the year 1560 till the year 1616. Our Presbyterian Brethren may be ready to reject its Authority if it Militates against them I give My Reader therefore this brief account of it It was transcribed in the year 1638. when the National Covenant was in a flourishing state For I find at the end of it the Transcriber's Name and his Designation written with the same hand by which the whole M S. is written And he says He began to transcribe upon the 15th day of Ianuary 1638. and compleated his work on the 23d of April that same year He was such a Reader as we have commonly in Scotland in Country Parishes It is not to be imagined it was transcribed then for serving the Interests of Episcopacy For as Petrie and the Presbyterians generally affirm The Prelates and Prelatists dreaded nothing more in those days than that the Old Registers of the Kirk should come abroad And it was about that time that Mr. Petrie got his Copy from which he published so many Acts of our Old General Assemblies Nor is it to be doubted but that as several Copies then were so particularly that which I have perused was transcribed for the Ends of the Good Old Cause This I am sure of the Covenant as required then to be subscribed by the Green Tables is set down at full length in the Manuscript Besides The Stile and Language testify that there is no Reason to doubt That the Acts of Assemblies which it contains have been transcribed word for word at first from the Authentick Records And if Calderwood's or Petrie's Accounts of these Acts deserve any Credit My M S. cannot be rejected for it hath all they have published and for the most part in the same Terms except where these Authors have altered the Language sometimes to make it more fashionable and intelligible sometimes to serve their Cause and the Concerns of their Party It hath Chasms also and Defects where they say Leaves have been torn from the Original Registers And I have not adduced many Acts from it which either one or both these Authors have not likewise mentioned in their Histories Calderwood has indeed concealed very many having intended it seems to publish nothing but what made for him tho I think even in that his Iudgment hath not sufficiently kept pace with his Inclinations Nay His Supplement which he hath subjoyn'd to his History as well as the History it self is lame by his own Acknowledgment For these are the very first words of it I have in the preceeding History only inserted such Acts Articles and Answers to Questions as belonged to the Scope of the History and Form of Church Government Some few excepted touching Corruptions in the Worship of God or the Office and Calling of Ministers But because there are other Acts and Articles necessary to be known I have SELECTED such as are of greatest Vse passing by such as were TEMPORARY or concerned only TEMPORARY OFFICES c. Here is a clear Confession that he has not given us all the Acts of Assemblies Nay that he has not given all such as concerned Temporary Offices and amongst these we shall find him in the following Sheets more confidently than warrantably reckoning Superintendency and the Episcopacy which was agreed to at Leith Anno 1572. I have mentioned these things that the World may see it cannot be reasonable for our Presbyterian Brethren to insist on either Calderwood's Authority or Ingenuity against my Mss. How ingenuous or impartial he has been you may have opportunity to guess before you have got through the ensuing Papers Petrie hath indeed given us a great many more of the Acts of General Assemblies than Calderwood hath done as may appear to any who attends to the Margin of my Book But he also had the Good Cause to serve and therefore has corrupted some things and concealed other things as I have made appear However he has the far greater part of what I have transcribed from the Mss. Spotswood hath fewer than either of the two Presbyterian Historians yet some he hath which I find also in the MS. and which they have both omitted In short I have taken but very few from it which are not to be found in some One or More of these Historians Neither have I adduced so much as One from it nor is One in it which is not highly agreeable to the State and Circumstances of the Church and the Genius of the times for which it mentions them So that Upon the whole matter I see no reason to doubt of its being a faithful Transcript And I think I may justly say of it as Optatus said of another MS. upon the like occasion Vetustas Membranarum testimonium perhibet c. optat Milev lib. 1. f. 7. edit Paris 1569 It hath all the Marks of Antiquity and Integrity that it pretends to and there 's nothing about it that renders it suspicious The other Book which I said required some farther consideration is The History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five Books c. Commmonly attributed to Iohn Knox by our Presbyterian Brethren That which I have to say about it is chiefly That Mr. Knox was not the Author of it A. B. Spotswood hath proven this by Demonstration in his History pag. 267. his Demonstration is That the Author whoever he was talking of one of our Martyrs remitteth the Reader for a farther Declaration of his Sufferings to the Acts and Monuments of Mr. Fox which came not to light till some twelve years after Knox's Death Mr. Patrick Hamilton was the Martyr and the Reference is to be seen pag. 4. of that History I am now considering Besides this I have observed a great many more infallible proofs that