hauing soone recouered his helth he discharged his Phisitions vvith such vvords as these Feast me no more vvith your Hippocrates and Galene sith they can no skill to helpe me to recouer my helth but vvell fare Quintus Curtius that could so good skill to helpe me to recouer my helth Novv if the reading and knovvledge of histories be delightfull and profitable to all other kind of folke I say it is much more for great Princes and Kings bicause they haue to do vvith charges of greatest vveight and difficultie to be best stored vvith giftes and knovvledge for the discharge of their dueties seeing the ground of stories is to treate of all maner of high matters of state as vvarres battells cities contries treaties of peace and alliances and therefore it seemeth more fit for them than for any other kinde of degrees of men bicause they being bred and brought vp tenderly and at their ease by reason of the great regard and care that is had of their persons as meete is for so great states to haue they take not so great paines in their youth for the learning of things as behoueth those to take vvhich vvill learne the noble auncient languages and the painfull doctrine comprehended in Philosophie Againe vvhen they come to mans state their charge calleth them to deale in great affaires so as there remaineth no exercise of vvit more conuenient for thē than the reading of histories in their ovvne tunge vvhich vvithout paine is able to teache them euen vvith great pleasure and ease vvhatsoeuer the painfull vvorkes of the Philosophers concerning the gouernment of common vveales can shevve them to make them skilful in the vvell ruling and gouerning of the people and contries that God hath put vnder their subiection But the vvorst is that they euer or for the most part haue such maner of persons about them as seeke nothing els but to please them by all the vvayes they can and there are very few that dare tell them the truth freely in all things vvhere as on the contrary part an history flattereth with them not but layeth open before their eyes the faults and vices of such as vvere like them in greatnesse of degree And therefore Demetrius Phalereus a man renovvmed as vvell for his skill in the good gouernment of a common vveale as for his excellent knovvledge othervvise counselled Ptolomy first king of AEgypt after the death of Alexander the great that he should often and diligently reade the bookes that treated of the gouernment of kingdomes bicause sayd he thou shalt finde many things there vvhich thy seruaunts and familiar friendes dare not tell thee Moreouer this is another thinge that suche great personages can not easily trauell out of the bounds of their dominions to goe vievv straunge contries as priuate persons doe bicause the ielousie of their estate and the regarde of their dignitie requires that they should neuer be in place vvhere another man might cōmaund them And often times for vvant of hauing seene the contries and knovven the people and Princes that are their neighbours they haue aduentured vppon attempts vvithout good ground to anoyde the vvhich the instruction they may haue by the reading of histories is one of the easiest and fittest remedies that can be found And though there vvere none other cause then onely this last surely it ought to induce Princes to the often and diligent reading of histories vvherein are vvritten the heroicall deedes of vvise and valiant men specially of kings that haue bene before them the considering vvhereof may cause them to be desirous to become like them specially vvhich vvere of stately and noble courage bicause the seedes of Princely vertues that are bred vvith them selues doe then quicken them vp vvith an emulacion tovvards those that haue bene or are equall in degree vvith them asvvell in respect of noblenes of bloud as of greatnes of state so as they be loth to giue place to any person and much lesse can find in their harts to be outgone in glory of vertuous doinges VVhereof innumerable examples might be alleaged if the thing vvere not so vvelknovven of it self that it vvere much more against reason to doubt of it than needefull to proue it Therefore a man may truely conclude that an historie is the scholemistresse of Princes at vvhose hand they may vvithout payne in vvay of pastyme vvith singular pleasure learne the most part of the things that belonge to their office Novv according to the diuersitie of the matter that it treateth of or the order and manner of vvriting that it vseth it hath sondry names giuen vnto it But yet among the rest there are tvvo chiefe kinds The one vvhich setteth dovvne mens doings and aduentures at length is called by the common name of an historie the other vvhich declareth their natures sayings and maners is properly named their liues And although the ground of them both doe cloze very neare in one yet doth the one respect more the things and the other the persons the one is more common and the other more priuate the one concerneth more the things that are vvithout the man and the other the things that proceede from vvithin the one the euents the other the consultacions betvvene the vvhich there is oftentymes great oddes according to this aunsvver of the Persian Siramnes to such as maruelled hovv it came to passe that his deuises being so politike had so vnhappy sucesse It is quod he bicause my deuises are vvholly from my ovvn inuention but the effects of them are in the disposition of fortune and the king And surely amonge all those that euer haue taken vppon them to vvrite the liues of famous men the chiefe prerogatiue by the iudgement of such as are clearest sighted is iustly giuen to the Greeke Philosopher Plutarke borne in the citie of Chaeronea in the contry of Baeotia a noble man perfect in all rare knovvledge as his vvorkes may vvell put men out of doubt if they lyst to read them through vvho all his life long euen to his old age had to deale in affayres of the common vveale as he him selfe vvitnesseth in diuers places specially in the treatise vvhich he intitled VVhether and olde man ought to meddle with the gouernment of a common weale or not and vvho had the hap honor to be schoolemaster to the Emprour Traian as is commonly beleeued and as is expressely pretended by a certaine Epistle se◠before the Latin translation of his matters of state vvhich to say the truth seemeth in my iudgement to be somevvhat suspicious bicause I find it not among his vvorkes in Greeke besides that is speaketh as though the booke vvere dedicated to Traian vvhich thinge is manifestly disproued by the beginning of the booke and by diuers other reasons Yet not vvithstanding bicause me thinkes it sagely grauely vvritten and vvell be seeming him I haue set it dovvne here in this place Plutarke vnto Traeian sendeth greeting I knovv vvell that
few scaped with life Other being followed and pursued by the ARABIANS were all put to the sword So as it is thought there were slaine in this ouerthrow about twentie thowsand men and tenne thowsande taken prisoners Surena had now sent Crassus head and his hand vnto Hyrodes the king his master into ARMENIA and gaue out a brute as farte as the citie of SELEVCIA that he brought Crassus to liue that he had prepared a sight to laugh at which he called his triumph Among the Romanes prisoners there was one called Caius Pacianus who was very like Crassus him they clothed in womans apparell of the PARTHIANS and had taught him to aunswere when any called him Crassus or Lord captaine Him they put a horse backe and had many trompets before him and sergeauntes apon camells backes that caried axes before them and bundells of roddes and many purses tyed to the bundell of roddes and ROMANES heades newly cut of tyed to the axes and after him followed all the strumpets women minstrells of SELEVCIA who went singing of songes of mockery and derision of Crassus womanish cowardlines Now for these open showes euery one might see them but besides that sight Surena hauing called the Senate of SELEVCIA together layed before them Aristides bookes of ribaldrie intituled the Milesians which was no fable for they were found in a ROMANES fardell or trusse called Rustius This gaue Surena great cause to scorne and despise the behauiour of the ROMANES which was so farre out of order that euen in the warres they could 〈…〉 ine from doing euill and from the reading of such vile bookes Then the Senatours of SELEVCIA found that AEsope was a wise man who sayd that euery man caried a sacke on his necke and that they put other mens faultes at the sackes mouth and their owne towardes the bottome of the sacke When they considered that Surena had put the booke of the lasciuiousnes of the MILESIANS at the sackes mouth and a long tayle of the PARTHIANS vaine pleasures and delightes in the bottome of the sacke carying such a number of cartes loden with naughtie packes in his army as he did which seemed an army of ermites and fielde myse For in the voward and foremest ranckes all appeared terrible and cruell being onely launces pykes bowes and horse but all they ended afterwards in the rereward with a traine of harlots instruments of musicke daunsing singing bancketing and ryoting all night with Curtisans I will not deny but Rustius deserued blame but yet withall I say that the PARTHIANS were shamelesse to reproue these bookes of the vanities of the MILESIANS considering that many of their kinges and of the royal blood of the Arsacides were borne of the IONIAN and MILESIAN curtisans Things passing thus in this sorte king Hyrodes had made peace league with Artabazes king of ARMENIA who gaue his sister in mariage vnto Pacorus king Hyrodes sonne made great feastes ode to an other in the which were many Greeke verses song Hyrodes selfe vnderstanding well the Greeke tongue and Artabazes was so perfit in it that he him selfe made certaine tragedies orations and stories whereof some are yet extant at this day The same night Crassus head was brought the tables being all taken vp Iason a common player of enterludes borne in the city of TRALLES came before the kinges recited a place of the tragedy of the BACCHANTES of Euripides telling of the misfortune of Agaue who strake of his sonnes heade And as euery man tooke great pleasure to heare him Sillaces comming into the hall after his humble duty first done to the king deliuered him Crassus head before them all The PARTHIANS seeing that fell a clapping of their handes and made an outcrie of ioy The gentlemen hushers by the kinges commaundement did set Sillaces at the table Iason casting of his apparell representing Pentheus person gaue it to an other player to put on him counterfeating the BACCHANTES possest with furie beganne to rehearse these verses with a ieasture tune and voyce of a man madde and beside him selfe Behold vve from the forest bring a stag novv nevvly slaine A vvorthy booty and revvard beseeming vvell our paine This maruelously pleased the companie and specially singinge these verses afterwardes where the Chorus both asked and aunswered him selfe VVho strake this stag None else but I thereof may brag Pomaxathres hearing them dispute about the matter being set at the table with others rose straight and went and tooke the head him selfe to whome of right it belonged to say those wordes and not vnto the player that spake them King Hyrodes liked this sporte maruelously and rewarded Pomaxathres according to the maner of the contrie in such a case and to Iason he also gaue a talent Such was the successe of Crassus enterprise and voyage much like vnto the end of a tragedy But afterwardes Hyrodes cruelty and Surenaes fowle periury and craft were in the end iustly reuenged apon them both according to their deserres For king 〈…〉 enuying Surenaes glorie put Surena to death And Hyrodes fell into a disease that became dropsy after he had lost his sonne Pacorus who was slaine in a battel by the ROMANES Phâ—â—â—â— his second sonne thinking to set his father forwardes gaue him drinke of the iuice of Aâ—â—â—tum The dropsie received the poison and one draue the other out of Hyrodes bodie and set him a foote againe Phreates perceiuing his father to amende apon it to make shorte worâ—â— with his owne handes strangled him THE COMPARISON OF Crassus with Nicias BVt nowe to proceede to the comparison first Nicias goodes were more iustely gotten and with lesse reproach than Crassus wealth for otherwise a man can not geue any great praise to minerall workes the which are wrought by lewde and ill disposed barbarous fellowes him in irons and toyled to death in vnholsome and pestilent places But being compared vnto Crassus buying of confiscate goodes at Syllia handes and vngentle manly bargaines of houses a fire or in damage thereof surely Nicias trade will appeare the better way of getting For as openly did Crassus auow vsery as tillage And againe for other faultes wherewith Crassus many times was burdened and which he stowtly denied as that he tooke money of men hauing matters before the Senate at ROME to winne fauour for their side and that he preferred matters to the preiudice of the confederates of the ROMANES only for his priuate profit and therefore curried fauor with Ladies generally sought to cloke all fowle offenders of all these faultes was Nicias neuer so much as once suspected For he the contrarie mocked of euery bodie bicause for feare he maintained wicked doers by giftes which perhappes would not haue becommed Pericles nor Aristides and yet was mete for Nicias who was borne a timerous natured man and neuer had corage in him Whereof Lycurgus the Orator did vaunte afterwardes to the people being
the king of Persia Demosthenes praiseth them that were slaine at the battell of Chaeronea The death of Philip king of Macedon Demosthenes preferreth the ioy of his contrie before the sorow of his owne daughter AEschinesse proued by Plutarch for his fonde beleefe that blubbering and sorowing are signes of loue and charitie Plutarch praiseth Demosthenes constancie for leauing of his mourning to reioyce for his common contrie benefit Demosthenes raiseth vp the Graecians against Alexander Alexander required certaine Orators of Athens Demosthenes â—ale of the sheepe and woulues The iudgement of the crowne vnto Ctesiphon Harpalus a great money man came to Athens flying from Alexander Demosthenes bribed by Harpalus with oxenty â—ateâ— * This concelâ— can hardly be expressed in any other language then in Greeke For he sayth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alloâ—ding to the verbe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifieth to delight by pleasaunt speeche or sound Demosthenes banishment Demosthenes tooke his banishment grieuously Three mischieuous beasts Antipater besieged of the Athenians Demosthenes called home from exile Demosthenes fine of fiftie talentes remitted Archias Phygadotheras a hunter of the banished men Demosthenes dream Demosthenes taketh poyson to kill him selfe in the temple of Neptune in the I le of Calauria The death of Demosthenes The time of Demosthenes death The Athenians honored Demosthenes after his death * He sayth Antigonus in the life of Phocius Demades death and reward for his treason Ciceroes parentage Cicero why so called Cicero Quaestor Ciceroes birth An image appeared to Ciceroes nursâ— Ciceroes towardnes and wit. Cicero a notable Poet. Cicero Philoes scholler the Academicke Philosopher Cicero a follower of Mutius Scauola Roscius pâ—â— in siâ—â— Cicero a weake man. Cicero Antiochus scholler The commoditie of exercise Cicero goeth into Asia and to Rhodes Cicero declamed in Graeke Apollonius testimonie of Cicero An Oracle giuen to Cicero Ciceroes first practising in the common wealih Roscius and AEsopus comon players Cicero a fine Tawnser Cicero chosen Quaestor Ciceroes diligence iustice and lenitie Cicero ambitious desirous of praise Cicero geuen to know mens names their landes and frendes Ciceroes doings against Verres He spake it bicause the Iewes doe ease no swines flesh Cicero chosen AEdilis Ciceroes riches Ciceroes great curtesie and resorte Cicero chosen Praetor Licinius Macer condemned Cicero with one word pacified the offended Tribunes Cicero made Consul The conspiracy of Cateline Catalines wickedness C. Antonius and M.T. Cicero created Consuls Great troubles at Rome in the time of Ciceroes Consulshippe A law preferred for the creacion and authority of the Decemuiri Cicero by his eloquence ouerthrow the law of the Decemuiri Ciceroes swâ—â—â— tongue * Others â—â—â— say Lucius Roscius Otho Tribune of the people Roscius lawe for deuiding of the Roman Knights from the common people Syllaes souldiers conspired with Catiline Cicero examined Catalin in the Senate Syllanus and Murana and Consulls Letters brought to Crassus of Catilines conspiracie Fuluia betrayeth Catilines intent to kill Cicero Catiline departed Rome C. Lentulus why called Sura Oracles of three Cornelij that should raigne at Rome Great treason practised in Rome by C. Lentulus and Cethegus The conspiratours apprehended Syllanus sentence of the conspirators Caesar priuie to Catilines conspiracie Caesars opinion for the punishment of the conspirators The execution of the conspirators They liuedâ— A word vsurped for the dead Ciceroes praise Catilin slaine in battell by Antonius Caesar chosen Praetor Metellus and Bestia Tribunes of the people Cicero resigneth his office Ciceroes Consulship praised by Cato Cicero the first man called Father of the contry Cicero too much giuen to praise him self Cicero friendâ—y to praise others Cicero sayeth Demosthenes sleepeth in his orations Ciceroes subtile end pleasant â—â—â—ge The Stoickes opinion A wise man is euer riche * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Actius is a proper name of a Romane and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Greeke signifieth worthyt So the grace of the equiuocation can not be expressed in any other language * Bicause the Africanes haue commonly their eares bored through The malice betwixt Cicero Clodius Cicero gaue euidence against Clodius The wicked parts of Clodius * Some olde bookes doe read Teritâ— Clodius 〈…〉 and found not gilty Caesars wordes of the putting away his wife Pompeia Clodius chosen Tribune of the people Piso and Gabinius Consuls Crassus Pompey and Caesar three of the greatest men in Rome tooke part with Clodius against Cicero Cicero accused of Clodius The knights of Rome and Senate chauÌ„ged garments for Ciceroes sake Pompey would not see Cicero being accused Ciceroes exile Hipponium alias Vibone a city in Luke A wonder shewed vnto Cicero in his exile Ciceroes faint hart in his exile The wonderfull power of glory Pompey chauÌ„ging mind doth fauor Cicero Lentulus Consul Cicero called home from banishment Cicero taketh away the tables of Clodius actes out of the Capitoll Clodius the Tribune slaine by Milo. Cicero fearefull in warres and timerous in pleading Cicero pleadeth Miloes case Cicero chosen Augure Ciceroes integritie for the gouernment of his prouinces MoÌ„â— Amanus Cicero called Imperator Cicero seeketh to pacifie the quarrell betwext Pompey and Caesar Ciceroes words of Pompey and Caesar. Cicero goeth vnto Pompey Cato gaue place to Cicero and offered him the charge of the nauy at Dyrrachium The force of Ciceroes eloquence how it altered Caesar. Ciceroes life vnder Caesar. Cicero did put away his wife Terentia Cicero maried a young maiden Cicero not made priuy to the conspiracie against Caesar. Priuate grudge betwext Antonius and Cicero Cicero saileth into Greece Ill will betwext Cicero Antonius Cicero and Octauius Caesar ioyned in frendship Ciceroes dreame of Octauius the adopted sonne of Iulius Caesar Octauius and Accia the parents of Octauius Caesar. Octauius Caesar was borne in the yere of Ciceroes Consulship Ciceroes great power â—â— Rome Octauius Caesar sueth to be Consul Octauius Caesar forsaketh Cicero Note the fickelnes of youth The meeting of the Triumuiri Antonius Lepidus Octauius Caesar Cicero appointed to be slaine Quintus Cicero slaine * Some doe read Cajete A wonderous matter foreshewed by crowes vnto Cicero Herennius Popilius sent to kill M. T. Cicero M.T. Cicero slain by Herennius Ciceroes head and hands set vp ouer the pulpit for Orations A strange and cruell punishmeÌ„t taken by Pomponia Quintus Ciceroes wife of Philologus for betraying of his maister Augustus Caesars testimony of Cicero Ciceroes sonne Consul with Augustus Caesar. The decree of the Senate against Antonius being dead Demosthenes eloquence Ciceroes rare and diuers doctrines Demosthenes and Ciceroes maners Demosthenes modest in praising of him selfes Cicero too fall of ostentacion Demosthenes and Ciceroes cunning in their Orations in the coÌ„mon wealth Authoritie sheweth ment vertues and vices Ciceroes abstinense freâ—â— money Demosthenes a money taker Diuers causes of the banishment of Demosthenes and Cicero The differeÌ„ce betwext Demosthenes and Ciceroes death How sences and artes doe agree differ The master of the SpartaÌ„s to
THE LIVES OF THE NOBLE GRECIANS AND ROMANES COMPARED together by that graue learned Philosopher and Historiographer Plutarke of Chaeronea Translated out of Greeke into French by IAMES AMYOT Abbot of Bellozane Bishop of Auxerre one of the Kings priuy counsel and great Amner of Fraunce and out of French into Englishe by Thomas North. Jn repentance remembrance ANCHORA SPEI Imprinted at London by Thomas Vautroullier and Iohn VVight 1579. TO THE MOST HIGH AND MIGHTY PRINCESSE ELIZABETH BY THE GRACE OF GOD OF ENGLAND Fraunce and Ireland Queene defender of the faith c. VNDER hope of your highnes gratious and accustomed fauor I haue presumed to present here vnto your Maiestie Plutarkes lyues translated as a booke fit to be protected by your highnes and meete to be set forth in Englishe For vvho is fitter to giue countenance to so many great states than such an highe and mightie Princesse vvho is fitter to reuiue the dead memorie of their fame than she that beareth the liuely image of their vertues vvho is fitter to authorize a vvorke of so great learning and vvisedome than she vvhome all do honor as the Muse of the vvorld Therefore I humbly beseech your Maiestie to suffer the simplenes of my translation to be couered vnder the amplenes of your highnes protection For most gracious Souereigne though this booke be no booke for your Maiesties selfe vvho are meeter to be the chiefe storie than a student therein and can better vnderstand it in Greeke than any man can make it Englishe yet I hope the common sorte of your subiects shall not onely profit them selues hereby but also be animated to the better seruice of your Maiestie For amonge all the profane bookes that are in reputacion at this day there is none your highnes best knovves that teacheth so much honor loue obedience reuerence zeale and deuocion to Princes as these liues of Plutarke doe Hovve many examples shall your subiects reade here of seuerall persons and vvhole armyes of noble and base of younge and olde that both by sea lande at home and abroad haue strayned their vvits not regarded their states ventured their persons cast avvay their liues not onely for the honor and safetie but also for the pleasure of their Princes Then vvell may the Readers thinke if they haue done this for heathen Kings vvhat should vve doe for Christian Princes If they haue done this for glorye vvhat should vve doe for religion If they haue done this vvithout hope of heauen vvhat should vve doe that looke for immortalitie And so adding the encouragement of these exsamples to the forvvardnes of their ovvne dispositions vvhat seruice is there in vvarre vvhat honor in peace vvhich they vvill not be ready to doe for their vvorthy Queene And therefore that your highnes may giue grace to the booke and the booke may doe his service to your Maiestie I haue translated it out of French and doe here most humbly present the same vnto your highnes beseeching your Maiestie vvith all humilitie not to reiect the good meaning but to pardon the errours of your most humble and obedient subiect and seruaunt vvho prayeth God long to multiplye all graces and blessings vpon your Maiestie VVritten the sixteene day of Ianuary 1579. Your Maiesties most humble and obedient seruaunt Thomas North. To the Reader THE profit of stories and the prayse of the Author are sufficiently declared by Amiot in his Epistle to the Reader So that I shall not neede to make many wordes thereof And in deede if you will supply the defects of this translation with your owne diligence and good vnderstanding you shall not neede to trust him you may proue your selues that there is no prophane studye better then Plutarke All other learning is priuate fitter for Vniuersities then cities fuller of contemplacion than experience more commēdable in the students themselues than profitable vnto others Whereas stories are fit for euery place reache to all persons serue for all tymes teache the liuing reuine the dead so farre excelling all other bookes as it is better to see learning in noble mens liues than to reade it in Philosophers writings Nowe for the Author I will not denye but loue may deceiue me for I must needes loue him with whome I haue taken so much payne but I beleue I might be bold to affirme that he hath written the profitablest story of all Authors For all otherwere sayne to take their matter as the fortune of the contries whereof they wrote fell out But this man being excellent in wit learning and experience hath chosen the speciall actes of the best persons of the famosest nations of the world But I will leaue the judgement to your selues My onely purpose is to desire you to excuse the faults of my translation with your owne gentlenes and with the opinion of my diligence and good entent And so I wishe you all the profit of the booke Fare ye well The foure and twenty day of Ianuary 1579. Thomas North. Amiot to the Readers THe reading of bookes vvhich bring but a vaine and vnprofitable pleasure to the Reader is iustly misliked of vvise and grauemen Againe the reading of such as doe but onely bring profit and make the Reader to be in loue therevvith and doe not ease the payne of the reading by some pleasauntnes in the same doe seeme somevvhat harshe to diuers delicate vvits that can not tary long vpon them But such bookes as yeeld pleasure and profit and doe both delight and teache haue all that a man can desire vvhy they should be vniuersally liked and allovved of all sortes of men according to the common saying of the Poet Horace That he which matcheth profit with delight Doth winne the price in euery poynt aright Eyther of these yeeld his effect the better be reason the one runneth vvith the other profiting the more bicause of the delight and deliting the more bicause of the profit This commendation in my opinion is most proper to the reading of stories to haue pleasure and profit matched together vvhich kind of delight and teaching meeting in this vvise arme in arme hath more allovvance then any other kind of vvriting or inuention of man In respect vvhereof it may be reasonably auovved that men are more beholding to such good vvits as by their graue and vvise vvriting haue deserued the name of Historiographers then they are to any other kind of vvriters bicause an historie is an orderly register of notable things said done or happened in time past to mainteyne the continuall remembrance of them and to serue for the instruction of them to come And like as memorie is as a storehouse of mens conceits and deuises vvithout the vvhich the actions of the other tvvo parts should be vnperfect and vvelneare vnprofitable So may it also be sayd that an historie is the very treasury of mans life vvhereby the notable doings and sayings of men and the vvonderfull aduentures straunge cases vvhich the long
