rest from our needful works Where note that there it is not said that by the fourth Commandment we ought to have one day in the week which is plain and peremptory but that we ought to have a time as one day in the week which was plainly arbitrary A time we ought to have by the fourth Commandment as being that part of it which pertains to the law of Nature But for the next words as one day in the week they are not there laid down as imposed on us by the Law but only instanced in as setled at that time in the Church of God So where it is affirmed in another place that Gods will and commandment was to have a solemn time and standing day in the week we grant indeed that so it was and that the Godly Christian people in the Primitive times were easily induced to give God no less than what he formerly commanded But had the meaning of the Homily been this that we were bound to have a standing day in the week by the fourth Commandment they would have plainly said it is Gods will and pleasure that it should be so and not have told us what it was in the times before It 's true the Homily hath told us that we should rest our selves on Sunday from our common business and also give our selves wholly to Heavenly exercises of Gods true religion and service Where note it is not said that we should spend the day wholly in Heavenly exercises for then there were no time allowed us to eat and drink which are meer natural employments But that we give our selves wholly that is our whole selves body and soul to that performance of those heavenly exercises which are required of us in the way of true religion and Gods publick service It is accounted as we have formerly made plain to be the ceremonial part of the fourth Commandment In Exod. 20. qu. 11. quod fiat semel in qualibet hebdomada quod fiat in una die tota ista observatio quod per totam diem abstineatur ab operibus servilibus First the determining of the day to be one in seven next that this one day wholly be so employed and last of all that all that day there be an absolute cessation from all servile works Therefore the spending wholly of one day in seven being ceremonial comes not within the compass of the Homily which would have no more of the fourth Commandment to be kept amongst us than what is appertaining to the law of Nature Now it pertains unto the law of Nature that for the times appointed to Gods publick worship Id. ib. we wholly sequester our selves from all worldly businesses natural est quod dum Deum colimus ab aliis abstineamus as Tostatus hath it and then the meaning of the Homily will be briefly this that for those times which are
prescribed by the Church of England shewed plainly their dislike of those Sabbath Doctrines which had been lately set on foot to the dithonour of the Church and diminution of her authority in destinating other days to the service of God than their new Saint-Sabbath Yet did not this the Churches care either so satisfie their desires or restrain the follies of those men who had embraced the New Sabbath Doctrines but that they still went forwards to advance that business which was now made a part of the common cause no book being published by that party either by way of Catechism or Comment on the Ten Commandments or moral Piety or systematical Divinity of all which these last times have produced too many wherein the Sabbath was not pressed upon the consciences of Gods people with as much violence as formerly with authority upon the Jews And hereunto they were encouraged a great deal the rather because in Ireland what time his Majesties Commissioners were employed about the setling of that Church Anno 1615. there passed an Article which much confirmed them in their Courses and hath been often since alledged to justifie both them and their proceedings Art 56. The Article is this The first day of the week which is the Lords day is wholly to be dedicated to the service of God and therefore we are bound therein to rest from our common and daily business and to bestow that leisure upon holy Exercises both private and publick What moved his Majesties Commissioners to this strict austcrity that I cannot say but sure I am that till that time the Lords day never had attained such credit as to be thought an Article of the Faith though of some mens fancies Nor was it like to be of long continuance it was so violently followed the whole Book being now called in and in the place thereof the Articles of the Church of England confirmed by Parliament in that Kingdom Anno 1634. Nor was this all the fruit neither of such dangerous Doctrines that the Lords day was grown into the reputation of the Jewish Sabbath but some that built on their foundations and ploughed with no other than their Heifers endeavoured to bring back again the Jewish Sabbath as that which is expresly mentioned in the fourth Commandment and abrogate the Lords day for altogether as having no foundation in it nor warrant by it Of these one Thraske declared himself for such in King James his time and therewithal took up another Jewish Doctrine about Meats and Drinks as in the time of our dread Soveraign now being Theophilus Braborne grounding himself on the so much applauded Doctrine of the morality of the Sabbath maintained that the Jewish Sabbath ought to be observed and wrote a large Book in defence thereof which came into the World 1632. For which their Jewish doctrines the first received his censure in the Star-Chamber and what became of him I know not the other had his doom in the High-Commission and hath since altered his opinion being misguided only by the principles of some noted men to which he thought he might have trusted Of these I have here spoken together because the ground of their opinions so far as it concerned the Sabbath were the very same they only make the conclusions which of necessity must follow from the former premisses just as the Brownists did befoe when they abominated on the Communion of the Church of England on the Puritan principles But to proceed This of it self had been sufficient to bring all to ruin but this was not all Not only Judaism did begin but Popery took great occasion of increase by the preciseness of some Magistrates and Ministers in several places of this Kingdom in bindring people from their Recreations on the Sunday the Papists in this Realm being thereby persuaded that no honest Mirth or Recreation was tolerable in our Religion Which being noted by King James in his progress through Lancashire King James's Declarat it pleased his Majesty to set out his Declaration May 24. Anno 1618. the Court being then at Greenwich to this effect that for his good peoples lawful Recreations his pleasure was that after the end of Divine Service they should not be disturbed letted or discouraged from any lawful Recreations such as Dancing either Men or Women Archery for Men Leaping Vaulting or any other such harmless Recreations nor from having of May-games Whitsun-Ales or Morrice-dances and setting up of May-poles or other sports therewith used so as the same be had in due and cenvenient time without impediment or let of Divine Service and that Women should have leave to carry Rushes to the Church for the decoring of it atcording to their old custom withal prohibiting all unlawful Games to be used on the Sundays only as Bear-baiting Bull-baiting Enterludes and at all times in the meaner sort of people by Law prohibited Bowling A Declaration which occasioned much noise and clamour and many scandals spread abroad as if these Counsels had been put into that Princes head by some great Prelates which were then of most power about him But in that point they might have satisfied themselves that this was no Court-doctrine no New-divinity which that learned Prince had been taught in England He had declared himself before when he was King of the Scots only to the self-same purpose as may appear in his Basilicon Doron published Anno 1598. This was the first Blow in effect which had been given in all his time to the new Lords day Sabbath then so much applauded For howsoever as I said those who had entertained these Sabbatarian Principles spared neither care nor pains to advance the business by being instant in season and out of season by publick Writings private Preachings and clandestine insinuations or whatsoever other means might tend to the promotion of this Catholick Cause yet find we none that did oppose it in a publick way though there were many that disliked it only one Mr. Loe of the Church of Exeter declared himself in his Effigiatio veri Sabbatismi Anno 1606. to be of different judgment from them and did lay down indeed the truest and most justifiable Doctrine of the Sabbath of any Writer in that time But being written in the Latin Tongue it came not to the peoples hands many of those which understood it never meaning to let the people know the Contents thereof And whereas in the year 1603 at the Commencement held in Cambridg this Thesis or Proposition Dies Dominicus nititur Verbo Dei was publickly maintained by a Doctor there and by the then Vice-Chancellour so determined neither the following Doctors there or any in the other University that I can hear of did ever put up any Antithesis in opposition thereunto At last some four years after his Majesties Declaration before remembred Anno 1622. Doctor Prideaux his Majesties Professour for the University of Oxon did in the publick Act declare his judgment in this point de Sabbato
in the Publick Government sufficient to retard a work of greater consequence is unknown to none But long looked for comes at last as the saying is though why it should come out at all may be made a question And I shall also give the Reader some account of that but in so doing must make use of somewhat which was said elsewhere It was more than half against my will and rather through the indiscretion of others than any forwardness of my own that I was drawn to shew my self in these present Controversies But being unseasonably brought upon the Stage by Dr. Bernard impertinently enough by Mr. Baxter and with more than ordinary Petulancy by the Man of Scorn the occasion was laid hold on by some very able and discerning men for pressing me to search into the History of these disputes so far forth as the Church of England was concerned in them and to make publick what I sound upon that inquiry To which request I made such answer at the present as the consideration of my many unfitnesses for an employment of that nature might suggest unto me But coming to me from so many hands that it could not fairly be denied I was prevailed with in the end to apply my self to the undertaking as soon as I had dispatched such other businesses as lay then upon me In the mean time I thought I might comply sufficiently with all expectations by fashioning some short Animadversions on the principal passages relating to the Doctrin of the Church of England which had been purloyned for the most part out of Mr. Prinns Book of Anti-arminianism by a late Compiler By which name the old Criticks and Grammarians used to call those men who pilfering their materials out of other mens writings did use to lay them close together as their own to avoid discovery Compilo i. c. Surripio quia quae fures auferunt ea pressim colligunt quod est compilare And so the word is took by Horace is his Compilasse Serm. 1. verse ult as is observed on that verse by the Learned Scoliasts So that a Compilator and a Plagiary are but two terms of one signification And he that would behold a Plagacy in his proper colours may find him painted to the lise in the Appendix to Mr. Pierce his Vindication of the Learned Grotius to which for further satisfaction I refer the Reader That preamble having led the way and may other businesses being ever I prepared my self unto that search to which I was so earnestly moved and so affectionately intreated My helps were few and weak which might sufficiently have deterred me from the undertaking But a good cause will help to carry on it self and truth will find the way to shine though darkned for a time with the clouds of Errour as the Sun breaking from an Eclips doth appear more glorious though a while obscured Delitere videtur sol non delitet as in the like case the Father hath it The five disputed points which in these last times are reproached by the name of Arminianism had more or less exercised the Church in all times and ages especially after the breaking out of the Pelagian Heresies where all the Niceties thereof were more thoroughly canvassed Neither the piety and sobriety of the Primitive times nor the authority of the Popes nor the commanding spirit of Luther nor the more powerful name of Calvin have prevailed so far but that the Church and every broken fragment of it hath sound some subdivision about these Debates So that it can be no great wonder if the Church of England be divided also on the same occasion or that a Deviation should be made from her publick rules as well as in all other Churches and all former times Which way the general vote had passed in the elder ages hath been abundantly set forth by John Gerrard Vossius in his Historia Pelagiana But be descended not so low as these latter times conceiving he had done enough in shewing to which of the contending parties the general current of the Fathers did most encline And if Tertullians rule be good that those opinions have most truth which have most antiquity id verum est quod primum as his own words are the truth must run most clearly in that part of the Controversie which hath least in it of the Zuinglian or Calvinian Doctrins And so far I shall follow his method or example rather in the pursuit of that design which I have before me For though it be my principal purpose to search into the Doctrine of the Church of England yet I shall preface my discourse by laying down the Judgment of the rest of the Western Churches before I come to that of our first Reformers By means whereof it may be seen what guides they followed or rather with what parties they concurred in judgment since in those times the Church was generally so distracted about these disputes that with the whole the aggregate body of believers there could be no agreement hoped for no compliance possible In the pursuance of this work I have exemplified so much of the Debates and Artifices in the Council of Trent as concerns these points and may be parallel'd with the like proceedings in the Synod of Dort I have consulted also the Confessions the Synodals and other publick Monuments and Records of the several parties and so many of the best and most approved Authors of this Church of England as either were within my power or could be advised with at a further distance One whole discourse I have transcribed about Free-will not obvious to the met withal in Shops or Libraries The like I have done also with one whole Homily though the book be easie to be found by those that seek it knowing full well how unwilling most Readers are to take more pains in turning over several books and examining all quotations which are brought before them than of necessity they must Nor have I purposely concealed or subducted any thing considerable which may seem to make for the advantage of the opposite party And have therefore brought in a discourse of the Martyrologist in favour of the Calvinian Doctrine I have also given a just account of the first breaking out of the Predestinarians in Queen Maries time and of the stirs in Cambridge in Queen Elizabeths not pretermitting such particulars as may be thought to make for them in the course of this Narrative even to the Articles of Ireland and the harsh expression of King James against Arminius And therefore I may say in the words of Curtius Plura equidem transcribo quam credo nec enim affirmare ausuge sum quae dubito nec subducere sustineo quae accepi I have related many things which I cannot approve though I have not let them pass without some censure that so I may impose nothing on the Readers belief without good grounds nor defraud him of any thing conducible to his information I was not to be
it stood till the year 1592. when Mr. William Perkins an eminent Divine of Cambridge published his Book called the Armilla Aurea c. containing such a Doctrine of Predestination as Beza had before delivered but cast into a more distinct and methodical Form With him as being a Foreiner both by birth and dwelling a Supralapsarian in Opinion and one who had no personal Relations amongst themselves it was thought fittest to begin to confute Calvins Doctrines in the person of Perkins as many times a Lion is said to be corrected by the well Cudgelling of a Dog without fear of danger And against him it was his order in delivering the Decree of Pedestination that Arminius first took up the Bucklers in his Book intituled Examen Pradestinationis Perkinsoniae which gave the first occasion to those Controversies which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians also of which more hereafter In the mean time let us behold the Doctrine of the ' Supralapsarians first broacht by Calvin maintained by almost all his followers and at last polished and lickt over by the said Mr. Perkins as it was charged upon the Contra Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague Anno 1610. in these following words viz. That God as some speak by an eternal and unchangeable Decree from amongst men Arcan Dog Aat Rom. p. 15. whom he considered as not created much less as faln ordained certain to eternal life certain to eternal death without any regard had to their righteousness or sin to their obedience or disobedience only because it was his pleasure or so it seemed good to him to the praise of his Justice and Mercy or as others like better to declare his saving Grace Wisdom and free Authority or Jurisdiction Many being also so ordained by his eternal and unchangeable decree fit for the execution of the same by the power or force whereof it is necessary that they be saved after a necessary and unavoidable manner who are ordained to Salvation so that 't is not possible that they should perish but they who are destined to destruction who are the far greater number must be damned necessarily and inevitably so that 't is not possible for them to be saved Which doctrine first makes God to be the Author of sin as both Piscator and Macarius and many other Supralapsarians as well as Perkins have positively and expresly affirmed him to be and then concludes him for a more unmerciful Tyrant than all that ever had been in the world were they joyned in one A more unmerciful Tyrant than the Roman Emperour who wished that all the people of Rome had but one Neck amongst them that he might cut it off at a blow he being such in voto only God alone in opere But this extremity being every day found the more indefensible by how much it had been more narrowly sifted and inquired into the more moderate and sobert sort of the Calvinians forsaking the Colours of their first Leaders betook themselves into the Camp of the rigid Lutherans and rather chose to joyn with the Dominican Fryers than to stand any longer to the dictates of their Master Calvin These passing by the name of Sublapsarians have given us such an order of Predestination as must and doth presuppose a fall and finds all man-kind generally in the Mass of Perdition The substance of whose doctrine both in this and the other Articles were thus drawn up by the Remonstrants in the Conference at the Hague before remembred 1. That God Almighty willing from eternity with himself to make a decree concerning the Election of some certain men but the rejection of others considered man-kind not only as created but also as faln and corrupted in Adam and Eve our first Parents and thereby deserving the Curse And that he decreed out of the fall and damnation to deliver and save some certain ones of his Grace to declare his Mercy But to leave others both young and old yea truly even certain Infants of men in Covenant and those INfants baptized and dying in their Infancy by his just Judgment in the Curse to declare his Justice and that without all consideration of Repentance and Faith in the former or of impenitence or unbelief in the latter For the execution of which decree God useth also such means whereby the Elect are necessarily and unavoidably saved but Reprobates necessarily and unavoidably perish 2. And therefore that Jesus Christ the Saviour of the World died not for all men but for those only who are elected either after the former or this latter manner he being the mean and ordained Mediator to save those only and not a man besides 3. Consequenty that the Spirit of God and of Christ doth work in those who are elected that way or this with such a force of Grace that they cannot resist it and so that it cannot be but that they must turn believe and thereupon necessarily be saved But that this irresistible grace and force belongs only to those so elected but not to Reprobates to whom not only the irresistible Grace is denied but also grace necessary and sufficient for Conversion for Faith and for Salvation is not afforded To which Conversion and Faith indeed they are called invited and freely sollicited outwardly by the revealed Will of God though notwithstanding the inward force necessary to Faith and Conversion is not bestowed on them according to the secret Will of God 4. But that so many as have once obtained a true and justifying Faith by such a kind of mesistible force can never totally nor finally lose it no not although they fall into the very most enormous sins but are so led and kept by the same irresistible force that 't is not possible for them or they cannot either totally or finally fall and perish And thus we have the doctrine of the Sublapsarian Calvinists as it stands gathered out of the Writings of particular men But because particular men may sometimes be mistaken in a publick doctrine and that the judgment of such men being collected by the hands of their Enemies may be unfaithfully related we will next look on the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort which is to be conceived to have delivered the Genuine sense of all the parties as being a Representative of all the Calvinian Churches of Europe except those of France some few Divines of England being added to them Of the calling and proceedings of this Synod we shall have occasion to speak further in the following Chapter A this time I shall only lay down the Results thereof in the five controverted Points as I find them abbreviated by Dan. Tilenus accordin gto the Heads before mentioned in summing up the doctrine of the Council of Trent Art 1. Of Divine Predestination That God by an absolute decree hath Elected to salvation a very small number of men without any regard to their Faith or obedience whatsoever Arcan Dogn Contr. Remon p. 23. and secluded from saving Grace all the
that is to say that we may will the things which are good and following or assisting that we do not will them to no purpose we are not able to do any thing in the works of Piety And by comparing the said Clause with St. Augustins words it cannot easily be discerned why the one party should be branded for the Enemies of the Grace of God while theo ther is honoured as the chief Patron and Defender of it It cannot be denied but that they ascribe somewhat more to the will of man than some of the rigid Lutherans and Calvinians do who will have a man drawn forcibly and irresistably with the cords of Grace velut inanimatum quiddam like a sensless stock without contributing any thing to his own salvation But then it must be granted also that they ascribe no more unto it than what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God according to that Divine saying of St. Augustine viz. Si non est gratia Dei quomodo salvat mundum Si non est liberum arbitrium quomodo judicat mundum Were it not for the Grace of God no man could be saved and were there not a freedom of will in man no man with justice could be condemned And as for the Reproachful words which King James is noted to have spoken of them it hath been said with all due reverence to the Majesty of so great a Prince that he was then transported with prejudice or particular Interesse and therefore that there lay an Appeal as once to Philip King of Macedon from the King being not then well informed to the same King whensoever he should be better informed Touching their proceedings it was observed 1. That he had his Education in the Kirk of Scotland where all the Heterodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospel and therefore could not so suddenly cast off those opinions which he suckt in as it were with his MOthers Milk 2. He was much governed at that time by Dr. Mountague then Bishop of Bath and Wells and Dean of his Majesties Chappel Royal who having been a great Stickler in the Predestinarian Controversies when he lived in Cambridg thought it his best way to beat down all such Opinions by Kingly Authority which he could not over-bear by the strength of Arguments And thirdly That K. James had then a turn to serve for the Prince of Orange of which more anon which turn being served and Mountague dying not long after his ears lay open to such further informations as were offered to him which drew him to a better liking both of the Men and then Opinions than he had formerly entertained of either of them It is objected secondly that these Doctrines symbolize so much with the Church of Rome that they serve only for a Bridg for Popery to pass over into any Church into which they can obtain admittance This Calamity first laid upon them in a Declaration of the States General against Barnevelt before remembred wherein they charge him with a design of confederating with the Spaniard to change the Religion of those Countreys and countenancing to that end the Arminian party as his fittest Instruments which clamor being first raised in Holland was afterwards much cherished and made use of by the Puritan or Calvinian party amongst us in England By one of which it is alledged Justificat of the Fathers c. that Mr. Pym being to make a report to the House of Commons Anno 1626. touching the Books of Richard Mountague after Bishop of Chichester affirmed expresly that the whole scope of his Book was to discourage the well-affected in Religion and as much as in him lay to reconcile them unto Popery He gives us secondly a Fragment of a scattered Paper pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuits colledg in Bruxels in which the Writer lets him know that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianism which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie Thirdly he backs this Paper with a Clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons 1628. where it is said that the hearts of hsi Majesties Subjects were perplexed in beholding the daily growth and spreading of the Faction of Arminanism that being as his Majesty well knew so they say at least but a cunning way to bring in Popery To all which being but the same words out of divers mouths it is answered first That the points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the old Protestants in England between the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Churches and finally between the rigid and moderate Lutherans in the upper Germany have been as fiercely agitated between the Franciscans and the Dominicans in the Church of Rome The old English Protestants the Remonstrants and the moderate Lutherans agreeing in these points with the Franciscans as the English Calvinists the Contra-Remonstrants and the rigid Lutherans do with the Dominicans So that there is a compliance on all sides with one of the said two differing parties in the Church of Rome And therefore why a general compliance in these points with the Fryers of S. Dominick the principal sticklers and promoters of that Inquisition should not be thought as a ready a way to bring in Popery as any such compliance with the Fryers of St. Francis he must be a very wise man indeed which can give the reason Secondly it is answered that the Melancthonian or moderate Lutherans which make up infinitely the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches agree in these points with the Jesuits or Franciscan Fryers and yet are still as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome as when they made the first separation from it And therefore thirdly that if Arminianism as they call it be so ready a Bridg for passing over to Popery it would be very well worth the knowing how and by what means it should come to pass that so few of the Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces and none of those whom they call Arminians in the Church of England should in so long a time pass over that Bridg notwithstanding all the provocations of want and scorn which were put upon the one and have been since multiplied upon the other In the next place it is observed that the Arminian Doctrines naturally incline a man to the sin of pride Justif of the Fathers c. p. 34. in attributing so much to the power of his own will and so little to the Grace of God in chusing both the means and working out of the end of his own salvation And for the proof hereof a passage is alledged out of the History of the Council of Trent that the first Opinion that is to say the Doctrine of Predestination according to the opinion of the Dominican Fryers as it is hidden and mystical keeping the mind humble and relying on God without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of Sin and