Knox was not the Author I shall only instance in some 3 or 4. Thus Pag. 447. The Author having set down a Copy of the Letter sent by the Church of Scotland to the Church of England of which more by and by Tells how the English Nonconformists wrote to Beza and Beza to Grindal Bishop of London which Letter of Beza's to Grindal he says is the Eight in order amongst Beza's Epistles And in that same page he mentions another of Beza's Letters to Grindal calling it the Twelfth in Number Now 't is certain Beza's Epistles were not published till the year 1573. i. e. after Knox's Death It may be observed also that he adds farther in that same page That The sincerer sort of the Ministery in England had not yet assaulted the Iurisdiction and Church Government which they did not till the year 1572. at which time they published their first and second Admonitions to the Parliament but only had excepted against Superstitious Apparel and some other faults in the Service Book From which besides that 't is Evident Knox could not be the Author we may Learn from the Authors Confession whoever he was That the Controversies about Parity and Imparity c. were not so early in
Schism which then prevailed there as foreseeing that Episcopacy might readily be deem'd a remedy against so great ane evil joyn'd Soâ—thenes with himself in the Inscription of the Epistle that by his own example he might teach how much that Princeliness was to be avoided in Ecclesiastical Conventions seeing the Apostles themselves who are owned to have been next to Christ first in order and supreme in degree did yet Exercise their power by the Rules of Parity Who will not at first sight think this a pretty odd fetch But to go on he further affirms That Episcopacy is so far from being a proper remedy against Schism that it has produced many Grievous Schisms which had never been but for that Humane Invention That the Papacy was the fruit of Episcopacy That the Council of Nice by making that Canon about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Ancient customes should continue c cleared the way for the Roman Papacy which was then advancing apace And founded a Throne for that Whore that sits upon the seven Mountains That the Primitive Churches were in a flourishing condition so long as their Governours continued to Act in Parity And had not yeilded to Prelacy And yet he had granted before That humane Episcopacy as he calls it was in vogue in Ignatius his time c. So that I think they could not flourish much having so short a time to flourish in These fewâ— of many such learned Propositions I have collected out of that Book which was so successful at that time in furthering and advancing the Presbyterian Principles in Scotland And could they be a learned Clergy Could they be great Masters at Antiquity and Ecclesiastical History who swallowed down these Propositions or were imposed on by the Book that contain'd them 'T is true this Book came not to Scotland till the end of the year 1577 or the beginning of 1578. But I thought it pardonable to anticipate so far as now to give this account of it considering how proper it was for my present purpose We shall have occasion to take further notice of it afterward Thus I think I have made it appear how advantageous Morton's Proposition was to the Presbyterian party They had occasion by it to fall upon forming a New Scheme of Church Governmet and Polity They were as well prepared as they could be for such a nick and they had a set of people to deal with who might easily be worsted in these Controversies However it seems the common principles of Politicks which God and Nature have made if not inseparable parts at least ordinary concomitants of sound and solid reason did sometimes make their appearances amongst them For that there have been Disputations and Contests and that some at least of the many propositions contained in the Second Book of Discipline have been debated and tossed is evident from the many Conferences were about it and the long time was spent before it was perfected and got its finishing stroke from a General Assembly as we shall find in our progress Proceed we now in our deduction Tho' the Presbyterian Faction had gain'd this advantage in the Assembly 1576 that they had allowance to draw a new Scheme of Polity to which they could not but apply themselves very chearfully yet it seems they were so much humbled by the Repulses they had got as to the main Question viz. the Lawfulness of Episcopacy that they thought it not expedient to try the next Assembly with it directly as they had done unsuccessfully twice before But to wait a little till their party should be stronger and in the mean time to content themselves with such indirect blows as they could conveniently give it such I say their deliberations seem to have been at the next Assembly which was holden at Edenburgh Octob 24. 