their eyes But if the counsell of olde men be to be greatlie esteemed bicause they must needes haue seene much by reason of their long life and if they that haue trauelled long in straunge countries and haue had the managing of many affaires and haue gotten great experience of the doings of this vvorld are reputed for sage and vvorthie to haue the reynes of great gouernmentes put into their handes hovv greatly is the reading of histories to be esteemed vvhich is able to furnishe vs vvith mo examples in one day than the vvhole course of the longest life of any man is able to doe Insomuch that they vvhich exercise them selues in reading as they ought to doe although they be but young become such in respect of vnderstanding of the affaires of this vvorld as if they vvere old and grayheaded and of long experience Yea though they neuer haue remoued out of their houses yet are they aduertised informed and satisfied of all things in the vvorld as vvell as they that haue shortned their liues by innumerable trauells and infinite daungers in ronning ouer the vvhole earth that is inhabited vvhereas on the contrary part they that are ignorant of the things that vvere done come to passe before they vvere borne continue stil as children though they be neuer so aged and are but as straungers in their ovvne natiue contries To be short it may be truely sayd that the reading of histories is the schole of vvisedom to facion mens vnderstanding by considering aduisedly the state of the vvorld that is past and by marking diligently by vvhat lavves maners and discipline Empires kingdoms and dominions haue in old time bene stablished and aftervvard mainteyned and increased or contrarivvise chaunged diminished and ouerthrovven Also vve reade that vvhensoeuer the right sage and vertuous Emperour of Rome Alexander Seuerus vvas to consult of any matter of great importance vvhether it concerned vvarres or gouernment he alvvayes called such to counsell as vvere reported to be vvell seene in histories Notvvithstanding I knovv there are that vvill stand against me in this poynt and vphold that the reading of histories can serue to small purpose or none at all tovvards the getting of skill bicause skill consisteth in action is ingendred by the very experience practise of things vvhē a man doth vvel marke throughly beare avvay the things that he hath seene vvith his eyes found true by proofe according to the saying of the aūcient Poet Afranius My name is skill my Syre Experience hyght And memorie bred and brought me forth to lyght VVhich thing vvas ment likevvise by the Philosopher that sayd that the hand is the instrument of skill By reason vvhereof it comes to passe say they that such as speake of matters of gouernment and state but specially of matters of vvarre by the booke speake but as booke knights as the Frenche prouerbe termeth them after the manner of the Graecians vvho call him a booke Pilot vvhich hath not the sure and certaine knovvledge of the things that he speakes of meaning thereby that it is not for a man to trust to the vnderstanding vvhich he hath gotten by reading in things that consist in the deede doing vvhere the hand is to be set to the vvorke no more then the often hearing of men talke and reason of paynting or the disputing vppon colors vvithout taking of the pensill in hand can stand a man in any stead at all to make him a good paynter But on the contrary part many haue proued vvise men and good Captaines vvhich could neither vvrite nor reade Besides this they alleage further that in matters of vvarre all things alter from yeare to yeare by meanes vvhereof the slights and policies that are to be learned out of bookes vvill serue the turne no more than mynes that are blovven vp According vvhereunto Cambyses telleth his sonne Cyrus in Xenophon that like as in Musicke the nevvest songs are commonly best liked of for once bicause they vvere neuer heard afore So in the vvarres those policies that neuer vvere practised afore are those that take best successe commonly haue the best effect bicause the enemies doe least doubt of them Neuerthelesse I am not he that vvill mainteyne that a vvise gouernor of a common vveale or a great Captaine can be made of such a person as hath neuer trauelled out of his study and from his bookes hovvbeit that vvhich Cicero vvriteth of Lucius Lucullus is true that vvhen he departed out of Rome as Captaine generall and Lieuetenant of the Romanes to make vvarre against kinge Mithridates he had no experience at all of the vvarres and yet aftervvard he bestovved so great diligence in the reading of histories and in conferring vppon euery poynt vvith the olde Captaines and men of longe experience vvhome he caried vvith him that by the tyme of his comming into Asia vvhere he vvas in deede to put his matters in execution he vvas found to be a very sufficient Captaine as appeared by his deedes insomuch that by those vvayes cleane contrary to the common order of vvarre he discomfited tvvo of the most purssant and greatest Princes that vvere at that time in the East For his vnderstanding vvas so quicke his care so vigilant and his courage so greate that he needed no longe trayning nor grosse instruction by experience And although I graunt there haue beene diuerse Gouernors and Captaynes vvhich by the onely force of nature furthered by longe continevved experience haue done goodly and greate exploytes yet can it not be denyed me but that if they had matched the giftes of nature vvith the knovvledge of learning and the reading of histories they might haue done much greater thinges and they might haue becomen much perfect For like as in euery other cunning skill vvherein a man intendeth to excell so also to become a perfect sufficient person to gouerne in peace and vvarre there are three thinges of necessitie required namely nature art and practise Nature in the safe that vve treate of must furnishe vs vvith a good moother vvit vvith a bodie vvell disposed to indure all maner of trauell and vvith a good vvill to aduaunce our selues Art must geue vs iudgement and knovvledge gotten by the examples and vvise discourses that vve haue read and double read in good histories and practise vvill get vs readinesse assurednesse and the ease hovv to put thinges in execution For though skill be the ruler of doing the deede yet it is a vertue of the minde vvhich teacheth a man the meane poynt betvvene the tvvo faultie extremities of too much and too little vvherein the commendation of all doinges consisteth And vvhosoever he is that goeth about to attaine to it by the onely triall of experience and had leuer to learne it at his ovvne cost than at an other mans he may vvell be of the number of those that are touched by this auncient prouerbe vvhich sayth Experience is the schoole mistresse of fooles
the modestie of your nature vvas not desirous of Souereintie though you haue alvvayes indeuored to deserue it by your honorable conuersation by reason vvhereof you have bene thought so much the vvorthier of it as you have bene founde the further of from all ambition And therefore I do novv reioice in your vertue my fortune if it be so great as to cause you to administer that thing vvith iustice vvhich you haue obtained by desert For othervvise I am sure you haue put your selfe in hazard of great daungers and me in perill of slaunderous tongues bicause Rome can not avvay vvith a vvicked Emperour and the common voyce of the people is alvvaies vvont to cast the faultes of the schollers in the teeth of their schoolemaisters as for example Seneca is railed vpon by slaunderous tonges for the faultes of his scholler Nero the scapes of Quintilians young schollers are imputed to Quintilian him selfe and Socrates is blamed for being too myld to his bearers But as for you there is hope you shall doe all things vvell enough so you keepe you as you are If you first set your selfe in order and then dispose all other things according to vertue all things shall fall out according to your desire I haue set you dovvne the meanes in vvriting vvhich you must observe for the vvell gouerning of your common vveale and haue shevved you of hovv great force your behauiour may be in that behalfe If you thinke good to follovv those thinges you haue Plutarke for the directer and guider of your life if not I protest vnto you by this Epistle that your falling into daunger to the ouerthrovv of the Empire is not by the doctrine of Plutarke This Epistle vvitnesseth plainly that he vvas the schoolemaister of Traian vvhich thing seemeth so be auovved by this vvriting of Suidas Plutarke being borne in the citie of Chaeronea in Boeotia vvas in the time of the Emperour Traian and somvvhat affore But Traian honored him vvith the dignitie of Consulship and commaunded the officers and Magistrates that vvere throughout all the contrie of Illyria that they should not do any thing vvithout his counsell and authoritie So doth Suidas vvrite of him And I am of opinion that Traian being so vvise an Emperour vvould neuer haue done him so great honor if he had not thought him selfe greatly beholding to him for some speciall cause But the thing that maketh me most to beleue it true is that the same goodnesse and iustice appeared to be naturally imprinted in most of Traians sayings and doings vvhereof the paterne and movvld as a man might terme it is cast and set dovvne in Plutarkes Moralls so as men may perceiue expressely that the one could vvell skill to performe rightly that vvhich the other had taught vvisely For Dion vvriteth that among other honors vvhich the Senate of Rome gaue by decree vnto Traian they gaue him the title of the Good Emperour And Eutropius reporteth that euen vnto his time vvhen a nevv Emperour came to be receiued of the Senate among the cries of good hansell and the vvishes of good lucke that vvere made vnto him one vvas happier be thou than Augustus and better than Traian Hovvsoeuer the case stoode it is very certaine that Plutarke dedicated the collection of his Apothegmes vnto him But vvhen he had liued a long time at Rome and vvas come home againe to his ovvne house he fell to vvriting of this excellent vvorke of Liues vvhich he calleth Parallelon as much to say as a cupling or matching together bicause he matcheth a Grecian vvith a Romane setting dovvne their liues ech after other and comparing them together as he founde any likenesse of nature condicions or aduentures betvvext them and examining vvhat the one of them had better or vvorser greater or lesser than the other vvhich things he doth vvith so goodly and graue discourse euery vvhere taken out of the deepest most hidden secrets of morall and naturall Philosophie vvith so sage precepts and frutefull instructions vvith so effectuall commendation of vertue and detestation of vice vvith so many goodly allegacions of other authors vvith so many fit comparisons vvith so many high inuentions that the booke may better be called by the name of the Treasorie of all rare and perfect learning than by any other name Also it is sayd that Theadorus Gaza a Grecian of singular learning and a vvorthie of the auncient Greece being asked on a time by his familiar frendes vvhich savv him so earnestly giuen to his studie that he forgate all other things vvhat author he had leuerest to thoose if he vvere at that poynt that he must needes choose some one to holde him to alone did aunsvvere that he vvould choose Plutarke bicause that if they vvere all put together there vvas no one both so profitable and so pleasaunt to read as be Sofuss Senecio to vvhom he dedicateth his vvorke vvas a Senator of Rome as vvitnesseth Dion vvho vvriteth that the three persons vvhom Traian most loued and honored vvere Sosius Parma and Celsus insomuch that he caused images of them to be set vp True it is that he vvrote the liues of many other men vvhich the spitefulnes of time hath bereft vs of among vvhich he himselfe maketh mention of the liues of Scipio Africanus Metellus Namedicus And I haue red a litle Epistle of a sonne of his vvhose name is not expressed copied out of an olde copie in the Librarie of S. Marke in White vvherein he vvriteth to a frende of his a register of all the bookes that his father made and there among the cupples of liues he setteth dovvne liues of Scipio and Epaminondas and lastly the liues of Augustus Caesar of Tiberius of Caligula of Clandius of Nero of Galba of Vitellius and of Otho But hauing vsed all the diligence that I could in serching the chiefe Libraries of Venice and Rome I could neuer find them out Onely I drevv out certaine diuersities of readinges and many corrections by conferring the old vvritten copies vvith the printed bookes vvhich haue stoode are in great stead to the vnderstanding of many hardplaces and there are a great number of them vvhich I haue restoâ—ed by coniecture by the iudgement helpe of such men of this age as are of greatest knovvledge in humane learning Yet for all this there remaine some places vnamended hovvbeit very fevve bicause some likes vvere vvanting in the originall copies vvhereof to my seeming it vvas better for me to vvitnesse the vvant by marking it vvith some starre than to gesse at it vvith all aduenture or to adde any thing to it Novv finally if I haue ouershot my selfe in any thing as it is verie easie to do in so hard and long a vvorke specially to a man of so small abilitie as I am I beseeche the Readers to vvouchsafe for my discharge to admit the excuse vvhich the Poet Horace giueth me vvhere he sayth A man may well be ouerseene In workes that long
the election of the number of the three hundred Who departing home to his house mery and iocond as might be sayed It did him good to see there were three hundred founde better in the cittie than him selfe Pisistratidas also being sent ambassadour with certen other to the lieutenants of the king of PERSIA the PERSIAN lordes asked him if they came of their owne desire or whether they were sent from the whole state if we obtaine sayed he it is from the state if we be denied then we come of our selues And Argileonida the mother of Brasidas asked some that went to visite her after they were returned home to LACEDAEMON from their iorney to AMPHIPOLIS if her sonne died like a man and a worthy SPARTAN And they straight did commend him highely saying there was not left in all LACEDAEMON suche a valliant man She replied vnto them Saye not so my friends I praye you for Brasidas was in dede a valliant man but the country of LACONIA hath many moe yet vallianter than he was Now touching their Senate Lycurgus was the first that erected it among them The first that were thereof were Lycurgus chief ayders assisters of that erection as we haue declared before but afterwards he ordeined that when any of those first should happen to dye they should choose in his place the most honest reported man in the cittie so he were three score yere olde and aboue This was the noblest glorie that could be among men when a man bare the bell and prise not that he was swiftest among the swift nor strongest amongest the strong but that he among the honest was honestest He had the reward of his vertue as for libertie to speake soueraine authoritie to gouerne and princely power ouer the common weale the honour the life and the goodes of the whole cittizens howbeit the election was made after this sorte The people first assembled in the marketplace where there were some appointed and shut vp thereabout in a house from whēce they could neither see nor be seene of those that were assembled but onely they might heare the noyse which they made there For the people by their crye and showte did declare whom they did choose and whom they did refuse of the competitours as they vsed to shewe their liking by the like crye in other things The competitours were not brought in and presented all together but one after another in order as by lot did fall out He on whom the lot fell passed through the middest of the assemblie of the people and sayed neuer a worde The people straight that liked made a crye or showte alowde The men appointed which were locked vp had bookes or tables in which they wrote and noted the greatnes of the crye and showte the people made as euery competitour passed by not knowing nor seing who he was These hidden men did onely set downe in their bookes the first the second the thirde and so many more as by showtes and cryes they perceyued dyd passe thus through the assemblie They noted also in their said bookes which of these had the greatest crye and showte of people at their passing thorough and him they came and declared to be Senatour chosen Then he wearing a garland of flowers on his head went to all the temples of the goddes in the cittie to geue thankes hauing a great traine of young men following and praysing of his vertues There went also with him a maruelous company of women singing songes of his prayse and howe blessed he was that he had liued so vertuously Then euery one of his kinne prepared a bancket for him at home at their houses and as he entred the house they sayed vnto him The cittie honoreth thee vvith this bancket That done he repayred afterwards to the ordinarie place of their eating where he dyd in all things as he was accustomed sauing he was serued nowe at his table with a double allowance whereof he reserued the one After supper all his kinsewomen stoode in the entrie of the hall where they had eaten so he called her whom he loued best and gaue her his allowaunce he had saued and sayed to her This was geuen me in token I was this daye rewarded for my vertue and euen so I geue it thee for a like token of rewarde for thy vertue Then was she brought home by all the women there to her house euen in like sorte as he was by the men Touching burialles Lycurgus made a wise order For first of all to cut of all superstition of burying places he commaunded they should burie their dead within the cittie that their graues should be round about their temples that young persones might haue them allwayes in their eyes not be affrayed to see a deadbodye as if to touche a corse or to passe by their graues it should defile a man Then did he forbid them to burie any thing with the corse and willed they should only lappe it vp in a redde clothe with oliue leaues It was not lawfull to graue the name of any dead bodye vpon his graue but only of suche a man as died in the warres or of some holy woman professed into their temples Furthermore the time appointed to mourne in was very shorte For it lasted not but a eleuen dayes and on the twelft daye they must doe sacrifice to Proserpina and so leaue of their mourning To conclude he left nothing idle or vnworking in his citizens for to all necessarie things which men can not lacke Lycurgus ioyned euer a certaine emulation of men As to desire vertue and to contemne vice and furnished his cittie with many good preceptes and examples emong which his cittizens being still borne and bred vp and hauing the same in euery place before their eyes where they went they came to passe in time to be framed after the very patterne and moulde of vertue it selfe For this cause he did not suffer any to trauell out of the countrie or to goe abroad as he would without speciall licence for feare least those which trauelled abroad for their pleasure should bring home straunge facions and manners and a corrupt disordered life which by litle and litle might get waye and bring an alteration and chaunge of the whole state Furthermore he kept out of SPARTA all straungers except those which had necessarie busines there or were come thither for some profit to the countrie not that he was affrayed they should learne some thing whereby to loue vertue or that they should desire to followe his facion and manner of gouernment as Thucydides was but rather fearing they should teache his citizens some naughty manners or some ill fauored vice For it must needes be that straungers bring euerstraunge and newe deuises with them which newe deuises bring with them also newe opinions and newe opinions beget newe affections and mindes that many times are repugnant to the lawe and to the forme of the
actes to haue their death extolled for worthines So he imagined that his death would be the perfection and crowne of his felicitie after he had made and ordeined so many good and notable lawes for the honour and benefit of his countrie and should be as a seale of confirmation of his lawe and the continuall preseruitour of his cittie considering all his cittizens had sworne to keepe them all inuiolably vntill he were returned He was not deceaued of his hope for his cittie was the chiefest of the worlde in glorie and honour of gouernment by the space of fiue hundred yeres For so long his cittie kept his lawes without any chaunge or alteration by any of the Kings successours vntill king Agis the sonne of Archidamus beganne to reigne For the creation of the Ephores did not breake not discontinewe any of the lawes of Lycurgus but reduced them rather to a more straight and strickt order although it seemed at the first that the Ephores were ordeined for the maintenaunce defence of the libertie of the people whereas in deede they did also strengthen the authoritie of the Kings and Senate Nowe in the raigne of king Agis gold and siluer beganne first to creepe in againe to the cittie of SPARTA by meanes of Lysander With money there came in straight couetousnes and gredines to get and gather And although Lysander was not desirous to get it nor would be corrupted for any money yet he brought riches and couetousnes into the countrie and filled the same with all finenes by bringing in great store of golde and siluer from the warres directly against the lawes and ordinaunces of Lycurgus The which so long as they were in force and vse it appered that the gouernment of SPARTA seemed not to be a pollicy or common weale but rather a certaine holy place order of religion And euen as the Poets fayne the Hercules went through the world with his clubbe and lyons skynne punishing cruell robbers and vnnaturall tyrannes so in like case with a litle scrowe of parchement and a poore cape did the SPARTANS commaund and geue lawes to all the rest of GRECE euen with their good liking and consent And they chased the tyrannes awaye which vsurped tyrannicall power ouer any of their citties and did decide all controuersies and oftentimes pacified their seditions without sending out one souldier but only a simple poore ambassadour At whose commaundement the people presently assembled like the bees which gather together about their King so soone as they spye him they did then so greatly reuerence the good gouernment iustice of the SPARTANS Therefore I can but wonder much at those which saye the cittie of LACEDAEMON could obey well but not commaunde and for proofe they alleage wordes of king Theopompus who aunswered one which sayd that SPARTA was mainteined bicause the Kings could commaund well Naye the rather sayd he bicause the cittizens can obey well For men commonly disdaine to obey those which are not wise in commaunding So that the faithfull obedience of the subiectes dependeth much vpon the sufficient commaundement of the wise prince For he that directeth well must needes be well obeyed For like as the arte of a good rider is to make his horse gentle and ready at commaundement euen so the chiefest pointe belonging to a prince is to teach his subiects to obey Wherefore the LACEDAEMONIANS procured that not onely other people did willingly obey them but also desired to be ruled and commaunded by them For they asked them neither shippes nor money nor yet did send them any number of men of warre to compell them but onely they sent one cittizen of SPARTA to gouerne them to whom all the other people submitted them selues and were holpen by him in their necessitie as fearing and reuerencing him In this wise the SICILIANS were holpen by Gysippus the CHALCIDIANS by Brasidas and all the GRECIANS inhabiting ASIA by Lysander Callicratidas and by Agesilaus who were called the reformers and directers of princes peoples and Kings vnto whom they were sent here and there but euer they had their eye vpon the cittie of SPARTA as vpon the most perfect patterne to order mans life by and to gouerne a common weale after To this effect tended the mery worde spoken in iest by Stratonâ—â—eâ—â— Who said he did order the ATHENIANS to tend their sacrifices and the ELIANS to tende their games and if they made any faulte therein the LACEDAEMONIANS should be well whipped That was merely spoken and in a iesting manner But Antisthenes the philosopher and one of Socrates scholers seeing the THEBANS growen very hawtie glorious after that they had conquered the LACEDAEMONIANS in the iorney of LEVCTRES me thinketh sayed he these THEBANS here doe like the schoole boyes which bragge and reioyce when they haue a litle beaten their master But this was not Lycurgus meaning to haue his cittie to commaunde many But he thought the felicitie of a cittie as of a priuate man consisted chiefly in the exercise of vertue and in the vnitie of the inhabitants thereof He framed his common wealth to this ende that his cittizens should be nobly minded content with their owne and temperate in their doings that thereby they might mainteine and keepe them selues long in safetie The self same intention had Plato Diogenes and Zenon in setting forth their bookes which they wrote of the gouernment of common weales and so had likewise many other great and learned men which haue written of the same matter Howbeit they only left behinde them wordes and written bookes but Lycurgus contrariwise left no written bookes nor pamplets but stablished and left behinde him a royall forme of gouernment which no man euer before had inuented nor neuer after could be followed He hath made them plainely see a whole cittie liue together and gouerne it selfe philosophically according to the true rules and preceptes of perfect wisdome which imagined that true wisedome was a thing hanging in the ayer and could not visible be seene in the worlde Whereby he hath worthily excelled in glorie all those which euer tooke vpon them to write or stablishe the gouernment of a common weale And therefore sayeth Aristotle that after his death they did him lesse honour in LACEDAEMONIA then he had deserued albeit they did him all the honour they possibly could deuise And yet they buylt a temple for him and made solemne sacrifice to him euery yere as vnto a god More they saye that when the ashes of his bodie were brought to SPARTA there fell straight lightning vpon his tumbe where they were put which they had not often seene to happen to other men of name after their decease sauing only to the poet Eurâ—pides who dying in MACEDONIA was buried neere the cittie of ARETHVSA The which is some manifest argument for suche as loue the Poet to laye against those which somewhat depraue him seing this signe came to him after his death