Ark of Gods Secret Counsels of which spirit I conceive this Frith to be not that I find him such in any of his Writings extant with the other two but that he is affirmed for such in a Letter of Tyndals directed to him under the borrowed name of Jacob For in the collection of his pieces neither the Index nor the Margent direct us unto any thing which concerns this Argument though to the Writtings of the others they give a clearer sense howsoever made then in favour of the Calvinian party than the Books themselves or possibly was ever meant by the men that made them Acts and Mon. fol. 987. Now Tyndals Letter is as followeth Dearly beloved Jacob my hearts desire in our Saviour Jesus is That you arm your self with patience and be hold sober wise and circumspect and that you keep you a low by the ground avoiding high questions that pass the common capacity but expound the Law truly and open the Rule of Moses to condemn all flesh and prove all men sinners and all deeds under the Law before mercy hath taken away the condemnation thereof to be sin and damnable And then as a faithful Minister set abroach the mercy of our Lord Jesus and let the wounded consciences drink of the water of life And then shall your preaching be with power not as the Doctrine of Hypocrites and the Spirit of God shall work with you and all consciences shall bear record unto you and feel that it is so And all Doctrine that casteth a mist on these two to shadow and hide them I mean the Law of God and mercy of Christ that resist you with all your power Of him it is or of such high Climers as he was â—roloe before the Epist unto the Rom. p. 48. who we find Tyndal speaking in another place But here saith he we must set a mark upon those unquiet busie and high-climing Wits how far they shall go which first of all bring hither their high Reasons and pregnant Wits and begin first from on high to search the bottomless secrets of Gods Predestination whether they be predestinated or no These must needs either cast themselves headlong down into Desperation or else commit themselves to free chance careless But follow thou the order of this Epistle and nuzzel thy self with Christ and learn to understand the Law and the Gospel-means and the office of both that thou mayst in the one know thy self and how thou hast of thy self no strength but to sin and in the other the grace of Christ and then see thou fight against sin and the flesh as the seven first Ghapters teach thee Of these high flyings Lambert another of our Martyrs was endicted also who as he would not plead Not guilty Acts and Mon. fol. 1008. so he stood not mute but bound to the Endictment in this manner following Vnto the Article saith he whether it be good or evil cometh of necessity that is as you construe it to wit whether a man hath Free-will so that he may deny joy or pain I say as I said at the beginning that unto the first part of your Riddle I neither can nor will give any desinitive answer for so much as it surmounteth any capacity trusting that God will send hereafter others that be of better cunning than I to incite it If there be any thing in this which may give any comfort to our rigid Calvinists much good do them with it and if they meet with any in the former passages let them look back upon the Answers before laid down and then consider with themselves what they have got by the adventure or whether Tyndal Barns and Frith conjunct or separate may be considered as a Rule to our first Reformers which having done I would have them finally observe the passage in the eighth of St. Mark where the blind man whom our Saviour at Bethsaida restored to his sight at the first opening of his eyes said he saw men as trees walking that is to say he saw men walking as trees quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video non homines sed arbores mihi videntur as we read in Maldionale By which the blind man declared saith he se quidem videre aliquid imperfecte tamen videre cum inter homines c arbores distinguere non posset I discern somewhat said the poor man but so imperfectly that I am not able to distinguish between trees and men Such an imperfect sight as this might these Martyrs have in giving unto men no greater power of walking in the ways of Gods Commandments than as if they had been sensless Trees or liveless shadows And such an imperfect sight as his the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness of Popish Errours who not being able to discern all divine Truth at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding were not to be a Rule or President to those that followed and lived under a brighter beam of illumination Finally taking all for granted as to the judgment of these men in the points disputed which the Calvinians can desire and pretend unto and letting them enjoy the Title which Mr. Fox hath given them of being called the Ring-leaders of the Church of Englanp which Bilney Byfield Lambert Garet or any other of our ancient Martyrs may as well lay claim to yet as they suffered death before the publick undertaking of the Reformation under E. 6. so nothing was ascribed to their Authority by the first Reformers CHAP. VIII Of the Preparatives to the Reformation and the Doctrine of the Church in the present points 1. The danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers but much to the Augustine Confession the writings of Melancthon 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus his Paraphrases being commanded to the use of the Church by King Edward VI. and the Reasons why 4. The Bishops Book in order to a Reformation called The Institution of a Christian man commanded by King Henry VIII 1537. corrected afterwards with the Kings own hand examined and allowed by Cranmer approved by Parliament and finally published by the name of Necessary doctrine c. An. 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two Books in the points disputed agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward the Sixth 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward VI. and the manner of them the testimony given unto the first and the alterations in the second 7. The first Book of Homilies by whom made approved by Bucer and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles with the Harmony or consent in Judgment between
say the Lord Protector and the rest of the Privy Council acting in his Name and by his Authority performed by Archbishop Cranmer and the other six before remembred assisted by Thirdby Bishop of Winchester Day Bishop of Chichester Ridley Bishop of Rochester Taylor then Dean after Bishop of Lincoln Redman then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Hains Dean of Exeter all men of great abilities in their several stations and finally confirmed by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in Parliament Assembled 23 Edw. VI. In which Confirmatory act it is said expresly to have been done by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost which testimony I find also of it in the Acts and Monuments fol 1184. But being disliked by Calvin who would needs be meddling in all matters which concerned Religion and disliked it chiefly for no other reason as appears in one of his Epistles to the Lord Protector but because it savoured too much of the ancient Forms it was brought under a review the cause of the reviewing of it being given out to be no other than that there had risen divers doubts in the Exercise of the said Book for the fashion and manner of the Ministration though risen rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers than of any other cause 5 6 Edw. 6. cap. 1. The review made by those who had first compiled it though Hobeach and Redman might be dead before the confirmation of it by Act of Parliament some of the New Bishops added to the former number and being reviewed was brought into the same form in which now it stands save that a clause was taken out of the Letany and a sentence added to the distribution of the blessed Sacrament in the first year of Queen Elizabeth and that some alteration was made in two or three of the Rubricks with an addition of Thanksgiving in the end of the Letany as also of a Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue in the first of King James At the same time and by the same hands which gave us the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. was the first Book of Homilles composed also in which I have some cause to think that Bishop Latimer was made use of amongst the rest as one who had subscribed the first other two books before mentioned as Bishop of Worcester Ann. 1537. and ever since continued zealous for a Reformation quitting in that respect such a wealthy Bishoprick because he neither would nor could conform his judgment to the Doctrine of the six Articles Authorized by Parliament For it will easily appear to any who is conversant in Latimers writings and will compare them carefully with the book of Homilies that they do not only savour of the same spirit in point of Doctrine but also of the same popular and familiar stile which that godly Martyr followed in the course of his preachings for though the making of these Homilies be commonly ascribed and in particular by Mr. Fox to Archbishop Cranmer yet it is to be understood no otherwise of him thad than it was chiefly done by encouragement and direction not sparing his own hand to advance the work as his great occasions did permit That they were made at the same time with King Edwards first Liturgy will appear as clearly first by the Rubrick in the same Liturgy it self in which it is directed Let. of Mr. Bucer to the Church of England that after the Creed shall follow the Sermon or Homily or some portion of one of them as they shall be hereafter divided It appears secondly by a Letter writ by Martin Bucer inscribed To the holy Church of England and the Ministers of the same in the year 1549. in the very beginning whereof he lets them know That their Sermons or Homilies were come to his hands wherein they godlily and effectually exhort their people to the reading of Holy Scripture that being the scope and substance of the first Homily which occurs in that book and therein expounded the sense of the faith whereby we hold our Christianity and Justification whereupon all our help censisteth and other most holy principles of our Religion with most godly zeal And as it is reported of the Earl of Gondomar Ambassador to King James from the King of Spain that having seen the elegant disposition of the Rooms and Offices in Burleigh House not far from Stanford erected by Sir William Cecil principal Secretary of State and Lord Treasurer to Queen Elizabeth he very pleasantly affirmed That he was able to discern the excellent judgment of the great Statesman by the neat contrivance of his house So we may say of those who composed this book in reference to the points disputed A man may easily discern of what judgment they were in the Doctrine of Predestination by the method which they have observed in the course of these Homilies Beginning first with a discourse of the misery of man in the state of nature proceeding next to that of the salvation of man-kind by Christ our Saviour only from sin and death everlasting from thence to a Declaration of a true lively and Christian saith and after that of good works annexed unto faith by which our Justification and Salvation are to be obtained and in the end descending unto the Homily bearing this inscription How dangerous a thing it is to fall from God Which Homilies in the same form and order in which they stand were first authorized by King Edward VI. afterwards tacitly approved in the Rubrick of the first Liturgy before remembred by Act of Parliament and finally confirmed and ratified in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy of the Convocation Anno 1552. and legally confirmed by the said King Edward Such were the hands and such the helps which co-operated to the making of the two Liturgies and this book of Homilies but to the making of the Articles of Religion there was necessary the concurrence of the Bishops and Clergy Assembled in Convocation in due form of Law amongst which there were many of those which had subscribed to the Bishops book Anno 1537. and most of those who had been formerly advised with in the reviewing of the book by the Commandment of King Henry VIII 1543. To which were added amongst others Dr. John Point Bishop of Winchester an excellent Grecian well studied with the ancient Fathers and one of the ablest Mathematicians which those times produced Dr. Miles Coverdale Bishop of Exon who had spent much of his time in the Lutheran Churches amongst whom he received the degree of Doctor Mr. John Story Bishop of Rochester Ridley being then preferred to the See of London from thence removed to Chichester and in the end by Queen Elizabeth to the Church of Hereford Mr. Rob. Farran Bishop of St. Davids and Martyr a man much favoured by the Lord Protector Sommerset in the time of his greatness and finally not to descend to those of the lower
trust them with a power to meddle with matters of Religion this Convocation being holden the sixth year of his Reign when Gardiner Bâ—nner Day and Tunstall and others of the stiffest Romanists were put out of their places most of the Episcopal Sees and Parochial Churches being filled with men according unto his desires and generally conformable to the Forms of Worship here by Law established Thirdly the Church of England for the first five years of Queen Elizabeth retained these Articles and no other as the publick tendries of the Church in point of Doctrine which certainly she had not done had it been recommended to her by a less Authority than a Convocation lawfully assembled and confirmed And fourthly that it is true that the Records of Convocation during this King and the first years of Queen Mary are very defective and imperfect most of them lost amongst others those of this present year And yet one may conclude as strongly that my Mother died Childless because my Christening is not to be found in the Parish Register as that the Convocation of this year was barren because the Acts and Articles of it were not entred in the Journal Book To salve this sore it is conceived by the Objector that the Bishops and Clergy had passed over their power to some select Divines appointed by the Kings in which sense they may be said to have made these Articles themselves by their delegates to whom they had deputed their Authority the case not being so clear Id. Ib. but that it occasioned a Cavil at the next Convocation the first of Queen Mary when the Papists therein assembled renounced the legality of any such former transactions And unto this it shall be answered That no such defect of legality as was here pretended was charged against the book of Articles it self but only against a Catechism which was bound up with it countenanced by the Kings Letters Patents prefix'd before it approved by many Bishops and learned men and generally voiced to be another of the products of this Convocation And therefore for so much as concerns this Catechism it was replyed by Mr. John Philpot Archdeacon of Winchester who had been a member in the former and was now a member of the Convocation in the first of Queen Mary That he thought they were deceived in the Title of it Acts and Monum fo 1282. in that it owned the Title of the last Synod of London many which were then present not being made privy to the making or publishing of it He added That the said former Convocation had granted the Authority of making excellent Laws unto certain persons to be appointed by the Kings Majesty so as whatsoever Ecclesiastical Laws they or the most part of them did set forth according to a Statute in that behalf provided might be well said to be done in the Synod of London though such as were of the house had no notice thereof before the promulgation And thereupon he did infer That the setters forth of the Catechism did not slander the House as they went about to persuade the World since they had the Authority of the Synod unto them committed to make such Spiritual Laws as they thought convenient and necessary for the good of the Church In which Discourse we may observe that there was not one word which reflects on the Book of Articles all of it being made in reference to the Catechism before remembred though if the Objection had been made as indeed it was not against the Articles themselves the defence of that learned man and godly Martyr would have served as fully for the one as it did for the other But whatsoever may be said in derogation to the Authority of the Book of Articles as it was published in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno Dom. 1552. certain I am that nothing can be said unto â—â—e contrary but that they were received and the far greater part of them agreed upon in full Convocation Anno 1562. And therefore for avoiding of all Disputes I am resolved to take them in this last capacity as they were ratified by Queen Elizabeth Anno 1563. confirmed by King James An. 1604. and finally established by the late King Charles with his Majesties Royal Declaration prefixt before them Anno 1628. Less doubt there is concerning the intent of this Convocation in drawing up the Articles in so loose a manner that men of different judgments might accommodate them to their own Opinions which I find both observed and commended in them by the former Author by whom we are informed that the Articles of the English Protestant Church Chur. Hist lib. 9. fol. 72. in the infancy thereof were drawn up in general terms foreseeing that posterity would grow up to fill the same meaning that these holy men did prudently discover that differences in judgment would unavoidably happen in the Church and were loth to unchurch any and drive them off from any Ecclesiastical communion for petty differences which made them pen the Articles in comprehensive words to take in all who differing in the branches meet in the root of the same Religion This hath been formerly observed to have been the artifice of those who had the managing of the Council of Trent and is affirmed to have been used by such men also as had the drawing up of the Canons at the Synod of Dort But the Composers of the Articles of the Church of England had not so little in them of the Dove or so much of the Serpent as to make the Articles of the Church like an upright shoe which may be worn on either foot or like to Theramenes shoe as the Adage hath it fit for the foot of every man that was pleased to wear it and therefore we may say of our first Reformers in reference to the present Book of Articles as was affirmed of them by Dr. Brancroft then Bishop of London in relation to the Rubrick in private Baptism that is to say that those reverend and learned men intended not to deceive any by ambiguous terms for which see Conf. at Hampton Court Confer p. 15. And to this supposition or imagination it is also answered That the first Reformers did not so compose the Articles as to leave any liberty to diffenting judgments as the said Author would fain have it in some words preceding but did not bind men to the literal and Grammatical sense they had not otherwise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam Opiniorum Dissentionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles as they list themselves For where there is a purpose of permitting men to their own Opinions there is no need of definitions and
determinations in a National Church no more than is of making Laws to bind the Subjects in an unsetled Commonwealth with an intent to leave them in their former liberty either of keeping or not keeping them as themselves best pleased Which said we shall enquire into the meaning of the Articles as before laid down whether they speak in favour of the Melancthonian or Calvinian way so far forth as the meaning of them can be gathered from the publick Liturgy and book of Homilies or from the Writings of those men who either had a hand in the making of them or died in the Religion here by Law established CHAP. IX Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles the Homilies the publick Liturgies and the Writings of some of the Reformers 1. The Articles indifferently understood by the Calvinian party and the true English Protestants with the best way to find out the true sense thereof 2. The definition of Predestination and the most considerable points contained in it 3. The meaning of those words in the Definition viz. whom he hath chosen in Christ according to the Exposition of St. Ambrose St. Chrysostom St. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and the Book of Homilies 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer as a means to Licentiousness and carnal living 5. For which and making God to be the Author of sin condemned as much by Bishop Hooper 6. Our Election to be found in Christ not sought for in Gods secret Counsels according to 〈◊〉 judgment of Bishop Latimer 7. The way to find out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop and by Bishop Hooper with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies 8. The Doctrine of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute personal and irrespective Decree of Predestination in the publick Liturgy 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgy as seem to favour that Opinion as also touching the number of Gods Elect. THUS have we seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five controverted Points according as it is delivered in the Book of Articles but in what sense we ought to understand it hath been made a Question Some take the Articles in the Literal and Grammatical sense which is the fairest and most approved way of Interpretation according to the saying of an ancient Writer Declar. before the Art 1628. That if the Literal sense of holy Scripture will stand with the Analogy of Faith and Piety it is to be preferred before any other Others they are of which his late Majesty complained who draw the Articles aside and put their own sense or Comment to be the meaning of the Articles fashioning them to their own fancies as they please themselves Each of the parties in those curious points in which the present differences do most consist conceive the Articles of the Church to speak for them exclusive wholly of the other but with a notable difference in the Application The Calvinists Our Divines commonly called Calvinists Yates in Ap Caesar cap. 5. p. 38. by which name they love to be called endeavour to captivate the sense of the Article and bring it to the bent of their own understanding but the true English Protestants whom for distinction sake we may call Confessionists accommodate though they do not captivate their own sense to the sense of the Church according to the plain and full meaning of the Articles in the points disputed But because possibly both parties may not be agreed on a Rule or Medium by which the proper sense and meaning of the Articles may be best discovered it will not be amiss to follow the directions of the Civil Laws in cases of like doubtful nature which is briefly this viz. Si de interpretatione Legis quaeritur imprimis inspiciendum est quo jure Civitas retro in hujusmodi casibus usa fuit And this we shall the better do if we enquire into the Doctrine of those Learned Religious and Godly men who either had a principal hand in the Reformation or were most conversant with them and beloved of them in their several stations taking along with us the Authority of the Homilies and publick Liturgy to which all parties have subscribed In order whereunto it will first be necessary to lay down the definition of Predestination as before we had it in the Article to sum up the particular points and contents thereof to shew the sense of one phrase in it and then to travel more exactly in this Enquiry whether the method of Predestination illustrated by the story of Agilmond and Amistus Kings of Lombardy cap. 7. num 4. agree not more hamoniously with the true sense and meaning of the Church of England than any other whatsoever First then Predestination unto life is defined in the seventeenth Article to be the everlasting purpose of God whereby and before the foundations of the World were laid he hath constantly decreed by his Council secret unto us to deliver from damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind and to bring them by Christ unto everlasting salvation In which definition there are these things to be observed First That Predestination doth presuppose a curse or state of damnation in which all mankind was represented to the sight of God which plainly crosseth the Opinion of the Supra-Lapfarians the Supra-Creaturians or Credibilitarians as some call them now Secondly That it is an act of his from Everlasting because from Everlasting he foresaw into what misery wretched man would fall by the abuse of that liberty in which first he stood Thirdly That he founded it and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus both for the purpose and performance which crosseth as directly with the Sublapsatians who place the absolute decree of Predestination to life and of Reprobation unto death both of body and soul before the decree or consideration of sending his only beloved Son Jesus Christ into the World to be the common Propitiation for the sins of men Fourthly That it was of some special ones alone Elect called forth and reserved in Christ and not generally extended unto all mankind a General Election as they say being no Election Fifthly That being thus elected in Christ they shall be brought by Christ but not without their own consent and cooperation to everlasting salvation And finally That this Council is secret unto us for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signs of our Election and Predestination unto life yet the certainty thereof is a secret hidden in God and in this life unknown to us For who hath known the mind of the Lord or hath been his Counsellour or of his Secret Council saith the great Apostle Such is the definition of Predestination and the substance of it in which there is