1576. For not so much as one word in that Assembly concerning the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of Prelacy either Simply and in it self Or Complexely as then in use in Scotland 'T is true Certain â—reâ—hren says the MS. some Brethren says Calderwood some says Petrie without Question the Melvilians proposed that now that Mr. Patrick Adamson was nominated for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews He might be tryed as to his sufficiency for such a station according to ane Act made in March 1575. But it seems the major part of the Assembly have not been for it for it was not done as we shall find afterward Nay another Act was fairly dispenced with by this Assembly in favour of Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow For being required to give his answer if he would take the Charge of a particular Flock according to the Act made in April before He Answered That he had entered to his Bishoprick according to the Agreement at Leith which was to stand in force during the Kings Minority or till a Parliament should determine otherwise That he had given his Oath to the Kings Majesty in things appertaining to his Highness That he was affraid he might incur the Guilt of Perjury and be called in question by the King for changing a member of state if he should change any thing belonging to the Order Manner Priviledges or Power of his Bishoprick That therefore he could not bind himself to a particular Flock nor prejudge the power of Iurisdiction which he had received with his Bishoprick c. Thus he answered I say and the Assembly at that time satisfied themselves so far with this answer that they pressed him no further but referred the matter to the next Assembly as even both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge A fair evidence that in this Assembly the Presbyterian party was the weaker However One indirect step they gain'd in this Assembly also By the First Book of Discipline Hedd 9. It was appointed that the Country Ministers and Readers should meet upon a certain day of the week in such Towns within six miles distance as had Schools and to which there was repair of Learned men to exercise themselves in the Interpretation of Scripture in imitation of the practice in use among the Corinthians mentioned 1 Cor. 14.29 These Meetings it seems had been much neglected and disfrequented in most places It was therefore enacted by this Assembly That all Ministers within eight miles c. should resort to the place of exercise each day of exercise c. This I say was useful for the Presbyterian designs For these Meetings were afterwards turn'd into Presbyteries as we shall find when we come to the year 1579. And so 't is very like the motion for reviving them was made by those of the Faction For no man can deny that they have still had enough of Draught in their Politicks The next Assembly was holden April 1. Anno 1577. No direct progress made now neither as to the main Question And only these indirect ones 1. The Archbishop of Glasgow was obliged to take the charge of a particular Flock if we
Parity or the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy in all these controversies He was warm enough then and eager enough to have found faults in the English Constitution yet he never charged her with the horrid guilt of Prelacy Not so much as one word of that in any Account I have seen of these Troubles How suitable had it been for him to have declared himself in this matter in his Appelation from the cruel and most unjust sentence pronounced against him by the false Bishops and Clergy of Scotland as he calls them published by himself Anno 1558 yet in all that Appellation not one syllable to this purpose On the contrary he plainly supposes the Lawfulness of the Episcopal Office all alongst throughout it He appeals to a Lawful General Council Such a Council as the most Ancient Laws and Canons do approve And who knows not that the most Ancient Laws and Canons made Bishops the Chief if not the only Members of such Councils He says if the Popish Clergy his Adversaries are for it He is content that Matters in Controversie between him and them be determined by the Testimonies and Authorities of Doctors and Councils Three things being granted him whereof these are two 1. That the most Ancient Councils nearest to the Primitive Church in which the Learned and Godly Fathers examined all matters by Gods word may be holden of most Authority 2. That no Determinations of Councils nor Men be admitted against the plain verity of Gods word nor against the Determinations of the four chief Councils Would he if he had been Presbyterian have agreed so frankly to have stood by the Determination of these 4 Chief Councils Could he have expected they would have favoured the Divine Right of Presbyterian Parity Will any Scottish Presbyterian now adays stand to the Decision of these 4 Councils Farther In that same Appelation he requires of the Nobility that the Bishops be compelled to make answer for the neglecting their Office which plainly supposes the Lawfulness of the Office and charges Guilt only on the Officers When had it been more seasonable than in his Admonition to the Commonalty of Scotland published also Anno 1558 His great design in it was to excite them to a Reformation by loading the Papistical Clergy with every thing that was abominable Yet not a Syllable of it here neither nothing but a farther and a clearer Supposition of the Lawfulness of Prelacy You may says he in a peaceable manner without Sedition withhold the fruits and profits which your false Bishops and Clergy most unjustly receive of you until such time as they shall faithfully do their Charge and Duties which is To preach unto you Christ Jesus truly Rightly to minister the Sacraments according to his Institution And so to watch for your Souls as is commanded by Christ c. If this supposes not the Innocency of the Episcopal Office in it self I know not what can Had he been for the Divine Right of Parity how unfaithful had he been in his Faithful Admonition to the true Professors of the