and Pythagoras I easely pardone those which mainteine their opinion that Numa and Pythagoras were familiarly acquainted and conuersant together Valerius Antias the historian writeth there were twelue bookes written concerning the office of Priestes and twelue other conteining the philosophie of the GRECIAHS And the foure hundred yeres after in the same yere when Publius Cornelius and Marcus Bebius were consuls there fell a great rage of waters and raine which opened the earthe and discouered these coffines and the liddes and couers thereof being caried awaye they founde the one altogether voyde hauing no manner of likelyhoode or token of a bodie that had layen in it and in the other they founde these bookes which were deliuered vnto one named Petilius at that time Praetor who had the charge to reade them ouer and to make the reporte of them But he hauing perused them ouer declared to the Senate that he thought it not conuenient the matters conteined in them should be published vnto the simple people and for that cause they were caried into the market place and there were openly burnte Surely it is a common thing that happeneth vnto all good and iust men that they are farre more praysed and esteemed after their death then before bicause that enuie doth not long continue after their death and oftentimes it dieth before them But notwithstanding the misfortunes which chaunced afterwardes vnto the fiue Kings which raigned at ROME after Numa haue made his honour shine with much more noble glorie then before For the last of them was driuen out of his Kingdome and died in exile after he was very olde And of the other foure none of them died their naturall death but three of them were killed by treason And Tullus Hostilius which raigned after Numa deriding contemning the most parte of his good and holy institutions and chiefly his deuotion towardes the goddes as a thing which made men lowly and fainte harted dyd assone as euer he came to be King turne all his subiects hartes to the warres But this mad humour of his continued not long For he was plagued with a straunge most grieuous disease that followed him which brought him to chaunge his minde and dyd farre otherwise turne his contempt of Religion into an ouer-fearfull superstition which dyd nothing yet resemble the true Religion deuotion of Numa besides he infected others with his contagious errour through the inconuenience which happened vnto him at his death For he was striken and burnt with lightning THE COMPARISON OF Lycurgus with Numa THVS hauing written the liues of Lycurgus and Numa the matter requireth though it be somewhat harde to doe that we comparing the one with the other should set out the difference betweene them For in those things wherein they were like of condition their deedes doe shewe it sufficiently As in their temperaunce their deuotion to the goddes their wisdome in gouerning and their discreete handling of their people by making them beleeue that the goddes had reuealed the lawes vnto them which they established And nowe to come vnto their qualities which are diuersely seuerally commended in either of them Their first qualitie is that Numa accepted the Kingdome and Lycurgus gaue it vp The one receyued it not seeking for it and the other hauing it in his handes did restore it againe The one being a straunger and a priuate man was by straungers elected chosen their lorde king The other being in possession a King made him selfe againe a priuate persone Suer it is a goodly thing to obtaine a Realme by iustice but it is a goodlier thing to esteeme iustice aboue a Realme Vertue brought the one to be in such reputatiō that he was iudged worthy to be chosen a King and vertue bred so noble a minde in the other that he esteemed not to be a king Their second qualitie is that like as in an instrumēt of musicke the one of them did tune and wrest vp the slacke stringes which were in SPARTA so the other slackened and set them lower which were to highe mounted in ROME Wherein Lycurgus difficulty was the greater For he did not persuade his cittizens to plucke of their armour curates nor to laye by their swordes but only to leaue their golde siluer to forsake their softe beddes their fine wrought tables and other curious riche furniture and not to leaue of the trauell of warres to geue them selues only vnto feastes sacrifices and playes But to the contrarie to geue vp bancketing and feasting continually to take paynes in the warres yelding their bodies to all kinde of paynes By which meanes the one for the loue and reuerence they did beare him easely persuaded all that he would and the other by putting him selfe in daunger and being hurte also obtained not without great trauell and aduenture the end of his intended purpose and desire Numa his muse was so gentle louing and curteous that the manners of his cittizens which before were furious and violent were now so tractable and ciuill that he taught them to loue peace and iustice And to the contrarie if they will compell me to number amongest the lawes and ordinaunces of Lycurgus that which we haue written touching the ILOTES which was a barbarous cruell thing I must of force confesse that Numa was muche wiser more gentle and ciuill in his lawes considering that euen vnto those which in deede were borne slaues he gaue some litle tast of honour sweetnes of libertie hauing ordained that in the feastes of Saturne they should sit downe at meate at their masters owne table Some holde opinion that this custome was brought in by king Numa who willed that those which through their labour in tillage brought in much fruite should haue some pleasure thereof to make good cheere with the first fruites of the same Other imagine that it is yet a token and remembraunce of the equalitie which was emōgest men in the world in Saturnes time when there was neither master nor seruaunte but all men were a like equall as brethern or hinsemen To conclude it seemeth either of them tooke a direct course thought best to them selues to frame their people vnto temperaunce and to be contented with their owne But for their other vertues it appeareth that the one loued warre best and the other iustice onles it were that men would saye that for the diuersitie of the nature or custome of their people which were almost contrarie in manners they were both compelled to vse also contrary and diuers meanes from other For it was not of a fainte harte that Numa tooke from his people the vse of armes and desire to be in warres but it was to the ende they should not doe any wrong to others Neither did Lycurgus also studie to make his people souldiers and warlike to hurte others but for feare rather that others should hurte them And so to cut of the excesse in the one
their voyces also there in deede are they most bounde and subiect bicause they doe but obaye the rich in all they doe commaund But yet in this acte there is a thinge more wonderfull and worthie to be noted That commonly discharging of dettes was wont to breede great tumultes and seditions in common weales And Solon hauing vsed it is a very good time as the phisitian ventring a daungerous medecine dyd appease the sedition already begonne and did vtterly quenche through his glorie and the common opinion they had of his wisdome and vertue all the infamie and accusation that might haue growen of that acte As for their first entrie into the gouernment Solons beginning was farre more noble For he went before and followed not another and him selfe alone without any others helpe dyd put in execution the best and more parte of all his notable and goodly lawes Yet was Publicolaes ende and death much more glorious and happie For Solon before he dyed sawe all his comon wealthe ouerthrowen but Publicolaes common weale continued whole as he left it vntill the broyle of ciuill warres beganne againe among them Solon after he had made his lawes and written them in wodden tables leauing them without defence of any man went his waye immediatly out of the cittie of ATHENS Publicola abiding continually in ROME gouerning the state dyd throughly stablishe confirme the lawes he made Furthermore Solon hauing wisely forseene Pisistratus practises aspiring to make him selfe King he could neuer let him for all that but was himselfe ouercome and oppressed with they tyrannie he sawe stablished in his owne sight and in dispight of him Where Publicola ouerthrewe and dyd put downe a mightie Kingdome that had continued of long time and was throughly stablished his vertue and desire being equall with Solons hauing had besides fortune fauorable and sufficient power to execute his vertuous and well disposed minde But as for warres and marshall deedes there is no comparison to be made betweene them For Daimachus Plataian doth not attribute the warres of the MEGARIANS vnto Solon as we haue written it where Publicola being generall of an armie and fighting himselfe in persone hath wonne many great battels And as for matters of peace and ciuill gouernment Solon neuer durst present him self openly to persuade the enterprise of SALAMINA but vnder a counterfeat madnes and as a soole to make sporte Where Publicola taking his aduenture from the beginning shewed him selfe without dissimulation an open enemie to Tarquine and afterwardes he reuealed all the whole conspiracie And when he had bene the only cause and autor of punishing the traitours he dyd not only driue out of ROME the tyrannes selues in persone but tooke from them also all hope of returne againe Who hauing allwayes thus nobly valiantly behaued him self without shrinking backe or flying from ought that required force a manly corage or open resistaunce dyd yet shewe him selfe discreete where wisedome was requisite or reason and persuasion needefull As when he conningly wanne king Porsena who was a dredfull enemie vnto him and inuincible by force whom he handled in such good sorte that he made him his friend Peraduenture some might stand in this and saye that Solon recouered the I le of SALAMINA vnto the ATHENIANS which they would haue lost Publicola to the contrarie restored the lands vnto Porsena againe which the ROMAINES had conquered before within the countrie of THVSCAN But the times in which these things were done are allwayes to be considered of For a wise gouernour of a Realme and politicke man doth gouerne diuersely according to the occasions offred taking euery thing in his time wherein he will deale And many times in letting goe one thing he saueth the whole and in losing a litle he gayneth much As Publicola dyd who losing a litle pece of another mans countrie which they had vsurped saued by that meanes all that was assuredly his owne And whereas the ROMAINES thought he should doe very much for them to saue their cittie only he got them moreouer all the goodes that were in their enemies cāpe which dyd besiege them And in making his enemie iudge of his quarrell he wāne the victorie winning that moreouer which he would gladly haue geuen to haue ouercome and haue sentence passe of his side For the King their enemie dyd not only make peace with them but dyd also leaue them all his furniture prouision and munition for the warres euen for the vertue manhood and iustice which the great wisedome of this Consul persuaded Porsena to beleeue to be in all the other ROMAINES The end of Publicolaes life THE LIFE OF Themistocles THEMISTOCLES parentage dyd litle aduaunce his glorie for his father Neocles was of small reputation in ATHENS being of the hundred of Phrear tribe of Leontis of his mother an allien or straunger as these verses doe witnesse Abrotonon I am yborne in Thracia and yet this highe good happe I haue that into Grecia I haue brought forth a sonne Themistocles by name the glorie of the Greekishe bloods and man of greatest fame Howbeit Phanias writeth that his mother was not a THRACIAN but borne in the countrie of CARIA and they doe not call her Abrotonon but Euterpé And Neanthes sayeth furthermore that she was of HALICARNASSVS the chiefest cittie of all the Realme of CARIA For which cause when the straungers dyd assemble at Cynosargos a place of exercise without the gate dedicated to Hercules which was not a right god but noted an alien in that his mother was a mortall woman Themistocles persuaded diuers youthes of the most honourable houses to goe down with him to annointe them selues at Cynosargos conningly thereby taking away the differēce betwene the right alien sorte But setting a parte all these circumstaunces he was no doubt allied vnto the house of the Lycomedians for Themistocles caused the chappell of this familie which is in the village of PHLYES being once burnt by the barbarous people to be buylt vp againe at his owne charges and as Simonides sayeth he dyd set in forth and enriche it with pictures Moreouer euery man doth confesse it that euen from his childhood they dyd perceyue he was geuen to be very whotte headed sturring wise and of good spirite and enterprising of him selfe to doe great things and borne to rule weighty causes For at such dayes and howers as he was taken from his booke and had leaue to playe he neuer played nor would neuer be idle as other children were but they allwayes founde him conning some oration without booke or making it alone by him selfe and the ground of his matter was euer comonly either to defend or accuse some of his companions Whereupon his schoolemaster obseruing him ofte sayed vnto him suer some great matter hangeth ouer thy head my boye for it cannot be chosen but that one daye thou shalt doe some notable good thing or some extreme mischief Therefore when they went about to
a certen booke he wrote of the soule that there was newes come from the West parte that an armie which came from the HYPERBORIANS had taken a cittie of GRECE called ROME situated in that country neere the great sea But I wonder not that Heraclides who hath written so many other fables lyes dyd amplifie the true newes of the taking of ROME with adding to of his owne deuise of the HYPERBORIANS by the great sea It is a most true tale that Aristotle the philosopher had certain knowledge it was taken by the GAVLES howbeit he sayeth also it was recouered againe afterwards by one called Lucius where in deede it was by Marcus Camillus not by Lucius But all this in manner is spoken by cōiecture Moreouer Brennus being entred ROME dyd appointe parte of his souldiers to besiege those which were gotten into moūt Capitoll And he with the residue of his armie marched on towards the market place where when he saw the aunciēt Senatours set so grauely in their chayers spake neuer a word nor offered once to rise though they saw their enemies come armed towards them neither chaunged coūtenance nor culler at all but leaned softely on their staues they had in their hands seeming to be nothing affrayed nor abashed but looked one vpon another he maruelously wondred at it This their so straunge manner at the first dyd so dampe the GAVLES that for a space they stoode still and were in doubt to come neere to touche them fearing least they had bene some goddes vntill suche time as one of them went boldely vnto Marcus Papyrius layed his hand fayer softely vpon his lōg bearde But Papyrius gaue him such a rappe on his pate with his staffe that he made the bloud ronne about his eares This barbarous beaste was in such a rage with the blowe that he drue out his sworde and slewe him The other souldiers also killed all the rest afterwardes and so the GAVLES continued many dayes spoyling and sacking all thinges they founde in the houses and in the ende dyd set them all a fyer and destroyed them euery one for despite of those that kept the forte of the Capitoll that would not yeld vpon their summons but valliantly repulsed them when they scaled the walles For this cause they rased the whole cittie and put all to the sworde that came in their handes young and olde man woman and childe Nowe this siege continuing long and the ROMAINES holding them out very stowtely vittells beganne to growe scante in the campe of the GAVLES in so much as they were driuen of force to seeke it abroade without the cittie Hereupon they deuided them selues whereof some remained still with the King at the siege of the Capitoll and the rest went a forraging and spoyling all the champion countrie and villages thereaboutes scattered as it were by bandes companies some here some there fearing nothing nor passing vpon watch or warde they liued in suche securitie of their victorie Howbeit the greatest company amongest them went by fortune towardes the cittie of ARDEA where Camillus dwelt liuing like a priuate man medling with no matters of state from the time of his exile vntill that present time But then he beganne not to bethinke him self as a man that was in safety and might haue escaped the handes of his enemies but rather sought to deuise and finde out all the meanes he could to subdewe them if occasion were so offered Whereupon considering that the inhabitants of ARDEA where enough in number to set vpon them although saynte harted and cowardly by reason of the slouth and negligence of their gouernours and captaines who had no manner of experience in the warres he beganne to cast out these words among the young men That they should not thinke the ROMAINES misfortune fell vpon them through the valliantnes of the GAVLES nor that their calamitie who had refused good counsaill had happened vnto them by any worke or acte of the GAVLES hauing done nothing for their parte to make them carie awaye the victorie but that they should thinke it was no other thing but fortune alone that would needes shewe her power Therefore that it were nowe a notable and honorable enterprise although somewhat daungerous to driue these straungers and barbarous people out of their countrie considering that the only ende of their victorie was but to destroye and consume as fire all that fell into their hands Wherefore if they would but only take a good lusty harte and corage vnto them he would with opportunitie and place assure them the victorie without any daunger The young men were pleased with these words of life comforte Whereupon Camillus went to breake the matter also vnto the magistrates counsellours and hauing drawen them by persuasion vnto this enterprise he armed all that were of age to carie armor would not suffer a man to goe out of the cittie for feare least the enemies which were not farre of should haue intelligēce of the same Now after the GAVLES had rōne ouer all the chāpion countrie were loden with all sorts of spoyles they did encāpe them selues negligētly in open fields neuer charged watch nor warde but hauing their full cariage of wine layed them down to slepe made no noyse at all in their cāpe Camillus being aduertised therof by his seuerall skowtes caused the ARDEANS with as litle noyse as might be forthwith to goe out into the fields hauing marched somwhat roūdly the distance betwene the cittie the cāpe of the GAVLES they came thither much about midnight Then he made his soldiers make great showtes cries the trūpets to besoūded on euery side to put a feare in their enemies who yet with all the lowde noyse they made could hardly be made to wake they were so deadly drōke Yet there were some notwithstāding that for feare to be takē tardy dyd bustle vp at this sodaine noyse coming to them selues fell to their weapons to resist Camillus which were slayne by and by The rest the greatest number of them laye here there scattered in the middest of the field without any weapon dead a sleepe starcke droncke with wine were put to the sworde neuer strake stroke Those that fled out of the campe that night which were but fewe in number were ouerthrowen also the next daye by the horse men which followed killed them as they tooke them straggling here there in the fieldes The brute of this victorie was blowen abroade incontinently through all the townes and villages thereabouts which caused many young men to come ioyne them selues to Camillus but specially the ROMAINES desired the same that had saued thē selues in the cittie of VEIES after the battell lost at ALLIA who made their mones amongest them selues there saying O goddes what a captaine hath fortune taken from the cittie of ROME What honour hath the cittie of ARDEA by
preseruing charme the women had tyed as a carkanet about his necke to let him vnderstand he was very ill since he suffered them to apply suche a foolishe bable to him In the ende Pericles drawing fast vnto his death the Nobilitie of the cittie and such his friendes as were left aliue standing about his bed beganne to speake of his vertue and of the great authoritie he had borne considering the greatnes of his noble actes and counting the number of his victories he had wonne for he had wonne nine foughten battells being generall of the ATHENIANS and had set vp so many tokens and triumphes in honour of his countrie they reckoned vp among them selues all these matters as if he had not vnderstoode them imagining his sences had bene gone But he contrarilie being yet of perfect memorie heard all what they had sayed and thus he beganne to speake vnto them That he marueled why they had so highly praysed that in him which was common to many other captaines and wherein fortune delt with them in equalitie a like and all this while they had forgotten to speake of the best most notable thing that was in him which was that no ATHENIAN had euer worne blacke gowne through his occasion And suer so was he a noble and worthie persone For he dyd not only shewe him selfe mercifull and curteous euen in most weightie matters of gouernment among so enuious people and hatefull enemies but he had this iudgement also to thincke that the most noble actes he dyd were these that he neuer gaue him selfe vnto hatred enuie nor choller to be reuenged of his most mortall enemie without mercy shewed towardes him though he had committed vnto him suche absolute power and sole gouernment among them And this made his surname to be Olympius as to saye diuine or celestiall which otherwise for him had bene to prowde and arrogant a name bicause he was of so good and gentle a nature and for that in so great libertie he had kept cleane handes vndefiled euen as we esteeme the goddes authors of all good and causers of no ill and so worthy to gouerne and rule the whole monarchie of the world And not as Poets saye which doe confounde our wittes by their follies and fonde faynings and are also contrarie to them felues considering that they call heauen which conteineth the goddes the euerlasting seate which trembleth not and is not driuen nor moued with windes neither is darkened with clowdes but is allwayes bright and cleare and at all times shyning equally with a pure bright light as being the only habitation and mansion place of the eternall God only happy and immortall And afterwardes they describe it them selues full of dissentions of enmities of anger and passions which doe nothing become wise and learned men But this discourse peraduenture would be better spoken of in some other booke Nowe the troubles the ATHENIANS felt immediatly after Pericles death made them then lament the losse of so noble a member For those who vnpaciently dyd brooke his great authoritie while he liued bicause it drowned their owne when they came after his death to proue other speakers and gouernours they were compelled then to confesse that no mans nature liuing could be more moderate nor graue with lenitie and mercie then his was And that most hated power which in his life time they called monarchie dyd then most plainely appeare vnto them to haue bene the manifest ramper and bullwarke of the safetie of their whole state and common weale suche corruption and vice in gouernment of the state dyd then spring vp immediatly after his death which when he was aliue he dyd euer suppresse and keepe vnder in suche sorte that either it dyd not appeare at all or at the least it came not to that hed and libertie that suche faultes were committed as were vnpossible to be remedied The ende of Pericles life THE LIFE OF Fabius Maximus HAVING already declared vnto you such things worthy memorie as we could collect and gather of the life of Pericles it is nowe good time we should proceede to write also of the life of Fabius Maximus It is sayed the first Fabius from whom the house and familie of the Fabians dyd descend being the greatest noblest house of all other in ROME was begotten by Herculos whom he gatte of a Nymphe or as other saye a woman of the coūtrie by the riuer of Tyber And some saye that the first of this house were called at the beginning Fodians bicause they dyd hunte wilde beastes with pittefalles and ditches For vnto this present the ROMAINES call ditches Fossae and to digge Fodere Since that time the two second letters haue bene chaunged and they haue called them Fabians But howsoeuer it was this is certaine that many noble men haue come out of that house and among other there was one of that house called Fabius Rullus whom the ROMAINES for his noble actes dyd surname Maximus very great After him Fabius Maximus whose life we haue now in hande was the fourth lineally descended of the same line and he was surnamed Verrucosus bicause of a certen birth marke he had vpon one of his lippes like a litle warte And he was also surnamed Ouicula a litle lamme for his softnes slownes and grauity of his doings whilest he was a childe But bicause of nature he was dull still and very silent and that he was seldome seene to playe at any pastime among the boyes and for that they sawe he was but of slowe capacitie and hard to learne and conceyue and withall that the boyes might doe to him what they would he was so lowly to his fellowes this made men iudge that looked not into him that he would proue a very foole and nigeot Yet other were of contrarie opinion of him who considering more deepely the man perceyued in his nature a certen secret constancie the maiestie of a lyon But Fabius selfe when he was called to serue the common weale dyd quickely shewe to the world that which they tooke for dullnes in him was his grauitie which neuer altered for no cause or respect and that which other iudged fearefullnes in him was very wisedome And where he shewed him selfe not hastie nor sodaine in any thing it was found in him an assured and setled constancie Wherefore when he came to consider the great soueraintie of their common weale and the continuall warres it was in he dyd vse his bodie to all hardnes and brought vp him selfe therewithall that he might be the better able to serue in the field and he gaue him selfe much to eloquence also as a necessary instrument to persuade souldiers vnto reason His tongue likewise dyd agree with his conditions and manner of life For he had no manner of affectation nor counterfeate finenes in his speach but his words were euer very graue and profounde and his sentences euen grafte in him by nature and as some saye were