world The like saith Bishop Hooper also telling us Pref. to his Exposition There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile that it was never forbid but that all sorts of people and every propeny of the World to be made partakers of the Jews Religion And then again in the example of the Ninevites Thou hast saith he good Christian Reader the mercy of God and general promise of salvation performed in Christ for whose sake only God and man were set at one The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points the more we shall receive in this touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike Concerning which he lets us know That to the obtaining the first end of his justice he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked and may be helped Ibid. partly with threatnings and partly with promises and so provoketh them unto amendment of life c. and would have all men to be saved therefore provoketh now by fair means now by foul that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent or his threatnings unto him that doth repent but these means he useth to save his creature this way useth he to nurture us until such time as the holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us that we will obey him though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all And in another place more briefly That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin and transform our selves into the image of the Devil then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. Bishop Latimer to the same point also His salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the World as concerning it self but as concerning us he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him and as many as believe in him shall be saved the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting damnation not for lack of salvation but for infidelity and lack of faith which is the only cause of their damnation One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude this point which in fine is this To the Objection saith he touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine c. this the Scripture answereth that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world and comprehendeth them all howbeit within certain limits and bounds the which if men neglect to pass over they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and mans co-operation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and Book of Homilies 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper 5. The necessity of Grace preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publick Liturgy 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books And 10. The Book of Homilies THIS leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace and the co-operation of mans will with those Heavenly influences in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism to ascribe too much to mans Free-will or so much to it at the least as by the right use of the powers of nature might merit grace ex congruo as the School-men phrase it of the hands of God Against this it was that Dr. Barnes declared as before was said in his discourse about Free-will and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article His works p. 821. affirming That such works as are done before the grace of Christ and the inspiration of his Spirit do not make men meet to receive grace or as the School-men say deserve grace of Congruity Against which Tyndal gives this note That Free-will preventeth not Grace which certainly he had never done if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome and against which it was declared by John Lambert another of our ancient Martyrs in these following words viz. Concerning Free-will saith he I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God but are subject unto sin Acts and Mn. fol. 1009. and thrals of the same conclusi sub peccato or as witnesseth S. Paul But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same some more some less But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion than Dr. Barnes before remembred not touching only on the by Collection of his works by I. D. sol 266. but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours of that time in this very point But here saith he we will search what strength is of man in his natural power without the Spirit of God to will or do those things that be acceptable before God unto the fulfilling of the will of God c. A search which had been vain and needless if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters by mans natural power without the workings of the Spirit And therefore he saith very truly That man can do nothing by his Free-will as Christ teacheth for without me ye can do nothing c. where it is opened that Free-will without Grace can do nothing he speak not of eating and drinking though they be works of Grace but nothing that is fruitful that is meritorious that is worthy of thanks that is acceptable before God To which effect we also find these brief Remembrances Mans Free-will without Gods Grace can do nothing that is good p. 268. that all which
Free-will can do without Grace is but sin c. fol 269. In which passages of those godly Martyrs as there is nothing in it self not Divine and Orthodox so find we somewhat in their writings which doth as truly and Religiously express the workings of Gods Spirit in the heart of man without depriving him of the ability of co-operation which afterwards was taught and countenanced by the Church of England Of which thus Tyndal in his Path-way Collection of his works sol 382. When the Evangelion is preached saith he the Spirit of God entreth into them whom God hath ordained and appointed to Everlasting life and openeth their inward eyes and worketh such a belief in them when the woful Consciences feel and taste how sweet a thing the bitter death of Christ is and how merciful and loving God is through Christs Purchasing and Merits so that they begin to love again and consent to the Law of God how that it is good and ought so to be and that God is righteous that made it and desire to fulfil the Law as a sick man desireth to be whole According to which Doctrine 19. Sund. after Trin. the Church hath taught us to pray thus viz. O God forasmuch as without thee we are not able to please thee grant that that working of the Spirit may in all things direct and rule our hearts through Christ our Lord Amen More of which Prayers might be produced to the same effect were not this enough the point concerning the necessity of Gods grace towards mans Conversion not being in Dispute between the Parties Now for Gods Grace according as it is set forth in the Church of England we shall consider it in the general offer and extent the efficacious workings of it and the concurrence of mans will in the beginning and accomplishment of his own Conversion And first as to the general offer of the Grace of God we find Bishop Hooper thus discoursing in the sixth Chapter of his Exposition of the Ten Commandments Thus did S. Paul saith he convince the Gentiles of sin because they knew the evil they did was condemned by the testimony of their own Conscience for the Law of God to do well by is naturally written in the heart of every man He that will diligently search himself Exposi cap. 6. shall sometime find the same and in case man should behold his own misery both in body and soul although there were no Law correcting nor no Heavens over our heads to testifie the justice and judgment of God and the equity of an honest life mans Conscience would tell him when he doth well and when he doth evil Further saith he the judgment and discovery of Reason directs not only to live just in this World but also to live for ever in Eternal felicity without end And that cometh by the similitude of God which remaineth in the soul since the sin of Adam whereby we plainly see that those excuses of ignorance be damnable when man sees that he could do well if he followed the judgment of his own Conscience Our Articles indeed say nothing to this particular but our Liturgy doth and somewhat is found also of it in the Book of Homilies For what can be more clear and full than that clause in the Collect where it is said if God Almighty That he sheweth to all men being in errour the light of his truth to the intent they may return to the way of righteousness c. What more comfortable to a man deprived of the outward benefit of the Word and Sacraments than that clause in the Homily where it is said Exhortation to Holy Scripture Hom. p. 5. That if we lack a Learned man to instruct and teach us God himself from above will give light unto our minds and teach us those things which are necessary for us If then it be demanded How it comes to pass that this general Overture of Grace becomes so little efficacious in the hearts of men we shall find Bishop Hooper ascribing it in some men to the lack of faith and in others to the want of repentance Touching the first Pres to the Expost of the Law he tells us this That S. Paul concludes and in a manner includeth the Divine Grace and Promise of God within certain terms and limits that only Christ should be profitable and efficacious to those that apprehend and receive this abundant Grace by faith and to such as have not the use of faith neither Christ nor Gods Grace to appertain After which he proceedeth in this manner toward the other sort of men which make not a right use of this general Grace for want of Repentance d. ib. Howbeit saith he that we know by the Scripture that notwithstanding this imperfection of faith many shall be saved and likewise notwithstanding that Gods promise be general unto all people of the world yet many shall be damned These two points must therefore diligently be discussed first how this faith being unperfect is accepted of God then how we be excluded from the promise of grace that extendeth to all men c. To which first it is thus answered That S. Paul S. John and Christ himself damneth the contemners of God or such as willingly continue in sin and will not repent these the Scripture excludeth from the general promise of Grace Here then we have the Doctrine of the Church of England delivered in the Liturgy and the Book of Homilies more punctually pressed and applied in the words of godly Bishop Hooper concerning Universal Grace and somewhat also of the reasons of its not being efficacious in all sorts of men relating to that liberty which remains in man of closing or contending with it as he is either ruled by reason or else misguided by the tyranny of his lusts and passions But before I come unto this point we may behold the necessary workings of Gods Grace preventing man by the inspirations of his holy Spirit and the concurrence or co-operation of mans will being so prevented which is the Celestial influences of the Grace of God Of which the Church hath spoken so fully in all the Authentick Monuments and Records thereof that no true English Protestant can make question of it Artic. 10. For thus she tells us in the tenth Article of her Confession viz. That the condition of man after the fall of Adam is such that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own natural strength and good works to faith and calling upon God Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable unto God without the Grace of God by Christ preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will In the first clause the Church declares her self against the old Pelagians and some of the great School-men in the Church of Rome and in the last against the Manichees and some of the more rigid Lutherans in the
to say to receive the grace offered consent to the promise and not to impugn the God that calleth More fully but to the same purpose also speaks Bishop Latimer Gods salvation saith he is sufficient to save all man-kind But we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same Serm. on Septu fol. 214. and we will not take it when 't is offered unto us and therefore he saith pauci vero electi few are chosen that is few have pleasure and delight in it for the most part are weary of it cannot abide it and there are some that hear it but they will abide no danger for it And in few lines after thus Such men are cause of their own damnation for God would have them saved but they refuse it like Judas the Traytor whom Christ would have had to be saved but he refused his salvation he refused to follow the Doctrine of his Master Christ The like occurs in another place of the same Sermon where we find That seeing the preaching of the Gospel is universal it appeareth that God would have all man-kind saved and that the fault is not in him if they be damned For thus it is written Deus vult omnes homines falvos fieri God would have all men to be saved but we are so wicked of our selves that we refuse the same and will not take notice of it when 't is offered And here for strength and confirmation unto all the rest we are to know that these two godly Martyrs have delivered no other Doctrine than what is positively expressed or may be rationally inferred both from the tenth Article of King Edwards book and the book of Homilies And first for the tenth Article of King Edwards book it is this that followeth viz. Gratia Christi sive Spiritus Sanctus qui per eundem datur cor lapideum aufert dat cor carneum Atque licet ex nolentibus quae recta sunt volentes faciat ex volentibus prava nolentes reddat Voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert nemo hac de causa cum peccaverit ut eam ob causam accusari nonmereatur aut damnari That is to say The Grace of Christ or the Holy Ghost which is given by him doth take from man the heart of stone and giveth him a heart of flesh And though it rendreth us willing to do those goed worke which before we were unwilling to do and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man so that no man when he hath sinned can excuse himself as if he had sinned against his will or upon constraint and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account The composition of which Article doth most clearly shew that our first Reformers did as little countenance that Doctrine of the Irresistibility of Gods grace in its workings on the will of man which the Calvinians now contend for as they did the Dreams and Dotages of some zuinglian Gospellers into whose writings if we look we shall easily find that Gods divine Predestination is by them made the cause of sin by which men are necessitated and compelled to those acts of wickedness which they so frequently commit By the vertue of Gods will saith one all things are done yea even those things which are evil and excerable By Gods Predestination saith another we are compelled to do those things for which we are damned as will appear more fully in the sixtecnth Chapter when the extravagancies of the Predestinarians come to be considered And it is probable enough that to encounter with these monstrous Paradoxes of the Zuinglian Gospellers this Article was first composed in which Provision seems to have been made against all those who taught that men sinned against their wills or upon constraint or that men might excuse themselves from the blame thereof upon that consideration If any of the Calvinian factions can find any thing in this Article against Arminianism as they call it or in defence of the determining of the will by converting grace or the consistency of the freedom or liberty of the will much good may it do them But then they should think themselves obliged to give a better reason than I think they can why this article is not to be found in the Book as now it is Printed Either this Article was not made in favour of Calvinism when it was published with the rest in King Edwards time or the Reformers of the Church under Queen Elizabeth were no friends to Calvinism in cansing it to be left out in the second Book Anno 1562. to which subscription is required by the Laws of the Land Proceed we next unto the book of Homilies in the one of which we find this passage Hom. of the Mis of Man p. 10. that few of the proud learned wise perfect and holy Pharisees was saved by Christ because they justified themselves by their counterfeit holiness before men And in another thus But the corrupt inclination of man was so much given to follow his own fancies and as you would say to favour his own bird Hom. of good works p. 33. that he worships himself that all the admonitions exhortations benefits and the precepts of God could not keep him from their intention More clearly and expresly in another place where after the recitation of some pious duties by God commended to the Jews the Homily proceeds in this manner following But these things they passed not of they turned their backs and went their way they stopped their ears that they might not hear 1. p. of the Ser. of felling from God p. 53. and they hardned their hearts as an Adamant stone that they might not listen to the Law and the words that the Lord had sent through his holy Spirit Wherefore the Lord shewed his great indignation upon them It came to pass saith the Prophet even as I told them and they would not hear so when they cried they were not heard but were scattered into all Kingdoms which they never knew and their Land was made desolate And to be short all they that may not abide the Word of God but following the persuasions and stubbornness of their own hearts go backward and not forward as is said in Jeremy they go and turn away from God Nor is this spoken only of such a temporary resistance as may be overcome at last by the unconquerable power of the Spirit of God but even of such an obstinate and perverse resistance as in the end will lead the way to a final Apostacy an unrecoverable forsaking of God and being as irrecoverably forsaken by him Of which we shall speak more at large in the fifth and last Article concerning the uncertainty of perseverance CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Freewill agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation Anno 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to
the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine 2. The Article of Freewil in all the powers and workings of it agreed on by the Prelates and Clergy of that Convocation agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergy in that Convocation 4. The Article of Freewil approved by King Henry the eighth and Archbishop Cranmer 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of the Article to the present established Doctrine in the Church of Rome BUT First I am to take in my way another evidence which though it hath not so directly the forced of Law to bind us to consent unto it and perhaps may not be considered amongst the Monuments and Records of the Reformation yet it speaks plainly the full sense of our first Reformers I speak this of a pithy but short Discourse touching the nature of Freewil contained amongst some others in the Book published by the Authority of King Henry the cighth in the year 1543. entituled A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for all Christian men Concerning which as we have spoken at large already in Ch. 8. of this Work so now we must add something touching this particular of which there was no notice taken in the Bishops book For when the Bishops Book which had been printed in the year 1537. under the Title of An Institution for a Christian man had for some time continued without alteration it was brought under the review of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in their Convocation An. 1543. and having been reviewed in all the parts and members of it a particular Treatise touching the nature of Freewil which in those times had exercised the greatest wits Of which I find this Memorandum in the Acts of the Convocation that is to say Art of Confes 1543. Aprill ult That on Monday being the last of April Lecto publice exposito Articulo Liberi Arbitrii in vulgari c. The Article of Freewil being read and publickly expounded in the English Tongue the most Reverend Archbishops delivered it into the hands of the Prolocutor to the end that he should publish it before the Clerks of the lower House of Convocation as is accustomed in such cases Quo lecto per eos approbato which being read and approved by them it was returned with the residue to the upper House of Convocation with this Approbation Quod pro Catholicis Religiosis acceperunt necnon gratias ingentes patribus egerunt quod tantos labores sudores vigilias Religionis Reipublicae causa unitatis gratia subierant that is to say that they embraced them all for sound and Orthodox rendring unto the Fathers their most humble thanks for the great care and pains which they had undertaken for the good of the Church and Commonwealth and the preserving of peace and unity among the people Which passage I have at large laid down to shew by whose hands and by what Authority as well the Book it self which we have spoken of before as this particular Treatise in it was at first fashioned and set forth And that being said I shall first present the Treatise or Discourse it self and after Answer such Objections as either prejudice or partiality may devise against it Now the article followeth in haec verba The Article of Freewill The Commandments and threatnings of Almighty God in Scripture whereby man is called upon and put in remembrance what God would have him to do Rom. 12. 1 Tim. 4. 1 John 2. Matth. 19. most evidently do express and declare that man hath Freewil also now after the fall of our first Father Adam as plainly appeareth in these places following Be not overcome of evil neglect not the grace that is in thee Love not the World c. If thou wilt enter into life keep the Commandments Which undoubtedly should be said in vain unless there were some faculty or power left in man whereby he may by the help and grace of God if he will receive it when it is offered him understand his Commandments and freely consent unto and obey them which thing of the Catholick Fathers is called Freewill which if we will describe we may call it conveniently in all men A certain power of the Will joyned with Reason whereby a reasonable creature without constraint in things of Reason discerneth and willeth good and evil but it willeth not the good which is acceptable to God except it be holpen with Grace but that which is ill it willeth of it self And therefore other men define Freewill in this wise Freewill is a power and Reason of Will by which good is chosen by the assistance of Grace as evil is chosen without the assistance of the same Howbeit the state and condition of Freewill was otherwise in our first Parents before they sinned than it was either in them or their Posterity after they had sinned For our first Parents Adam and Eve until they wounded and overthrew themselves by sin had so in possession the said power of Freewill by the most liberal gift and grace of God their Maker that noe only they might eschew all manner of sin but also know God and love him and fulfil all things appertaining to their felicity and welfare For they were made righteous and to the image and similitude of God 1. 〈◊〉 16. having power of Freewill as Chrysostom saith to obey or disobey so that by obedience they might live and by disobedience they should worthily deserve to die A For the wise man affirmeth of them that the state of them was of this sort in the beginning saying thus God in the beginning did create man and left him in the hands of his own counsel he gave unto him his Precepts and Commandments saying If thou wilt keep these Commandments they shall preserve thee He hath set before thee fire and water put forth thy hands to whether thou wilt before man is life and death good and evil what him listeth that shall he have From this must happy estate our first Parents falling by disobedience most grievously hurted themselves and their posterity for besides many other evils that came by that transgression the high power of mans Reason and Freedom of will were wounded and corrupted and all men thereby brought into such blindness and infirmity that they cannot eschew sin except they be made free and illuminated by an especial grace that is to say by a supernatural help and working of the holy Ghost which although the goodness of God offers to all men yet they only enjoy it which by their Freewill do accept and embrace the same Nor they also that be holpen by the said grace can accomplish and perform things that be for their wealth but with much labour and endeavour So great is in our Nature the corruption of the first sin and the heavy burden hearing us down to evil For truly
know withal which that Author doth not that he did truly die and was truly buried ut iratum humano generi Patrem suavissimo sacrificio placaret that by so sweet a Sacrifice he might reconcile his angry and offended Father unto all Man-kind 3. In the third place by asking this question viz. Whether the Spirit alone and Faith sleep we never so securely or stand we never so wreckless or slothful work all things for us as without any help of our own to carry us to Heaven He plainly sheweth first that some me there were who did so conceive it but that they were to be condemned for conceiving so of it And secondly that all men were to lend a helping hand toward their salvation not only by laying hold on Christ with the hand of faith but in being fruitful of good works without which faith is neither to be reckoned true and lively or animated by the Holy Ghost 4. He telleth us finally that the Chuch is the company of them that are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost by whom she is guided and governed And yet it cannot but be feared that many of those who are called to eternal life by the Holy Ghost and chearfully for a time obey the calling and live continually within the pale of the Church which is guided by the most bllessed Spirit do fall away from God and the grace received and thereby bring themselves into a state of damnation from which they never do recover by sincere repentance As little comfort can be drawn from that Argument by which they hope to make the Articles in these points to speak no otherwise than according to the sense of Martin Bucer Godw. Annal. in Edw. 6. and Peter Martyr by whose Disciples and Auditors they are alledged to have been composed or at the least by such as held consent with them in Doctrine but unto this it hath been answered that our first reformers were Arch-Bishops Deans and Arch-Deacons most of them too old to be ut to School again to either of them Secondly the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. which was the Key to the whole work was finished confirmed and put in execution before either of them were brought over dispatcht soon after their arrival to their several chairs Martyr to the Divinity Lecture in Oxon and Bucer unto that of Cambridge where he lived not long And dying so quickly as he did Luctu Academiae as my Author hath it though he had many Auditors there yet could he not gain many Disciples in so short a time Thirdly that though Peter Martyr lived to see the Death of King Edward and consequently the end of the Convocation Ann. 1552. in which the Articles of Religion were first composed and agreed on yet there was little use made of him in advising and much less in directing any thing which concerned that business for being a stranger and but one and such an one who had no Authority in Church or State he could not be considered as a Master-builder though some use might be made of him as a labourer to advance the work And fourthly as to their consent in point of doctrine it must be granted in such things and in such things only in which hey joyn together against the Papists not in such points wherein those Learned men agreed not between themselves and therefore could be no foundation of consent in others For they who have consulted the Lives and Writings of these Learned men have generally observed that Bucer having spent the most part of his time in the Lutheran Churches was more agreeable to the doctrines which were there maintained as Martyr who was most conversant amongst the Suitzers shewed himself more inclinable to the Zuinglian or Calvinian Tenants And it is generally observed also that Bucer was a man of moderate counsel and for that received a check from Calvin at his first coming hither putting him in remembrance of his old fault for a fault he thought it Mediis consiliis Autorem esse vel approbatorem of being an Author or an approver of such moderate courses as the hot and fiery temper of the Calvinists could by no means like And governing himself with such moderation he well approved of the first Liturgy translated into Latine by Alexander Alesius a learned Scot that he might be the better able to understand the composure of it and pass his judgment on the same accordingly And yet it cannot bedenied but that there are many passages in the first Liturgy which tend directly to the maintenance of universal Redemption by the death of Christ of the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God and finally of the possibility of falling from that grace and other the benefits and fruits thereof before received In which last point it is affirmed that he amongst some others of the Protestant Doctors assented to the Doctrine of the Church of Rome at the Dyet at Ratisbone And it is more than probable that Peter Martyr was not Peter Martyr I mean that he was not the same man as the Zuinglian and Calvinian Doctrine is and his espousing the same being here as he was after his departure when he had spent some further time amongst the Suitzers and was thereby grown a nearer neighbour unto Calvin than he was in England For whereas his book of Common-Places Anti-arm p. 79.83 94 102 103 108 c. and his Commentary to St. Pauls Epistle to the Romans are most insisted on for the proof of his Calvinism it appears plainly by his Epistle to Sir Anthony Coke that the last was not published till the year 1558. which was more than five years after his leaving of this Kingdom And as for his book of Common-Places although it was Printed first at London yet it received afterwards two impressions more the one at Zurick and the other at Basil before the last Edition of it by Massonius after his decease Ann. 1576. By which Edition being that which is in Oxon Library and probably remaining only in the hands of Students or in the private Libraries of Colleges it will be hard if not impossible to judge of his opinion in these points when he lived in England And now Iam fallen amongst these strangers it will not be amiss to consult the Paraphrases of Erasmus in the English tongue Vide Chap. 8. Sect. 3. Chap. 17. Sect. 4. which certainly had never been commended to the reading both of Priest and People as well by the injunctions of Queen Eliz. as K. Edw. VI. if they had contained in them any other Doctrine than what is consonant to the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy of this Church Paraph. Erasm fol. 434. Now in his Paraphrase on the third Chapter of St. John v. 16. we shall find it thus Who saith he would have believed the charity of God to have been so great towards the world being rebellious against him and guilty of so many great faults