Gospel of Christ within the Kingdom of England written Anno 1554 His great work there was to ennumerate the Causes which in Gods righteous judgment brought Queen Mary's Persecution on them But he quite forgot to name the Sin of Prelacy as one Assuredly he had not done so had he been of the same sentiments with our Famous General Assembly 1690. How unfaithfully was it done of him I say thus to conceal one of the most Crimson Guilts of the Nation But this is not the worst of it In that same Admonition he has a most scandalous Expression sure he was not then sufficiently purg'd of Popish Corruption God gave says he such strength to that REVEREND FATHER IN GOD Thomas Cranmer to cut the Knots of Devilish Sophistry c. To call an Archbishop a Reverend Father in God what was it else but the plain Language of the Beast How Rankly did it smell of the Whore How seasonable had it been in his Letter to the Queen Regent of Scotland written Anno 1556 and published by himself with additions Anno 1558 He talked very freely about the Popish Bishops in it but never a Tittle of the Vnlawfulness of the Office It is plain from that Letter he never dream'd of the Doughty Argument so much insisted on since against Prelacy viz. That it is a Branch of Popery and Bishops are Limbs of Antichrist For having stated it as one of the Popish Arguments That their Religion was ancient and it was not possible that that Religion could be false which so long time so many Councils and so great a Multitude of Men had authorized and confirmed He gives his answer thus If Antiquity of time shall be considered in such Cases Then shall not only the Idolatry of the Gentiles but also the False Religion of Mahomet be preferred to the Papistry For both the one and the other is more ancient than is the Papistical Religion Yea Mahomet had Established his Alcoran before any Pope of Rome was crowned with a Triple Crown c. Can any man think Iohn Knox was so very unlearned as to imagine that Episcopacy was not much older than Mahomet or knowing it to be older that yet he could have been so Ridiculous as to have thought it a Relict of Popery which he himself affirmed to be younger than Mahometism whoso pleases may see more of his sentiment about the Novelty of Popery in his conference with Queen Mary recorded in his History One other Testimony to this purpose I cannot forbear to transcribe All that know any thing of the History of our Reformation must be presum'd to know That Superintendency was Erected by Mr. Knox's his special advice and counsel That it was in its very height Anno 1566 is as indubitable Now we are told that Knox wrote the 4 th Book of his History that year Hear him therefore in his Introduction to it We can speak the Truth whomsoever we offend There is no Realm that hath the Sacraments in like Purity For all others how sincere that ever the Doctrine be that by some is taught Retain in their Churches and in the Ministers thereof some Footsteps of Antichrist and Dregs of Popery But we all Praise to God alone have Nothing within our Churches that ever flowed from that Man of Sin Let any man judge now if Mr. Knox lookt upon imparity as a Dreg of Popery Thus we have found Knox when he had the fairest occasions the strongest temptations the most awakening calls when it was most seasonable for him to have declared for the Divine Right of Parity and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy still silent in the matter or rather on all occasions proceeding on suppositions and reasoning from principles fairly allowing the Lawfulness of Prelacy But is there no more to be said Yes More with a witness In his Exhortation to England for the speedy Embracing of Christs Gospel
endure the Tryal of their own Test. And this brings me to Enquire whither they have stuck so precisely by the principles of our Reformers that they are in Bona Fide to insist on such a Topick And I think they will not be found to be so if I can make it appear that they have Notoriously deserted the principles of our Reformers I. In the Faith II. In the Worship III. In the Discipline And IV. In the Government of the Church I. I say they have forsaken our Reformers as to the Faith of the Church Our Reformers digested a Confession of Faith Anno 1560. They got it Ratifyed in Parliament that same year It was again Ratifyed Anno 1567. and in many subsequent Parliaments It continued still to be the publick Authorized Standard of the Faith of this National Church for more than eighty years Our Reformers design'd it to be a perpetual and unalterable Standard of the Faith of this National Church for ever When the Barons and Ministers gave in their Petition to the Parliament for ane Establishment of the Reformation Anno 1560. They were called upon and Commandment given unto them to draw into plain and several Heads the sum of that Doctrine which they would maintain and would desire the Parliament to Establish as wholesome true and only necessary to be believed and to be received within the Realm And they willingly accepted the Command and within four days presented the Confession which was Ratified and that its Establishment might pass with the greater solemnity and formality of Law The Earl Marshal protested that it might never be altered Yet now Our Presbyterian Brethren have set up a quite different Standard of Faith namely the Westminster Confession and have got it now Ratifyed by this current Parliament Anno 1690. it was never before Ratified by Act of Parliament