house was rich and wealthy he bringeth foorth these proofes First that he was one yeare mayer or prouost of ATHENS whom they called Arcâ—on Eponymos bicause the yeare tooke the name of him that hadde it yearely And they say he came to it by drawing of the beane according to the auncient vse of the ATHENIANS and their wonted manner of makinge their election of the said office In which election none were admitted to drawe the beane but such as were highest set in their subsidie bookes according to the value rate of their goodes whom they called at ATHENS Pentacosiomedimnes as you would say those that might dispend fiue hundred bushels of wheate by the yere and vpwards Secondly he alleageth he was banished by the Ostracismon which banisheth the nobilitie and great rich men onely whom the common people enuie bicause of their greatnesse and neuer dealeth with poore men The third and last reason he makes is that he left of his gift three footed stooles in the temple of Bacchus which those do commonly offer vp as haue won the victory in comedies tragedies or other such like pastimes wherof they them selues had borne the charge And those threefooted stooles remaine there yet which they say were geuen by Aristides and haue this inscription vppon them The tribe of Antiochides wanne the victorie Aristides defrayed the charges of the games and Archestratus the Poet taught them to playe his comedies This last reason though it seeme likeliest of them all yet is it the weakest of the rest For Epaminondas whome euery man knoweth was poore euen from his birth and alwayes liued in great pouertie and Plato the Philosopher tooke apon him to defraye the charges of games that were of no small expence the one hauing borne the charges of flute players at THEBES and the other the dawnce of the children which dawnced in a rounde at ATHENS towards the furnishing of which charges Dion the SYRACVSAN gaue Plato money and Pelopidas also gaue Epaminondas money Now this is not spoken that vertuous men should alwayes refuse the gifts of their frends and that they might not in some sorte accept their frendes curtesie offered them but bicause they should thinke it vncomely and dishonorable for them to take any thing to enrich them selues or to spare and hourde vp Howebeit where there is any honorable act to be done or any publike show to be made not tending to their priuate benefit in such a case they should not refuse their frendes louing offer and goodwill towardes them And where Demetrius saith the three footed stoole was offered vp in the temple of Bacchus Panaetius declareth plainely that Demetrius was deceaued by the semblance of the name For since the time of the warres of the MEDES vnto the beginninge of the warre of PELOPONNESVS in all the registers and recordes kept of the defrayers of the charges of common playes there were founde but two men bearinge name of Aristides that obteined victory neither of them both was sonne vnto Lysimachus whom we wryte of at this present For the one is expresly named the sonne of Xenophilus and the other was long after the same Aristides we now speake of as appeareth easily by the wrytinge and orthographiâ— which is according to the grammer rules we haue vsed in GREECE euer since Euclides time Moreouer it is easie to be knowen by the name of the Poet Archestratus that is adioyned to it For there is no man that maketh mencion of a Poet of this name in all the warres of the MEDES but in the time of the warres of PELOPONNESVS many doe put him in for an author and maker of rymes and songes that were song in common daunces Yet for all Panaetius obiections the matter is to be better looked into and considered of But for the Ostracisinon banishment it is true that such as were great men in estimacion aboue the common people either in fame nobility or eloquence they onely were subiect vnto this banishment For Damon himselfe beinge Pericles schoolemaister was banished onely bicause the common people thought him to wise Moreouer Idomeneus wryteth that Aristides was their prouost for a yeare not by lot of beanes but by voyces of the ATHENIANS that chose him And if he were prouost since the iorney of PLATEES as Demetrius wryteth it is likely enough that they didde him this honor for his great vertue and notable seruice which other were wont to obteine for their riches But his Demetrius doth not only defende Aristides but also Socrates pouerty as if it were a fowle vyce and reproche to be poore For he wryteth that he had not only a house of his owne but also three score and ten Minas at vsery which Criton gaue him interest for But now to our story againe Aristides was Clisthenes very frend he that restored the gouernment at ATHENS after the expulsion of the thirty tyrannes and did reuerence Lycurgus the Lawmaker of the LACEDAEMONIANS for his lawes aboue all the men in his time and therefore he euer fauored the state of Aristocratia that is where the noble men rule and haue the souerainty Howbeit he euer had Themistocles Neocles sonne his continuall aduersary as takinge parte with the contrary and defending the popular state of gouernment Some say that being schollers and brought vp together they were euer contrary one to an other in all their actions and doinges where it in sporte or in matters of earnest and euer after men beganne to see the naturall inclination of them both by their contrary affections For Themistocles was quicke nimble aduenturous and subtill and would venter on any thing apon light occasion Aristides contrariwise was very quiet temperate constant and maruelous well stayed who woulde for no respect be drawen away from equity and iustice neither would lye flatter nor abuse any body though it were but in sporte Notwithstanding Aristus of Câ—â—O wryteth that their malice beganne first of light loue and that it grewe to greatnesse by processe of time betwene them for sayeth he both the one and the other of them fell in loue with Stesileus borne in the I le of CEOS This fond light loue of theirs fell not easily from them not the enuy they conceiued one against an other but continued against eche other in matters of state such was their malice towardes one an other In which calling Themistocles sought the way to winne frendes by whose meanes he came to great preferment in shorte time and had made him selfe very strong by them Therefore when a frende of his tolde him one day he was worthy to gouerne the city of ATHENS and were very fitte for it if he were indifferent and not partiall The goddes forbid quod he I should euer occupie the place of a gouernour where my frendes shoulde not finde more fauor then straungers that doe me no pleasure But Aristides taking an other course by him selfe would not stande apon his frendes
Pluto stande in dread that he vvould bravvle in hell although his bones vvere drie and dead on earth he vvas so fell Furthermore touchinge the disposition of his body he was maruelous stronge and lusty and all bicause he did vse to labor and toyle euen from his youth and to liue sparingly as one that was euer brought vp in the warres from his youth so that he was of a very good constitucion both for strength of body as for health also As for vtterance he esteemed it as a seconde body and most necessarie gift not onely to make men honest but also as a thinge very requisite for a man that should beare sway and authoritie in the common wealth He practised to speake well in litle villages neere home whether he went many times to plead mennes causes in courtes iudiciall that would retaine him of counsell so as in shorte time he became a perfect pleader and had tongue at will and in processe of time became an excellent orator After he was thus well knowen they that were familiar with him began to perceiue a graue manner and behauiour in his life and a certaine noble minde in him worthie to be employed in matters of state and great importance and to be called into the common wealth For he did not onely refuse to take fees for his pleading and following the causes he mainteined but furthermore made no reckening of the estimacion he wanne by that manner and practise as though that was not the only marke he shot at But his desire reached further rather to winne him selfe fame by seruice in the warres and by valliant fightinge with his enemie then with such a quiet and pleasing manner of life Insomuch as when he was but a younge striplinge in maner he had many cuttes apon his brest which he had receiued in diuerse battells and encounters against the enemies For he him selfe wryteth that he was but seuenteene yeare old when he went first vnto the warres which was about the time of Hanniballs chiefe prosperitie when he spoyled and destroyed all ITALIE So when he came to fight he would strike lustely and neuer sturre foote nor geue backe and woulde looke cruelly vppon his enemie and threaten him with a fearefull and terrible voyce which he vsed him selfe and wisely taught other also to vse the like for such countenaunces sayed he many times doe feare the enemies more then the sworde ye offer them When he went any iorney he euer marched a foote and caried his armour apon his backe and had a man waytinge on him that caried his vittells with him with whom he was neuer angry as they say for any thing he had prepared for his dinner or supper but did helpe to dresse it him selfe for the most parte if he had any leasure when he had done the duety of a priuate souldier in fortifying the campe or such other nedefull businesse All the while he was abroade in seruice in the warres he neuer drancke other then cleane water vnlesse it were when he founde he was not well and then he woulde take a litle vineger but if he saw he were weake he woulde then drinke a litle wine Now it fortuned that Manius Curius the ROMAINE who had triumphed thrise hadde a prety house and lande hard by Cato where he kept in times past which Cato for a walke would visite oft And he considering how litle lande he had to his house and what a litle house he had withall and how poorely it was built wondered with him selfe what maner of man Curius had bene that hauing bene the greatest man of ROME in his time and hauing subdued the mightiest â—aâ—â—es and people of all ITALIE and driuen kinge Pyrrus also out of the same yet him selfe with his owne handes did manure that litle patche of grounde and dwel in so poore and small a farme Whether notwithstaÌ„ding after his three triumphes the SAMNYTES sent their Ambassadors to visite him who founde him by the fyers side seething of perseneapes and presented him maruelous deale of golde from their state and communalty But Curius returned them againe with their gold and told them that such as were contented with that supper had no neede of gold nor siluer and that for his parte he thought it greater honor to commaunde them that had gold then to haue it him selfe Cato remembring these thinges to him selfe went home againe and beganne to thinke vpon his house of his liuinge of his family and seruauntes and also of his expences and to cut of all superfluous charges and fell him selfe to labor with his owne handes more then euer he hadde done before Furthermore when Fabius Maximus tooke the city of TARENTVM againe Cato serued vnder him being very younge where he fell into familiar acquaintaÌ„ce with Nearchus the PYTHAGORIAN philosopher in whom he tooke maruelous delight to heare him talke of Philosophy Which Nearchus held the same opinion of pleasure that Plato did by callinge it the sweete poyson and chiefest bayte to allure men to ill and saying that the body was the first plague vnto the soule and that her onely health remedy and purgation stoode apon rules of reason good examples and contemplations that driue sinful thoughts and carnall pleasures of the body farre of from her Cato moreouer gaue him selfe much to sobriety and temperaunce and framed him selfe to be contented with litle They say he fell in his very olde age to the study of the Greeke tongue and to reade Greeke bookes and that he profited somwhat by Thucydides but much more by Demosthenes to frame his matter and also to be eloquent Which plainly appeareth in all his bookes and writinges full of authorities examples stories taken out of Greeke authors and many of his sentences and moralls his adages quicke answers are translated out of the same word for word Now there was a noble man of ROME at that time one of great authoritie and a deepe wise man besides who coulde easily discerne buddes of vertue sprowtinge out of any towardly youth who was of a good and honorable disposition to helpe forwarde and to aduaunce such His name was Valerius Flaccus a neere neighboure vnto Cato who was informed by his seruaunts of Catoes straunge life how he would be doing in his ground with his owne hands and how he would be gone euery day betimes in the morning to litle villages thereabout to pleade mens causes that prayed his counsaill that when he had done he would come home againe and if it were in winter that he would but cast a litle coate on his shoulders and being sommer he would go out bare naked to the wast to worke in his ground among his seruaunts and other workemen would besides sit and eate with them together at one borde and drinke as they did Moreouer they told him also a world of such maners facions which he vsed that shewed to be a
but a litle peece only for his parte and gotte maruelous riches by his vsery Moreouer he lent money to any of his slaues that would therwith buy other young slaues whom they taught and brought vp to do seruice at Catoes charge and cost and then they solde them againe at the yeares ende and some of them Cato kept for his owne seruice and gaue his slaues as much for them as any other offered Therfore to allure his sonne in like manner to make profitte of his money he tolde him it was no wise mans parte to diminishe his substance but rather the parte of a widowe Yet this was a token of a most greedy couetous minde that he durst affirme him to be diuine and worthy immortall praise that increased his wealth and patrimony more then his father left him Furthermore when Cato was growen very olde Carneades the ACADEMICKE and Diogenes the STOICKE were sent from ATHENS as Ambassadors to ROME to sue for a release of a fyne of fiue hundred talentes which they had imposed on the ATHENIANS apon a condemnation passed against them for a contempt of appearaunce by the sentence of the SICYONIANS at the sute of the OROPIANS Immediatly when these two Philosophers were arriued in the citie of ROME the younge gentlemen that were geuen to their bookes did visite and welcome them and gaue great reuerence to them after they had heard them speake and specially to Carneades whose grace in speaking and force of perswading was no lesse then the same ranne vppon him and specially when he was to speake in so great an audience and before such a state as would not suppresse his praise ROME straight was full as if a winde had blowen this rumor into euery mans eare that there was a GREECIAN arriued a famous learned man who with his eloquence woulde leade a man as he lust There was no other talke a while through the whole city he had so inflamed the younge gentlemens mindes with loue and desire to be learned that all other pleasures and delightes were set a side and they disposed them selues to no other exercise but to the study of Philosophy as if some secrete and diuine inspiration from aboue had procured them to it Whereof the Lordes and Senators of ROME were glad and reioyced much to see their youth so well geuen to knowledge and to the study of the Greeke tongue and to delite in the company of these two great and excellent learned men But Marcus Cato euen from the beginning that young men beganne to study the Greeke tongue and that it grewe in estimacion in ROME did dislike of it fearing least the youth of ROME that were desirous of learninge and eloquence woulde vtterly giue ouer the honor and glory of armes Furthermore when he sawe the estimacion and fame of these two personages did increase more and more and in such sorte that Caius Aquilius one of the chiefest of the Senate made sute to be their interpreter he determined then to conuey them out of the citie by some honest meane and culour So he openly found fault one day in the Senate that the Ambassadors were long there and had no dispatche considering also they were cunninge men and coulde easily perswade what they would And if there were no other respect this onely might perswade them to determine some aunswere for them and so to send them home againe to their schooles to teach their children of GREECE and to let alone the children of ROME that they might learne to obey the lawes and the Senate as they had done before Now he spake this to the Senate not of any priuate ill will or malice he bare to Carneades as some men thought but bicause he generally hated Philosophy and of an ambition despised the muses knowledge of the Greeke tongue Which was the more suspected bicause he had sayd the auncient Socrates was but a busie man and a sturrer vp of sedition and sought by all meanes possible to vsurpe tyranny and rule in his contrie by peruerting and chaunging the manners and customes of the same and alluringe the subiectes thereof to a dislikinge of their lawes and auncient customes And he laughed at Socrates schoole that taught the arte of eloquence saying his schollers waxed old and were still so long a learning that they ment to vse their eloquence and pleade causes in an other worlde before Minos when they were dead Therefore to plucke his sonne from the study of the Greeke tongue he sayd to him with a strayned voyce and in a bigger sound then he was wont to doe as if he had spoken to him by way of prophecy or inspiration that so longe as the ROMAINES disposed them selues to study the Greeke tongue so longe woulde they marre and bring all to nought And yet time hath proued his vaine wordes false and vntrue For the citie of ROME did neuer florishe so much nor the ROMAINE Empire was euer so great as at that time when learninge and the Greeke tongue most florished Howebeit Cato did not onely hate the Philosophers of GREECE but did dislike them also that professed phisicke in ROME For he had either hearde or red the aunswere Hippocrates made when the king of PERSIA sent for him and offered him a great summe of golde and siluer if he woulde come and serue him who sware he would neuer serue the barbarous people that were naturall enemies to the GREECIANS So Cato affirmed it was an othe that al other phisitions sware euer after wherefore he commaunded his sonne to flie from them all alike and sayed he hadde wrytten a litle booke of phisicke with the which he did heale those of his house when they were sicke and did keepe them in health when they were whole He neuer forbad them to eate but did alwayes bringe them vppe with erbes and certaine light meates as mallard ringedoues and hares for such meates sayd he are good for the sicke and light of disgestion sauing that they make them dreame and snorte that eate them He boasted also how with this maner of phisicke he did alwayes keepe him selfe in health and his family from sickenes Yet for all that I take it he did not all that he bragged of for he buried both his wife and his sonne also But he him selfe was of a stronge nature and a lusty body full of strength and health and liued long without sickenesse so that when he was a very olde man and past mariage he loued women well and maried a younge maiden for that cause onely After his first wife was dead he maried his sonne vnto Paulus AEmylius daughter the sister of Scipio the seconde AFRICAN Cato him selfe beinge a widower tooke paines with a prety younge maide that waited in his house and came by stelth to his chamber howebeit this haunt coulde not long continue secret in his house and specially where there was a younge gentlewoman maried but needes must be spied So one day when
his groundes For he had a fayre mannor not passinge twenty furlonges out of the city whether he would walke commonly after dinner or supper and then when night came that it was bed time he would lye vpon some ill fauored mattresse as the meanest laborer he had and in the morninge by breake of the day he went out either with his vinemen to labor in his vineyard or else with his plough men to follow the plough and somtimes returned againe to the city and followed matters of the common wealth with his frendes and other officers of the same Whatsoeuer he could spare and get in the warres he spent it in buying of goodly horses in makinge of fayer armors or payinge his poore contry mens ransome that were taken prisoners in the warres but for his goodes reuenue he sought onely to increase them by the profit of tillage which he esteemed the iustest and best way of getting of goodes For he did not trifle therein but employed his whole care and study apon it as one that thought it fit for euery noble man gentleman so to trauaill gouerne and increase his owne that he should haue no occasion to couet or vsurpe an other mannes He tooke no pleasure to heare all kinde of matters nor to read all sortes of bookes of Philosophy but those onely that would teache him most to become vertuous Neither did he much care to read Homers workes sauinge those places onely that stirred vp mens hartes most vnto valliantnes But of all other stories he specially delited to read Euangelus bookes which treated of the discipline of warres how to set battells and declared the actes and geastes of Alexander the great sayinge that men shoulde euer bringe his wordes vnto deedes onlesse men would take them for vaine stories and thinges spoken but not to profit by For in his bookes of the feates of warre and how battells shoulde be ordered he was not onely contented to see them drawen and set out in cartes and mappes but would also put them in execution in the places them selues as they were set out And therefore when the army marched in order of battell in the fielde he woulde consider and study with him selfe the sodaine euentes and approches of the enemies that might light vpon them when they comming downe to the valley or going out of a plaine were to passe a riuer or a ditche or through some straight also when he should spread out his army or else gather it narrow and this he did not only forecast by him selfe but woulde also argue the same with the Captaines that were about him For Philopoemen doubtlesse was one of the odde men of the worlde that most esteemed the discipline of warre and sometime peraduenture more then he needed as the most large field and most frutefull ground that valliantnes could be exercised in so that he despised contemned all that were no souldiers as men good for nothing When he was come now to thirty yeares of age Cleomenes kinge of LACEDAEMON came one night vpon the sodaine and gaue an assault to the city of MEGALIPOLIS so lustely that he draue backe the watche and got into the market place and wanne it Philopoemen hearinge of it ranne immediatly to the rescue Neuerthelesse though he fought very valliantly and did like a noble souldier yet he coulde not repulse the enemies nor driue them out of the city But by this meanes he got his citizens leasure and some time to get them out of the towne to saue them selues staying those that followed them and made Cleomenes still waite vpon him so that in the end he had much a do to saue him selfe being the last man and very sore hurt his horse also slaine vnder him Shortely after Cleomenes being aduertised that the MEGALOPOLITANS were gotten into the city of MESSINA sent vnto them to let them vnderstād that he was ready to deliuer them their city lands goods againe But Philopoemen seeing his contry men very glad of these newes that euery man prepared to returne againe in hast he stayd them with these perswasions shewing them that Cleomenes deuise was not to redeliuer thē their city but rather to take thē together with their city foreseeing well enough that he could not continue long there to keepe naked walles and empty houses and that him selfe in the ende should be compelled to goe his way This perswasion stayed the MEGALOPOLITANS but withall it gaue Cleomenes occasion to burne and plucke downe a great parte of the city and to cary away a great summe of money and a great spoyle Afterwardes when kinge Antigonus was come to aide the AGNAIANS against Cleomenes and that Cleomenes kept on the toppe of the mountaines of Sellasia and kept all the passages and wayes vnto them out of all those quarters king Antigonus set his army in battel hard by him determining to set vpon him and to driue him thence if he could possibly Philopoemen was at that time amongest the horsemen with his citizens who had the ILLYRIANS on the side of them being a great number of footemen excellent good souldiers which did shut in the taile of all the army So they were commaunded to stand stil and to kepe their place vntill such time as they did shew them a redde coate of armes on the toppe of a pyke from the other wing of the battell where the king him selfe stoode in persone Notwithstanding this straight cōmaundement the Captaines of the ILLYRIANS would abide no lenger but went to see if they could force the LACEDAEMONIANS that kept on the top of the mountaines The ACHAIANS contrariwise kept their place and order as they were commaunded Euclidas Cleomenes brother perceiuing thus their enemies footemen were seuered from their horsemen sodainly sent the lightest armed souldiers lustiest fellowes he had in his bands to geue a charge vpon the ILLYRIANS behinde to proue if they coulde make them turne their faces on them bicause they had no horsemen for their garde This was done and these light armed men did maruelously trouble and disorder the ILLYRIANS Philopoemen perceiuinge that and considering howe these light armed men would be easily broken and driuen backe since occasion selfe inforced them to it he went to tell the kings Captaines of it that led his men of armes But when he saw he could not make them vnderstand it and that they made no reckening of his reasons but tooke him of no skill bicause he had not yet attained any credit or estimacion to be iudged a man that could inuent or execute any stratageame of warre he went thither him selfe and tooke his citizens with him And at his first comming he so troubled these light armed men that he made them flie and slue a number of them Moreouer to encorage the better king Antigonus men and to make them geue a lusty charge vppon the enemies whilest they were thus troubled and out of order he left his horse
Whereupon Demetrius went with his army to set apon the AETOLIANS and hauinge conquered the contry left Pantauchus his Lieutenaunt there with a great army and him selfe in person in the meane time marched against Pyrrus and Pyrrus on thother side against him They both missed of meetinge and Demetrius goinge on further on the one side entred into the realme of EPIRVS and brought a great spoyle away with him Pyrrus on the other side marched on till he came to the place where Pantauchus was To whome he gaue battell and it was valliantly fought our betwene the souldiers of either party but specially betwene the two Generalls For doutlesse Pantauchus was the valliantest Captaine the stowtest man and of the greatest experience in armes of all the Captaines and souldiers Demetrius had Whereupon Pantauchus trusting in his strength and corage aduaunced him selfe forwardes and lustely chalenged the combat of Pyrrus Pyrrus on the other side being inferior to no king in valliantnes nor in desire to winne honor as he that would ascribe vnto himselfe the glory of Achilles more for the imitacion of his valliancy then for that he was discended of his blood passed through the middest of the battell vnto the first rancke to buckle with Pantauchus Thus they beganne to charge one an other first with their dartes and then comming nearer fought with their swordes not only artificially but also with great force and fury vntill such time as Pyrrus was hurte in one place and he hurte Pantauchus in two The one neere vnto his throte and the other in his legge so as in the ende Pyrrus made him turne his backe and threw him to the ground but neuerthelesse killed him not For so soone as he was downe his men tooke him and caried him away But the EPIROTES encoraged by the victory of their kinge and the admiration of his valliantnesse stucke to it so lustely that in the end they brake the battell of the MACEDONIAN footemen hauing put them to flight followed them so liuely that they slewe a great number of them and tooke fiue thousande prisoners This ouerthrowe did not so much fill the hartes of the MACEDONIANS with anger for the losse they had receiued nor with the hate conceiued against Pyrrus as it wanne Pyrrus great fame honor making his corage and valliantnes to be wondred at of all uch as were present at the battell that saw him fight and how he layed about him For they thought that they saw in his face the very life and agility of Alexander the great and the right shadow as it were showinge the force and fury of Alexander him selfe in that fight And where other kinges did but only counterfeate Alexander the greatin his purple garments and in numbers of souldiers and gardes about their persones and in a certaine facion and bowing of their neckes a litle and in vttering his speech with an high voyce Pyrrus only was like vnto him and followed him in his marshall deedes and valliant actes Furthermore for his experience and skill in warlike discipline the bookes he wrote him selfe thereof do amply proue and make manifest Furthermore they reporte that kinge Antigonus being asked whome he thought to be the greatest Captaine made aunswer Pyrrus so farre foorth as he might liue to be olde speaking only of the Captaines of his time But Hanniball generally sayd Pyrrus was the greatest Captaine of experience and skil in warres of all other Scipio the second and him selfe the third as we haue wrytten in the life of Scipio So it seemeth that Pyrrus gaue his whole life and study to the discipline of warres as that which in dede was princely and meete for a king making no reckoning of all other knowledge And furthermore touching this matter they reporte that he being at a feast one day a question was asked him whom he thought to be the best player of the flute Python or Cephesias whereunto he aunswered that Polyperchon in his opinion was the best Captaine as if he would haue sayd that was the only thing a prince should seeke for and which he ought chiefly to learne and know He was very gentle and familiar with his frendes easie to forgeue when any had offended him and maruelous desirous to requite and acknowledge any curtesie or pleasure by him receiued And that was the cause why he did very vnpaciently take the death of AEropus not so much for his death which he knewe was a common thing to euery liuing creature as for that he was angry with himselfe he had deferred the time so long that time it selfe had cut him of from all occasion and meanes to requite the curtesies he had receiued of him True it is that money lent may be repayed againe vnto the heires of the lender but yet it greueth an honest nature when he can not recompence the good will of the lender of whom he hath receiued the good turne An other time Pyrrus being in the city of AMBRACIA there were certaine of his frends that gaue him counsel to put a naughty man out of the city that did nothing but speake ill of him But he aunswered it is better quod he to keepe him here still speakinge ill of vs but to a fewe then driuing him away to make him speake ill of vs euery where Certaine youthes were brought before him on a time who making mery together drinking freely were bolde with the king to speake their pleasure of him in very vnduetifull sorte So Pyrrus askinge them whether it was true they sayed so or no it is true and it please your grace sayed one of them we sayed it in deede and had not our wine failed vs we had spoken a great deale more The king laughed at it and pardoned them After the death of Antigona he maried many wiues to increase his power withall and to gette moe frendes For he maried the daughter of Antoleon kinge of PAEONIA and Bircenna the daughter of Bardillis king of ILLYRIA and Lanassa the daughter of Agathocles tyran of SYRACVSA that brought him for her dower the I le of CORPHVE which her father had taken By Antigona his first wife he had a sonne called Ptolomie By Lanassa an other called Alexander and by Bircenna an other the youngest of all called Helenus all which though they were marshall men by race and naturall inclination yet were they brought vp by him in warres and therein trained as it were euen from their cradell They wryte that one of his sonnes beinge but a boy asked him one day to which of them he would leaue his kingdome Pyrrus aunswered the boy to him that hath the sharpest sworde That was much like the tragicall curse wherewith Oedipus cursed his children Let them for me deuide both goodes yea rentes and lande VVith trenchaunt svvord and bloody blovves by force of mighty hande So cruell hatefull and beastly is the nature of ambition and desire of rule But after