Papist nor Pelagian 3. The common practices of the Calvinists to defame their Adversaries the name of Freewill-men to whom given why 4. The Doctrine of John Knox in restraining all mens actions either good or evil to the determinate Will and Counsel of God 5. The like affirmed by the Author of the Table of Predestination in whom and the Genevian Notes we find Christ to be excluded from being the foundation of mans Election and made to be an inferiour cause of salvation only 6. God made to be the Author of sin by the Author of a Pamphlet entituled against a Privy Papist and his secret Counsels called in for the proof thereof both by him and Knox with the mischiefs which ensued upon it 7. The Doctrine of Robert Crowly imputing all mens sins to Predestination his silly defences for the same made good by a distinction of John Verons and the weakness of that distinction shewed by Campneys 8. The Errours of the former Authors opposed by Campneys his book in answer to those Errours together with his Orthodoxy in the point of universalRedemption and what he builds upon the same 9. Hissolid Arguments against the imputing of all actions either good or evil to Predestination justified by a saying of Prosper of Aquitaine 10. The virulent prosecutions of Veron and Crowly according to the Genius of the sect of Calvin THUS we have seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the Five Controverted Points according to the Principles and persuasions of the first Reformers And to say truth it was but time that they should come to some conclusion in the Points disputed there being some men who in the beginning of the Reign of King Enward the sixth busily stickled in the maintenance of Calvins Doctrins And thinking themselves to be more Evangelical than the rest of their Brethren they either took unto themselves or had given by others the name of Gospellers Of this they were informed by the reverend Prelate and right godly Martyr Bishop Hooper in the Preface to his Exposition of the Ten Commandments Our Gospellers saith he be better learned than the holy Ghost for they wickedly attribute the cause of Punishments and Adversity to Gods Providence which is the cause of no ill as he himself can do no ill and over every mischief that is done they say it is Gods Will. In which we have the men and their Doctrine too the name of Gospellers and the reason why that name was ascribed unto them It is observed by the judicious Author of the Book called Europae Speculum that Calvin was the first of these latter times who search'd into the Counsels the Eternal Counsels of Almighty God And as it seems he found there some other Gospel than that which had been written by the four Evangelists from whence his followers in these Doctrines had the name of Gospellers for by that name I find them frequently called by Campneys also in an Epistolary Discourse where he clears himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism which some of these new Gospellers had charged upon him which had I found in none but him it might have been ascribed to heat or passion in the agitation of these Quarrels but finding it given to them also by Bishop Hooper a temperate and modest man I must needs look upon it as the name of the Sect by which they were distinguished from other men And now I am fallen upon this Campneys it will not be unnecessary to say something of him in regard of the great part he is to act on the stage of this business Protestant he was of the first Edition cordially affected to the Doctrine of the Church of England in the present points but of a sharp and eager spirit And being not well weaned from some points of Popery in the first dawning of the day of our Reformation he gave occasion unto some of those whom he had exasperated to inform against him that they prosecuted the complaint so far that he was forced to bear a faggot at St. Pauls Cross as the custom was in all such cases Miles Coverdale then or not long after Bishop of Exon preaching a Sermon at the same But whatsoever he was then in other Doctrinals he hath sufficiently purged himself from the crimes of Popery and Pelagianism wherewith he had been charged by those of the adverse Party Answer to a certain Letter p. 3. For whereas one William Samuel had either preached or written in Queen Maries times That a man might deserve God c. Campneys beholds it for a Doctrine so blasphemous and abominable that neither Papists nor Pelagians nor any other Heretick old or new hath ever-written or maintained a more filthy and execrable saying For it is the flat and manifest denying both of God the Father and of his Son Christ Jesus neither doth it require any confutation to him that doth but confess that there is a God And as for my self saith he I do not love my life so dearly as I hate this vile saying deadly He gives not long after to the Popish Pelagians the name of a filthy and detestable Sect. p. 5. mustereth up all the errours of Pelagius which had been publickly recanted in the Synod of Palestine and falling upon that which teacheth That the grace of God is given according unto our deserving he declares it to be vile and abominable contrary to the manifest mind and words of the Apostle p. 12. Finally Not to trouble my self with more particulars encountring with another of the Pelagian Heresies he passionately cries out O blasphemy intolerable O filthy puddle and sink most execrable full of stinking Errours full of damnable presumption like to the pride of Lucifer most abominable p. 15. This is enough to free this man from being either a Papist or Pelagian Heretick as his Enemies made him And for the other reproach which they laid upon him of being an Enemy to Gods Predestination I conceive it will not be regarded as a matter of moment considering the Disputes between them and the usual acts of the Calvinians to defame their Adversaries We shewed before how Bogerman Paraeus and the rest of the Calvinian Sect reproach'd the Remonstrants with Pelagianism in their publick Writings though as free from it as themselves We shewed before how Cross in the continuation of his Belgick History imposeth on them for some of their detestable Opinions that they made God to be the Author of sin and that he had created the infinitely greatest part of mankind to no other end but to burn them in Hell-fire for ever which horrid blasphemies they both abominated and confuted to their best abilities The like unworthy practices were used by Calvin and Beza against Sebastian Castel a man of no less learning but of far more modesty and moderation than either of them whom they never left persecuting and reviling till they had first cast him out of Geneva and afterwards brought him to his grave And this they
upon so plain a Revelation of Gods secret Will than take up Arms against the Queen depose her from her Throne expel her out of her native Kingdom and finally prosecute her to the very death The Ladder which Constantine the great commended to Assesius a Novatian Bishop for his safer climbing up to Heaven was never more made use of than by Knox and Calvin for mounting them to the sight of Gods secret Council which St. Paul calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or things unspeakable such as are neither possible nor lawful for a man to utter But of all Knox's followers none followed so close upon his heels as Ro. Crowly a fugitive for Religion in Q. Maries days and the Author of a Book called a Confutation of 13 Articles Ibid. p. 18. c. In which he lays the sin of Adam and consequently all mens sins from that time to this upon the Absolute Decree of Predestination for seeing saith he that Adam was so perfect a Creature that there was in him no lust to sin and yet withal so weak of himself that he was not able to withstand the assault of the subtile Serpent no remedy the only cause of his fall must needs be the Predestination of God In other places of this book he makes it to be a common saying of the Free-will men as in contempt and scorn he calls them that Cain was not Predestinate to slay his Brother Ibid. p. 2. ◠which makes it plain that he was otherwise persuaded in his own opinion That the most wicked persons that have been whereof God appointed to be even as wicked as they were that if God do predestinate a man to do things rashly and without any deliberation he shall not deliberate at all but run headlong upon it Ibid. p. 2. 6. be it good or evil That we are compelled by Gods predestination to do those things for which we are damned Ibid. 2.7 Ibid. 46. And finally finding this Doctrine to be charged with making God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant and pressed therewith by some of the contrary persuasion he returns his answer in this wise If God saith he were an inferiour to any superiour power to the which he ought to render an account of his doing or if any of us were not his Creatures but of another Creation besides his workmanship then might we charge him with Tyranny because he condemneth us and appointed us to be punished for the things we do by compulsion through the necessity of his Predestination For a Catholicon or general Antidote to which dangerous Doctrines a new distinction was devised Ibid. p. 4. 47. by which in all abominations God was expresly said to be the Author of the fact or deed but not of the crime which subtilty appeareth amongst many others in a brief Treatise of Election and Reprobation published by one John Veron in the English tongue Ibid. p. 32. about the beginning of the Reign of Queen Elizabeth which subtilty Campneys not unfitly calls a marvellous sophistication a strange Paradox and a cautelous Riddle and he seems to have good reason for it For by this Doctrine as he noteth it must follow that God is the Author of the very fact and deed of Adultery Theft Murder c. but not the Author of the sin Sin having as they say no positive entity but being a meer nothing as it were and therefore not to be ascribed to Almighty God And thereup on he doth infer that when a Malefactor is hanged for any of the facts before said he is hanged for nothing because the fact or deed is ascribed to God and the sin only charged on him which sin being nothing in it self it must be nothing that the Malefactor is condemned or hanged for By all the Books it doth appear what method of Predestination these new Gospellers drive at how close they followed at the heels of their Master Calvin in case they did not go beyond him Certain it is that they all speak more plainly than their Master doth as to the making of God to be the Author of sin though none of them speak any thing else than what may Logically be inferred from his ground and principles And by this book it appeareth also now contrary these Doctrins are to the establish'd by the first Reformers in the Church of England how contrary the whole method of Predestination out of which they flow is to that delivered in the Articles the Homilies and the publick Liturgy and witnessed too by so many learned men and godly Martyrs Which manifest deviation from the rules of the Church as it gave just offence to all moderate and sober men so amongst others unto Campneys before remembred who could not but express his dislike thereof and for so doing was traduced for a Pelagian and a Papist or a Popish Pelagian For which being charged by way of Letter he was necessitated to return an Answer to it which he published in the second or third year of Queen Elizabeth In which Answer he not only clears himself from favouring the Pelagian Errours in the Doctrine of Freewill Justification by Works c. but solidly and learnedly refuteth the Opinions of certain English Writers and Preachers whom he accuseth for teaching of false and scandalous Doctrine under the name of Predestination Ibid. p. 10. Rom. 5. for his preparation whereunto he states the point of Universal Redemption by the death of Christ out of the parallel which St. Paul hath made between Christ and Adam that by the comparison of condemnation in Adam and redemption in Christ it might more plainly be perceived that Christ was not inferiour to Adam nor grace to sin And that as all the generation of man is condemned in Adam so is all the generation of man redeemed in Christ and as general a Saviour is Christ by Redemption as Adam is a condemner by transgression Which ground so laid he shews how inconsistent their Opinions are to the truth of Scripture who found the Doctrine of Election and Reprobation on Gods absolute pleasure by which infinitely the greatest part of all mankind is precedaniously excluded from having any part or interess in this Redemption reprobated to eternal death both in body and soul as the examples of his vengeance and consequently preordained unto sin as the means unto it that so his vengeance might appear with the face of Justice Which preordaining unto sin as it doth necessarily infer the laying of a necessity upon all mens actions whether good or bad according to that predeterminate Counsel and Will of God so these good men the Authors of the books before remembred do expresly grant it acknowledging that God doth not only move men to sin but compel them to it by the inevitable rules of Predestination But against this it is thus discoursed by the said Campneys that if Gods Predestination be the only cause of Adams fall and filthy sin Ibid. p. 51. And
consequenty the only cause and worker of all evil yea even with compulsion and force as they shamefully and plainly affirm then will no man deny but that on the other side Gods Predestination worketh as violently in all things that are good so then if Gods Predestination work all without all exception both in evil and good then all other things whatsoever they be although they all appear to work and do some things yet do they indeed utterly nothing So that the Devil doth nothing Man doth nothing Laws do nothing Doctrine doth nothing Prayer doth nothing but Gods Predestination doth all together and is the efficient cause yea and the only cause of all things He further proves that according unto this position August Retrac l. a. c. 9. 11. they hold the Errour both of the Stoicks as also of the Manicheans that is to say Ibid. p. 26. as St. Augustine declareth that evil hath his original of Gods Ordinance and not of mans freewill for if Murtherers Adulterers Thieves Traitors and Rebels be of God predestinated and appointed to be wicked even as they are cannot chuse but of meer necessity by the Ordinance of God commit all such wickedness even as they do then what is our life but a meer destiny All our doing Gods Ordinances and all our imaginations branches of Gods Predestination And then we must have Thieves by Predestination Whoremasters and Adulterers by Predestination Murderers and Traitors by Predestination and indeed what not if all mens actions are necessitated by the Will of God and so necessitated that they can neither do less evil nor more good than they do though they should never so much endeavour it as some of our Calvinians teach us which Opinion as Campneys hath observed Ibid. p. 45. is condemned by Prosper of Aquitane in his defence of St. Augustine in these following words Predestinationem dei sive ad malum sive ad bonum c. Prosp 1. Resp ad Object Gal. 6. That the predestination of God saith he doth work in all men either into good or into evil is most foolishly said As though a certain necessity should drive men unto both seeing in good things the evil is not to be understood wthout grace and in evil things the evil is to be understood without grace And so much touching Campneys and his performance in the points against the Gospellers some passages having before been borrowed from him concerning Lambert Gynnel and his Adherents For which see Chap. 6. Numb 11. No sooner was this book come out but it gave a very strong alarum to those of the Calvinian party within this Realm which had been very much encreased by the retiring of so many of our learned men to the Zuinglian and Genevian Churches in Queen Maries days amongst which none more eager because more concerned than Veron Crowly above mentioned The first of these being reader of the Divinity Lecture in the Church of St. Pauls and one of the Chaplains to the Queen published his Answer shortly after called An Apology or Defence of the Doctrine of predestination and dedicated to the Queen in which Answer he gives his Adversary no better Titles than the blind guide of the free-will men p. 37. A very Pelagian and consequently a Rank Papist p. 40. Suffering the Devil by such sectaries as Campneys to sow his lyes abroad c. and 41. The Standard-bearer of the free-will men His book he calls a venomous and Railing book upbraids him with his bearing of a faggot in King Edwards days and challenging him that if he be able to maintain his own Doctrine and oppose that in the answer to it let him come forth and play the man Nor was it long before another Answer came out by the name of Crowly called an Apology or defence of the English Writers and Preachers with Cerberus the three headed dog of Hell Chargeth with false Doctrine under the name of Predestination printed at London in the year 1566. And by the Title of this Book as we may see with what a strange Genius the Gospellers or Calvinians were possessed from the first beginning we may well conjecture at the Gentle usage which the poor man was like to find in the whole Discourse But if it be objected in favour of these two books that they were published by Authority and according to Order when that of Campneys seems to have been published by stealth without the Name of Author or of Printer as is affirmed in Verons book before remembred It may be since answered that the Doctrine of the Church was then unsetled the Articles of King Edwards time being generally conceived to be out of force and no new established in their place when Veron first entred on the cause And secondly it may be answered that though Crowlyes Apology came not out till the year 1566 when the new Articles were agreed upon yet his Treatice called a Confutation of thirteen Articles which gave occasion to the Quarrel had been written many years before And he conceived himself obliged to defend his Doctrine and get as good countenance to it as he could within a time especially intent on suppressing Popery might be no hard matter for him to do And as to that part of the Objections which relate to Campneys and his suppessing of his Name I look upon it as a high part of wisdom in him in regard of the great sway which the Calvinians had at their first coming over the prejudice conceived against him for his slips and sufferings in the Reign of K. Edward and the Authority of the men against whom he writ Veron a Chaplain to the Queen Crowly of great esteem in London for his diligent preaching and Knox the great Directer of the Kirk of Scotland CHAP. XVII Of the Disputes among the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days and the Resetling of the Church on her former Principles under Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of Predestination disputed amongst the Confessors in Prison in Queen Maries days 2. The Examination of John Carelese before Dr. Martin in reference to the said Disputes 3. Considerations on some passages in the Conference betwixt Dr. Martin and the said John Carelese 4. Review made of the publick Liturgy by the command of Queen Elizabeth and the Paraphrases of Erasmus commended to the reading both of Priest and People 5. The second book of Homilies how provided for and of the liberty taken by the Gospellers and Zuinglian Sectaries before the reviewing and confirming of the Book of Articles by the Queens Authority 6. Of the reviewing and authority of the Book of Articles Anno 1562. and what may be from thence inferred 7. An answer from the Agreement drawn from the omitting the ninth Article of King Edwards Book the necessity of giving some content to the Zuinglian Gospellers and difficulty wherewith they were induced to subscribe the Book at the first passing of the same 8. The Argument taken from some passages in
which more hereafter Notice whereof being taken of those which were of most Authority in the Government of the Church it was thought necessary for the preventing of the mischief which might thence ensue that the Articles of Religion published in King Edwards time 1552. should be brought under a Review accommodated to the use of the Church and made to be the standing rule by which all persons were to regulate and confirm their Doctrines And to this end a Convocation was assembled on the 13. of January Ann. 1562. which continued till the 14th day of April the main business which was acted in it being the canvasing and debating of the Articles of King Edwards book and passing them in the form and manner in which now they stood which business as they took first into consideration on the 19th of January and diligently prosecuted from day to day by the Bishops and Clergy in their several houses they came to an agreement on the 29th of the same month on which the said Articles were publickly recited generally approved and subscribed by the greatest part of the Clergy which were then assembled And being so subscribed presented to the Queen and ratified by her Royal Authority were forthwith published to the same end for which they were made that is to say For the avoiding of diversities of opinions and for the stablishing of consent touching true Religion as in the title is declared In the composing of which book though a clause was added to the twentieth Article and another taken from the third though some Articles of King Edwards were totally omitted and some new made as that amongst the rest for confirmation of the second Book of Homilies which were not in the book before yet the five Articles touching the Doctrine of the Church in the points disputed as they stand in the eighth Chapter of this book were left in that same state in which they found them And being left in the same state in which they found them were to be taken in the same sense in which they had been understood at the first making of them according to such illustrations as occur in the book of Common Prayer such explanations as are found in the book of Homilies and the judgment of those Learned men and godly Martyrs which had a principal hand in the Reformation so that the Articles being the same as to these particulars the paraphrases of Erasmus state the same the publick Liturgy and the first book of Homilies in all points the same and the second book of Homilies agreeing exactly with the first in the present controversies as appears by the three first Sections of the seventh Chapter of this book and that which follows in the next there is no question to be made but that the doctrine was the same in the said five points which had been publickly allowed of in the time of King Edward But against this it may be said that one of the material Articles of King Edwards book in reference to the points disputed was totally left out of this and therefore that there was some alteration of the Churches judgment as to the sense and meaning of the present Articles which Article being the tenth in number as it stands in that book is there delivered in these words viz. Gratia Christi seu spiritus sanctus qui per eundem datur c. The grace of Christ or the Holy Ghost which is given by him doth take from man the heart of stone and giveth him a heart of flesh And though by the influences thereof it rendreth us willing to do those good works which before we were unwilling to do and unwilling to do those evil works which before we did voluntati tamen nullam violentiam infert yet is no violence offered by it to the will of man nor can any man when he hath sinned excuse himself quasi volens aut coactus peccaverit as if he had finned against his will or upon constraint and therefore that he ought not to be accused or condemned upon that account For answer whereunto it may first be said that the Composers of that Book thought ir not fit to clog it with any unnecessary points in which the peace and safety of the Church seemeth not much concerned and therefore as they left out the present Article so they omitted the sixteenth touching the blasphemy against the Holy Chost together with the four last of King Edwards Book touching the general Resurrection the state of means souls after death the Doctrine of the Millinaries and of a general salvation to be given to the wicked also after they had endured the pains of Hell for a certain time Secondly they considered that the doctrine of mans free Co-operation with the grace of God had been sufficiently expressed and provided for by the tenth Article of this Book and the ninth of which illustrated by divers passages in the publick Liturgy accommodated and applied to the most encrease of piety in the book of Homilies therefore that there was no great need to contend about it or to retain it in the Book And somewhat also must be done the point being so secured and provided for as before was said to content the Zuinglians or Calvinians by which last name they were afterwards more generally called who were grown strong and numerous in most parts of the Realm Insomuch that many of them did not refuse to subscribe the book and were complained of for that cause by the Prolocutor to the House of Bishops desiring that an order might be presently made to cause them to subscribe their names to the said Article either in their own house or before their Lordships which order being made on the fifth of February the Prolocutor signified to the Archbishop and Bishops in the name of the lower House of Convocation that some of the Refusers had subscribed and that others still persisted in their former obstinacy And thereupon the Bishops ordered the same day the tenth of February quod nomina eorum qui hactenus non subscripserant presententur coram iis in proxima sessione that is to say that the names of such who still refused to subscribe should be presented to their Lordships at the next Session which put an end to the dispute for after this I hear no more of their refusals the subscription of the book being universal as appears by this memorial in the journal of the Convocation viz. universus clerus eosdem etiam unanimiter recepit professus est ut ex manuum suarum subscriptionibus patet that is to say that all the Clergy did unanimously approve the said Articles and testified their consent therein as by the subscription of their hands doth and may appear so difficult a thing it was from the first beginning to bring that violent and head-strong faction unto any conformity In the next place it is objected that Mr. Alexander Nowel Dean of Saint Pauls who was Prolocutor in this Convocation