I call it a quite different Standard of Faith Indeed whosoever diligently compares both Confessions shall readily find it such He shall not only find many things kept out of the Westminster Confession which are in the Confession of our Reformers and many things put in the Westminster Confession which were not in the Confession of our Reformers and many things nicely minutely precisely and peremptorily determined and that in the most Mysterious matters in the Westminster Confession which our Reformers thought fit as was indeed proper to express in very General and Accommodable Terms But he shall meet with not a few plain evident and irreconcileable Contradictions And now by this present Parliament in its Last Session particularly upon the twelfth day of Iune Anno 1693 it is statuted and ordained That no Person be admitted or continued for hereafter to be a Minister or Preacher within this Church unless he subscribe the Westminster Confession declaring it to be the Confession of his Faith and that he owns the Doctrine therein contained to be the true Doctrine to which he will constantly adhere And by unavoidable consequence he is bound to subscribe to and own God knows how many propositions not only not required nor professed by our Reformers but directly contrary to their Faith and principles And now let the world judge if our Presbyterian Brethren are the Successors of our Reformers in point of Faith II. They have forsaken them yet more in the point of Worship and here a vast field opens For to this head I reduce artificially or inartificially is no great matter if I adduce nothing but wherein our Brethren have deserted our Reformers the publick Prayers the publick Praises the publick Preaching of the word the administration of the Sacraments c. with all their Ceremonies Solemnities and Circumstances c. Generally whatever uses to be comprehended in Liturgies 1. In the General our Reformers were far from Condemning Liturgies or Set-Forms in the publick Offices of the Church There 's nothing more plain than that they preferred publick Composures to these that were private Composures digested by the publick Spirit of the Church to Composures digested by the private Spirit of particular Ministers and Premeditated and well digested Composures tho' performed by private persons to the too frequently Rash indigested incomposed performances of the Extemporary Gift They preferred Offices which were the productions of grave sedate well pondered thoughts to Offices which were mostly the productions of Animal Heat and warmth of Fancy Iohn Knox himself one who had as much Fire in his temper and was as much inclined to have given scope to the Extemporary Spirit I am apt to think as any of our Reformers had even a set form of Grace or Thanksgiving after meat he had a set-form of Prayer for the publick after Sermon and he had set-forms of Prayers read every day in his Family In conformity to this principle ouâ— Reformers for seven years together used the Liturgy of the Church of England as I have fully proven When by the importunity and perswasions of Iohn Knox principally I am sure if not only they resolved to part with the English Liturgy they continued still as far as ever from Condemning Liturgies They did not lay it aside to take up none They choosed another to succeed it they choosed that which went then generally under the name of the Order of Geneva or the Book of Common Order Since under the name of Knox's Liturgie or the Old Scottish Liturgie This Liturgie continued in use not only all the time the Government of the Church subsisted by Imparity after the Reformation But even for many Decads of years after the Presbyterian Spirit and Party turn'd prevalent It was so universally received and used and in so good esteem that when it was moved by some in the Assembly holden at Burnt-Island in March Anno 1601. That there were sundry Prayers in it which were not convenient for these times and a change was desirable the Assembly rejected the motion and Thought good that the Prayers already contained in the Book should neither be altered nor deleted But if any Brother would have any other Prayers added as more proper for the times they should first present them to be tryed and allowed by the General Assembly Here indeed was caution and concern about the publick worship worthy of a General Assembly Nay The First-Rate Presbyterians themselves used the Book as punctually as any other People When Mr. Robert Bruce of whose zeal for the good cause no Man I think can doubt was relegated to Innerness Anno 1605. He remained there four years Teaching every Sabbath before noon and every Wednesday And exercised at the Reading of the Prayers every other night And Master Iohn Strimgeour another prime Champion for the cause when he appeared before the High Commission March 1. Anno 1620 and was challenged for not putting in practice the five Articles of Perth Particularly for not Ministering the Eucharist to the People on their knees answered there is no warrantable form directed or approven by the Kirk besides that