was slaine at that time moe Captaines than in all the other warres of GREECE together all which were at the length brought to ende and determined by the good wisedome and conduction of one onely man And therefore some thought that this great ouerthrowe was geuen by the gods and sayd that at the departure of Lysanders fleete out of the hauen of LAMPSACVS to get set apon the fleete of the enemies they perceaued ouer Lysanders galley the two fires which they call the starres of Castor and Pollux the one on the toneside of the galley and the other on thother side They say also that the fall of the stone was a token that did signifie this great ouerthrow For about that time as many hold opinion there fell out of the ayer a maruelous great stone in the place they call the goates riuer which stone is seene yet vnto this day holden in great reuerence by the inhabitauntes of the citie of CHERRONESVS It is sayd also that Anaxagoras did prognosticate that one of the bodies tyed vnto the vaulte of the heauen should be pluckt away and should fall to the ground by a slyding shaking that should happen For he sayd that the starres were not in their proper place where they were first created considering that they were heauy bodies and of the nature of stone howebeit that they did shine by reflection of the fire elementory had bene drawen vp thither by force where they were kept by the great violēce of the circuler motion of the element euen as at the beginning of the world they had bene stayed let from falling downe beneath at that time when the separation was made of the colde and heauy bodies from the other substaunce of the vniuersal world There is an other opinion of certaine Philosophers where there is more likelyhoode then in that For they say that those which we call falling starres be no fluxions nor deriuacions of the fire elementorie which are put out in the ayer in a manner so soone as they be lighted nor also an inflammation or cōbustion of any parte of the ayer which by her to ouermuch quantity doth spread vpwardes but they are celestiall bodies which by some slackenes of strength or falling from the ordinary course of heauen are throwen and cast downe here beneath not alwayes in any parte of the earth inhabited but more ofter abroade in the great Occean sea which is the cause that we do not see them Notwithstanding Anaxagoras words are confirmed by Damachus who writeth in his booke of religion that the space of three score and fifteene yeares together before that this stone did fall they saw a great lumpe of fier continually in the ayer like a clowde inflamed the which taried not in any one place but went and came with diuerse broken remouings by the driuing whereof there came out lightnings of fire that sell in many places and gaue light in falling as the starres do that fall In the end when this great body of fire fell in that parte of the earth the inhabitants of the contrie after that they were a litle boldened from their feare and wonder came to the place to see what it was and they found no manner of shew or appearaunce of fire but only a very great stone lying vpon the ground but nothing in comparison of the least parte of that which the compasse of this bodie of fire did shew if we may so name it Sure herein Damachus wordes had neede of fauorable hearers But againe if they be true then he vtterly comuteth their argumentes that maintaine that it was a peece of a rocke which the force of a boysterous winde did teare from the toppe of a mountaine and caried in the ayer so long as this hurle winde continued but so soone as that was downe and calme againe the stone fell immediatly Neither doe we say that this lightning bodie which appeared so many dayes in the element was very fire in deede which comming to dissolue and to be put out did beget this violent storme and boysterous wind in the element that had the force to teare the stone in sunder to cast it downe Neuertheles this matter requireth better discourse in some other booke then this But now to our story Whē the three thowsand ATHENIANS that were taken prisoners at that ouerthrow were condemned by the counsell to be put to death Lysander calling Philocles one of the Captaines of the ATHENIANS asked him what paine he would iudge him worthy of that gaue the citizens so cruell wicked counsell Philocles being nothing abashed to see him selfe in that miserie aunswered him Accuse not them that haue no iudge to heare their cause but since the goddes haue geuen thee grace to be conqueror doe with vs as we would haue done with thee if we had ouercome thee When he had sayd so he went to washe him selfe and then put on a fayer cloke vpon him as if he should haue gone to some feast and went lustely the formest man to execution leading his contrie men the way as Theophrastus wryteth After this done Lysander with all his fleete went by all the cities of the sea coast where he commaūded so many ATHENIANS as he founde that they should get them to ATHENS letting them vnderstand that he would not pardone a man of them but put them all to death as many as he found out of their city And this he did of policie to bring them all within the precinct of the walles of ATHENS bicause he might so much the sooner famish them for lacke of vittells for otherwise they would haue troubled him sore if they had had wherewithall to haue maintayned a long siege But in all the cities as he passed by if they were gouerned by the authority of the people or if that there were any other kinde of gouernment he left in euery one of them a LACEDAEMONIAN Captaine or gouernor with a counsell of tenne officers of them that had bene before in league and amity with him the which he did as well in the cities that had euer bene confederates and frendes vnto the LACEDAEMONIANS as in them that not long before had bene their enemies So he went sayling all alongest the coastes fayer and softely making no haste stablishing in manner a generall principality ouer all GREECE For he did not make them officers that were the richest the noblest or honestest men but such as were his frendes out of those tribes which he had placed in euery citie to them he gaue authority to punish and reward such as they liked of and would be present him selfe in persone to helpe them to put those to death whome they would execute or otherwise expulse or banish their contrie But this gaue the GREECIANS small hope of good or gratious gouernment vnder the rule of the LACEDAEMONIANS Wherefore me thinkes that Theopompus the comicall Poet doted when he compared the
profitable for thee though it be but in respect of straungers eyes that looke apon vs both After this talke betwene them Agesilaus sent him his Lieutenaunt into the contry of HELLESPONT where Lysander still kepe this anger secret in his hart against him but for all that did not leaue to doe all that he could for the benefit of his masters affaires As amongest many other thinges he caused a PERSIAN Captaine called Spithridates to rebell against his master who was a valliant men of his hands and a great enemy of Pharnabazus and had an army also which he brought with him vnto Agesilaus Now concerning this warre this was all that he did in that iorney Wherefore he returned againe to SPARTA not long after with litle honor being maruelously grieued and offended with Agesilaus and hating more then before all the state and gouernment of the citie of SPARTA by reason whereof he determined to put that in practise which he had long time thought vppon concerninge the alteracion of gouernment and his enterprise was this Amongest the ofspring and issue of Hercules who were mingled with the DORIANS and returned againe into the contrie of PELOPONNESVS the greatest number and chiefest of them dwelled in the city of SPARTA howbeit all they that came of that race had no right of succession to the crowne sauing two families only the Eurytiontides and the Agiades The other families albeit they were all for nobility of blood descended out of one selfe house yet had they no more right nor interest vnto the realme then the residue of the people for the dignities that were attained vnto by vertue were geuen vnto the inhabitauntes that could deserue them Lysander then being one of those which was discended of the true race of Hercules who notwithstanding had no interest in the crowne when he saw him selfe aloft and called to great honor through his famous actes and merites and that he had wonne many frendes and great credit and authority by dealing in matters of the state it grieued him much to see that they which were no nobler then him selfe should be kinges in that city which he had increased by his vertue and that he could not haue so much power as to take from these two houses the Eurytiontides and the Agiades the prerogatiue that the kinges should be chosen onely out of one of those two houses and to cast it apon the offspring of Hercules Some say againe that he would not only haue enlarged that prerogatiue vnto the issue of Hercules but vnto all the naturall SPARTANS also bicause that Hercules race should not only desire this reward of honor but euen they also that followed his steps in vertue which had made him equal with the gods in honor For he douted not but if they would dispose the crowne in this sorte that there was no man in the city of SPARTA that should sooner be chosen king then him selfe whereupon he attempted first to perswade his citizens by very good reasons to bring this aboue the better he conned an oration without booke penned by Cleon Halicarnasseus made him for this purpose But afterwardes weying with him selfe that so great and straunge a chaunge as he would bring in had neede of some better and stronger helpe he beganne to frame a deuise as they say to moue the people by much after the manner they vse in tragedies framing engines to bring some god to come downe from heauen vnto them and this was his fained inuention He deuised certaine oracles prophecies thinking that all Cleons rethoricke would stand him in no steade if first of all he did not fill the citizens hartes with some supersticion feare of the goddes that he might bring them afterwardes more easily vnto reason And Ephorus sayeth that he proued first to corrupt the Nunne with money that geueth all the oracles and aunswers in the temple of Apollo at DELPHES and that afterwardes he woulde haue wonne the Nunne also of the temple of DODONE with money by Pherecles practise And that he being reiected by them both went lastly vnto the temple of Iupiter Ammon and that there he spake vnto the priestes and offered them great store of money for the same purpose But they were so offended with Lysander that they sent men of purpose to SPARTA to accuse him that he would haue corrupted them with money The counsell clearing Lysander of this accusation the LIBYANS his accusers at their departing sayd we will one day iudge more iustly then you my Lordes of LACEDAEMON haue done now when you shall come to dwell in our contry of LIBYA supposing there was an auncient prophecy that sayd the LACEDAEMONIANS one day should come to dwell in the contry of LIBYA But we shall doe better to wryte the whole story at large of this practise suttelty and malicious deuise which was no matter of small importaunce nor lightly grounded but as in a mathematicall proposition there were many great coniectures and presuppositions many long circumstances to bring it to conclusion the which I will dilate from point to point deliuering that which an historiogâ—rapâ—ie and philosopher both hath wrytten There was in the marches of the realme of PONY 〈…〉 man that sayed she was gotten with childe by Apollo the which many as it is to be thought would not beleue at all and many also did beleue it so that she beinge deliuered of a goâ—â— sonne diuerse noble men and of great estate were carefull to bring him vp and to haue him taught This childe I know not whereuppon nor how was named Silenus and Lysander seeminge the plat of his deuise from thence added to all the rest of him selfe to goe on with his practise Now he had many and they no small men that made his way to frame this ieast geuing out a rumor of the birth of this childe without any suspicion gathered out of the intent of this rumor And furthermore they brought other newes from DELPHES which they dispersed abroade through the city of SPARTA to wit that the priestes of the temple kept secret bookes of very auncient oracles which they them selues durst not touch nor handle neither might any man read them onlesse he were begotten of the seede of Apollo who shoulde come after a long time and make his birth appeare vnto the priestes that kept these papers that by some secret marke token which they had amongest them thereby being knowne for Apolloes sonne he might then take the bookes read the auncient reuelacions prophecies of the same These things prepared in this sorte there was order taken that Silenus should come and aske for these bookes as though he were the sonne of Apollo and that the priestes which were priuy to this practise should make as though they did diligently examine him of euery thing and how he was borne And that at the length after they had seemed to know all they should deliuer these prophecies
why he was serued so the steward aunswered him My Lord bicause I sawe you sende for no body I thought this supper sufficient What sayd he againe knewest not thou that Lucullus should suppe to night with him selfe In fine Lucullus fare was coÌ„monly knowen through ROME that there was no talke but of Lucullus noble housekeping Whereupon Cicero and Pompey being desirous to see the proofe thereof came one day to him in the market place seeing him at pleasure for Cicero was Lucullus very good frend and Pompey also and though there was some iarre betwene them for matters of warres he did not let for that to come vnto him and to speake gently one to an other and Cicero after he had saluted him asked him if he would be contented they should come and see him Oh sayd he with all my hart I pray you come to me Well then sayd Cicero Pompey and I will come and suppe with you to night with coÌ„dicion that you prouide no more then your ordinary Lucullus told them againe they should then fare but badly and therfore it were better they taried till to morrow But they would none of that no nor suffer him to speake with his men for feare he should coÌ„maund them to prouide somewhat more then for him selfe Neuerthelesse at his desire they suffered him onely in their presence alowde to tell one of his men that he would suppe that night in Apollo for so was one of his most stately and sumpteous halles of his house called and with that word only he finely deceiued them both and they neuer found him For euery halle had his certaine summe and rate appointed for the charge and expence of euery supper they made in them and the ordinary furniture and seruice for the same So that when his seruauantes had their watche worde but in what halle he would suppe they knewe straight what charge he would be at for his supper what orders should be obserued therin Now Lucullus 〈…〉 was to spende when he made any feast in the hall of Apollo fifty thowsand pence and that 〈…〉 day the supper was prepared according to that value insomuch as Pompey maruelous howe it could be possible that a suppor of so exceeding great charge could be so sodainly prepared Insuch thinges therefore did Lucullus laiustily and riotously spend his goodes like spoyles in deede gotten of slaues and barbarous people But that specially which he bestowed vppon bookes was very commendable and honest expence For he had gathered together a great number of notable histories the vse wherof was more honor to him then the hauing of them For his library was euer open to all corners and they suffred the GRAECIANS to come into his goodly tarrasses fayer walkes or other pleasaunt places there abouts conuenient to flâ—â—â—d reason together and neuer shut dore against them where learned men met commonly lâ—â—d oftentimes spent the whole day in conference together as in the house of the Muses being very glad when other matters were dispatched they had so much leasure as but to goe thicker And Lucullus selfe would also many times be amongest them in those tarrasses and pleasaunt walkes delighting much to talke with them and he did euer helpe to dispatch them that had any busines with him and graunted the thing they requested of him To conclude his house was a common receite for all them that came from GRAECE to ROME He loued all nâ—â—â—er of Philosophy and refused no sect of the same But from his youth vpward he euer loued esteemed best the ACADEMICKE sect not that which they call the new ACADEMICKE although it florished at that time through Carneades workes which Philo made such estimacion but the old ACADEMICKE which the Philosopher Antiochus of the city of ASCALON did defende and maintaine at that time being an eloquent rethoritian and well spoken whom Lucullus sought to win by all meanes to make him his frende and to haue him in house with him bicause he might inuey against Philoes hearers and followers whose scholler Cicero among the rest was that wrote a notable booke against this olde ACADEMICKE sect And in the same he reciteth Lucullus maintaining the opinion of the old ACADEMICKES who hold that a man may certainly know and comprehend something and called that Catalepsin but Cicero defended the contrary The booke is intituled Lucullus for they were as we haue rehearsed before very good frendes and had both one selfe desire for gouernment in the commonwealth For Lucullus did not so withdrawe him selfe from matters of state that he would no more medle at all nor heare speake of them but he betimes gaue ouer all ambition contention as a thing of no small daunger breeding great reproache and dishonor to Marcus Crassus and Cato to be chiefe in authority And these two were they that defended the Senate and whom they raised vp to withstand Pompeys greatnes being affrayed of him after that Lucullus had refused the chiefe place of authority But otherwise Lucullus would be in the market place at courtes and common counsells to pleasure his frendes when they requested him and would goe to the Senate also when there was occasion to breake any new practise or to ouerthrowe Pompeys ambitious policie For he ouerthrewe all the orders and constitutions that Pompey had made after he had ouercome the kinges Mithridates and Tigranes and with the helpe of Cato hindered a distribution of money which Pompey had wrytten for to ROME to be bestowed amongest his souldiers Whereupon Pompey fell in frendshippe or to speake more plainly in conspiracy with Crassus and Caeser by whose helpe and assistaunce he filled ROME with armes and souldiers and made the people by force to passe and confirme what he would haue done after he had violently expulsed Lucullus and Cato out of he market place Whereat the noble men were much offended and misliking the great wrong they had offred Lucullus Cato Pompeys followers suborned a BRVTIAN and said he was taken lying in waite to kill Pompey Wherupon the sayd BRVTIAN being examined by the Senate named certaine but when he came before the people he named Lucullus saying that he had hyered him to kill Pompey But no man beleued him For they perceiued openly in the market place that he was procured by them selues falsely to accuse Lucullus Pompeys other aduersaries And this was proued more plainly within few dayes after when they threw the body of this BRVTIAN dead in the middest of the streete out of the prisone who they say dyed of him selfe with sickenes Howbeit the markes being plainly seene of the halter wherewith they had strangled him and the stripes appearing also which they had geuen him did plainly shew that they them selues did it whom after they had suborned to accuse Lucullus they slue in this manner This was the cause why Lucullus did more theÌ„ before absent him selfe from medling in publicke
them howbeit they gaue no credit vnto him Yet Cicero in an oration of his doth plainly accuse Crassus Caesar as confederats with Catiline howbeit this oration came not forth till they were both dead And in the oration he made also when his office and authority of Consul ceased he sayd that Crassus came one night to him shewed him a letter touching Catiline certainly confirming the conspiracy then in examination For which cause Crassus euer after hated him and that he did not openly reuenge it the let was by meane of his sonne For Publius Crassus much fauoring eloquence and beinge geuen to his booke bare great good will vnto Cicero in such sorte that apon his banishment he put on chaunged garmentes as Cicero did and procured many other youthes to do the like also and in fine perswaded his father to become his frend Caesar now returning to ROME from the prouince he had in gouernment intended to sue for the Consulshippe and perceiuing that Pompey Crassus were againe at a iarre thought thus with him selfe that to make the one of them his frend to further his sute he should but procure thother his enemy and minding therfore to attaine his desire with the fauor of them both sought first the meanes to make thē frendes perswaded with them that by their controuersie th one seeking thothers vndoing they did thereby but make Cicero Catulus and Cato of the greater authority who of them selues were of no power if they two ioyned in frendshippe together for making both their frendes and factions one they might rule the state and common wealth euen as they would Caesar hauing by his perswasion reconciled Crassus and Pompey ioyning their three powers in one made them selues vnuincible which afterwardes turned to the destruction of the people and Senate of ROME For he made them not only greater than they were before the one by the others meanes but him selfe also of great power through them For when they beganne to fauor Caesar he was straight chosen Consull without any deniall and so behaued him selfe in the Consulship that at the length they gaue him charge of great armies and then sent him to gouerne the GAVLES which was as a man may say euen them selues to put him into the castell that should kepe all the citie in subiection imagining that they two should make spoyle and good booty of the rest sithence they had procured him such a gouernment Now for Pompey the cause that made him commit this error was nothing els but his extreame ambition But as for Crassus besides his old vice of couetousnes rooted in him he added to that a newe a uarice and desire of triumphes and victories which Caesars fame for prowes and noble actes in warres did throughly kindell in him that he being otherwise his better in all thinges might not yet in that be his inferior which furie tooke such holde as it neuer left him till it brought him vnto an infamous end and the common wealth to great misery Thus Caesar being come out of his prouince of GAVLE vnto LVCA diuers ROMANES went thither to see him and among other Pompey and Crassus They hauing talked with him in secret agreed among them to deuise to haue the whole power of ROME in their handes so that Caesar should kepe his armie together and Crassus and Pompey should take other prouinces and armies to them Now to attaine to this they had no way but one that Pompey and Crassus should againe sue the second time to be Consulls and that Caesars frendes at ROME should stand with them for it sending also a sufficient number of his souldiers to be there at the day of choosing the Consulls Thereupon Pompey and Crassus returned to ROME to that ende but not without suspicion of their practise for there ranne a rumor in the citie that their meeting of Caesar in LVCA was for no good intent Whereupon Marcellinus and Domitius asked Pompey in open Senate if he ment to make sute to be Consull Pompey aunswered them peraduenture he did peraduenture he did not They asking him againe the same question he aunswered he would sue for the good men not for the euill Pompeyes answers were thought very prowde hawty Howbeit Crassus aunswered more modestly that if he saw it necessary for the common wealth he would sue to be Consull if not that he would nor stand for it Vpon these words some were so bold to make sute for the Consulshippe as Domitius among other But afterwardes Pompey and Crassus standing openly for it all the rest left of their sute for feare of them Domitius only excepted whom Cato so prayed and intreated as his kinseman and frend that he made him to seeke it For he perswaded him that it was to fight for the defense of their libertie and how that it was not the Consulshippe Crassus and Pompey looked after but that they went about to bring in a tyranny that they sued not for the office but to get such prouinces and armies into their handes as they desired vnder colour and countenaunce of the Consulship Cato ringing these words into their eares beleuing it certainly to be true as he sayd brought Domitius as it were by force into the market place where many honest men ioyned with thē bicause they wondred what the matter ment that these two noble men should sue the second time to be Consulls and why they made sute to be ioyned together and not to haue any other with them considering there were so many other worthy men meete to be companion with either of them both in that office Pompey fearing he should be preuented of his purpose fell to commit great outrage and violence As amongest other when the day came to choose the Consulls Domitius going earely in the morning before day accōpanied with his frends to the place where the electiō should be his man that caried the torch before him was slaine by some whom Pompey had layed in waite many of his companie hurt and among others Cato And hauing thus dispersed them he beset a house rounde about whether they fled for succour and inclosed them there vntill they were both chosen Consulls together Shortly after they came with force to the pulpit for orations and draue Cato out of the market place slue some of them that resisted would not flye They also then prolonged Caesars gouernment of the GAVLES for fiue yeres more and procured for them selues by decree of the people the contries of SYRIA and SPAYNE Againe when they drew lottes together SYRIA fell to Crassus and SPAYNE to Pompey Euery man was glad of their fortune For the people on the one side were loth Pompey should goe farre from ROME him selfe also louing his wife well was glad he had occasion to be so neere her that he might remaine the most of his time at ROME But Crassus of all other reioyced