us and to banish him violently out of our souls And instead of him in whom is all grace and vertue to receive the ungracious spirit of the Devil the founder of all naughtiness and mischief than which there can be nothing more direct and positive to the point in hand And as for the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God either in accepting or resisting it when once offered to him besides what may be gathered from the former passages it is to be presumed as a thing past question in the very nature of the book for what else are those Homilies but so many proofs and arguments to evince that point For to what purpose were they made but to stir up the minds of all men to the works of piety And what hopes could the Authors of them give unto themselves of effecting that which they endeavoured had they not presupposed and taught that there was such a freedom in the will of man such an assistance of Gods grace as might enable them to perform these works of piety as in all and every one of the said Homilies are commended to them More for the proof of which points might be gathered from the said second book of Homilies established by the Articles of Queen Elizabeth's time as before is said were not these sufficient Proceed we therefore from the Homilies and the publick Monuments of the Church to the judgment of particular persons men of renown and eminent in their several places amongst which we find incomparable Jewel then Bishop of Salsbury thus clearly speaking in behalf of Universal Redemption viz. Ceerto animis nostris persuademus c. We do assuredly persuade our minds saith he that Christ is the obtainer of forgiveness for our sins Bishop Jewels Defâ—n Apolog c. 18. Devis 1. and that by his bloud all our spots of sins be washed clean that he hath pacified and set at one all things by the bloud of his Cross that he by the same one only Sacrifice which he once offered upon the Cross hath brought to effect and fulfilled all things and that for the cause he said it is finished By which word saith he he plainly signified persolutum jam esse pretium pro peccato humani generis that the price or ransom was now fully paid for the sin of mankind Now as Bishop Jewel was a principal member of the House of Bishops so Mr. Nowel was the Prolocutor for the House of the Clergy in which the Articles were debated and agreed upon In which respect his favour is much sought by those of the Calvinian party as before was shewn But finding no comfort for them in his larger Catechism let us see what may be found in his Latin Catechism authorized to be taught in Schools and published by his consent in the English Tongue Anno 1572. And first he sheweth that as God is said to be our Father for some other reasons Catec Edition c. 1â—54 p. 19 so most specially for this quod nos divine per spiritum sanctum generavit per fidem in verum suum atque naturalem filium Jesum Christum nos elegit sibique Filios regni Coelestis atque sempiternae vitae heredes per eundem instituit that is to say because he hath divinely regenerated us or begotten us again by the Holy Ghost and hath elected us by Faith in his true and natural Son Christ Jesus and through the same Christ hath adopted us to be his Children and Heirs of his heavenly Kingdom and of life everlasting And if Election come by our faith in Christ as he saith it doth enither a Supra-lapsarian nor a Sub-lapsarian can find any comfort from this man in favour of that absolute and irrespective decree of Predestination which they would gladly father on him in his larger Catechism and then as for the method of Predestination he thus sets it forth viz. Deus Adamum illis honoris insignibus ornavit Ibid. 22. ut ea cum sibi tum suis id est toto humano generi aut servaret aut amitteret c. God saith he indued Adam with those Ornaments that is to say those Ornaments of Grace and Nature which before we spake of that he might have them or lose them for himself and his that is to say for all mankind And it could not otherwise be but that as of an evil Tree evil fruits do spring so that Adam being corrupted with sin all the issue that came of him must also be corrupted with that original sin For delivery from the which there remained no remedy in our selves and therefore God was pleased to proise that the seed of the Woman which is Jesus Christ should break the head of the Serpent that is of the Devil who deceived our first Parents and so should deliver them and their posterity that believed the same Where first we have mans fall Secondly Gods mercy in his restitution Thirdly This restitution to be made by Jesus Christ and fourthly to be made to all which believe the same Proceed we next to a Lermon preached at St. Pauls Cross Octob. 27. 1854. by Samuel Harsnet then fellow of Pembrook Hall in Cambridg and afterwards Master of the same preferred from thence to the See of Chichester from thence translated unto Norwich and finally to the Archiepiscopal See of York For the Text or subject of his Sermon he made choice of those words in the Prophet Ezekiel viz. As I live saith the Lord I delight not in the death of the wicked Chap. 33. v. 11. In his Discourse upon which Text he first dischargeth God from laying any necessity of sinning on the sons of men and then delighting in their punishment because they have sinned he thus breaks out against the absolute decree of Reprobation which by that time had been made a part of the Zuinglian Gospel Mr. Harnets Sermon at Pauls Cross bound up at the end of Dr. Stewards three Sermons printed 1â—58 p. 1â—3 c. and generally spread abroad both from Press and Puipit There is a conceit in the World saith he speak little better of our gracious God than this and that is that God shoould design many thousands of souls to Hell before they were not in eye to their faults but to his own absolute will and power and to get him glory in their damnation This Opinion is grown high and monstrous and like a Goliah and men do shake and tremble at it yet never a man reacheth to Davids sing to cast it down In the name of the Lord of Hosts we will encounter it for it hath reviled not the Host of the living God but the Lord of Hosts First That it is directly in opposition to this Text of holy Scripture and so turns the truth of God into a lye For whereas God in this Text doth say and swear that he doth not delight in the death of man this Opinion saith that not one or two but millions of men should
absolute will and pleasure yet he is fain to have recourse to some certain condition telling us that though the mercy of God his Grace Election Vocation and other precedent Causes do justifie us yet this is upon condition of believing in Christ And finally it is to be observed also that after all his pains taken in defending such a personal and eternal Election as the Calvinians now contend for he adviseth us to wrap up our selves wholly both body and soul under Gods general promise and not to cumber our heads with any further speculations knowing that whosoever believeth in him shall not perish c. And so I take my leave of our Martyrologist the publishing of those discourse I look on as the first great battery which was made on the Bulwarks of this Church in point of doctrine by any member of her own after the setling of the Articles by the Queens Authority Ann. 1562. the brables raised by Crowley in his Book against Campneys though it came out after the said Articles were confirmed and published being but as hail-shot in comparison of this great piece of Ordnance Not that the Arguments were so strong as to make any great breach in the publick Doctrine had it been published in a time less capable of innovations or rather if the great esteem which many had of that man and the universal reception which his Book found with all sorts of People had not gained more authority unto his discourse than the merit or solidness of it could deserve The inconveniencies whereof as also the many marginal Notes and other passages visibly tending to faction and sedition in most parts of that Book were either not observed at first or winked at in regard of the great animosities which were ingendred by it in all sorts of People as well against the persons of the Papists as against the doctrine Insomuch that in the Convocation of the year 1571. there passed some Canons requiring that not only the Deans of all Cathedrals should take a special care that the said Book should be so conveniently placed in their several Churches that people of all conditions might resort unto it but also that all and every Arch-Bishop Bishops Deans Residentiaries and Arch-Deacons should choose the same to be placed in some convenient publick room of their several houses not only for the entertainment and instruction of their menial servants but of such strangers also as occasionally repaired unto them If it be hereupon inferred that Fox his doctrine was approved by that Convocation and therefore that it is agreeable to the true intent and meaning of the Articles of the Church of England besides what hath been said already by Anticipation it may as logically be inferred that the Convocation approved all his marginal Notes all the factious and seditious passages and more particularly the scorn which he puts upon the Episcopal habit and other Ceremonies of the Church Touching which last for the other are too many to be here recited let us behold how he describes the difference which hapned between Hooper Bishop of Glocester on the one side Cranmer and Ridley on the other about the ordinary habit and attire then used by the Bishops of this Church we shall find it thus viz. Acts and Mon. so 1366 1367. For notwithstanding the godly reformation of Religion that was begun in the Church of England besides other ceremonies that were more ambitious than profitable or tended to edification they used to wear such garments and apparel as the Romish Bishops were wont to do First a Chimere and under that a white Rocket then a Mathematical cap with four Angles dividing the whole world into four parts These trifles being more for superstition than otherwise as he could never abide so in no wise could he be persuaded to wear them But in conclusion this Theological contestation came to this end that the Bishops having the upper hand Mr. Hooper was fain to agree to this condition that sometimes he should in his Sermon shew himself apparalled as the Bishops were Wherefore appointed to preach before the King as a new Player in a strange apparel he cometh forth on the stage His upper garment was a long skarlet Chimere down to the foot and under that a white linnen Rocket that covered all his shoulders upon his head he had a Geometrical that is a square cap albeit that his head was round What case of shame the strangeness hereof was that day to the good Preacher every man may easily judge But this private contumely and reproach in respect of the publick profit of the Church which he only sought he bare and suffered patiently Here have we the Episcopal habit affirmed to be a contumely and reproach to that godly man slighted contemptuously by the name of trifles and condemned in the marginal Note for a Popish attire the other ceremonies of the Church being censured as more ambitious than profitable and tending more to superstition than to edification which as no man of sense or reason can believe to be approved and allowed of by that Convocation so neither is it to be believed that they allowed of his opinion in the present point For a counterballance whereunto there was another Canon passed in this Convocation by which all Preachers were enjoyned to take special care â—ne quid unquam doceant pro concione quod à populo religiose teneri credi velint nisi quod consentaneum sit doctrinae veteris aut novi testamenti quodque ex'illa ipsa doctrina Cathotici Patres veteres Episcopi Collegerint that is to say that they should maintain no other doctrine in their publicki Sermons to be believed of the People but that which was agreeable to the doctrine of the Old and New Testament and had from thence been gathered by the Catholick or Orthodox Fathers and ancient Bishops of the Church To which rule if they held themselves as they ought to do no countenance could be given to Calvines Doctrines or Fox his judgment in these points maintained by one of the Catholick Fathers and ancient Bishops of the Church but St. Augustine only who though he were a godly man and a learned Prelate yet was he but one Bishop not Bishops in the plural number but one father and not all the fathers and therefore his opinion not to be maintained against all the rest CHAP. XX. Of the great Innovation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine the stirs arising thence in Cambridge and Mr. Barrets carriage in them 1. Of Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination which his recital of the four opinions which were then maintained about the same 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian or Supra-creatarian way 3. The several censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants by none more sharply than by Dr. Rob. Abbots after Bishop of Sarum 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in the Vniversity and his Doctrine
And hereof the first Author seems to be so confident that he doth not only tell us that this Recantation was made accordingly but that it was not made with that Humility and Remorse which was expected it being said that after the reading thereof he concluded thus Haec dixi intimating thereby that he consented not in his heart to that which he had delivered by his tongue This is the total of the business concerning Barret in the Anti-Arminianism in which there is somewhat to be doubted and somewhat more to be denied And first it is to be doubted whether any such Recautation consisting of so many Articles and every Article having his abjuration or Recantation subjoined unto it was ever enjoined to be made for though the Author of the book affirmeth in one place that the whole Recantation in the same manner and form as there we find it was exemplified and sent unto him under the hand of the Register of the University pag. 62. yet he contesseth within few lines after that no such matter could be found when the heads of Houses were required by an Order from the House of Commons in the last Session of Parliament Anno 1628. to make certificate to them of all such Recantations as were recorded in their University Register and of this Recantation in particular And though it be hereupon inferred that this Precantation was imbezilled and razed out of the Records of the University by some of the Arminian party the better to suppress the memory of so great a foil yet it may rather be believed that many false Copies of it were dispersed abroad by those of the Calvinian faction to make the man more odious and his Opinions more offensive than might stand with Truth The truth is that a Recantation was enjoyned and delivered to him though not the same nor in the same form and manner as before laid down Barret confessing in his Letters of which more anon that a Recantation was imposed on him and expected from him But then it is to be denied as a thing most false that he never published the Recantation whatsoever it was which the Heads enjoyned and required at his last Convention For first It is acknowledged in the Authors own Transcript of the Acts that though he did confess the Propositions wherewith he was charged to be contained in his Sermon yet he would never grant them to be contrary to the Doctrine of the Church of England and therefore was not likely to retract the same Secondly It is plain by Barrets said Letters the one to Dr. Goad Master of Kings the other to Mr. Chadderton Master of Emanuel Colledg that neither flattery nor threatnings nor the fear of losing his subsistence in the University should ever work him to the publishing of the Recantation required of him And thirdly It appears by the Letters from the heads above mentioned to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh that Barret had not made the Recantation on the 8th of March which was full ten months after the time appointed for the publishing of it And on these terms this business sheweth the Author his Errour to affirm with all confidence for if the one doth the other must that Barret made this Recantation in St. Maries Church on the tenth of May Anno 1595. Barret declaring in his Letter to Dr. Goad about nine months after that he would never make it And the Heads signified to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh on the eighth of March heing ten months after that at that time he had not made And who should believe in the present case Barret that saith he would never do it and the Heads who say he had not done it on the eighth of March or that they say upon the credit of a false and malitious Copy purposely spread abroad by the Puritan faction to defame the man that he had published it on the 10th of May ten months before I find also in the Title to this Recantation as it stands in the Anti-Arminianism p. 46. that Mr. Harsnet of Pembrook Hall is there affirmed to have maintained the supposed Errours for which Barret was condemned to a Recantation and 't is strange that Harsnet should stand charged in the Title of another mans sentence for holding and maintaining any such points as had been raked out of the dunghil of Popery and Pelagianism as was there affirmed for which he either was to be questioned in his own person or not to have been condemned to the Title of a sentence passed on another man Which circumstance as it discredits the Title so the Title doth as much discredit the reality of the Recantation adeo mendaciorum natura est ut cohaerere non possint saith Lactantius truly The rest of Barrets story shall be told by himself according as I find it in a Letter of his to Dr. Goad then being Vice-Chancellour written about nine months after the time of his first conventing as by the Letter doth appear which is this that followeth A copy of Mr. Barret's Letter to Dr. Goad MY Duty remembred to your Worship c. Sir according to your appointment I have conferred with Mr. Overald and Mr. Chadderton Mr. Overald after once Conference refused to talk of these points any more saying it needed not For Mr. Chadderton he is a learned man and one whom I do much reverence yet he hath not satisfied me in this point For I required proof but of these two things at his hands viz. That una fides did differre specie ab alia and that it was aliud donum ab alio but he did neither But for the first whereas he should have proved it did differre specie he proved it did differre numero and that but out of the Master of the Sentences whose Authority notwithstanding I do not impugn And for the other that it should be Aliud donum he proveth out of St. Augustine that fides daemonum is not alia à fide Christianorum which no man ever denied for fides Daemonum is not Donum at all so that it cometh not in Question so that I being here unsatisfied of one party meaning Mr. Chadderton and rather confirmed of the other party I do hold my Positions as before And for the Retractation I purpose not to perform it Yet that the peace of the University and the Church may be preserved I do solemnly promise to keep my Opinion to my self so that in this regard my humble suit unto your Worship and hearty prayer to God is this that you would suffer me to continue in the University without molestation though I live but in disgrace amongst you yet I regard it not so I may be quiet For my intent is to live privately at my Book until such times as by continual Conference with those that are of contrary Judgment I may learn the truth of your Assertions which when I have learned I promise before God and your Worship not to conceal But if you and the rest of your
composing those differences not by the way of an accommodation but an absolute conquest and to this end they dispatch'd to him certain of their number in the name of the rest such as were interessed in the Quarrel Dr. Whitacres himself for one and therefore like to stickle hard for the obtaining their ends the Articles to which they had reduced the whole state of the business being brought to them ready drawn and nothing wanting to them but the face of Authority wherewith as with Medusa's head to confound their Enemies and turn their Adversaries into stones And that they might be sent back with the face of Authority the most Reverend Archbishop Whitgift calling unto him Dr. Flecher Bishop of Bristol then newly elected unto London and Dr. Richard Vaughan Lord Elect of Bangor together with Dr. Tyndal Dean of Ely Dr. Whitacres and the rest of the Divines which came from Cambridg proposed the said Articles to their consideration at his House in Lambeth on the tenth of Novemb. Anno 1595. by whom those Articles were agreed on in these following words 1. Deus ab aeterno praedestinavit quosdam ad vitam quosdam reprobavit ad mortem 2. Causa movens aut efficiens praedestinationis ad vitam non est praevisio fidei aut perseverantiae aut bonorum operum aut ullius rei quae insit in personis Praedestinatis sed sola voluntas beneplaciti Dei 3. Praedestinatorum praefinitus certus est numerus qui nec augeri nec minui potest 4. Qui non sunt Praedestinati ad salutem necessario propter peccata sua damnabuntur 5. Vera viva justificans fides spiritus Dei justificantis non extinguitur non excidit non evanescit in Electis aut finaliter aut totaliter 6. Homo vere fidelis id est fide justificante praeditus certus est plerophoria Fidei de Remissione peccatorum suorum salute sempiterna sua per Christum 7. Gratia salutaris non tribuitur non incommunicatur non conceditur universis hominibus qua servari possint si velint 8. Nemo potest venire ad Christum nisi datum ei fuerit nisi pater eum traxerit omnes homines non trahuntur à patre ut veniant ad filium 9. Non est positum in arbitrio aut potestate uniuscujusque hominis servari 1. God from Eternity hath predestinate certain men unto life certain men he hath reprobate 2. The moving or efficient cause of predestination unto life is not the foresight of Faith or of perseverance or of good works or of any thing that is in the person predestinated but only the good will and pleasure of God 3. There is predetermined a certain number of the Predestinate which can neither be augmented or diminished 4. Those who are not predestinated to salvation shall be necessarily damned for their sins 5. A true living and justifying Faith and the Spirit of God justifying is not extinguished falleth not away it vanisheth not away in the Elect either totally or finally 6. A man truly faithful that is such an one who is indued with a justifying faith is certain with the full assurance of faith of the remission of his sins and of his everlasting salvation by Christ 7. Saving Grace is not given is not granted is not communicated to all men by which they may be saved if they will 8. No man can come unto Christ unless it be given unto him and unless the Father shall draw him and all men are not drawn by the Father that they may come to the Son 9. It is not in the will or power of every one to be saved Now in these Articles there are these two things to be considered first the Authority by which they were made and secondly the effect produced by them in order to the end proposed and first as touching the authority by which they were made it was so far from being legal and sufficient that it was plainly none at all For what authority could there be in so thin a meeting consisting only of the Archbishop himself two other Bishops of which but one had actually received consecration one Dean and half a dozen Doctors and other Ministers neither impowred to any such thing by the rest of the Clergy nor authorized to it by the Queen And therefore their determinations of no more Authority as to binding of the Church or prescribing to the judgment of particular persons than as if one Earl the eldest son of two or three others meeting with half a dozen Gentlemen in Westminster Hall can be affirmed to be in a capacity of making Orders which must be looked on by the Subject as Acts of Parliament A Declaration they might make of their own Opinions or of that which they thought fittest to be holden in the present case but neither Articles nor Canons to direct the Church for being but Opinions still and the Opinions of private and particular persons they were not to be looked upon as publick Doctrines And so much was confessed by the Archbishop himself when he was called in question for it before the Queen who being made acquainted with all that passed by the Lord Treasurer Burleigh who neither liked the Tenents nor the manner of proceeding in them was most passionately offended that any such Innovation should be made in the publicck Doctrine of this Church and once resolved to have them all attainted of a Premunire But afterwards upon the interposition of some Friends and the reverend esteem she had of the excellent Prelate the Lord Archbishop whom she commonly called her Black Husband she was willing to admit him to his defence and he accordingly declared in all humble manner that he and his Associates had not made any Articles Canons or decrees with an intent that they should serve hereafter for a standing Rule to direct the Church but only had resolved on some Propositions to be sent to Cambridge for the appeasing of some unhappy differences in the University with which Answer her Majesty being somewhat pacified commanded notwithstanding that he should speedily recall and suppress those Articles which was performed with such care and diligence that a Copy of them was not to be found for a long time after And though we may take up this relation upon the credit of History of the Lambeth Articles printed in Latin 1651. or on the credit of Bishop Mountague who affirms the same in his Appeal Appeal p. 71. Resp Nec p. 146 Anno 1525. yet since the Authority of both hath been called in question we will take our warrant for this Narrative from some other hands And first we have it in a book called Necessario Responsio published by the Remonstrants Anno 1618. who possibly might have the whole story of it from the mouth of Baroe or some other who lived at that time in Cambridge Cabul p. 117. and might be well acquainted with the former passages And secondly We find the same