after both Covenants were sworn The National I mean and the Solemn League and Covenant It was not turn'd Authoritatively I intend no more than the Equivocal Authority which Schismatical Assemblies pretend to into disuse till the General Assembly 1645. Even then it was not Condemned as either superstitious or indecent It was laid aside only in complyance with the English Presbyterians By that Assembly a Committee was appointed to give their opinion about keeping a greater Vniformity in this Kirk in the practice and observation of the Directory in some points of publick worship And the fourth Article to which they Agreed was this word for word It is also the Iudgment of the Committee that the Ministers bowing in the Pulpit tho' a Lawful Custome in this Kirk be hereafter laid aside for satisfaction of the desires of the Reverend Divines in the Synod of England and Vniformity with that Kirk so much endeared to us And then followeth the Assembly's approbation of all the Articles digested by the Committee Here 't is evident this Assembly own'd it to be a Lawful Custome A former Assembly called it Laudible And yet it is Scandalous if not Superstitions to our present Presbyterians Let me add as ane Appendage to this 6. Another in my opinion very decent and commendable Custome which obtain'd in Scotland generally till the latter times of Presbytery This when People entered the Church they commonly uncovered their Heads as entering into the House of God And generally they put up a short Prayer to God some kneeling some standing as their conveniency allowed them deeming it very becoming to do so when they came thus into the place of Gods special presence and his publick worship This custom was so universal that the vestiges of it may be even yet observed amongst old People educated before the Donatism of the Covenant who continue to retain it Now adays 't is plain Superstition to a Presbyterian not to enter the Church with his Head covered Mas Iohn himself doth it as mannerly as the coursest Cobbler in the Parish In he steps uncovers not till in the Pulpit claps streight on his Breech and within a little falls to work as the Spirit moves him All the Congregation must sit close in the time of Prayer Clap on their Bonnets in the time of Sermon c. This is the way and it brings me in mind of ane observe ane old Gentleman has frequently repeated to me which was that he found it impossible to perform Divine worship without Ceremonies For said he the Presbyterians themselves who pretend to be against all Ceremonies seem even to Superstition precise in observing the Ceremonies of the Breech c. But Thus I have represented in some instances how our Presbyterian Brethren have deserted our Reformers in the ordinary stated parts of publick worship I proceed now to the Sacraments 7. Then our Reformers had not only a set form for Administring the Sacrament of Baptism But beside the Father of the Child they allowed of Sureties or Sponsors This is plain from the conclusion of the discourse concerning the nature and necessity of Baptism in the Old Liturgy For the Minister there addressed to the Father and the Sponsors thus Finally to the intent that we may be assured that you the Father and the Sureties consent to the performance hereof of the conditions mentioned before Declare here before the Face of this Congregation the sum of the Faith wherein you believe and will instruct this Child After this there is this Rubrick Then the Father or in his absence the God-Father shall rehearse the Articles of his Faith which done the Minister expoundeth the same as followeth That which followeth is a large explanation of the Apostles Creed c. Thus it was appointed in the old Liturgie and thus it was practiced Universally for some scores of years But our Modern Presbyterians do not only abhor all Set-forms as I have said but to name Sponsors or Godfathers to them is to incur the Scandal of Popery The Apostles Creed is no agreeable Standard of the Christian Faith into which one is initiated by Baptism They cannot endure to hear of it in this Office Whoso presents a Child to them to be Baptized must promise to bring up the Child in the Faith as it is contained in the Westminster Confession and the larger and shorter Catechisms This they Require Generally Not a few Require that the Child be educated in the Faith of the Solemn League and Covenant 7. About the Sacrament of the Lords Supper I find many considerable alterations Take these for a Taste 1. It was Administred by our Reformers by a set-form contained in the Old Liturgie It continued to be so Administred for more than 60 years by Presbyterians themselves as I have observed already in the instance of Scrimgeour 2. As for the frequency of this most Christian Office The First Book of Discipline Head 9th Determined thus Four times in the year we think sufficient for Administration of the Lords Table Albeit we deny not but every Church for Reasonable causes may change the time and Minister the same oftner The General Assembly holden at Edenburgh Decemb. 25. 