and Caesar for not keeping of him Therefore this should be the best resolution to send to kill him for thereby they should winne the good will of the doe and not feate the displeasure of the other and some say moreouer that he added this mocke withall â— a dead man bytes not They being determined of this among them selues gaue Achillas commission to doe it He taking with him Septimius who had charge a aforetime vnder Pompey and Salâ—ius an other Centurion also with three or foure souldiers besides they made towards Pompeys gallie about whom were at that time the chiefest of his â—ruine to see what would become of this matter But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment and that it was not in Princely show and maner nor nothing aunswerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in seeing so few men come to them in a fisher bote they began then to mistrust the small accompt that was made of them counselled Pompey to returne backe and to launche againe into the sea being out of the daunger of the hurling of a daret In the meane time the fisher bote drew neere and Septimius rose and saluted Pompey in the ROMANE tongue by the name of Imperator as much as soueraine Captaine and Achillas also spake to him in the Greeke tongue and bad him come into his bote bicause that by the shore side there was a great deale of mudde and sande banckes so that his gally should haue no water to being him in At the very same time they saw a farre of diuers of the kings gallies which were arming with all speede possible all the shore besides ful of souldiers Thus though Pompey his company would haue altered their mindes they could not haue told how to haue escaped furthermore shewing that they had mistrusted theÌ„ then they had geuen the murthers occasion to haue executed his cruelty So taking his leaue of his wife Cornelia who lamented his death before his end he coÌ„maunded two Centurions to go down before him into the AEGYPTIANS bote and Philip one of his slaues infranchised with an other slaue called Scynes When Achillas reached out his hande to receiue him into his bote he turned him to his wife and sonne and sayd these verses of Sophocles vnto them The man that into Court comes free Must there in state of bondage be These were the last words he spake vnto his people when he left his owne gally went into the AEGYPTIANS bote The lande being a great way of from his gally when he saw neuer a man in the bote speake frendly vnto him beholding Septimius he said vnto him me thinkes my frend I should know thee for that thou hast serued with me heretofore The other nodded with his head that it was true but gaue him no aunswere nor shewed him any curtesie Pompey seeing that no man spake to him tooke a litle booke he had in hande in the which he had wrytten an oration that he ment to make vnto king Ptolomy beganne to read it When they came neere the shore Cornelia with her seruaunts and frends about her stoode vp in her shippe in great feare to see what should become of Pompey So she hoped well when she saw many of the kings people on the shore comming towards Pompey at his landing as it were to receiue and honor him But euen as Pompey tooke Philip his hande to arise more easily Septimius came first behinde him and thrust him through with his sword Next vnto him also Saluius and Achillas drewâ—out their swords in like manner Pompey then did no more but tooke vp his gowne with his hands and hidde his face and manly abidde the wounds they gaue him onely sighing a litle Thus being nine and fifty yeare olde he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth They that rode at ancker in their shippes when they saw him murdered gaue such a feareful crie that it was hard to the shore theÌ„ waying vp their anckers with spede they hoysed saile and departed their way hauing winde at will that blew a Iustly gale as soone as they had gotten the maine sea The AEGYPTIANS which prepared to rowe after them when they saw they were past their reach and vnpossible to be ouertaken they let them goe Then hauing striken of Pompeys heade they threwe his body ouer borde for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him Philip his infranchised bondman remainâ—â— ouer by it vntill such time as the AEGYPTIANS had seene it their bellies full Then hauing â—â—shed his body with salt water and wrapped it vp in an old shirt of his bicause be had no other shift to lay it in he sought vpon the sands found at the length a peece of an old fishers bote enough to serue to burne his naked bodie with but not all fully out As he was busie gathering the broken peeces of this bote together thither came vnto him an old ROMANE whom his youth had serued vnder Pompey and sayd vnto him O frend what art thou that preparest the funeralls of Pompey the great Philip answered that he was a bondman of his infranchised Well said he thou shalt not haue all this honor alone I pray thee yet let me accompany that in so denout a deede that I may not altogether repent me to haue dwelt so long in a strange contrie where I haue abidden such miserie and trouble but that to recompence me withall I may haue this good happe with mine owne hands to touche Pompeys body and to helpe to bury the only and most famous Captaine of the ROMANES The next day after Lucius Lentulus not knowing what had passed comming out of CYPRVS sailed by the shore side and perceiued a fire made for funeralls and Philip standing by it whom he knew not at the first So he asked him what is he that is dead and buried there But straight fetching a great sigh alas sayd he perhappes it is Pompey the great Then he landed a litle and was straight taken and slaine This was the end of Pompey the great Not longe after Caesar also came into AEGYPT that was in great warres where Pompeys head was presented vnto him but he turned his head aside and would not see it and abhorred him that brought it as a detestable murtherer Then taking his ringe wherewith he sealed his letters whereuppon was grauen a Lyon holding a sword he burst out a weeping Achillas and Pothinus he put to death King Ptolomy him selfe also being ouerthrowen in battell by the riuer of Nilus vanished away and was neuer heard of after Theodotus the Rethoritian escaped Caesars hands wandred vp downe AEGYP in great misery despised of euery man Afterwards Maerous Brutus who slue Caesar conquering ASIA met with him by chaunce and putting him to all the torments he could possibly deuise at the length slue him The ashes
went forthwith to set apon the campe of Afranius the which he tooke at the first onset and the campe of the NVMIDIANS also king Iuba being fled Thus in a litle peece of the day only he tooke three campes slue fifty thowsand of his enemies and lost but fifty of his souldiers In this sorte is set downe theffect of this battell by some wryters Yet others doe wryte also that Caesar selfe was not there in person at th execution of this battel For as he did set his men in battell ray the falling sickenesse tooke him whereunto he was geuen and therefore feeling it comming before he was ouercome withall he was caried into a castell not farre from thence where the battell was sought and there tooke his rest till th extremity of his disease had left him Now for the Praetors Consulls that scaped from this battell many of them being taken prisoners did kill them selues and others also Caesar did put to death but he being specially desirous of all men else to haue Cato aliue in his hands he went with all possible speede vnto the citie of VTICA whereof Cato was Gouernor by meanes whereof he was not at the battell Notwithstanding being certified by the way that Cato had flaine him selfe with his owne handes he then made open shew that he was very sory for it but why or wherfore no man could tell But this is true that Caesar sayd at that present time O Cato I enuy thy death bicause thou diddest enuy my glory to saue thy life This notwithstanding the booke that he wrote afterwardes against Cato being dead did shew no very great affection nor pitiefull hart towardes him For how could he haue pardoned him if liuing he had had him in his handes that being dead did speake so vehemently against him Notwithstanding men suppose he would haue pardoned him if he had taken him aliue by the clemencie he shewed vnto Cicero Brutus and diuers others that had borne armes against him Some reporte that he wrote that booke not so much for any priuate malice he had to his death as for a ciuil ambition apon this occasion Cicero had written a booke in praise of Cato which he intituled Cato This booke in likely hoode was very well liked of by reason of the eloquence of the Orator that made it and of the excellent subiect thereof Caesar therewith was maruelously offended thinking that to praise him of whose death he was author was euen as much as to accuse him self therfore he wrote a letter against him heaped vp a number of accusations against Cato and intituled the booke Anticaton Both these bookes haue fauoâ—ers vnto this day some defending the one for the loue they bare to Caesar. and others allowing the other for Catoes sake Caesar being now returned out of AFRICKE first of all made an oration to the people wherein he greatly praised and commended this his last victorie declaring vnto them that he had conquered so many contries vnto the Empire of ROME that he coulde furnishe the common wealth yearely with two hundred thowsande busshells of wheate twenty hundred thowsand pound weight of oyle Then he made three triumphes the one for AEGYPT the other for the kingdom of PONTE and the third for AFRICKE not bicause he had ouercome Scipio there but king Iuba Whose sonne being likewise called Iuba being then a young boy was led captiue in the showe of this triumphe But this his imprisonment fel out happily for him for where he was but a barbarous NVMIDIAN by the study he fell vnto when he was prisoner he came afterwards to be reckoned one of the wisest historiographers of the GRAECIANS After these three triumphes ended he very liberally rewarded his souldiers and to curry fauor with the people he made great feasts common sportes For he feasted all the ROMANES at one time at two and twenty thowsand tables and gaue them the pleasure to see diuers sword players to fight at the sharpe and battells also by sea for the remembraunce of his daughter Iulia which was dead long afore Then after all these sportes he made the people as the manner was to be mustered and where there were at the last musters before three hundred and twenty thowsande citizens at this muster only there were but a hundred and fifty thowsand Such misery and destruction had this ciuill warre brought vnto the common wealth of ROME and had consumed such a number of ROMANES not speaking at all of the mischieues and calamities it had brought vnto all the rest of ITALIE and to the other prouinces pertaining to ROME After all these thinges were ended he was chosen Consul the fourth time and went into SPAYNE to make warre with the sonnes of Pompey who were yet but very young but had notwithstanding raised a maruelous great army together and shewed to haue had manhoode and corage worthie to commaunde such an armie insomuch as they put Caesar him selfe in great daunger of his life The greatest battell that was fought betwene them in all this warre was by the citie of MVNDA For then Caesar seeing his men sorely distressed and hauing their hands full of their enemies he ranne into the prease among his men that fought and cried out vnto them what are ye not ashamed to be beaten and taken prisoners yeelding your selues with your owne handes to these young boyes And so with all the force he could make hauing with much a doe put his enemies to flight he slue aboue thirty thowsand of them in the fielde and lost of his owne men a thowsand of the best he had After this battell he went into his tent and told his frends that he had often before fought for victory but this last time now that he had fought for the safety of his owne life He wanne this battell on the very feast day of the BACCHANALIANS in the which men say that Pompey the great went out of ROME about foure yeares before to beginne this ciuill warre For his sonnes the younger scaped from the battell but within few dayes after Diddius brought the heade of the elder This was the last warre that Caesar made But the triumphe he made into ROME for the same did as much offend the ROMANES and more then any thing that euer he had done before bicause he had not ouercome Captaines that were straungers nor barbarous kinges but had destroyed the sonnes of the noblest man in ROME whom fortune had ouerthrowen And bicause he had plucked vp his race by the rootes men did not thinke it meete for him to triumphe so for the calamities of his contrie reioycing at a thing for the which he had but one excuse to alleage in his defence vnto the gods and men that he was compelled to doe that he did And the rather they thought it not meete bicause he had neuer before sent letters nor messengers vnto the common wealth
and neuer once repyned against that he had done neither then nor at any one after but continued still friendshippe with him as he had done before But now though Cato was out of his office of Quaestor he was not without spialls of his men in the treasure chamber who marked alwayes and wrote what was done and passed in the treasurie And Cato him self hauing bought the bookes of accompt for the summe of fiue talents conteyning the reuenue of the whole stare of the common wealth from Syllaes time vntill the very yeare of his Quaestorshippe he euer had them about him and was the first man that came to the Senate and the last that went out of it There many times the Senators tarying long before they came he went and sate downe in a corner by him selfe and red closely the booke he had vnder his gowne clapping his gowne before it and would neuer bee out of the citie on that day when he knew the Senate should assemble After that Pompey and his conforts perceiuing that it was vnpossible to compell Cato and much lesse to winne or corrupt him to fauor their must doings they sought what meanes they could to keepe him from comming to the Senate and defending certeine of his friends causes to occupy him some other wayes about matters of arbitrement But Cato finding their wiles and craft to encounter them he tolde his friendes once for all whom he would pleasure that when the Senate did sit no mans cause could make him be absent from thence For he came not to serue the common wealth to enrich him selfe as many did neither for any glorye or reputacion nor yet at all aduenture but that he had aduisedly chosen to serue the common wealth like a iust and honest man therefore thought him selfe bound to be as carefull of his dutie as the bee working her waxe in the honny combe For this respect therefore to performe his dutie the better by the meanes of his friendes which he had in euery prouince belonging to the Empire of ROME he gotte into his handes the copies of all the chiefest actes edicts decrees sentences the notablest iudgements of the gouernors that remayned in recorde Once Cato perceiuing that Publius Clodius a seditious Orator amongest the people did make great sturte and accused diuers vnto the assembly as the Priestes and Vestall Nunnes amonge the which Pâ—bia Terentia Citeroes wiues sister was accused he taking their cause in hand did so disgrace Clodius their accuser that he was driuen to flie the citie Cicero therefore giuing Cato thankes Cato tolde him that he must thanke the common wealth not him for whose sake onely he both sayd and did that he had done Hereby Cato wanne him great fame For when a certein Orator or common counseller preferred one witnes vnto the Iudges the counseller on thother side tolde them that one witnes was not to be credited though it were Cato him selfe Insomuch as the people tooke it vp for a prouerbe among them that when any man spake any straunge and vnlikely matter they would say Nay though Cato him selfe said it yet were it not to be beleued When on a time a certaine prodigall man had made a long oration in the Senate in praise and commendacion of sobrietie temperaÌ„ce thriftines one Amnaus a Senator rising vp said vnto him alas frend what thinkest thou who can abide to heare thee any lenger with pacience that farest at thy table like Crassus buildest like Lacullus speakest to vs like Cato So men commonly in sport called them Catoes which were graue and seuere in their wordes and dissolute in their deedes When diuers of his friends were in hand with him to sue to be Tribune of the people he told them he thought it not meete at that time for such an office q he of great authoritie as that is not to be imployed but like a stronge medicine in time of neede So the tearme and matters of lawe ceassing for that tyme Cato went into the contry of LVKE to take his pleasure there where he had pleasant houses and tooke with him both his bookes Philosophers to keepe him company Bicause meeting as he went with diuers sumpters and great cariage and a great traine of men besides he asked them whose cariage it was they told him it was Metellus Nepos that returned to ROME to make sute to be Tribune Thereuppon Cato stayed sodainely and bethinking him selfe commaunded his men to returne backe againe His friends maruailing at it he aunswered them Doe not you know that Metellus is to be feared of him selfe for his rashnes and folly now that he commeth instructed by Pompey like a lightning he would set all the common wealth a fire for this cause therefore we must not now goe take out pleasure in the contry but ouercome his folly or otherwise dye honorably in defence of our libertie Yet at his friendes perswasions he went first vnto his house in the contry but taried not long there and returned straight againe to ROME When he came thither ouernight the next morning betimes he went into the market place sued to be Tribune of the people purposely to crosse Metellus enterprise bicause the power authoritie of the Tribune coÌ„sisteth more in hindring then doing any thing for if all men els were agreed of a matter and that he onely were against it the Tribune would cary it from them all Cato at the first had not many of his friendes about him but when they heard of his intent why he made sute for the Tribuneship all his friends and noble men straight tooke part with him confirmed his determination and incoraged him to go on withall for that he did it rather to serue the common wealth then his owne turne considering that where many times before he might without resistance or deniall haue obteined the same the state being toward no trouble he then would neuer sue for it but now that he saw it in daunger where he was to fight for the common wealth and the protection of her libertie It is reported that there was such a number of people about him to fauor his sute that he was like to haue ben stifled among them thought he should neuer haue comen to the market place for the preasse of people that swarmed about him Thus when he was chosen Tribune with Metellus and others he perceiued how they bought sold the voyces of the people when the Consuls were chosen whereupon he made an oration sharply tooke them vp for this detestable marchaÌ„dise and after his oration ended solemnly protested by othe that he would accuse him bewray his name which had giuen money to be chosen Consul Howbeit he spake nothing of Syllanus whose sister Seruilia he had maried but he flatly accused Lucius Muraena that had obtained to be CoÌ„sul with Syllanus by meanes of his money Now a law being prouided that the
settinge agreement betwixt them he returned into CYPRVS There he founde a maruailous greate treasure and plate bothe of golde and siluer tables precious stones hanginges and purple silkes all the which he was to make readye money of There he tooke greate care and paynes to rayse all thinges to the vtmoste and dearest pryces that coulde bee and he him selfe was present at all to keepe reckoning of the laste penney Wherefore to bringe this to passe he woulde not stande to the common vse of the sale of the cryer but suspected them all bothe cryers praysers and his owne friendes and therefore talled him selfe with the praysers and made them sette highe pryses vppon euery thinge that was to bee solde And thus were the moste parte of the goodes solde and caryed awaye at the dearest pryces This did maruelously offende the moste of his friendes when they sawe that he did mistruste them but Munatius specially his dearest friende tooke is so inwardely that he thought neuer to bee friendes with him agayne Insomuche as in the booke Caesar wrote agaynst Cato in this place he forceth moste the accusation agaynst him Munatius notwithstanding wryteth that he was not angrye so muche with Cato for that he mystrusted him but for a certayne disdayne he had him selfe of Cato and for the emulacion betwixt him and Canidius For Munatius wrote a booke of Catoes deedes and sayinges whome Thraseas in his historye chiefly followed In this booke he sheweth that he came late into CYPRVS and was very ill lodged And furthermore also that when he woulde haue comen into Catoes house they kept him out of the gates for that Cato was busie doing some thinge with Canidius He modestly complayning of it vnto Cato had this churlish aunswer ouermuch loue sayth Theophrastus oftentimes causeth hate So fareth it with thee who ouerlouing me doest thinke that I esteeme thee not as thou deseruest and therefore art angry with me And for Canidius I must tell thee truely I doe rather employe him for his skill and faithfulnes in thinges then any man els for that he hath beene with me from the beginning and as farre as I learne was neuer brybed but cleane handed still These wordes Cato tolde Munatius secretly betweene them two but afterwardes he knewe that he had also reported them vnto Canidius When he sawe that be would no more go and suppe with Cato as he was wont and when he was also called to counsell he would not come there nether Wherefore Cato threatned him that he would sease vpon all his goods and cariage as they vse to handle them that are disobedient vnto iustice This notwithstanding Munatius cared not for it but tooke sea and returned againe to ROME bearing Cato grudge a long time Then Martia being at that time Catoes wife spake with him and were both bidden to supper together vnto a friend of theirs called Barca Thereuppon Cato also arriued and came thither when they were all sette at supper and asked where he should sit Barea tolde him agayne where it pleased him Then casting his eyes about he sayd he would sitte by Munatius and so fetching a compasse about the borde he went and sate by him but offered him no friendshippe and familiaritie all supper tyme Afterwardes notwithstanding at the request of Martia that was earnestly in hande with Cato for him he wrote vnto him and willed him to come and speake with him Munatius went to Catoes house in the morning where Martia stayed him and kept him companie vntill all the rest that came to salute Cato were departed Then Cato comming to him embraced him in his armes and made very muche of him We haue the willinglier dilated this matter at length bicause mens natures and manners might be discerned euen in these small matters of friendshippe priuately as otherwise in the greatest publicke causes Now touching Catoes commission he gotte together litle lesse then seuen thowsand siluer talents Furthermore fearing the farrenesse of the iorney he had to goe by sea he made diuers litle cofers and put into euery one of them two talents and fiue hundred Drachmas and tyed vnto eache of them a longe rope and a greate peece of corcke bicuase that if the shippe should fortune to miscarye those corckes might shewe where the chestes with money laye in the bottome of the sea Thus was all the money saued sauing a litle and brought safely to ROME Cato hauing made two bookes wherin he had noted all thinges done in his iorney he could neither saue th one nor thother of them For one of his bondmen made free called Philargyrus tooke the one away who taking shippe at the hauen of Cenchrees was him selfe drowned and the booke he had also lost with him The other booke which he him selfe had kept vntill he came vnto CORFOV he lying in the market place of the citie in his tents which he caused to be set vppe the Mariners being very cold in the night made so great a fire that it burnt the tents stuffe booke and all Notwithstanding he brought certaine of the late king Ptolomyes slaues with him who while he liued had the charge and custodie of all his treasure and riches the which he brought as witnesses to stoppe the mouthes of his malicious enemies that would haue accused him in any thinge But yet the losse of them did grieue him not so much for the great care and paynes he had taken in setting downe the accompt of his charge for the iustification and proofe of his fidelitie and good seruice but also for that they might haue serued for a good memoriall and example vnto all others to haue bene a like carefull in their charge as him self But the goddes denyed him this good happe Newes beeing brought that he was come to ROME by water when they vnderstood that he was at hand by and by all the Magistrats the Priestes the Senate the most part of the people also went out to meete him by the riuers side so that both sides of the riuer of Tyber were full of people and the receiuing of him in seemed not inferior to the entry of a triumphe Notwithstanding some thought him very presumptuous that the Consuls and Praetors comming out to meete him he did nor stay his gally but rowed still vp the streame beeing in a kinges galley of six owers to euery bancke and neuer stayed vntill all his fleete arryued in the hauen This notwithstanding when the cofers with mony were caried thorough the market place into the treasure chamber the people wondred to see so great a quantitie of it And thereuppon the Senate being assembled with great and honorable words they gaue Cato extraordinary Praetorship and priuiledge also at any common sports to weare a purple gowne Cato refused all these honours and onely besought the Senate to make Nicias a free man Steward of the late diseased king Ptolomy being a witnes of his faith and great paynes he had taken in this