and approbation published the Exposition or Analysis of our Articles in which he gives the Calvinist as fair quarter as can be wished But first beginning with the last so much of the Objection as concerns Bishop Bancrost is extreamly false not agreeing to the Lambeth Articles not being Bishop of London when those Articles were agreed unto as is mistakingly affirmed and that Analysis of Explication of our English Articles related to in the Objection being published in the year 1585. which was ten years before the making of the Lambeth articles and eighteen years before Bancroft had been made Archbishop And secondly It is not very true that King James liked that is to say was well pleased with the putting of those Articles into the confession of the Church of Ireland though the said Confession was subscribed in his name by the Lord Deputy Chichester is plainly enough not without his consent for many other things were in the Confession to which the Lord Deputy subscribed and the King consented as affairs then stood which afterwards he declared no great liking to either of the Tenor or effect thereof For the truth is that the drawing up of that Confession being committed principally to the care of Dr. Vsher and afterwards Lord Primate of Ireland a professed Calvinian he did not only thrust into it all the Lambeth Articles but also many others of his own Opinions as namely That the Pope was Antichrist or that man of sin that the power of sacerdotal Absolution is no more than declaratory as also touching the morality of the Lords day Sabbath and the total spending of it in religious Exercises Which last how contrary it is to King Jame's Judgment how little cause he had to like it or rather how much reason he had to dislike it his declaration about lawful Sports which he published within three years after doth express sufficiently so that the King might give confent to the confirming of these Articles amongst the rest though he liked as little of the one as he did of the other And he might do it on these Reasons For first The Irish Nation at that time were most tenaciously addicted to Errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extream before they could be sireight and Orthodox in these points of doctrine Secondly It was an usual practice with the King in the whole course of his Government to ballance one extream by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritan and the Puritan sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and Professors of it might be kept in safety With greater Artifice but less Authority have some of our Calvinians framed unto themselves another Argument derived from certain Questions and answers printed at the end of the Bible published by Rob. Barker his Majesties own Printer in the year 1607. from whence it is inferred by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism Anti-Armin p. 54. and from him by others that the said Questions and Answers do contain a punctual Declaration of the received doctrine of this Church in the points disputed But the worst is they signifie nothing to the purpose for which they were produced For I would fain know by what Authority those Questions and Answers were added to the end of the Bible If by Authority and that such Authority can be produced the Argument will be of force which it takes from them and then no question but the same Authority by which they were placed there at first would have preserved them in that place for a longer time than during the sale of that Edition The not retaining them in such Editions as have followed since the sale of that shews plainly that they were of no anthority in themselves nor intended by the Church for a rule to others and being of no older standing than the year 1607. for ought appears by Mr. Prin who first made the Objection they must needs seem as destitute of antiquity as they are of authority so that upon the whole matter the Author of the Book hath furnished those of different Judgment with a very strong argument that they wrre foisted in by the fraud and practice of some of the Emissaries of the Puritan Faction who hoped in time to have them pass as currant amongst the people as any part of Canonical Scripture Such Piae fraudes as these are we should have too many were they once allowed of Some prayers were also added to the end of the Bible in some Editions and others at the end of the publick Liturgy Which being neglected at the first and afterwards beheld as the authorized prayers of the Church were by command left out of those Books and Bibles as being the compositions of private men not the publick acts of the Church and never since added as before But to return unto King James we find not so much countenance given to the Calvinians by the fraud of his Printer as their opposites received by his grace and favour by which they were invested in the chief preferments of the Church of England conferred as openly and freely upon the Anti-Calvinians as those who had been bread up in the other persuasions Tros Tyriusque mihi nullo discrimine habentur as we know who said For presently upon the end of the Conference he prefers Bishop Bancroft to the Chair of Canterbury and not long after Dr. Barlow to the See of Rochester On whose translation unto Lincoln Dr. Richard Neil then Dean of westminster succeeds at Rochester and leaves Dr. Buckridge there for his successour at his removal unto Lichfield in the year 1609. Dr. Samuel Harsnet is advanced to the See of Chichester and about ten years after unto that of Norwich In the beginning of the year 1614. Dr. Overald succeeds Neil then translated to Lincoln in the See of Coventry and Lichfield Dr. George Mountein succeeded the said Neil then translated to Durham in the Church of Lincoln In the year 1619. Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christs Church a professed Anti-Calvinist is made Bishop of Oxon. And in the year 1621. Dr. Valentine Cary Successor unto Overald in the Deanry of St. Paul is made Bishop of Exon and on the same day Dr. William Laud who had been Pupil unto Buckridge as before said is consecrated Bishop of St. Davids By which encouragements the Anti-Calvinians or old English Protestants took heart again and more openly declared themselves than they had done formerly the several Bishops above-named finding so gracious a Patron of the learned King are as being themselves as bountiful Patrons respect being had to the performants in their nomination to their Friends and followers By means whereof though they found many a Rub in the way and were sometimes brought under censure by the adverse party yet in the end they surmounted all difficulties and came at last to be altogether as considerable both for power and number as the Calvinists were Towards which
every Kingdom when they are solemnly assebled whom he condemns as guilty of perfidious dissimulation and the betrayers of the Subject Liberties whereof they are the proper and appointed Guardians if they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly insuit on the common people This is the gap through which rebellions and seditions have found to plausible a passage in the Christian World to be dethroning of some Kings and Princes the death of others For through this gap broke in those dangerous and seditious Doctrines that the inferiour Magistrates are ordained by God and not appointed by the King or the Supream Powers that being so ordained by God that are by him inabled to compel the King to rule according unto justice and the Laws established that if the King be refractory and unreclaimable they are to call him to account and to provide for the safety of the Common-wealth by all ways and means which may conduce unto thepreservation of it and finally which is the darling Doctrine of these later times that there is a mixture in all Governments and that the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever we do call their meeting are not subordinate to the King but co-ordinate with him and have not only a supplemental power to supply what is defective in him but a coercive also to restrain his Actions and a Corrective too to reform his Errors But this I give you now in the generals only hereafter you shall see it more particularly and every Author cited in his own words for the proof hereof Many of which as they did live in Calvin's time and by their writings gave great scandal to all Sovereign Princes but more as to the progress of the Reformation so could not Calvin choose but be made acquainted with the effects and consequences of his dangerous principles Which since he never did retract upon the sight of those seditious Pamphlets and worse than those those bloody tumults and rebellions which ensued upon it but let it stand unaltered to his dying day is a clear argument to me that this passage fell not from his Pen by chance but was laid of purpose as a Stumbling-block in the Subjects way to make him fall in the performance of his Christian duty both to God and man For though the Book of Institutions had been often printed in his life time and received many alterations and additions as being enlarged from a small Octavo of not above 29 sheets to a large Folio of 160 yet this particular passage still remained unchanged and hath continued as it is from the first Edition of it which was in the year 1536 not long after his first coming to Geneva But to proceed in our design What fruits these dangerous Doctrines have produced amongst us we have seen too plainly and we may see as plainly if we be not blind through what gap these Doctrines entred on what foundation they were built and unto whose Authority we stand indebted for all those miseries and calamities which are fallen upon us Yet to say truth the man desired to be concealed and not reputed for the Author of such strange conclusions which have resulted from his principles and therefore lays it down with great Art and caution Si qui and Fortè and ut nunc res habent that is to say Perhaps and as the World now goes and if there be such Officers as have been formerly as the three disguises which he hath masked himself and the point withal that he might pass away unseen And if there be such Officers as perhaps there are or that the world goes here as it did at Sparta or in the States of Rome and Athens as perhaps it doth or that the three Estate of each several Kingdom have the same authority in them as the Ephori the Demarchi and the Tribunes had as perhaps they have the Subject is no doubt in a good condition as good a man as the best Monarch of them all But if the Ephori the Demarchi and the Tribunes were not appointed at the first for the restraint and regulating of the Supream Powers as indeed they were not and if the three Estates in each several Kingdom have not that authority which the Ephori and the Tribunes did in fine usurp and the Demarchi are supposed to have as indeed they have not perhaps and peradventure will not serve the turn The Subject stands upon no better grounds than before he did Therefore to take away this stumbling-block and remove this rub I shall propose and prove these three points ensuing 1. That the Ephori the Demarchi and the Roman Tribunes were not instituted at the first for those ends and purposes which are supposed by the Author 2. If they were instituted for those ends yet the illation thereupon would be weak and childish as it relates of Kings and Kingdoms And 3. That the three Estates in each several Kingdom without all peradventures have no such authority as the Author dreams of and therefore of no power to controul their King Which If I clearly prove as I hope I shall I doubt not but to leave the cause in a better condition than I found it And in the proof of these the first point especially if it be thought that I insist longer than I needed on the condition of the Spartan Ephori the Roman Tribunes and the Demarchi of Athens and spend more cost upon it than the thing is worth I must intreat the Reader to excuse me in it I must first lay down my grounds and make sure work there before I go about my building And being my design relates particularly to the information and instruction of the English Subject I could not make my way unto it but by a discovery of the means and Artifices by which some petit popular Officers attained unto so great a mastery in the game of Government as to give the Check unto their Kings Which being premised once for all I now proceed unto the proof of the points proposed and having proved these points I shall make an end Haec tria cum docuero perorabo in the Orators Language CHAP. II. Of the Authority of the Ephori in the State of Sparta and that they were not instituted for the ends supposed by Calvin 1. The Kings of Sparta absolute Monarchs at the first 2. Of the declining of the Regal power and the condition of that State when Lycurgus undertook to change the Government 3. What power Lycurgus gave the Senate and what was left unto the Kings 4. The Ephori appointed by the Kings of Sparta to ease themselves and curb the Senate 5. The blundering and mistakes of Joseph Scaliger about the first Institution of the Ephori 6. The Ephori from mean beginnings grew to great Authority and by what advantages 7. The power and influence which they had in the publick Government 8. By what degrees the Ephori encroached on the Spartan Kings 9. The
six Military Tribunes should be chosen by them to be possessed of all the Consular Authority and they to be promiscuously elected out of the Patricians and the People Livie l. 4. as they saw convenient and having got this ground they went on a main For not long after P. Licinius Calvus a meer Plebeian is made one of these Military Tribunes and shortly after that the Magister Equitum or the Commander of the Horse Thus Silius and Aelius are made Questors those of Patrician rank having had the canvass and next that followed a Decree that the Decemviri Sacrorum who had the custody and charge of the Sibyls Books Id. lib. 6. partim ex Plebe partim ex Patriciis should be indifferently chosen out of both Estates In little time the Tribunes pressing hotly for it L. Sextus obtains the Consulship Id. ibid. Id. lib. 7. Id. lib. 8. C. Martius Rutilius is first made Dictator afterwards one of the Censors also and P. Philo is advanced to the place and dignity of the Praetor Having thus taken possession of all Civil Magistracy which were of any power and dignity in the Common-wealth the Tribunes would not rest nor content themselves until the Commons were made capable of the Priesthood also which after some slight opposition made by Appius Claudius a Family that never yielded any thing to advance the people was conferred upon them five Augures and four Pontifices being added to the former number all chosen and for ever to be chosen by and out of the Commons Id. lib. 10. There were only now two places of respect and credit that of the Maximus Curio and the Pontifex Maximus both which the Nobles did pretend to belong to them but the Tribunes were resolved to have it otherwise According to which resolution Id. lib. 26. C. Manilius got the Office of the Maximus Curio and in the close of all Rofin Antiq. Rom. l. 3. c. 22. but a good while after Omnibus honoribus plebi communicatis after all other honours were conferred upon them or rather communicated to them one T. Coruncanius was declared the Pontifex Maximus All this and more they had but it would not satisfie For there was wanting still both the power of Judicature and the Supream Majesty of the State to make all compleat and to gain this the Tribunes must bestir themselves both with Art and Violence or else they could not hope to estate it on them A business of so high a nature that it was never in a way to be brought about till the two Gracchi undertook the contrivance of it who being men of excellent parts and great abilities did most unfortunately fall on the undertaking and being fallen upon it did devise all ways which either Art or Wit could present unto them to effect the work Of these Tiberius was the eldest who stumbling in the way on the Lex Agraria as being a means to make the poor people more considerable and the rich less powerful and finding that Octavius one of his Colleagues did oppose him in it deposed him from his Office by force and violence only because he stood upon the right of his negative Voice Plutarch in Tib. Calo. He had before inflamed the people by making a seditious speech to prefer their business and now he takes a course to inflame them more for the advancement of his own For one of his Friends being found dead upon a sudden not without some suspicion of poison as he gave it out he put on mourning Apparel and brought his sons before the people into the common Forum beseeching them to have compassion on his Wife and Children as one that utterly despaired of his own safety having for their sakes got the hatred of the Noble-men And sometimes he would be the first man in the Market-place apparelled all in black his face swelled with Tears and looking heavily upon the matter would pray the people to stand to him saying he was afraid his Enemies would come in the Night and overthrow his House to kill him By means of which Devices he so wrought upon them that many of them bought Tents and lay about his House continually to keep him from the hands of his deadly Enemies So that being sure of their concurrence and assistance in any project which he should set on foot to advance himself under pretence of doing service to the Common-wealth he presently proposed a Law 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that any man that would might appeal from the Judges to the people in what cause soever And that he might be sure to embase the Senate to the improvement and increase of the peoples power he had prepared another of an higher nature which was to add unto the Senate an equal number of the Equites or the Roman Knights who were to be of equal power and to have liberty of Voting in all publick businesses with the antient Senators In passing which and other of his popular Laws he got this Trick and he was very constant to it that if he found the sense of the House to be against him and was not like to carry with him the major part of the Voices he would quarrel with his fellow Tribunes to spin out the time till his party were all come together and if that could not do it neither then he adjourned the Assembly to some other day But yet for all these Artifices and unworthy practices he could not compass the design but left it to be finished by his Brother Caius Who taking the same course to engage the people which his Brother had pursued before brought those designs about which Tiberius failed in Id. ibid. For first whereas the Senate were the only Judges in matters which concerned the affairs of the Common-wealth which made them no less reverenced by the Roman Knights than by others of the common people Caius prevailed so far that he gained a Law for adding three hundred of these Equites to as many Senators for the Senate did consist of three hundred anciently 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 giving them equal power of judging in all causes which were brought before them So that by gaining this and the former Law of appealing to the people upon all occasions the people were estated in the power of Judicature and the dernier resort as the Lawers call it was in them alone The only point now left was the Supream Majesty and that did Caius very handsomly confer upon them without noise or trouble For whereas all other Orators when they made their Speeches turned themselves towards the Palace where the Senate sat he on the contrary turned himself towards the Market place where the people were and taught all other Orators by his Example to do the like And thus saith Plutarch by the only turning of his look he gained a point of infinite consequence and importance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 changing the Common-wealth from an Aristocratie to a meer Democratie which was
the carriage of the City Magistrates to appoint keepers unto Prisoners taken in the Wars to judg of Suits concerning Orphans and sometimes in such cases as belonged more properly to a Court of War Other particulars there are which they were to deal in Xenophon dâ— Repub. Athen. but these the principal and these though points of great concernment and arguments of the power and trust committed to them were little like to tempt them to abuse their power in the oppressing of the people For besides that they were chosen but for one year only and that too not without a previous inquisition into their former life and conversation which were sufficient to induce them to hold fair quarter with the people by all means imaginable they were bound by Oath at their admission to that honour to consult the peoples good and benefit in most special manner and not to imprison any of them how mean soever unless he were found guilty of some practice to betray the City and diminish the authority and power of the people or that being one of the Farmers of the Tolls and Taxes or a Collector of the Tributes he became non-solvent and had not cleared his accompt with the Common-wealth Demosthen in oratione cont Niceram As for the Court or Council of the Areopagites it consisted from the first beginning 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of such and such alone who had formerly been of the number of the nine chief Magistrates and they being once admitted held for term of life Plutarch in Solone Pericle which made them being men of eminence and reputation to be more able to annoy the people and to intrench upon them in their rights and liberties had their mind been answerable For unto them belonged the general superintendency of all things in the Common-wealth and them did Solon trust with this special Power that they should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. in Soloâ— and see the Laws to be maintained and to have their course and in particular to judg in the case of murder and man-slaughter and briefly in all Capital causes And with these Courts or Councils call them which you will the prudent Legislator thought that he had setled and confirmed the Common-wealth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as with two strong Achors in such a firm and constant manner that neither the fabrick of the State should be easily shaken nor the people apt to take offence or run themselves upon unpeaceable and seditious courses But if the Senate or the Council should abuse their power and use that Sword to the oppression of the common people which was committed to their hands for their weal and benefit might not and did not the Demarchi take the peoples part and save them from the wrongs and injuries intended towards them Calvin so intimates indeed but he speaks without book being more guided to that Error by the sound and Etymologie of the word than by the nature of the Office The best Greek Authors who have written the affairs of Rome do call the Tribunes of the people by this name Demarchi and their Authority or Office by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 also ' Nothing more common in Polybius Halicarnassensis Plutarch and whosoever else have left us any thing of the Roman stories in that Language But the Demarchi of Athens were of no such power and had but small authority God wot in affairs of State Measure them by the definition which is given by Suidas and he will tell you that they were certain Officers appointed in the Burroughs and free Towns of Attica being twelve in number 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Suidas in Lex And for his power he tells us that it did especially consist in making a Terrier of the Lands of every Township and keeping of the publick Registers which concerned the Burrough in calling the people of the Town together when their occasions did require it and calculating of their Voices by the Poll or scrutiny and sometimes in distraining on their Goods and Chattels if any of them were indebted to the State either in Amerciaments or Contributions But take his own words with you for the more assurance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Ibid. The Author of the Etymologicon magnum saith the same with Suidas but in fewer words and he describes this mighty man of whom Calvin dreams to be no other than the Bailiff of some ancient Burrough is with us in England his power being limited and confined within the perambulation of his own Parish in which he could do little more than take the valuation of his Neighbours Estate and tell how much he was to be assessed at in the Subsidy Book Etymologicon Magnum in Demarcho 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So he which is in sum what we had before 'T is true there was another Officer of the same name in the City also and for each Tribe one the Alderman of the Word we may fitliest call him but not of much more power and reputation than the Countrey-Bailiff Of these saith Harpocration an old Grammarian that they were called Naucrari at the first and had authority to arrest or destrain such persons as stood indebted to the Exchequer or the Common-wealth Hartoâ—at in Demarcho 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Harpocration briefly in his wonted manner But Julius Pollux in his Onomasticon goes to work more plainly Jul. Pollux l. 8. c. 9 â—ect 30. and telleth us of these Demarchi that they were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Governours or Aldermen of their several Wards that formerly they were called Naucrari that anciently the twelfth part of a Tribe or Ward was called Naucraria and in the later times the whole Ward it self that these Demarchi had the ordering of the Taxes raise in every Ward and looked unto the issuing of them for the publick use and finally that every Naucraria or Ward was to find two Horse-men and one Ship for the service of the Common-wealth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from whence in probabiliy they derived the word Add unto this from Suidas as the close of all Suidas in Lex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that they had also the setting forth of the great Festival called Panathenaea ordained by Theseus on the incorporating of all the people of Attica into the City of Athens 〈◊〉 in Theseo Put all that hath been said together touching these Demarchi and more than this I cannot find which concerns that Office and we may easily perceive that they were men of no authority in affairs of State so far from being likely to protect the people from the power and pressures of the Senate that they were rather Executioners or Ministers of Justice to afflict the people when the occasions of the Senate did require it of them That the Demarchi were ordained to oppose the Senate when it lay heavy on the necks of the common