1562 Ordained the Communion to be Ministred four times in the year in Burghs and twice in Landward The First Rubrick in the Office for the Lords Supper in the Old Liturgy intimates it was oftner administred for thus it runs Vpon the day that the Lords Supper is Ministred which commonly is used once a Month or as often as the Congregation shall think expedient c. 3. Our Reformers had no preparation Sermons on the Saturndays immediately before the Adminstration of the Sacrament No vestige of any such Sermons in the Old Liturgy nor in the Acts of the Old Assemblies nor in any of our Histories It is plain such Sermons were not required by the Authority of any even Presbyterian Assembly till the year 1645. Then indeed amongst the Articles prepared by the Committee mentioned before I find this the seventh Branch of the Third Article which was about the Lords Supper That there be one Sermon of Preparation delivered in the ordinary place of publick worship upon the day immediately preceeding And it is clear from the stile of these Articles that this was new and had not been practiced at least generally before 4. Our Reformers thought as little on Thanksgiving Sermons on the immediately succeeding Moondays Indeed such were not required no not by that Innovating Assembly 1645. All it has about Thanksgiving Sermons is in the 8 th Branch of the aforesaid Article which is this That before the serving of the Tables there be only one Sermon delivered to those who are to Communicate and that in the Kirk where the service is to be performed And that in the same Kirk there be one Sermon of Thanksgiving after the Communion is ended 5. No Vestige of Assistant Ministers at the Administration of this Sacrament in the practice of
Britain as our Presbyterian Brethren are earnest to have the present Generation believe Again Pag. 449 The Author Narrating how Henry Queen Mary's Husband c was buried Adds in Confirmation of his own Veracity Thus. If there had been any Solemn Burial Buchanan had wanted Wit to Relate otherwise Seeing there would have been so many Witnesses to testify the Contrary Therefore the Contriver of the late History of Queen Mary wanted Policy here to convey a Lie Thus I say the Author vouches Buchanans Authority And it must be Buchanans History that he Refers to For there 's not a Syllable about Henry's Burial to be found in any of his other writings Now Not to insist on the incredibleness of Knox's running for Shelter to Buchanans Authority concerning a matter of Fact so remarkable in its self and which happened in his own time in that very City in which he lived and was Minister Not to insist on this I say Buchanan himself in his Dedication of his History to King Iames 6th Clearly decides the matter He tells his Majesty there were two Considerations which chiefly put him upon writing his History First He perceived his Majesty had Read and Understood the Histories of almost all other Nations And it was incongruous and unaccountable that he who was so well acquainted with Foreign Affairs should be a Stranger to the History of his own Kingdom Secondly He was intrusted with the Kings Education He could not attend his Majesty in that important Office by Reason of his Old Age and Multiplying infirmities He applyed himself therefore to write his History thereby to Compense the Defects of his Non-Attendance c. And from both Reasons it is evident that Knox was Dead before Buchannan applyed himself to the writing of his History For Knox dyed Anno 1572. K. Iames was then but Six years of Age And is it Credible that at that Age he had Read and got by heart the Histories of almost all other Nations Indeed Buchanan survived Knox by ten years And for a good many of them was able to wait and actually waited on the King So that 't is clear 't was towards the end of his days and after Knox's Death that he applyed himself to his History And 't is very well known it was never published till the year 1582. But this is not all The Author of that which is called Knox's History adduces Buchanan's Authority for Convelling the Credit of the Contriver of the Late History of Queen Mary which was written I cannot tell how long after Buchanan was Dead as well as Knox. Further Pag. 306. The Author discourses thus The Books of Discipline have been of late so often published that we shall forbear to print them at this time Now there were never more than two Books of Discipline and the Second was not so much as projected till the year 1576 i. e. 4 years after Knox had departed this life Once more Pag. 286. We read thus Some in France after the sudden Death of Francis the Second and calling to mind the Death of Charles the Ninth in Blood and the Slaughter of Henry the Second did Remark the Tragical ends of these three Princes who had persecuted Gods Servants so cruelly And indeed the following Kings of France unto this day have found this true by their unfortunate and unexpected Ends. Now Charles the Ninth died not till the 30th of May Anno 1574. i. e. 18 Months after Knox. The following Kings of France who made the Vnfortunate and unexpected Ends were Henry the Third and Henry the Fourth Henry the Third was not Murthered till the year 1589. Henry the Fourth not till May 1610. The former 17 the latter 38 years after the Death of Knox. From this Taste it is clear that that History at least as we now have it was not written by Knox. All that can be said with any Shadow of probability is that Knox provided some Materials for it But Granting this how shall we be able to separate that which is Spurious in it from that which is Genuine All I can say is this 'T is plain to every one that Reads it That he has been a thorough-paced Presbyterian who framed it as we have it By Consequence its Authority is stark naught for any thing in it that favours Presbytery or bespatters Prelacy And if it ought to have any credit at all it is only where the Controversies about Church Government are no ways interested or where it mentions any thing that may be improven to the Advantages of Episcopacy just as the Testimonies of Adversaries are useful for the interests of the opposite party and not an Aâ—e farther So that I had reason if any Man can have it to insist on its Authority as I have frequently done But no Presbyterian can in equity either