did willingly resigne the kingdom vnto his brothers sonne Charilaus and being afrayd also that if the young child should chaunce to miscary they would suspect him for his death he exiled him selfe out of his owne contry a long time trauelling vp and downe and returned not to SPARTA againe before Charilaus had gotten a sonne to succeede him in his kingdom But we can not set another GRAECIAN by Lycurgus comparable vnto him We haue declared also that amongest Cleomenes deedes there were many other greater alteracions then these and also many other breaches of the lawe So they that doe condemne the manners of the one and the other say that the two GRAECIANS from the beginning had an aspyring minde to be tyrannes still practising warres Whereas the two ROMANES onely euen by their most mortall enemies could be blamed for nothing els but for an extreame ambition and did confesse that they were too earnest and vehement aboue their nature in any strife or contencion they had with their aduersaries and that they yelded vnto that choller and passion as vnto ill windes which brought them to doe those thinges they did in the ende For what more iust or honest intent could they haue had then the first was had not the riche men euen through stowtnes and authoritie to ouerthrow the lawes brought them against their wills into quarrell the one to saue his life the other to reuenge his brothers death who was slayne without order iustice or the authoritie of any officer Thus thou maiest thy selfe see the difference that was betwene the GRAECIANS and ROMANES and nowe to tell you plainly my opinion of both I think that Tiberius was the stowtest of the foure that the younge king Agis offended least and that for boldnes and corage Caius came nothing neare vnto Cleomenes THE LIFE OF Demosthenes HE that made the litle booke of the praise of Alcibiades touching the victorie he wanne at the horse rase of the Olympian games were it the Poet Euripides as some thinke or any other my friende Sossius sayde that to make a man happy he must of necessitie be borne in some famous citie But to tell you what I thinke hereof douteles true happines chiefly consisteth in the vertue and qualities of the minde being a matter of no moment whether a man be borne in a pelting village or in a famous citie no more then it is for one to be borne of a fayer or fowle mother For it were a madnes to thinke that the litle village of IVLIDE being the least part of the I le of CEO the whole Iland of it selfe being but a small thing and that the I le of AEGINA which is of so smal a length that a certaine ATHENIAN on a time made a motion it might be taken away bicause it was but as a strawe in the sight of the hauen of Piraea could bring forth famous Poets and excellent Comediants and not breede an honest iust and wise man and of noble corage For as we haue reason to thinke that artes and sciences which were first deuised and inuented to make some thinges necessary for mens vse or otherwise to winne fame and credit are drowned and cast away in litle poore villages So are we to iudge also that vertue like a strong and frutefull plant can take roote and bringe forth in euery place where it is graffed in a good nature and gentle person that can patiently away with paines And therefore if we chaunce to offend and liue not as we should we can not accuse the meanenes of our contry where we were borne but we must iustly accuse our selues Surely he that hath taken vpon him to put forth any worke or to write any historie into the which he is to thrust many straunge things vnknowen to his contry and which are not ready at his hand to be had but dispersed abroad in diuers places and are to be gathered out of diuers bookes and authorities first of all he must needes remaine in some great and famous citie throughly inhabited where men doe delight in good and vertuous thinges bicause there are commonly plenty of all sortes of bookes and that perusing them and hearing talke also of many things besides which other Historiographers peraduenture haue not written of and which will cary so much more credit bicause men that are aliue may presently speake of them as of their owne knowledge whereby he may make his worke perfect in euery poynt hauing many and diuers necessary things conteyned in it But I my selfe that dwell in a poore litle towne and yet doe remayne there willingly least it should become lesse whilest I was in ITALY and at ROME I had no leysure to study and exercise the Latine tongue aswell for the great busines I had then to doe as also to satisfie them that came to learne Philosophie of me so that euen somewhat too late and now in my latter time I began to take my Latine bookes in my hand And thereby a straunge thing to tell you but yet true I learned not nor vnderstood matters so much by the words as I came to vnderstand the words by common experience knowledge I had in things But furthermore to knowe howe to pronownce the Latin tongue well or to speake it readily or to vnderstand the signification translations and fine ioyning of the simple words one with another which doe bewtifie set forth the tongue surely I iudge it to be a maruailous pleasant and sweete thing but withall it requireth a long and laborsome study meete for those that haue better leysure then I haue that haue young yeares on their backes to follow such pleasure Therefore in this present booke which is the fift of this work where I haue taken vpon me to compare the liues of noble men one with another vndertaking to write the liues of Demosthenes and Cicero we will consider and examine their nature manners and condicions by their acts and deedes in the gouernment of the common wealth not meaning otherwise to conferre their workes and writings of eloquence nether to define which of them two was sharper or sweeter in his oration For as the Poet Ion sayth In this behalfe a man may rightly say The Dolphynes in their proper soyle doe play The which Caecilius litle vnderstanding being a man very rashe in all his doings hath vnaduisedly written and set forth in print a comparison of Demosthenes eloquence with Ciceroes But if it were an easie matter for euery man to know him selfe then the goddes needed haue giuen vs no commaundement nether could men haue said that it came from heauen But for my opiniō me thinks fortune euen from the beginning hath framed in maner one self mowld of Demosthenes and Cicero and hath in their natures facioned many of their qualities one like to the other as both of them to be ambitious both of them to loue the libertie of their contry and both of them very feareful
as if he had red some historie poynted as it were with his finger vnto all the whole assembly the notable great seruice worthy deedes the which the CHALCIDIANS had done in former times for the benefit and honor of GRAECE And in contrary maner also what mischief inconuenience came by meanes of the flarterers that altogether gaue them selues to curry fauor with the MACEDONIANS With these and such like perswasions Demosthenes made such sturre amongest the people that the Orator Lamachus being affraid of the sodaine vprore did secretly conuey him selfe out of the assembly But yet to tell you what I thinke Demosthenes in my opinion facioning him selfe euen from the beginning to followe Pericles steppes and example he thought that for other qualities he had they were not so requisite for him and that he would counterfeate his grauitie and sober countenance and to be wise not to speake ouer lightly to euery matter at all aduentures Iudging that by that manner of wisedom he came to be great And like as he would not let slippe any good occasion to speake where it might be for his credit so would he not likewise ouer rashely hazard his credit and reputacion to the mercy of fortune And to proue this true the orations which he made vppon the sodaine without premeditation before doe shewe more boldnes and courage then those which he had written and studied long before if we may beleeue the reports of Eratosthenes Demetrius PHALERIAN and of the other comicall Poets For Eratosthenes sayd that he would be often caried away with choller aud sutie Demetrius also sayth that speaking one daye to the people he sware a great othe in ryme as if he had bene possessed with some diuine spirit and sayd By sea and land by riuers springes and Ponds There are also certaine comicall Poets that doe call him Ropoperperethra as who would say a great babbler that speaketh all thinges that commeth to his tongues ende Another mocked him for too much affecting a figure of Rethoricke called Antitheton which is opposicion with saying Sic recepit sicut cepit which signifieth he tooke it as he found it In the vse of this figure Demosthenes much pleased him selfe vnles the poet Antiphanes speaketh it of pleasure deriding the coūsel he gaue the people not to take the I le of HALONESVS of king Philip as of gift but to receiue it as their owne restored And yet euery body did graunt that Demades of his owne naturall wit without arte was inuincible and that many times speaking vpon the sodaine he did vtterly ouerthrow Demosthenes long studied reasons And Aristo of the I le of CHIO hath written Theophrastus iudgement of the Orators of that time Who being asked what maner of Orator he thought Demosthenes he aūswered worthy of this citie Then again how he thought of Demades aboue this citie said he The same Philosopher writeth also that Polyeuctus SPHETTIAN one of those that practised at that time in the common wealth gaue this sentence that Demosthenes in deede was a great Orator but Phocions tongue had a sharper vnderstanding bicause in fewe wordes he comprehended much matter And to this purpose they say that Demosthenes him selfe said also that as oft as he saw Phocion get vp into the pulpit for orations to speake against him he was wont to say to his friends see the axe of my words riseth And yet it is hard to iudge whether he spake that in respect of his tongue or rather for the estimacion he had gotten bicause of his great wisedome thinking as in deede it is true that one word only the twinckling of an eye or a nod of his head of such a man that through his worthines is attained to that credit hath more force to perswade then all the fine reasons deuises of Rethoricke But now for his bodily defects of nature Demetrius PHALERIAN writeth that he heard Demosthenes him selfe say being very olde that he did helpe them by these meanes First touching the stammering of his tongue which was very fat and made him that he could not pronounce all syllables distinctly he did helpe it by putting of litle pybble stones into his mouth which he found vpon the sands by the riuers side so pronounced with open mouth the orations he had without booke And for his smal and soft voice he made that lowder by running vp steepe and high hills vttering euen with full breath some orations or verses that he had without booke And further it is reported of him that he had a great looking glasse in his house and euer standing on his feete before it he would learne and exercise him selfe to pronounce his orations For proofe hereof it is reported that there came a man vnto him on a time and prayed his helpe to defend his cause and tolde him that one had beaten him and that Demosthenes sayd agayne vnto him I doe not beleeue this is true thou tellest me for surely the other did neuer beate thee The playntif then thrusting out his voyce alowde sayde what hath he not beaten me yes in deede q Demosthenes then I beleeue it now for I heare the voyce of a man that was beaten in deede Thus he thought that the sound of the voyce the pronunciation or gesture in one sort or other were thinges of force to beleeue or discredit that a man sayth His countenance when he pleaded before the people did maruailously please the common sorte but the noble men and men of vnderstanding found it too base and meane as Demetrius Phaleritus sayde amonge others And Hermippus writeth that one called AEsion beeing asked of the auncient Orators and of those of his tyme aunswered that euery man that had seene them would haue wondred with what honor reuerence and modestie they spake vnto the people howbeit that Demosthenes orations whosoeuer red them were too artificiall and vehement And therefore we may easily iudge that the orations Demosthenes wrote are very seuere and sharpe This notwithstanding otherwhile he would giue many pleasant and witty aunswers apon the sodain As when Demades one day sayd vnto him Demosthenes will teach me after the common prouerbe the sowe will teach Minerua He aunswered straight againe This Minerua not long since was in Collytus streete taken in adulterie A certain theefe also called Chaleus as much to say as of copper stepping forth to saye somewhat of Demosthenes late sitting vp a nights and that he wrote and studied the most part of the night by lampe light in deede q Demosthenes I know it grieues thee to see my lampe burne all night And therefore you my Lords of ATHENS me thinkes you should not wonder to see such robberies in your citie considering we haue theeues of copper and the walles of our houses be but of claye We could tell you of diuers others of his like wittie and pleasant aunswers but these may suffice for this present and therefore we
the king referred him to be iudged by his peeres For the king him selfe would not be present to geue iudgement of him but deputed other in his place to accuse him howbeit he commaunded his secretaries to set downe in writing the opinion and sentence of euerie one of the Iudges and to bring it him In fine they all cast him and condemned him to dye Then the officers layed hold on him and brought him into a chamber of the prison where the hangman came with a raser in his hande with the which he vsed to cut mens throates so condemned to dye So the hangman comming into the chamber when he saw it was Darius he was affrayed and came out of the chamber againe his hart failing him and durst not lay handes vpon the person of the king But the Iudges that stoode without the chamber bad him goe and doe it vnlesse he would haue his owne throate cut So the hangman then came in and tooke Darius by the heare of the head and made him hold downe his head and so cut his necke with his raser he had in his other hand Others doe write that this sentence was geuen in the presence of king Artaxerxes selfe and that Darius seeing him selfe conuicted by manifest proofes brought in against him he fell downe at his fathers feete and besought him to pardon him and then that his father being angrie rose vp and drew out his curtelax and wounded him in so many places withall that at lenght he slue him Then returning into the Court he worshipped the sunne and turning him to his Lords that were about him he sayd vnto them My Lordes God be with you and be merie at home in your houses and tell them that were not here how the great Oromazes hath taken reuenge of them that practised treason against me This was the end of Darius treason Now Darius being dead Ochus his brother stoode in good hope to be next heire to the crowne the rather through the meanes and frendshippe of his sister Atossa but yet of his legitimate brethren he feared him called Ariaspes who was onely left of all the rest that were legitimate and of his bastard brethren Arsames not bicause Ariaspes was elder than he but for that he was of a soft plaine nature the PERSIANS desired he might be their king On the other side Arsames was wise and valliant and Ochus sawe that his father loued him dearely So he determined to intrappe them both Now Ochus being a suttle and malicious natured man he first shewed his crueltie vpon Arsames and his malice vpon Ariaspes his legitimate brother For bicause he knewe he was but simple and plaine he sent dayly some of the kings Euenukes vnto him who brought him threatning words and messages as from the king telling him that he had determined to put him to a shamefull and cruell death So forging these newes continuallie as things verie secret they did so terrifie poore Ariaspes telling him that the king was fullie bent to put some of his threats in execution out of hand that he was put in such feare and dispaire of his life that he prepared him selfe apoyson and dranke it to ridde him selfe of his life King Artaxerxes vnderstanding of his death tooke it very heauily began to mistrust the cause that made him to make him selfe away howebeit he coulde not seeke the proofe of it for his extreame age But this chaunce made him loue Arsames better then before shewing plainly that he trusted him better then Ochus and did make him priuie to all things Ochus could no lenger abide to deserte his intent and therefore entised Harpaces Tiribazus sonne to kill his bastard brother Arsames the which he did Now Artaxerxes was so extreame olde that he was as good as done with age but after he heard his sonne Arsames was murdered he coulde beare it no lenger but tooke it so to his hart for sorow that when he had liued foure score and fouretene yeares and raigned three score and two he dyed When he was dead they then found that he had bene a gratious curteous Prince and one that loued his people and subiectes when they saw the proofe of his successor Ochus that passed all men liuing in crueltie and seuerity THE LIFE OF Dion LIke as Simonides ô Sossius Senecio saith that the city of ILIVN was not offended with the CORINTHIANS for that they came to make warre with them with other GRAECIANS bicause Glaucus whose first auncesters came from CORINTHE had taken armes louingly fought for the same euen so me thinkes that neither the GRAECIANS nor ROMANES haue cause to complaine of the Academy sith they be both alike praised of the same in this present booke in the which are conteined the liues of Dion and Brutus Of the which the one of them hauing bene verie familiar with Plato him selfe and the other from his childhoode brought vp in Platoes doctrine they both as it were came out of one selfe schoolehouse to attempt the greatest enterprises amongest men And it is no maruell if they two were muche like in many of their doinges prouing that true which their schoolemaister Plato wrote of vertue that to do any noble act in the gouernment of a common wealth which should be famous and of credit authoritie and good fortune must both meete in one selfe person ioined with iustice and wisedom For as a certaine fenser called Hippomachus said that he knewe his schollers farre of if he did but see them comming from the market with meate in their handes so it must needes follow that men hauing bene vertuously brought vp must nedes be wise in all their doings and beside that it bringeth them to ciuilitie and honesty euen so it frameth their condicions muche like one vnto an other Furthermore their fortunes hauing also fallen out both alike more by chaunce then by any reason do make their liues verie like to eache other For they were both of them slaine before they coulde bring their enterprises to passe which they had determined But the greatest wonder of all is this that their deathes were foreshewed vnto them both by a wicked spirit that visible appeared vnto either of them albeit there be some that can not abide those opinions and doe maintaine that these sights and euill spirits doe neuer appeare to any man that hath his right wits but that they are fancies of litle children or old women or of some men that their wits are weakened by sickenes and so haue a certaine imagination of suche straunge sightes being of this superstitious minde that they haue a wicked spirit and an euill angell in them But if Dion and Brutus both of them graue and learned Philosophers and verie constant men not ouercome by any sodaine passion or imagination of minde haue bene moued by such sights and spirits and haue also tolde it vnto their frendes I can not tell whether we shall inforced to
Piso that was the yoūger sonne of Crassus Piso whom Nero had put to death a yoūg man faier condicioned shewed by his graue modest countenance he had by nature that he was indued with many noble vertues Galba came downe presently frō his pallace went straight to the cāpe to proclaime Piso Caesar his successor in the Empire Howbeit at his setting out of his pallace there appeared many great signes in the firmamēt which followed him And moreouer whē he was also come into his cāpe that he began to say without booke part of his oratiō partly also to read it it lightned al the while he spake there sel such a great shower of raine vpon it a maruelous thickmist in the cāpe oueral the city that mē mighteaselyse the gods did not like this adoptiō that it would not prosper The souldiers thē selues shewed their discōtentment by their heauy looks the rather bicause at that time there was no spech of reward or liberality And furthermore they that were present also maruelled much for that they could gather by the coūtenance words of Piso that Piso nothing reioiced at this great fauor although he lacked not wit vnderstanding otherwise to acknowledge it And on the other side also they found easely by Othoes lookes many signes proofes that he was maruelously offended in his mind to see that he was thus deceiued of his hope For he being the mā that was first spokē of thought most worthiest of all other being comen also so nere vnto it now to see himselfe thus wiped out of it he supposed that it was a plaine proofe that Galba had no good opinion of him that he maliced him in his hart so that after that time he stilstood in feare of his life For he being affraid of Piso hating also Galba being grieuously offended with T. Iunius he wēt his wayful of diuers thoughts in his mind For the Soothsaiers Astronomers Chaldeans which he euer kept about him they did perswade him not to be discoraged for this to cast all hope aside but specially one Ptolomy in whom he had great cōfidence bicause he had oftētimes before foretold and assured him that Nero should not put him to death but contrarily that Nero should die first he himself suruiue him should become Emperor of ROME Wherby Ptolomy hauing proued his first prediction true vnto him he bad him be bold feare not that to come But now besides him those that secretly cōplained vnto him did prick him forward the more sighing to see him so euil delt with by Galba diuers of thē chiefly which bare great authority credit about Tigellinus Nymphidius who being thē cast of discoūtenāced came all vnto him stirred him vp the more As amongst others Veturius Barbius chiefly of the which the one had bene Optio and the other Tesserarius for so the ROMANES call those that be their messengers spials officers to the Captaines who with an infranchised bondman of his called Onomastus went vnto the campe and there corrupted some souldiers with ready money other some with faire words being of them selues euil inclined expected but occasion to vtter their malice For otherwise had the souldiers bene all of one mind it had not bene an enterprise to haue bene brought to passe in foure dayes space being no more betwext the adoption and murther to make a whole campe rebell in that sorte For they were slaine the fifteenth day of Ianuarie on which day Galba did sacrifice in the morning within his pallace before his frends But at that time the Soothsaier called Ombricius when he had the intralls of the beasts sacrificed in his hands had looked vpon them he spake not doutfully but plainly that he saw signes of great tumult and rebellion and that the Emperour was in present daunger of great treason Whereby it plainly appeared that the goddes had put Galba into Othoes hands for he stood at that time behind Galba both heard saw all that the Soothsayer did So he seeming to be grieued withall in his minde and his colour chaunging oft for the feare he was in his infranchised bondeman Onomastus came and tolde him that the masons and chiefe carpinters were come to speake with him and taried for him This was the watch word agreed vppon betwene them at which tyme Otho shoulde then goe vnto the souldiers Then Otho sayd that he went to looke to an olde house he had bought which was falling downe and in decay and that he would shewe it vnto the workemen So he went his way and came from the pallace by the place they call Tiberius house into the market place where the golden piller standeth where also the greatest high wayes of all ITALIE doe meete together There certaine met him that first called him Emperour which were not in all aboue three twentie persons Thereupon though Otho was not vnconstant as it appeared notwithstanding he was so fine and effeminate a man but rather resolute and stout in instant daunger yet feare so oppressed him at that time that he would saine haue left his enterprise Howbeit the souldiers would not suffer him but compassing his litter rounde about with their armes and their swords drawne in their hands they commaunded the litter men to go fotward So Otho as he went hastening on his driuers he often muttered to him selfe I am but dead Some hearing him as they passed by him rather wondred then that they were otherwise troubled to see such a small nūber of men about him that they durst venter vpon so hard an enterprise Now as he was caried through the market place he was met withall by certaine others and afterwards by others by three by foure in a company all the which came and ioyned with him cried Caesar Caesar hauing their swords drawen in their hands Now the Colonell appointed for that day to gard the field of Mars knew nothing of this conspiracy but being amazed and affraied with their sodaine comming he suffred them to come in So when Otho was come in he found no man that resisted him For they that knew nothing of the practise being compassed in with those that were made priuy to it had knowen it of long time being found stragling here and there by one by two they followed the rest for feare at the first afterwards for good wil. This was brought straight to Galba to the pallace the Soothsayer being yet busie about his sacrifice insomuch that they which before gaue no credit to those diuinations began then to maruell much at this heauenly signe Then there ran immediatly a great number of people from the market place vnto the pallace Thereupon Iunius Lacon certaine other of Galbaes infranchised bondmen stoode to gard Galbaes person with their swordes drawen in their hāds Piso