people or actually did make head against them in behalf of the people if at any time they were oppressed and injured by it cannot be found I dare with confidence affirm in any Author of good credit either Greek or Latine 'T is true there were some People-pleasers in the State of Athens whom they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who by applying themselves to the peoples humour and seeming zealously assected to their power and profit could lead them whither they would and to what they lifted and sometimes did oppose themselves for the people sake not only against the Senate but all other Magistrates Of these it is that Arstotle doth make frequent mention in his books of Politicks and seems to prophecy that if not looked into in time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they would change the State into a Tyranny But these were neither of Officers of State nor Justice Aristot Politic l. 5 c. ◠nor indeed any Officers at all though many times they did ill Offices to the Commonwealth the better to advance the hopes of the popular faction and by it themselves And it is true which Aristotle tells us in another place 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the people had not only power to elect their Magistrates Id. ibid. l. 2. c. 12. but to call them also to accompt in case of mal-administration and had their proper Officers appointed to that end and purpose But then it is true withal but amongst them we meet not these Demarchi of whom Calvin dreams or any others which stood up in behalf of the common people but only in behalf of the Common-wealth Of this sort were the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 superadded to the nine Archontes and of authority to call them to an after-reckoning if they found them guilty of extortion Jul. Pollux l. 8. c. 9. sect 16. Id. ibid. sect 13. and of this sect were also those whom they called Logistae some of the which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith mine Author were purposely appointed to observe and enquire into the Acts of the Senate and to proceed against them when their time was out according as they saw occasion which kind of Overseers had an eye also on the Areopagites And this is that which is observed by Aeschines the famous Orator where speaking of the Fundamental constitutions of the Common-wealth he tells us that it was ordained by the Legislators 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aeschin in Orat Contra Demosth Ctesiphon that even the Senate of five hundred should give up an account of their ministration and that the holy Council of the Areopagites should be obnoxious to the censure of the Logistrae for by that very name he calls them Of any account they were to give to these Demarchi or any thing they did de facto or might do de jure with reference to the case and benefit of the common people nothing but silence to be found in all Antiquity And to say truth it was not necessary that any popular Magistrates should be made of purpose to save the people from the pride and Tyranny of the higher Courts which were accountable to the people upon all occasions and were to be accountable to them according to the fundamental institution of the Common-wealth The State of Athens being one of the absolutest Democraties which was ever exant and so accounted of by all who write of Politicks had little need or use of such popular Magistrates which Calvin fancieth in that place which may be serviceable to the people in an Aistocratie but in a popular estate of no use at all Which makes we wonder by the way why Plato should affirm against right and reason that the State of Athens in his time and the times before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was an Aristocratie Plato in Meneximo when by the current of all Writers and the course of story it appears most evidently that it was not only a Democratie but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Plutarch in Cimone the purest and most unmixt Democratie that was ever read of Thus have we proved the first of the three points propounded in the beginning of this work viz. that the Ephori the Demarchi and the Roman Tribunes were not ordained at first for those ends and purposes which are supposed by the Author but more particularly that neither the Ephori of Sparta were first instituted to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes first ordained to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi of Authority to oppose the Senate And we have proved which is directly contrary unto Calvins aim that the Ephori were at first ordained to ease the Kings and to be aiding to them against the Senate who began sensibly to encroach on the Regal power that the Tribunes were first instituted to no other end but to preserve the people from unjust oppression and that their opposition to the Consuls was accounted always to be against the rules of their Institution and a breach of Articles And as for these Demarchi whom we spake of last that neither by their Institution nor by Usurpation they did oppose against the Senate in behalf of the people but executed their commands upon the people as their duty bound them So that the great imagination which the Author had of shewing to the World a view of such popular Magistrates as might encourage men of place and eminence to think themselves ordained after these Examples to moderate the licentiousness of Kings and Princes is fallen directly to the ground without more ado as being built upon a weak nay a false foundation not able to support the building And more than so in case the instances proposed had been rightly chosen and that the Ephori in Sparta had been first ordained to oppose the Kings the Tribunes to oppose the Consuls and the Demarchi to keep under the Athenian State yet these would prove but sorry instances of such popular Officers as were ordained ad moderandum Regum libidinem to moderate the licentiousness of Kings and Sovereign Princes for proof of which they were produced The Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta till the Kings were brought under the command of the Senate and the State become an Aristocratie in which the Kings had very little left them of the Royal dignity but the empty name and were in power no other than the Dukes of Venice save that they were to have the command of the Armies which those Dukes have not And for the Tribunes 't is well known to every one who hath perused the Roman story that there were no such creatures to be found in Rome till the Romans had expulsed their Kings and were under their command of Consuls Monarchy being changed to an Optimatie and the peoplebound by solemn Oaths never to admit of a King amongst them The like may be affirmed also of the Demarchi of Athens supposing that they were of as great Authority as either the Ephori or the Tribunes
great 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philo de vita Mosis or Court of Sanhedrim And this is that which Casaubon doth also tell us from the most learned and expert of the Jewish Rabbins Non nisi nobilissimos è sacerdotibus Levitis caeteroque populo in lege peritissimos in Sanhedrim eligi Casaub Exercit in Baron 1. Sect. 3. that is to say that none but the most eminent of the Priests the Levites and the rest of the People and such as were most conversant in the Book of the Law were to be chosen into the Sanhedrim But to return again to the Book of God the power and reputation of this Court and Consistory having been much diminished in the times of the Kings of Judah was again revived by Jehosaphat Of whom we read that he not only did appoint Judges in the Land throughout all the fenced Cities of Judah 2 Chron. 19.5 but that he established at Hierusalem a standing Council consisting of the Levites and of the Priests and of the chief of the Fathers of Israel for the judgments of the Lord Ibid. r. 8. and for controversies according to the model formerly laid by God himself in the Book of Deuteronomy Which Court or Council thus revived continued in full force authority and power during the time of the captivity of Babilon as appears plainly by that passage in the Prophesie of Ezekiel where it is said of the Priests even by God himself Ezek. 44. v. 24. in controversie they shall stand in judgment compared with another place of the same Prophet where he makes mention of the Seventy of the Antients of the House of Israel Id. c. 8. v. 11. and Jaazaniah the Son of Shaphan standing in the midst as Prince of the Senate And after their return from that house of bondage they were confirmed in this authority by the Edict and Decree of Artaxerxes who gave Commission unto Ezra to set Magistrates and Judges over the People not after a new way of his own devising Ezra 6.7 v. 25. but after the wisdom of his God declared in the foregoing Ages by his Servant Moses In which estate they stood all the times succeeding until the final dissolution of that State and Nation with this addition to the power of the holy Priesthood that they had not only all that while their place and suffrage in the Court of Sanhedrim as will appear to any one who hath either read Josephus or the four Evangelists but for a great part of that time till the Reign of Herod the Supream Government of the State was in the hands of the Priests In which regard besides what was affirmed from Synesius formerly it is said by Justin Morem esse apud Judaeos ut eosdem Reges sacerdotes haberent that it was the custom of the Jews for the same men to be Kings and Priests Justin hist l. 36. and Tacitus gives this general note Judaeis Sacerdotu honorem firmamentum potentiae esse that the honour given unto the Priesthood amongst the Jews did most espeeially conduce to the establishment of their power and Empire And yet I cannot yield to Baronius neither Tacit. hist l. 3. where he affirms the better to establish a Supremacy in the Popes of Rome Summum Pont. arbitrio suo moderari magnum illud Concilium Baron Annal. An. 57. c. that the High Priest was always President of the Council or Court of Sanhedrim it being generally declared in the Jewish Writers that the High Priest could challenge no place at all therein in regard of his offence and descent but meerly in respect of such personal abilities as made himself to undergo such a weighty burden for which see Phagius in his notes on the 16 of Deuteronomy Thus have we seen of what authority and power the Priests were formerly as well amongst the Jews as amongst the Gentiles we must next see whether they have not been employed in the like affairs under the Gospel of Christ and that too in the best and happiest times of the Christian Church In search whereof it is not to be looked for by the ingenuous Reader that we should aim so high as the first 300 years after Christs Nativity The Prelates of the Church were suspected then to have their different aims and interesses from those who had the government of the Civil State and therefore thought uncapable of trust and imployment in it But after that according to that memorable maxim of Optatus Deschismat Donatist l. 3. Ecclesia erat in Republicâ the Church became a part of the Common-wealth and had their ends and aims united there followed these two things upon it first that the Supream Government of the Church depended much upon the will and pleasure of the Supream Magistrate Scorat Eccl. hist lib. 5. c. 1. insomuch as Socrates observeth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the greatest Councils have been called by their authority and appointment And 2ly That the Governours and Rulers of the Church of God came to have place and power in disposing matter that appertained to the well ordering of the Civil State And this they did not our of any busie or pragmatical desire to draw the cognizance of secular causes into their own hands or to increase their power and reputation with the common People but meerly for the ease and benefit of those who did repair unto them for their help and counsel and to comply with the command of the Apostle who imposed it on them S. Austin tells us of S. Ambrose with how great difficulty he obtained an opportunity of conversing with him privately and at large as his case required Secludentibus eum ab ejus aure atque ore catervis negociosorum hominum August Confes l. 6. c. 3. the multitude of those who had business to him and suits to be determined by him debarring him from all advantages of access and conference Which took up so much of his time that he had little leisure to refresh his body with necessary food or his mind with the reading of good Authors And Posidonius tells us of S. Austin causas audisse diligenter pie that he diligently and religiously attended such businesses as were brought before him not only spending all the morning in that troublesome exercise Posidon in vita August c. 19. but sometimes fasting all day long the better to content the suitor and dispatch the business The like S. Austin tells us of himself and his fellow Prelates first that the Christians of those times pro secularibus causis suis nos non raro quaererent August in Psal 118. serm 74 Epist 147. did ordinarily apply themselves unto them for the determining of secular causes and chearfully submitted unto their decisions next that the Prelates did comply with their earnest solicitations and desires therein Tu multuosissimas eausarum alienarum perplexitates patiendo Id. de opere Monach. c. 29. by
regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti regni Paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus consulere tractare ordinare statuere diffinire ac caetera facere quae Parliamento ibidem imminent facienda In vita Gul. Courtney This put together makes enough abundantly for the proofs de jure and makes the Bishops right to have Vote in Parliament to be undeniable Let us next see whether this right of theirs be not confirmed and countenanced by continual practice and that they have not lost it by discontinuance which is my second kind of proofs those I mean de facto And first beginning with the reign of the Norman Conqueror we find a Parliament assembled in the fifth year of that King wherein are present Episcopi Abbates Comites Primates toties Angliae the Bishops Abbots Earls and the rest of the Baronage of England Matth. Paris in Williglmo 1. In the 9th year of William Rufus an old Author telleth us de regni statu acturus Episcopos Abbates quoscunque Regni proceres in unum praecepti sui sanctione egit that being to consult of the affairs of the Kingdom he called together by his Writ the Bishops Abbots and all the Peers of the Realm Eadmer hist Nov. l. 2. During the reign of Henry the 2d for we will take but one Example out of each Kings reign though each Kings reign would yield us more a Patliament was called at London wherein were many things dispatched as well so Ecclesiastical as secular nature the Bishops and Abbots being present with the other Lords Coacto apud Londoniam magno Episcoporum Procerum Abbatumque Concilio multa ecclesiasticarum secularium rerum ordinata negotia decisa litigia saith the Monk of Malmesbury Malmesb. hist reg Angl. l. 5. And of this Parliament it is I take it that Eadmer speaketh Hist Novel l. 4. p. 91. Proceed we to King Henry the 2d for King Stephens reign was so full of Wars and Tumults that there is very little to be found of Parliaments and there we find the Bishops with the other Peers convened in Parliament for the determination of the points in controversie between Alfonso K. of Castile and Sancho K. of Navarre referred by compremise to that King of England and here determined by K. Henry amongst other things habito cum Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus cum deliberatione consilio as in Roger Hoveden Hoveder Annal pars posterin Hen. 2. Next him comes Richard the first his Son during whose imprisonment by the D. of Austria his Brother John then Earl of Moriton endeavoured by force and cunning in Normandy to set the Crown on his own head which caused Hubert the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to call a Parliament Convocatis coram eo Episcois Comitibus Baronibus regni wherein the Bishops Id in Joh. Earls and Barons did with one consent agree to seiz on his Estate and suppress his power the better to preserve the Kingdom in wealth peace and safety After succeded John and he calls a Parliament wherein were certain Laws made for the defence of his Kingdom Communi assensu Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum omnium fidelium suorum Angliae by the common Council and assent of the Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons and the rest of his Leiges Remember what was said before touching the Writ of Summons in the said Kings time From this time till the last Parliament of King Charles there is no Kings reign of which we have not many though not all the Acts of Parliament still in print amongst us Nor is there any Act of Parliament in the printed Books to the enactig of the which the Bishops approbation and consent is not plainly spectified either in the general Prome set before the Acts or in the body of the Act it self as by the books themselves doth at large appear And to this kind of proof may be further added the form and manner of the Writ by which the Prelates in all times have been called to Parliament being the very same verbatim with that which is directed to the Temporal Barons save that the Spiritual Lords are commanded to attend to the service in fide dilectione the Temporal in fide homagio and of late times in fide legeantia A form or copy of which summons as ancient as King Johns time V. Titles of Hon. pt 2. c. 5. is still preserved upon Record directed nominatim to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and then a scriptum est similiter to the residue of the Bishops Abbots Earls and Barons Then add the Priviledg of Parliament for themselves and their servants during the time of the Sessions the liberty to kill and take one or two of the Kings Deer as they pass by any of his Forests in coming to the Parliament upon his commandment Charta de Foresta cap. Cambden in Britannia their enjoying of the same immunities which are and have been heretofore enjoyed by the Temporaal Barons and tell me if the Bishops did not sit in Parliament by as good a Title and have not sat there longer by some hundreds of years in their Predecessors as or than any of the Temporal Lords do sit or have sat there in their Progenitours and therefore certainly Essential Fundamental parts of the Court of Parliament But against this it is objected first that some Acts have passed in Parliament to which the Prelates did not Vote not could be present in the House when the Bill was passed as in the sentencing to death or mutilation of a guilty person as doth appear both by the Laws and constitutions recognized at Clarendon and the following practice This hath been touched on before and we told you then that this restraint was laid upon them not by the Common Law of England or an Act or Ordinance of the House of Peers by which they were disabled to attend that service It was their own voluntary Act none compelled them to it but only out of a copnformity to some former Canons ad sanctorum Canonum instituta Antiqu. Brit. in Gul. Conrineâ— Constitut Othobon fol. 45. as their own words are by which it was not lawful for the Clergy-men to be either Judges or Assessors in causa Sanguinis And yet they took such care to preserve their Interests that they did not only give their Proxies for the representing of their persons but did put up their Protestation with a salvo jure for the preserving of their rights for the time to come jure Paritatis interessendi in dicto Parliamento quaod omnia singula ibi exercenda in omnibus semper salvo Antiqu. Britan. in Gul. Courtney as the manner was Examples of the which are as full and frequent as their withdrawing themselves on the said occasions But then the main Objection is that as some Acts have passed in Parliament absentibus Praelatis when the Bishops
Successors of John of Gaunt cast many a longing eye on the Church revenues and hardly were persuaded to abstain from that height of sacriledg which Henry the 8. did after come to And this I am induced to believe the rather in regard that in the confirmation of the Churches rights so solemnly confirmed and ratified in all former Parliaments there was a clog put to or added in these times which shaked the Fabrick the confirmation being first of such rights and liberties as were not repealed 3 Hen. 5. cap. 1. 4 Hen. 5. cap. 1. and afterwards of such as by the Common Law were not repealable 2 Hen. 6. cap. 1. which might go very far indeed And secondly I find that in the 8. of Henry the 6. an Act of Parliament was passed that all the Clergy called to Convocation by the Kings Writ and their servants and Family shall for ever hereafter fully use and enjoy such liberty and defence in coming tarrying and returning as the great men and Commonalty of the Realm of England called to the Kings Parliament do enjoy 8 Hen. 6. cap. 1. c. Which being an unnecessary care or caution when the Clergy had their Voice in Parliament and very necessary to be taken formerly if they had never had such Voice makes me conceive that it was much about this time that they lost that priviledg But this I leave as a conjecture and no more than so For answer to the second Argument that if they had been called of old ad consentiendum we should have found more frequent mention of their consent unto the Acts and Statutes of the former times besides that it is a Negative proof and so non concludent it strikes as much against the presence and consent of the Knights and Burgesses in the elder Parliaments as it can do against the Clergy For in the elder Parliaments under King Henry 3. and K. Edward the first there is no mention of the Commons made at all either as preent or consenting nor much almost in all the Parliaments till King Henry 7. but that they did petition for redress of grievance and that upon their special instance and request several Laws were made for the behoof and benefit of the Common-wealth In the Proem to the severall Sessions which part the Clergy also acted in some former Parliaments as before was shewed So that this negative Argument must conclude against both or neither But secondly I answer that in these elder times in which the Proctors for the Clergy had their place in Parliament they are included generally in the name of the Commons And this I say on the Authority of the old modus tenendi Parliamentum in which the Commons are divided in the Spiritualty and the Temporalty and where it is expresly said that the Proctors for the Clergy the Knights the Citizens and the Burgesses did represent the whole commonalty of the Realm of England Cap. ult And this holds good in Law for ought I find unto the contrary to this very day Certain I am that Crompton in his book of the Jurisdiction of Courts where he speaks of Parliaments doth tell us that the Knights Citizens Burgesses and Barons of the Cinque-ports ove le Clergie qu' eux assemble au Pawles Crompton Jurisd des Courts Car. represent le corps de tout le Comminalty Dengliterre together with the Clergy which assembled at S. Pauls do represent the body of the whole Commonalty of England So then the Clergy were not only called but were present also according to that clause in the Writ of Summons which before I spake of directed to their several and respective Bishops as the Kings spiritual Sheriffs if I may so say enabled by the Laws to that end and purpose Which some endeavouring to avoid have at last found out that the clause before recited out of the Writ to the Bishops is not a calling of the Clergy to attend in Parliament but to command them to attend in the Convocation which I have heard much pressed by those who pretend unto some knowledg in the course of things Which though it be a gross mistake and inconsistent with the words and circumstances of the Writ it self which relates meerly to the Parliament and business of a Parliamentarie nature yet for the clearing of the point and undeceiving such as have been deceived they may please to know thta besides this Writ by which the Clergy are commanded to appear in Parliament there is another Writ and another Form of calling them unto the service of the Convocation which is briefly this The King sends out his Writ or Mandat to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury requiring him super quibusdam arduis urgentibus negotiis Regist Warham c. for divers great and weighty reasons cocnerning the Kings Honour the Churches safety and the publick peace of his Dominions to summon all the Bishops Deans and Chapters Arch-deacons and the whole Clergy of his Province to meet in Convocation at a day and place appointed On the reception of which Writ thge Arch-bishop sendeth out his Monitory to the Bishop of London who by his place in Dean of the Episcopal Colledg Antiqu. Britan. in initio and to disperse the Mandates of the Metropolitan requiring him to appear himself in person and to send out his Warrant unto every Bishop of the Province to appear there also and to take order that the Deans of the Cathedrals and Arch-decaons personally the Chapter of one Procurator the Clergy of the Diocese by two whom we usually call Clerks of the Convocation do attend that service Which coming to the hands of each several Bishop the do accordingly give intimation to their Deans and Chapters Regist Warham and to their Arch-deacons and the Clergy and they accordingly prepare themselves to obey the Monitory and to return certificate of their doings in it The like proceeding is observed also for the Province of York So that the calling of the Clergy to the Convocation being by a different Writ and another Form which hath no reference to nor dependance on the Writs directed by the King to each several Bishop for their attendance in the Parliament it must needs be as I conceive it that by that clause remaining in the Writs aforesaid the Clergy have good right and Title to a Voice in Parliament though they have lost their jus in re the benefit the use and possession of it But I speak this as once the Apostle said in another case not by commandment but by permission For I persaude my self the Clergy do not aim so high at the recovery of a right so long antiquated and disused but would be well enough content with the restitution of the Bishops to their Vote in Parliament of which they stood possessed by so strong a Title as the very constitution of the Parliament and the fundamental Laws of the English Government could confer upon them For though the Bishops sat in
without incurring the crimes of Treason or Disloyalty not only to oppose but resist them in it The like to which occurrs for the Realm of Hungary wherein K. Andrew gives Authority to his Bishops Lords Bonfinius de Edict publ p. 37. and other Nobles sine nota alicujus infidelitatis that without any imputation of Disloyalty they may contradict oppose and resist their Kings if they do any thing in violation of some Laws and sanctions In Poland the King takes a solemn Oath at his Coronation to confirm all the Priviledges Rights and Liberties which have been granted to his Subjects of all ranks and Orders by any of his Predecessors and then adds this clause quod si Sacramentum meum violavero incolae Regni nullam nobis obedientiam praestare tenebuntur which if he violates his Subjects shall no longer be obliged to yield him Obedience Which Oath as Bodin well observeth Bodin de Rep. lib. 2. cap. 8. doth savour rather of the condition of the Prince of the Senate than of the Majesty of a King The like may be affirmed of Frederick the first King of Danemark who being called unto that Crown on the ejection of K. Christian the 2d An. 1523. was so conditioned with by the Lords of the Kingdom that at his Coronation or before he was fain to swear that he would put none of the Nobility to death or banishment but by the judgment of the Senate that the great men should have power of life or death over their Tenants and Vassals and that no Appeal should lie from them to the Kings Tribunal nor the King be partaker of the confiscations nec item honores aut imperia privatis daturum Id. ibid. c. nor advance any private person to Commands or Honours but by Authority of his great Council Which Oath being also taken by Frederick the second made Bodinus say that the Kings of Danemark non tam reipsa quam appellatione Reges sunt were only titular Kings but not Kings indeed Which Character he also gives of the King of Bobemia Id. ibid. p. 88. But in an absolute Monarchy the case is otherwise all the prerogatives and rights of Sovereignty being so vested in the Kings person ut nec singulis civibus nec universis fas est c. that it is neither lawful to particular men nor to the whole body of the Subjects generally to call the Prince in question for Life Fame or Fortunes Id. ibid. p. 210. and amongst these he reckoneth the Kingdoms of France Spain England Scotland the Tartars Muscovites omnium pene Africae Asiae imperiorum and of almost all the Kingdoms of Africk and Asia But this we shall the better see by looking over the particulars as they lie before us But first before we come unto those particulars we will look backwards on the condition and Authority of the Jewish Sanbedrim which being instituted and ordained by the Lord himself may serve to be a leading Case in the present business For being that the Jews were the Lords own people and their King honoured with the Title of the Lords Anointed it will be thought that if the Sanhedrim or the great Council of the seventy had any Authority and power over the Kings of Judah of whose jus Regni such a larger description is made by God himself in the first of Sam. cap. 8. the three Estates may reasonably expect the like in these parts of Christendom Now for the Authority of the Sanhedrim it is said by Cardinal Baronius that they had power of Judicature over the Law the Prophets and the Kings themselves Baron Annai Eccl. An. 31. sect 10. Erat horum summa autoritas ut qui de lege cognoscerent Prophetis simul de Regibus judicarent Which false position he confirms by as false an instance affirming in the very next words horum judicio Herodem Regem postulatum esse that King Herod was convented and convicted by them for which he cites Josphus with the like integrity I should have wondred very much what should occasion such a gross mistake in the learned Cardinal had I not shewn before that as he makes the Sanhedrim to rule the King so he hath made the high Priest to rule the Sanhedrim which to what purpose it was done every man can tell who knoweth the Cardinal endeavoureth nothing more in his large Collections than to advance the dignity and supremacy of the Popes of Rom. But for the power pretended to be in the Sanhedrim Id. in Epist dedicator and their proceedings against Herod as their actual King Josephus whom he cites is so far from saying it that he doth expresly say the contrary For as Josephus tells the story Hyrcanus was then King not Herod and Herod of so little hopes to enjoy the Kingdom that he could not possibly pretend any Title to it But having a command in Galilee procured by Antipater his Father of the good King Hyrcanus he had played the wanton Governor amongst them and put some of them to death against Law and Justice For which the Mothers of the slain 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 did often call upon the King and people in the open Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. that Herod might answer for the murther before the Sanhedrim Joseph Antiq. Judic l. 14. cap. 17. Which being granted by the King he was accordingly convented by them and had been questionless condemned had not the King who loved him dearly given him notice of it on whose advertisement he went out of the Town and so escaped the danger This is the substance of that story and this gives no Authority to the Court of Sanhedrim over the persons or the actions of the Kings of Judah Others there are who make them equal to the Kings though not superiour Magnam fuisse Senatus autoritatem Regiae velut parem saith the Learned Grotius Grotius in Matth. cap. 5. v. 22. And for the proof thereof allege those words of Sedechias in the Book of Jeremy who when the Princes of his Realm required of him to put the Prophet to death Jerem. 38.5 returned this Answer Behold he is in your hand Rex enim contra vos nihil potest for the King is not he that can do any thing against you Which words are also cited by Mr. Prynne to prove that the King of England hath no Negative Voice but by neither rightly For Calvin who as one observeth composed his Expositions on the book of God according to the Doctrine of his Institutions would not have lost so fair an evidence for the advancing of the power of his three Estates Prynne of Parl. pt 2. p. 73. Hookers Preface had he conceived he could have made it serviceable to his end and purpose But he upon the contrary finds fault with them who do so expound it or think the King did speak so honourably of his Princes ac si nihil iis sit
sometimes to pass by a Statute with a non obstante as in the Statute 1 Hen. IV. cap. VI. touching the value to be specified of such Lands Offices or Annuities c. as by the King are granted in his Letters patents But these will better come within the compas of those jura Majestatis Cambden in Brit. or rights of Sovereignty which our Lawyers call sacra individua Sacred by reason they are not to be pried into with irreverent eyes and individual or inseparable because they cannot be communicated unto any other Of which kind are the levying of Arms Case of our Affairs p. suppressing of tumults and rebellions providing for the present safety of his Kingdom against sudden dangers convoking of Parliaments and dissolving them making of Peers granting liberty of sending Burgesses to Towns and Cities treating with forein States making War Leagues and Peace granting safe conduct and protection Indenizing giving of Honour Rewarding Pardoning Coyning Printing and the like to these But what need these particulars have been looked into to prove the absoluteness and sovereignty of the Kings of England when the whole body of the Realm hath affirmed the same and solemnly declared it in their Acts of Parliament 16 Rich. 2. c. 5. In one of which is affirmed that the Crown of England hath been so free at all times that it hath been in no earthly subjection but immediatly to God in all things touching the regality of the said Crown and to none other And in another Act that the Realm of England is an Empire governed by one Supream Head and King having the Dignity and Royal Estate of the Imperial Crown of the same unto whom a Body politick compact of all sorts and degrees of people divided in terms and by names of Spiritualty and Temporalty be bounden and ought to bear next to God a natural and bumble obedience 24 Hen. 8. c. 12. And more than so That the King being the supream Head of this Body Politick is instituted and furnished by the goodness and sufferance of Almighty God with plenary whole and entire power preheminence authority prerogative and jurisdiction to render and yield justice and final determination to all manner of Subjects within this Realm and in all causes whatsoever Nor was this any new Opinion invented only to comply with the Princes humour but such as is declared to have been fortified by sundry Laws and Ordinances made in former Parliaments Ibid. and such as hath been since confirmed by a solemn Oath taken and to be taken by most of the Subjects of this Kingdom Which Oath consisting of two parts the one Declaratory and the other Promissory in the Declaratory part the man thus taketh it he doth declare and testifie in his conscience that the Kings Highness is the only supream Governour of this Realm and of all other his Dominions and Countries as well in all Spiritual or Ecclesiastical things or causes as temporal c. And in the Promissory part 1 Eliz. c. 1. they make Oath and swear that to their power they will assist and defend all Jurisdictions Priviledges Preheminencies and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highness his Heirs and Successors or united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm Put all which hath been said together and it will appear that if to have merum imperium a full and absolute command and all the jura majestatis which belong to Sovereignty if to be so Supream as to hold immediatly of God to have all persons under him none but God above him if to have all authority and jurisdiction to be vested in him and proceeding from him and the material sword at his sole disposal for the correcting of offenders and the well ordering of his people if to have whole and entire power of rendring justice and final determination of all causes to all manner of Subjects as also to interpret and dispence with Laws and all this ratified and confirmed unto him by the solemn Oath of his Subjects in the Court of Parliament be enough to make an absolute Monarch the Kings of England are more absolute Monarchs than either of their Neighbours of France or Spain If any thing may be said to detract from this it is the new device so much pressed of late of placing the chief Sovereignty or some part thereof in the two Houses of Parliament concerning which Mr. Pryn published a discourse entituled The supreme power of Parliaments and Kingdoms and others in their Pamphlets upon that Argument have made the Parliament so absolute and the King so limited that of the two the Members of the Houses are the greater Monarchs But this is but a new device not heard of in our former Monuments and Records of Law nor proved or to be proved indeed by any other Medium than the Rebellions of Cade Tiler Straw Kett Mackerel Prynns book of Parl. c. pt 3. and the rest of that rascal rabble or the seditious Parliaments in the time of King Henry III. King Edward II. and King Richard II. when civil war and faction carried all before it For neither have the Houses or either of them enjoyed such Sovereignty de facto in times well setled and Parliaments lawfully assembled nor ever could pretend to the same de jure Or if they do as many have been apt enough to raise false pretences it would much trouble them to determine whether this Sovereignty be conferred upon them by the King or the People whether it be in either of the Houses severally or in both united If they can challenge this pretended Sovereignty in neither of these capacities nor by none of these titles it may be warrantably concluded that there is no such Sovereignty as they do pretend to And first there is no part nor branch of Sovereignty conferred upon them by the King The Writs of Summons which the Deelaration of the Lords and Commons assembled at Oxon. 1643. doth most truly call the foundation of all power in Parliament Declaration of the Trtaty p. 15. tell us no such matter The Writ directed to the Lords doth enable them only to confer and treat with one another consilium vestrum impendere and to advise the King in such weighty matters as concern the safety of the Kingdom But they are only to advise not compel the King to counsel him but not controll him and to advise and counsel are no marks of Sovereignty but rather works of service and subordination Nor can they come to give this Counsel without he invite them and being invited by his Writ cannot choose but come except he excuse them which are sure notes of duty and subjection but verry sorry signs of power and sovereignty 'T is true that being come together they may and sometimes do on a Writ of Error examin and reverse or affirm such judgments as have been given in the Kings Bench and from their sentence in the case there is
held on the 25th of June 1622. were severally condemned to be erroneous scandalous and destructive of Monarchical Government Upon which Sentence or determination the King gave order that as many of those books as could be gotten should solemnly and publickly be burnt in each of the Universities and St. Pauls Church-yard which was done accordingly An accident much complained of by the Puriten party for a long time after who looked upon it as the funeral pile of their Hopes and Projects till by degrees they got fresh courage carrying on their designs more secretly by consequence more dangerously than before they did The terrible effects whereof we have seen and felt in our late Civil Wars and present confusions But it is time to close this point and come to a conclusion of the whole discourse there be no other Objections that I know of but what are easily reduced unto those before or not worth the answering 15. Thus have we taken a brief survey of those insinuations grounds or principles call them what you will which Calvin hath laid down in his book of Institutions for the incouragement of the Subjects to rebellious courses and putting them in Arms against their Sovereign either in case of Tyranny Licentiousness or Mal-administration of what sort soever by which the Subject may pretend that they are oppressed either in point of Liberty or in point of Property And we have shewn upon what false and weak foundations he hath raised his building how much he hath mistaken or abused his Authors but how much more he hath betrayed and abused his Readers For we have clearly proved and directly manifested out of the best Records and Monuments of the former times that the Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes in the State of Rome to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi in the Common-wealth of Athens to oppose the Senate or if they were that this could no way serve to advance his purpose of setting up such popular Officers in the Kingdoms of Christendom those Officers being only found in Aristocraties or Democraties but never heard or dreamt of in a Monarchical Government And we have shewn both who they are which constitute the three Estates in all Christian Kingdoms and that there is no Christian Kingdom in which the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they do call them have any authority either to regulate the person of the Sovereign Prince or restrain his power in case he be a Sovereign Prince and not meerly titular and conditional and that it is not to be found in Holy Scripture that they are or were ordained by God to be the Patrons and Protectors of the common people and therefore chargeable with no less a crime than a most perfidious dissimulation should they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly abuse that power which the Lord hath given them to the oppression of their Subjects In which last points touching the designation of the three Estates and the authority pretended to be vested in them I have carried a more particular eye on this Kingdom of England where those pernicious Principles and insinuations which our Author gives us have been too readily imbraced and too eagerly pursued by those of his party and opinion If herein I have done any service to supream Authority my Countrey and some misguided Zealots of it I shall have reason to rejoyce in my undertaking If not posterity shall not say that Calvins memory was so sacred with me and his name so venerable as rather to suffer such a Stumbling-block to be laid in the Subjects way without being censured and removed than either his authority should be brought in question or any of his Dictates to a legal tryal Having been purchased by the Lord at so dear a price we are to be no longer the Servants of men or to have the truth of God with respect of persons I have God to be my Father and the Church my Mother and therefore have not only pleaded the cause of Kings and Supream Magistrates who are the Deputies of God but added somewhat in behalf of the Church of England whose rights and priviledges I have pleaded to my best abilities The issue and success I refer to him by whom Kings do Reign and who appointed Kings and other Supream Magistrates to be nursing Fathers to his Church that as they do receive authority and power from the hands of God so they may use the same in the protection and defence of the Church of God and God even their own God will give them his Blessing and save them from the striving of unruly people whose mouth speaketh proud words and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity FINIS De Jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR A BRIEF DISCOURSE ASSERTING THE Bishops Right of Peerage WHICH EITHER By Law or Ancient Custom DOTH Belong unto them WRITTEN By the Learned and Reverend PETER HEYLYN D. D. In the Year 1640. When it was Voted in the Lords House That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the EARL of STRAFFORD He being dead yet speaketh Heb. xi 4. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. A PREFACE ALthough there are Books enough writ to vindicate the Honours and Priviledges of Bishops yet to those that are fore-stalled with prejudice and passion all that can be said or done will be little enough to make them wise unto sobriety to prevail with them not to contradict the conviction of their mind with absurd and fond reasonings but that Truth may conquer their prepossessions and may find so easie an access and welcome unto their practical judgments that they may profess their faith and subjection to that order which by a misguided zeal they once endeavoured to destroy Many are the methods that have been and are still used to rase up the foundation of Episcopacy and to make the Name of Bishop to be had no more in remembrance For first some strike at the Order and Function it self And yet St. Paul reckons it among his faithful sayings 1 Tim. 3.1 that the Office of a Bishop is a good work And the order continued perpetually in the Church without any interruption of time or decrees of Councils to the contrary for the space of many Centuries after the Ascension of Christ and the Martyrdom of the Apostles For they ordained Bishops and approved them Before St. John died Rome had a succession of no less than four viz. Linus Anacletus Clemens and Evaristus Jerusalem had James the just and Simeon the Son of Cleophas Antioch had Euodius and Ignatius and St. Mark Anianus Abilius and Cerdo successively fill'd the See of Alexandria All these lived in St. Johns days and their order obeyed by Christians and blessed by God throughout the whole world for the Conversion of Jews and Gentiles for the perfecting of the Saints and the edifying of
long professed and received doctrine but continue to use all good means and seek at your Lordships hands some effectual Remedy hereof lest by petmitting passage to these Errors the whole body of Popery should by little and little break in upon us to the overthrow of our Religion and consequently the withdrawing of many here and elsewhere from true obedience to her Majesty May it therefore please your Lordship to have an honourable consideration of the premises and for the better maintaining of peace and the truth of Religion so long received in this University and Church to vouchsafe your Lordships good aid and advice both to the comfort of us wholly consenting and agreeing in judgment and all others of the University truly affected and to the suppression in time not only of these errors but even of gross Popery like by such means in time easily to creep in amongst us as we find by late experience it hath dangerously begun Thus craving pardon for troubling your Lordship and commending the same in praise to Almighty God we humbly take our leave From Cambridge March 8th 1595. Your Lordships humble and bounden to be commanded Roger Goad Procan R. Some Tho. Leg John Jegon Thomas Nevil Thomas Preston Hump. Tyndal James Mountague Edmond Barwel Laurence Cutterton Such was the condition of Affairs at Cambridge at the expiring of the year 1595. the genuine Doctrine of the Church beginning then to break through the clouds of Calvinism wherewith it was before obscured and to shine forth again in its former lustre To the advancement of which work as the long continuance of Baroe in the University for the space of 20 years and upwards the discreet activity of Dr. Harsnet Fellow and Master of Pembrook Colledge for the term of 40 yeaas and more gave a good encouragement so the invincible constancy of Mr. Barret and the slender opposition made by Overald contributed to the confirmation and encrease thereof For scarce had Overald warmed his Chair when he found himself under a necessity of encountring some of the remainder of Baroes Adversaries though he followed not the blow so far as Baroe did for some there were of the old Predestination Leven who publickly had taught as he related it in the conference at Hampton Court all such persons as were once truly justified though after they fell into never so grievous sins yet remained still just or in the state of Justification before they actually repented of those sins yea though they never repented of them through forgetfulness or sudden death yet they should be justified and saved without Repentance Against which Overald maintained that whosoever although before justified did commit any grievous sin as Adultery Murder Treason or the like did become ipso facto Conf. at Ham. C. p. 42. subject to Gods wrath and guilty of damnation or were in the state of damnation quoad presentem statum until they repented And so far he had followed Baroe but he went no further holding as he continued his own story that such persons as were called and justified according to the purpose of Gods Election did neither fall totally from all the graces of God though how a justified man may bring himself into a present state of Wrath and Damnation without a total falling from all the graces of God is beyond my reason and that they were in time renewed by the Spirit of God unto a lively faith and repentance and thereby justified from those sins with the guilt and wrath annexed unto them into which they had fallen nor can it be denied but that some other Learned men of those times were of the same opinion also Amongst which I find Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum Anti-Armini pag. 202. and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon to be reckoned for one and Mr. Richard Hooker of whom more anon to be accounted for another But being but the compositions of private men they are not to be heard against the express words of the two Homilies touching falling from God in case the point had not been positively determined in the sixteenth Article But so it hapned notwithstanding that Overald not concurring with the Calvinists concerning the estate of such justified persons as afterwards fell into grievous sins there grew some diffidences and distrust between them which afterwards widned themselves into greater differences Insomuch that diffenting from them also touching the absolute decree of Reprobation and the restraining of the benefit of Christs death and Gods grace unto a few particulars and that too in Gods primitive purpose and intent concerning the salvation and damnation of man-kind those of the Anti-Calvinian party went on securely with little or no opposition and less disturbance At Oxford all things in the mean time were calm and quiet no publick opposition shewing it self in the Schools or Pulpits The reasons of that which might be first that the Students of that University did more incline unto the canvasing of such points as were in difference betwixt us and the Church of Rome than unto those which were disputed against the Calvinists in these points of Doctrine for witness whereof we may call in the works of Sanders Stapleton Allyns Parsons Campian and many others of that sid as those of Bishop Jewel Bishop Bilson Dr. Humphreys Mr. Nowel Dr. Sparks 〈◊〉 Hist l. 9. Dr. Reynolds and many others which stood firm to the Church of England And secondly though Dr. Humphreys the Queens Professor for Divinity was not without cause reckoned for a Non conformist yet had he the reputation of a moderate man a moderate Non-conformist as my Author calls him and therefore might permit that liberty of opinion unto other men which was indulged unto himself neither did Dr. Holland who succeeded him give any such countenance to the propagating of Calvins doctrines as to make them the subject of his Lectures and Disputations Insomuch that Mr. Prin with all his diligence can find but seven men who publickly maintained any point of Calvianism in the Schools of Oxon from the year 1596. to the year 1616. and yet to make that number also he is fain to take in Dr. George Abbot and Dr. Benfield on no other account but for maintaining Deum non esse authorem peccati that God is not the Author of sin which any Papist Lutheran or Arminian might have maintained as well as they And yet it cannot be denied but that by errour of these times the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both Universities and the extream diligence of his followers for the better carrying on of their own designs there was a general tendency unto his opinions in the present controversies so that it is no marvel if many men of good affection to that Church in government and forms of worship might unawares be seasoned with his Principles in point of Doctrine Instit fathers in the Pref. his book of Institutes being for the most part the foundation on which the young Divines of
those times did build their studies and having built their studies on a wrong foundation did publickly maintain some point or other of his Doctrines which gave least offence and out of which no dangerous consequence could be drawn as they thought and hoped to the dishonour of God the disgrace of Religion the scandal of the Church or subversion of godliness amongst which if judicious Mr. Hooker be named for one as for one I find him to be named yet is he named only for maintaining one of the five points that namely of the not total or final falling away of Gods Elect as Dr. Overald also did in the Schools of Cambridge though neither of them can be challenged for maintaining any other point of Calvins Doctrine touching the absolute decree of Reprobation Election unto life without reference to faith in Christ the unresistible workings of Grace the want of freedom in the will to concur therewith and the determining of all mens actions unto good or evil without leaving any power in men to do the contrary And therefore secondly Mr. Hookers discourse of Justification as it now comes into our hands might either be altered in some points after his decease by him that had the publishing of it or might be written by him as an essay of his younger years before he had consulted the Book of Homilies and perused every clause in the publick Liturgy as he after did or had so carefully examined every Text of Scripture upon which he lays the weight of his judgment in it as might encourage him to have it printed when he was alive Of any men who publickly opposed the Calvinian tenents in this University till after the beginning of King James his Reign I must confess that I have hitherto found no good assurance though some there were who spared not to declare their dislike thereof and secretly trained up their Scholars in other principles An argument whereof may be that when Dr. Baroe dyed in London which was about three or four years after he had left his place in Cambridge his Funeral was attended by most of the Divines then living in and about the City Dr. Bancroft then Bishop of London giving order in it which plainly shews that there were many of both Universities which openly favoured Baroes Doctrines and did as openly dislike those of the Calvinians though we find but few presented to us by their names Amongst which few I first reckon Dr. John Buckridge President of St. Johns Colledge and Tutor to Archbishop Laud who carried his Anti-Calvinian doctrines with him to the See of Rochester and publickly maintained them at a conference in York House Ann. 1626. And secondly Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of the University Ann. 1602. so known an enemy to Calvin his opinions that he incurred a suspension by Dr. Robert Abbots then Vice Chancellor And afterwards being Bishop of Oxon subscribed the letter amongst others to the Duke of Buckingham in favour of Mountague and his Book called Appello Cesarem as before was said And though we find but these two named for Anti-Calvinist in the five controverted points yet might there be many houses perhaps some hundreds who held the same opinions with them though they discovered not themselves or break out in any open opposition 1 King 19 18. 1 King 19 1◠as they did at Cambridge God had 7000. Servants in the Realm of Israel who had not bowed the knee to Baal though we find the name of none but the Prophet Eliah the residue keeping themselves so close for fear of danger that the Prophet himself complained to God that he alone was left to serve him A parallel case to which may be that the Christians during the power and prevalency of the Arian Hereticks St. Jerome giving us the names of no more than three who had stood up stoutly in defence of the Nicene council and the points of Doctrine there established viz. 1. St. Athanasius Patriark of Alexandria in Egypt St. Hillary Bishop of Poictious in France and St. Eusebius Bishop of Vevelli in Italy of which thus the Father Siquidem Arianis victis triumphatorem Athanasium suum Egyptus excepit Hillarium è prelio revertentem galliarum ecclesia complexa est ad reditum Eusebii sui lugubres vestes Italia mutavit that is to say upon the overthrow of the Arians Egypt received her Athanasius now returned in triumph the Church of France embraced her Hillary coming home with victory from the battel and on the return of Eusebius Italy changed her mourning garments By which it is most clear even to vulgar eyes that not these Bishops only did defend the truth but that it was preserved by many others as well of the Clergy as of the People in their several Countreys who otherwise never had received them with such joy and triumph if a great part of them had not been of the same opinions though no more of them occur by name in the records of that age But then again If none but the three Bishops had stood unto the truth in the points disputed at that time between the Orthodox Christians and the Arian Hereticks yet had that been sufficient to preserve the Church from falling universally from the faith of Christ or deviating from the truth in those particulars Deut. 17.6 Mat. 18 19. the word of truth being established as say both Law and Gospel if there be only two or three witnesses to attest unto it two or three members of the Church may keep possession of a truth in all the rest and thereby save the whole from errour even as a King invaded by a foreign Enemy doth keep possession of his Realm by some principal fortress the standing out whereof may in time regain all the rest which I return for answer to another objection touching the paucity of those Authors whom we have produced in maintenance of the Anti Calvinian or old English doctrines since the resetling of the Church under Queen Elizabeth for though they be but few in number and make but a very thin appearance Apparent rari nautes in gurgite vasto in the Poets language yet serve they for a good assurance that the Church still kept possession of her primitive truths not utterly lost though much endangered by such contrary Doctrines as had of late been thrust upon her there was a time when few or none of the Orthodox Bishops durst openly appear in favour of St. Athanasius but only Liberius Pope of Rome Theod. Hist Eccles lib. 2. cap. 15. who thereupon is thus upbraided by Constantius the Arian Emperour Quota pars tu es orbis terrarum qui solus c. How great a part saith he art thou of the whole world that thou alone shouldst shew thy self in defence of that wicked man and thereby overthrow the peace of the Universe To which Liberius made this answer non diminuitur solitudine mea verbum dei nam olim