Cleandrides corrupted by Pericles Gylippus ouercame the Athenians at Syracusa in Sicile Gylippus robbed parte of the treasure Lysander sent him withall to Sparta Pericles wise pollicy in forrein entertainement Pericles asta in Evboea Pericles maketh warre with the Samians Aspasia a passing wise woman The description of Aspasia Thargelia Callias the riche Pericles maried Aspasia the famous â—â—â—tisan Pissuthnes the Persian A good proofe that Pericles was not câ—â—etous Pericles victorie againe of the SamiaÌ„s Melissus a philosopher generall of the Samians The owle the stampe of the coine at Athens Samana a kinde of a shippe The wittie saying of Aristophanes of the Samians Artemon Periphoretos a timerous â—â—â—â— The Samians doe yeld to Pericles Elpinieâ—â— Pericles â—aunte to an olde woman CimoÌ„s sonnes The Athenians accused as LacedaemoÌ„ Pericles author of the warres against PelopoÌ„nesus Pericles malice against the Megarians Phidias the image maker Aspasia accused Prytani treasorers of the common fines The Lacedaemonians inuade Attica An excellent comparison to staye the souldiers desier to fight Cleon accuseth Pericles Note Pericles pollicie to pacifie the peoples anger AEgina woÌ„ne by the Athenians Plague at Athens Accusations against Pericles An eclypse of the sunne Pericles hard fortune Pericles depriued of his charge Pericles home troubles Pericles constancy A lawe as Athens for base borne childreÌ„ Pericles the base borne put to death Pericles sicknes A philosophicall question touching change of mens maÌ„ners by misfortunes Pericles death A notable saying of Pericles on his death Pericles deseruedly called Olympius The Athenians Lamented the losse of Pericles being dead Fabius Rullus Maximus Fabius Maximus called Verrucosus Ouicula Fabius fiue times Consul Hanâ—nibal destroyeth the countrie of Thuscan VVonders Flaminius rashenes Fabius wise counsell The Romaines slaine by the Lake of Thrasimena Flaminius the Consul slaine Fabius Dictator The Dictator might not ride in the warres The maiestie of Fabius the Dictator Fabius religion The Sibylles bookes of prophecies Fabius vowe Fabius doings against Hannibal Minutius generall of the horsemen dispised Fabius counsell Hannibal fell into great errour Casilinum a cittie Vulturnus fl Hannibal set vpon by Fabius Hannibals stratageame Hannibals craftines against Fabius Fabius chaâ—geth prisoners with HaÌ„nibal Fabius redemeth the prisoners with his money Fabius leaueth Minutius his lâ—â—f tenant in the field Minutius rashenes Fabius accused of treason by Mosellus the Tribune The crueltie of Manlius Torquatus to his sonne after his victorie The Dictator and generall of the horsemen made equall in authoritie Diogenes wordes Minutius pride Hannibal layed ambush for Minutius Fabius foresight in the worre Fabius rescueth Minutius generall of the horsemen The great modestie of Fabius Minutius orations to his souldiers The wisedom of Minutius acknowledging his fault Minutius wordes to Fabius The rashnes of Terentius Varro Terentius Varro Paulus AEmilius Consuls The Romaines caÌ„pe vnder Terentius Varro 88000 men Fabius counsell to Paulus AEmilius Ausidius st Hannibals strategemes as the battell of Cannes Hannibals order of battell as Cannes The slaughter of the Romaines as the battell of Cannes Paulus AEmillius slaine at the battell of Cannes 50000. Romaines slaine at the battell of Cannes All Italy rouolted and submitted theÌ„ selues to HaÌ„nibal Fabius constancie after the ouerthrow at Cannes Fabius order for mourning The magnanimitie of the Romaines after the ouerthrowe at Cannes Fabius Maximus and Claudius Marcellus generalles Possidonius wordes of Fabius Marcellus Marcellus slaine by an ambushe of Hannibals Hannibals ambush layed for Fabius Fabius lenitie in correcting of faultes Note how Fabius reclaimed and euill souldier Necessarie rules for a captaine How Fabius wanne TareÌ„tum againe Tarentum wonne by a womans meaâ— Fabius tooke the cittie of Tarentum Fabius ambition cause of fowle murder Fabius secoÌ„de triumphe Fabius wittie aunswer A straunge coÌ„maundemeÌ„t of the sonne to the father The father obeyeth his sonnes authoritie commendeth him Scipio Consul Fabius was against the counsell and deuise of Scipio African Crassus highe bishoppe of Rome The famous actes done in Africke by Scipio Africanus The death of Fabius Max. The funeralls of Epaminondâ—â— The gifte of a good generall The faultes of generalles The comparison betwene Pericles and Fabius for civill government Fabius reuenue The buildings of Rome nothing comparable to Pericles workes Alcibiades stocke Alcibiades tutours The mothers of famous meÌ„ neuer knowen what they were Alcibiades beawtie Alcibiades lisped by nature * The equinocatioÌ„ of these two Greeke wordes Kopâ— and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is harde to be expressed in Inglishe in stead whereof I haue seâ— flatling blowes for flattering browes observing the grace of lisping as neere as I could like to the Latin and French translations likewise Theolus for Theorus Alcibiades ambitious Alcibiades studies A vila thing to playe of a flute Socrates loue to Alcibiades Alcibiades insoâ—ecie vnto Anytus Alcibiades liberall facte Alcibiades ranne from Socrates Alcibiades geueÌ„ to pleasure Alcibiades strake a schoolemaster bicause he had not Homer in his choole Alcibiades first souldier fare with Socrates Alcibiades saued by Socrates Alcibiades saued Socrates life after the ouerthrow at the battaill of Delion Alcibiades maried Hipparete sueth to be diuorced from Alcibiades Alcibiades great dogge Alcibiades largesse Alcibiades comming into the common-wealth Alcibiades maruelous eloquent Alcibiades witte and imperfection Alcibiades victorie at the games Olympicall Alcibiades a breaker of promise Alcibiades aduersaries in the commoÌ„wealth when he came to pleade Phaeax lacked eloquence Hyperbolus banished for 10. yeres The manner of the punishment of the Ostracismon Nicias peach Alcibiades by breaketh the peace of the Gracians Alcibiades beguileth the Lacedaemonians Alcibiades chosen general The walles brought to the sea by the Argiues Alcibiades vyâ—â— Alcibiades dishonestie wantoÌ„nes Archestratus saying Alcibiades the author of the warres in Sicilia The diuination of Socrates Meton Images heweÌ„ and mangled at Athens Alcibiades accused for prophening the holy mysteries The crafte of Alcibiades enemies Alcibiades iorney into Sicile Phrynicus the Comicall poet Andocides the orator cast into prison Alcibiades sent for to auÌ„swer to his accusation Alcibiades accusation Alcibiades condemned being absent Alcibiades flyeth to Sparta Alcibiades more chaungeable then the Camelion Alcibiades get Timaea king Agis wife with childe Leotychides Alcibiades bastarde The Lacedaemonians practise to kill Alcibiades Alcibiades flying the Lacedaemonians goeth to Tisaphernes Alcibiades called a pleasaunt place and goodly prospect The inconstancie of theÌ„ coÌ„mon people The murder of Phrynichus and his condemnation Alcibiades called home from exile Thrasibulus is man of the biggest voyce of all the Athenians The cittizens of AtheÌ„s sent for Alcibiades to return Battell by sea before the cittie of Abydos betweene the AtheniaÌ„s and Lacedaemonians Alcibiades victorie of the Lacedaemonians by sea Alcibiades taken prisoner at Sardis flyeth from Tisaphernes Alcibiades victorie at Cyzicum Alcibiades victorie at Chalcedonia Alcibiades tooke the cittie of Selybrea The present wit of Alcibiades The Chalcedonians rescyue the Athenians Alcibiades stratageame at Bizantium Alcibiades
to dye Phocion gaue money to be put to death Phocions funeralls The percentage of Cato Liuius Drusus Catoes vncle Catoes maners VVhy quicke wits haue neuer good memorie Sarpedo Catoes scholemaister Catoes austeritie The maruelous constancie of Cato when he was a child Syllaes loue vnto Cato being but a boy Catoes hate being a boy against a tyran Catoes loue to his brother Antipater the Stoicke Catoes schoolemaister Catoes act for Basilica Porcia Catoes exercises Catoes drinking Ciceroes saying of Cato Catoes mariages Attilia Catoes wife Lelius mariage Catoes first souldierfare in the ware of the bondmen Cato chosen Tribunus milâ—â—an Howe Cato trained his men made them valliant The loue of vertue from whence it proceedeth Athenodorus the stoicke Catoes frend The death of Caepio Catoes brother Catoes mourning for his brother Capioes death * It seemeth to be mens of Caesar which wrote the booke called Anticaten Catoes iorney into Asia Catoes modestie A laughing matter hapned vnto Cato Demetrius a slaue great with Pompey Cato honored of Pompey in Asia Pompey rather suspected Cato then leued him Catoes iorney vnto king Deiotarus and his abstinence 〈…〉 gisu Cato made Quaestor Catulus Luctatius what he was Cato made the Quaestorshippe of great dignity Cato was reuenged of Syllaes bloody murthers Catoes notable leauing of his office Catoes care and imegritie to the commoÌ„ wealth Catoes minde and determination to take charge in the commoÌ„ wealth Cato draue Clodius out of Rome The authoritie and credit of Cato Cato tooke Philosophers with him wheÌ„ he went into the country The office authoritie of the Tribune what it is Catoes Tribuneship Cicero definded Muraena against his accuser Cato The conspiracie of Catilin against Rome Catoes oraetion against Caesar touching Catilins conspiracie Cicero taught them how to write briefly by notes and figures Cato vnfortunate in his wiues Martia Catoes wife Platoes felowship and communitie of women Cato perswaded corne to be distributed vnto the people Cato resisteth Metellus tribune of the people Iulius Caesar Praetor Catoes noble courage and constancie Catoes doings of Lucullus Cato resisteth Pompey Cato refuseth allyance with Pompey Lex agraria The allyance and friendship betwixt Caesar and Pompey Cicero by his oration brake Catoes stifnes Cato committed to prison by Caesar. P. Clodius Tribune of the people The crafty iugling betwixt Caesar and Pompey with P. Clodius Cato sent Ambassador into Cyprus Ptolomy king of AEgypt goeth vnto Cato Catoes diligence about money in Cyprus The enuy betwixt Cato Munatius To much loue oftentymes causeth hate Money gotten together by Cato in Cyprus Cato receiued into Rome with great honor of all the people VVhy Cato sued to be Praetor Cato put from the Praetorship by Pompey Cato was against the law for the prouinces of Pompey and Crassus Cato foreshewed Pompey the things which happened vnto him by Caesar Cato chosen Praetor Cato preserved a law for vnlawfull bribing The power of iustice M. Faonius Catoes frend Cato doth set forth the playes for Faonius AEdilis Catoes wise counsell for playes Pompey was created sole Consull by Catoes sentence Cato sued to be Consull to resist Caesar. Cato was denied the Consulshippe Cicero blameth Cato Catoes opinion against Caesar. Cato inueyeth against Caesar. Cato prognosticated Caesars tyrannie Cato followeth Pompey Caesar reproueth Catoes couetousnes Cato is sent into Sicile Cato leaueth Sicile Catoes law as in Pompeys army VVhy Pompey chaunged his minde for the gouernment of the army by sea VVhy Pompey left Cato at Dyrrachivm Cato saueth Ciceroes life from Pompeis sonne Cato went into Africke Psilles be men which heale the stinging of serpents * Men in olde time bathed and washed them selues then laied them downe in their bed to suppe The modestie and noble minde of Cato Cato ioyneth with Scipio in Africke Cato was made Gouernor of the city of Vtica Scipio despiseth Catoes counsell Catoes constancy in extremity Catoes 〈…〉 vnto the Romanes at Vtica The equity of Cato Cato forsaken of three hundred Romane marchant at Vtica Catoes pitie and regard vnto the Senators Cato an earnest suter for the Senators The sinceritie of Cato Catoes minde vnconquerable Cato reproueth the ambition of man. Statilius a follower of Cato Cato would not haue pardon begged of Caesar for him Cato forbad his sonne to meddle with matters of State in a corrupt time The paradoxes of the Stoicks Platoes dialogue of the soule Catoes last wordes vnto the Philosophers his frends Cato considered his sworde wherewith he killed him selfe The death of Cato Catoes funeralls Caesars saying vnto Cato the dead The sonne of Cato what conditions he had Psyche signifieth mind The death of Porcia the Daughter of Cato the youÌ„ger and wife of Brutus The death of Statilius The fable of Ixion against ambitious persons Theophrastus for the praise of vertue Immoderat praise very daungerous Phocions saying The fable of the Dragons head and taile Plutarch excuseth the Gracchi The lynage of Agis The lynage of Leonidas Aristodemus tyrant of Megalipolis Leonidas brought superfluitie and excesse into Sparta The continency of Agis The first beginning of the Lacedaemonians fall from their auncient discipline Lycurgus the â—ra for partition of landes broken by Epitadeus law Epitadues law for deuise of landes by will. Agis goeth about to reduce the common wealth of heer auncient estate How louing the Lacedamonians were vnto their wiues Agis law Pasiphaé the Daughter of Atlas Agis maketh his goods common Leonidas resisteth king Agis King Leonidas accused by Lysander Leonidas deprived of his kingdome Leonidas flyeth vnto Tegea King Agis deceiued by Agesilaus New lawes stablished by the Lacedaemonians Aratus generall of the Achaians King Agis iorney into AchaiaÌ„ King Agis gaue place vnto Araetus King Leonidas returneth from â—â—ile into Sparta The naturall loue of Chelonis Leonidas daughter vnto her father and husband The oration of Chelonis the Daughter of Leonidas The banishment of king Cleombrotus The great vertue and loue of Chelonis to her husband Cleombrotus Amphares betrayed king Agis King Agis caried vnto prison There the reuerent regard of the heatheÌ„ vnto the person of a king abhorring in lay violens handes vpon him King Agis her mother grandmother all three straÌ„gled The enemies did not willingly kill any king of Lacedaemon Here beginneth Cleomenes life Cleomenes the sonne of Leonidas Agiatis the Daughter of Gylippus and wife to king Agis Agiatis king Agis wife maryed vnto Cleomenes Sphaerus a Philosopher of Borysthenes Cleomenes did set the Lacedaemonians and Achaians together by the eares Cleomenes iorney into the contry of the Argiues The victorie of Cleomenes against Aratus The saying of the kings of Lacedaemon touching their enemies Archidamus king Agis brother slaine Lysiadas slaine Cleomenes victorie of the Achaians Lysiadas tyranne of Megalopolis gaue ouer his tyrannie and made it a popular state The dreame of one of the Ephores Cleomenes siue the Ephores Diuers teÌ„ples at Sparta of feare death such other fancies The valliantest men are most
deuise of Artaxerxes how to preuent the conspirators and to saue him selfe Tiribazus the traitor slaine Darius condemned to dye and executed King Artaxerxes sonne The death of king Artaxerxes Artaxerxes was 94 yeres olde at his death Dion Brutus both Platonians Plato de virtute How mens acts should be famous in the coÌ„mon wealth A wicked spirite appeared vnto Dion Brutus Dionysius maried Hermocrates daughter Dionysius wiues Doride of Locres Aristomaché of Syracvsa Hipparinus daughter and Dions sister Dion kindred with Dionysius Plato came out of Italie vnto Syracvsa Dion Platoes schollar Plato and Dionysius the elder talke together Dionysius malice vnto Plato Plato solde in the I le of AEgina Dions boldnes in speaking plainly to the tyran Gelon signifieth laughture Sophrosynè and Areté the daughters of Dionysius by Aristomaché Dion marieth his Nece Areté the daughter of Dionysius of his sister Aristomaché The death of Dionysius the elder Flattering Courtiers do intense Dionysius the younger to hate Dion The vices of Dionysius the younger Dions maners too graue and seuere Obstinacie follow and companion of solitarines Dionysius the elder a maruelous timerous suspitious man. Dionysius dreame Dion persuadeth the younger Dionysius to fall to study The assured gard of Princes is the loue of their subiects Plaâ—â— goâ—th into Sicilia to teach Dionysius the youngeâ— Philistus the Historiographer Philistus the Historiographer banished out of Sicilia by Dionysius the elder Democratia the gouernment of the people Dion allowed not popular state Aristocratia the gouernment of a few of the nobilitie Plato came into Sicilia vnto Dionysius the younger The chaunge of Dionysius vpon Platoes comming Philistus accusations against Dion Dions letters vnto Carthage Dion sent away by Dionysius into Italie Dions wealth Dionysius tyrannicall loâ—â— to Plato Dionysius sent Plato from home Dions life in Graece Dions vertues and honors done vnto him by the Graecians Archytas a Pythagorian Philosopher Dionysius sendeth againe for Plato to come into Sicilia Platoes third iorney into Sicilia Aristippus saying of Dionysius Helycon a Mathematician Aristippus diuination Architas requireth Plato of Dionysius Dionysius maried Dions wife to an other man. Polyxenus maried Thesta his father Dionysius sister The noble answere of Thesta vnto her brother Dionysius the elder Dion beginneth to make warre against Dionysius The Philosophers aduanced Dions warre Aristotles dialogue de anima Dions army Dions sumptuous fare in feasting The eclipse of the Moone and cause of the eclipse VVonders shewed vnto Dion VVonders appearing vnto Dionysius Dions preparation Pachynus the foreland of Sicilia A tempest on the sea against Dion Synalus Captaine of Minoa for the Carthaginians Dion wanne Minoa Dion goeth to Syracusa A straunge chaunce happened vnto the Messenger sent to Dionysius A woulfe caried away the Messengers portmanteau Anapus ti Dionysius picke thankes slayne Dion receiued into Syracusa Dion restoreth the Syracusans to libertie Dionysius clocke The predictions of the Soothsayers Dionysius seÌ„t Ambassadors vnto Dion Dion fighteth with Dionysius Dion hurt Dions victory of Dionysius Hipparinus Dions sonne Dionysius craft vnto Dion Heraclides what he was Heraclides returneth to Syracusa The Syracusans do choose Heraclides Admirall to spight Dion Heraclides a dissembler practising to make the people to rebell against Dion Sosis a wicked man moueth sedition against Dion Dion cleareth Sosis accusation against him Sosis condemned to death Philistus slain Timaus and Ephorus the Historiographers reproued Dionysius flyeth from Syracusa Apollocrates the eldest sonne of Dionysius the yonger Signes appearing to the Syracusans Dion departeth out of Syracusa The cowardlines of the Syracusans The Leontines doe receiue Dion The negligence and troubles of the Syracusans The Syracusans doe send for Dion againe Dions oration vnto his souldiers perswading them to ayde the Syracusans The inconstancy of the Syracusans Syracusa set a fire by Dionysius souldiers Dions fight in the citie of Syracusa Nypsius compelled by Dion to flie into the castell Dions mercy to his enemies the great profit he tooke by study in the Academy at Athens No maÌ„ should be worse by an others wickednes The frowardnes of the Syracusans against Dion Heraclides againe stirreth vp the Syracusans to rebell against Dion Gaesylus Lacedaemonian commeth to Syracusa to be generall of the Syracusans Gaesylus maketh Dion Heraclides friends again The castell of Syracusa surrendred vnto Dion The words of Aristomaché vnto Dion at his entry into the castell of Syracusa Dion taketh his wife Areta againe which had forcibly bene maried vnto another man. Dions temperance and thriftines Heraclides conspireth againe against Dion Dion sent to the Corinthians to stablish a common wealth to the Syracusans Dion ment to abolish Democratia and to aduaunce Aristocratia The authoritie of the people resembled by Plato to a fayer or market The common wealth of the Corinthians The murther of Heraclides Callippus Athenian conspireth against Dion Note the suttletie of tale bearers A spirite appeared vnto Dion The lamentable death of Dions sonne Apollocrates Dionysius sonne The great oth of the Syracusant Dion slaine by Callippus Athenian Dions wife brought to bed of a sonne in prison The punishment of Callippus * 〈…〉 in corrupt speech signifieth a knife to scrape or cut cheese which it truelier called 〈…〉 Iulius Pollux lib. 10 cap. 24. Callippus slaine with the same dagger that slue Dion The crueltie of the Syracusans vnto Dion and his posterity The pareÌ„tage of Brutus Brutus maners Seruilia M. Brutus mother Brutus parentage by his father Seruilia Catoes sister Brutus studies Brutus followed the olde Academyks Empylus an Orator wrote a booke of Caesars death and intituled it Brutus Brutus maner of wryting his Epistels in Graeke A briefe letter to the Samians Brutus followed Cato into Cyprus * Or Canidius Brutus taketh parte with Pompey Brutus exercise in Pompeys campe Brutus studied in Pompeis campe Iulius Caesar carefull of Brutus safary Iulius Caesar loued Seruilia Brutus mother Brutus saued by Iulius Caesar after the battell of Pharsalia * This king was Iuba howbeit it is true also that Brutus made intercession for Deiotarus king of Galatia who was depriued notwithstanding of the most parte of his contrie by Caesar and therefore this place were best to be vnderstanded by Deiotorus Caesar made Brutus Gouernor of Gaule on this side the mouÌ„taines Brutus and Cassius contend for the Praetorship of the citie Cassius maried Iunia Brutus sister The first cause of Cassius malice against Caesar. Caesar suspected Brutus Caesar saying of Brutus Cassius incenseth Brutus against Caesar. Cassius Lions at Megara Cassius an enemie of tyranâ— How Brutus was incensed against Caesar. Cassius praieth Brutus first to helpe him to put downe the tyran * In an other place they cal him Quintus Brutus maketh Ligarius one of the coÌ„spiracie They do hide the conspiracy against Caesar from Cicero Ciuill warre worse then tyrannicall gouernment The wonderfull faith and secrifie of the Conspirators of Casars death Porcia Catoes daughter wife vnto Brutus Bibulus booke
of Brutus actes Porcia studied in Philosophie The corage of Porcia Great difference betwext a wise and a harlot Porciaes words vnto her husband Brutus The wonderfull constancy of the conspirators in killing of Caesar. Sundrie misfortunes to haue broken of the enterprise The weakenes of Porcia notwithstanding her former corage Brutus with his countenaunce encoraged his fearefull consories * In Caesars life it is sayd it was Decius Brutus Albinus that kept Antonius with a talke without * In Caesars life he is called Metellus Cimber The mother of Caesar. Casca the first that wounded him VVhy Antonius was not slayne with Ceasar Brutus with his consorts went vnto the Capitoll Honors decreed for the murtherers of Caesar. Caesars will funeralls Brutus committed two great faults after Caesars death Antonius funerall oration for Caesar. The straunge dreame of Cinna the Poet The murder of Cinna the Poet being mistaken for an other of that name Brutus and his consorts doe flye from Rome Brutus playes and sportes at Rome in his absence Octauius Caesar comming to Rome Brutus reproued Cicero for taking part with Octauius Caesar. Porciaes sorowfull returne to Rome for the absence of her husband Brutus The story of Hector and Andromachè set forth in painted tables How Brutus bestowed his time at Athens Brutus commendeth Ciceroes sonne Brutus prepareth him selfe to warre A strange disease tooke Brutus at Dyrrachium VVho by snow this hungry disease taketh men that are wearied with trauaile Brutus thankfulnes and clemency C. Antonius yelded vnto Brutus Octauius Caesar ioyneth with Antonius Brutus senteÌ„sed and condemned by Octauius Caesars meanes for the death of Iulius Caesar. The Triumuirate C. Antonius murdered Brutus and Cassius doe ioyne armies together The sharpe and cruell condicions of Cassius Brutus gentle and â—aâ—er condicions Brutus intent good if he had ouercomen Antonius testimonie of Brutus Brutus to his mind to his contry Brutus a true Prophet of Antonius Cassius wanne the citie of Rhodes Brutus â—eâ—ts in Lycia The citie of Xanethus set a fire The desperat ende of the Xanthians The Palareâ—ans doe yeld them selues vnto Brutus The extreme couetousnes and crueltie of Cassius to the Rhodians Brutus clemeÌ„cy vnto the Lycians Theodotus borne in Chio a Rethoritian Scholemaister is Ptolomy the young king of AEgypt Theodotus saying a dead man biteth not Theodotus Chian the Rethoritian that gaue counsell to kill Pompeys was put to death by Brutus Brutus and Cassius doe meete at the citie of Sardis Brutus and Cassius complaints one vnto the other M. Phaonius a follower of Cato Cynick Philosophers cowÌ„red dogges Iulius Caesar slayne at the Ides of March. The wonderfull constency of Brutus in matters of iustice and equitie Brutus care and watching A spirit appeared vnto Brutus in the citie of Sardis Cassius opinion of spirits after the Epicurians sect The cause of dreames A wonderfull signe by two Eagles Brutus and Cassius camps before the citie of Philippes against Octauius Caesar Antonius Brutus souldiers brauely armed Brutus opinion for the brauery of souldiers in their armor and weapons Vnlucky signes vnto Cassius Cassius and Brutus opinions about battell Atellius opinion for the battell Cassius words vnto Messala the night before the battell Brutus and Cassius talke before the battell Brutus aunswer to Cassius The battell at Philippes against Octauius Caesar and Antonius Octavius Caesar falsely reported to be slaine at the battell of Philippes Cassius misfortune Cassius offended with the sundrie errous Brutus and his men committed in battell Cassius valliantnes in warres The importance of error mistaking in warres Cassius slaine by his man Pindarus The death of Titinnius The number of men slaine at the battell of Philippes Brutus clemeÌ„cy courtesie Brutus fault wisely excused by Plutarke Brutus victorie by sea VVonderfull famine amoÌ„g Caesars souldiers by sea The ignoraÌ„ce of Brutus victorie by sea was his vtter destruction The euill spirit appeared againe vnto Brutus Straunge fightes before Brutus second battell Brutus second battell Brutus valliantnes and great skill in warres The death of the valliant young man Cato the sonne of Marcus Cato The fidelitie of Lucilius vnto Brutus Brutus flying Appian meaneth this by Antonius The death of Statilius Brutus saying of flying with hands not with feete Brutus slue him selfe Strato Brutus familiar and frend Strato receiued into Caesars frendship Messala Coruinus Brutus frend Brutus funeralls Porcia Brutus wife killed her selfe with burning coles In what things Dion was inferior vnto Brutus Brutus hoâ—â—aved of his enemies after his death Brutus image or statue standing in brasse in Milleine was preserued and kept by Octauius Caesar The example of our auncesters wherein profitable to their posteritie The common weale of the Sicyonians commersed into tyrannie Abantidas â—â—ran of Sicyone Aratus the sonne of Clinias scaped the handes of the tyran Abantidas Aratus malice against tyrannes Aratus fauor Aratus wrote a booke of CoÌ„mentaries Abantidas the tyran slaine Aristotle the Logitian Aratus goeth about to deliuer his contry from the tyrannie * In an other place he calleth him Ecdemus Aristomachus and Ecdelus doe ioine with Aratus Aratus preparacioÌ„ to deliuer his contrie from tyrannie Aratus policy to deceiue Nicocles spialls Aratus daungers in deliuering of his contrie from the tyranny of Nicocles Aratus was the citie of Sicyone without bloodshed Nicocles the tyrant flyeth Aratus ioyneth the citie of Sicyone vnto the Achaians Aratus referred all things to the common wealth VVhy owles set best by night and not by day Management of Philosophy be likined unto owles Aratus taketh sea to go to king Ptolomy into AEgypt The pictures and paynted tables made in the citie of Sicyone did passe all the other paintings in Graece The excelleÌ„cy of Aristratus picture the tyran of Sicyone painted by all Melanthus scholers and Apelles help Aratus consultation for the defacing of it The saying of Nealces the paynter touching tyraÌ„ne The great liberalitie of Ptolomey vnto Aratus Aratus temperances Aratus doings in his first Praetorship Presche an Island of Peloponnesus Acto or inthus means Young king Philips saying of the castell of Corinth Antigunus wife and dauise Antigonus craftily taketh the castell of the Acrocorinthe Ouergreat as lay to a simple man maketh him mad Perceiue the Philisopher made captaine of the Acrocorinthe Aratus determination for the taking of the Acrocorinthe The error and daunger by likenes of men one vnto another Aratus great daunger in taking of the castell of the Acrocorinthe The happy benefit of the Moone Aratus taketh the Acrocorinthe Aratus ioyneth the city of Corinthe vnto Achaia Zenoes opinion that a man could not be a good Captaine vnles he were a perfit wise man. Persaus aunswer to Zenoes opinion Philopaemen the last famous man of the Graecians Aratus power and authority with the Achaians Aratus gaeth about to set Argos at libertie Aratus prepared litle short daggers against the tyrants decree ordinance Aristippus tyrant of the citie of Argos Aristippus layed man to kill Aratus No