plead or be allowed the same priviledge I could give the Reader a surfeit of instances which cannot but appear to any considering person to be plain and notorious Presbyterian corruptions in it But I shall only represent One as being of considerable importance in the Controversie which I have managed in my Second Enquiry and by that the Reader may make a Judgment of the Authors Candor and Integrity in other things The English Non-conformists zealous to be rid of the Vestments and some other Forms and Ceremonies retained by the Church of England which they reckoned to be scandalous impositions wrote earnestly as is known to several Reformed Churches and Protestant Divines beseeching them to interpose with the Church of England for an ease of these burdens It seems they wrote to some in Scotland also probably to Mr. Knox He was of their acquaintance and they could not but be secure enough of his inclinations considering how warm he had been about these matters at Francfort However it was the Church of Scotland did actually interpose The General Assembly met at Edenburgh Decem. 27. Anno 1566 ordered Iohn Knox to draw a Letter to the English Clergy in favour of those Non-conformists This Letter was subscribed and sent Now consider the Tricks of the Author of the History attributed to Knox. The Inscription of the Letter as it is in Spotswood Petrie and the Manuscript Copy of the Acts of the General Assembly's is this The Superintendents Ministers and Commissioners of the Church within the Realm of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of England who have renounced the Roman Antichrist and do profess with them the Lord Iesus in sincerity wish the increase of the Holy Spirit Thus I say Spotswoâ—d hath it pag. 198. And the MS. and Petrie Tom. 2. p. 348. have it in the same words only where Spotswood hath wish they have desire which makes no material Difference But the spurious Knox has it thus pag. 445. The Superintendents with other Ministers and Commissioners of the Church of God in the Kingdom of Scotland To their Brethren the Bishops and Pastors of Gods Church in England who profess with us
Four Letters The Case of the Afflicted Clergy and the Late Letter For he hath engraven on it such indelible Characters of Disingenuity Partiality Injustice Unfair Dealing Effrontery Ridiculousness c. as perhaps never Book was injur'd or bespattered with since writing of Books was in fashion The Reader may think this is a very strange Charge But I can make it good to a Demonstration by a very plain and obvious Deduction Thus Some of the Episcopal Clergy thought themselves obliged for their own Vindication to give some short Representations of their Circumstances and the Unkindly Treatment they had met with from the Presbyterian Party An. 1688 1689 c. The whole Nation knows they were so far from feigning instances or aggravating the circumstances of their Sufferings that they told not the twentieth part of what they suffered nor represented what they told in all its proper Blacknesses However so much was told as was enough to represent the Presbyterian Temper in no very Lovely Colours The Party were sensible of this And therefore it was necessary to try if there was a possibiltty of Collecting and Connecting some Rags to cover their Shame and Nakedness The Expedient they agreed to was that the Accounts given by the Episcopal Clergy should be Answered and Refuted But then the Difficulty was to find ane Author who had Talents proper for such a Task It was committed first to Mr. Alexander Pitcairn But after he had thought some time about it it seems It stood with his Stomach He had not so far abandoned all Principles of Truth and Honesty and Ingenuity as was necessary for such ane Undertaking he resign'd the imployment therefore into the hands of another General Meeting of the Party and told them He would have nothing to do with it This no doubt was a Discouragement to all others of any Wit or Probity to undertake it For if it was to be done to any good purpose at all Pitcairn was as fit for doing of it as any of the Sect And if he gave it over after so much Deliberation about it it was to be presumed there was Frost in it it was not safe to meddle with it Thus it fell to the share of G. R. as he tells himself both in his Preface and in the Beginning of his Book Such ane Odd Undertaking did indeed require a suitable Undertaker and now it had one as oddly qualified for it as the world has heard of For if we may believe himself in his Preface to his Anim. on D. Stillingfleet's Irenicum for who but himself would have been at pains to write Prefaces to his Books He died a worthy and much lamented Author Anno 1662. And so far as I can learn he continued thus in the state of the dead till towards the end of the year 1688. i. e. about 26 years Then indeed he return'd to Life Now it is not to be imagin'd his Soul all this while was either in the Regions of Eternal Rewards or Eternal Punishments for then how should it have returned Doubtless therefore it was in some Purgatory But what Purgatory is not easy to determine I am confident it was not the Ordinary Purgatory in which People are purg'd from the Dregs of Corruption they carry out of this world with them for he came alive again more corrupted and vicious than ever Possibly he has been in some New Purgatory which the Pope built lately for keeping a Seminary of such as he lets out upon Occasion for Plagues to the Protestant Churches Whatever Purgatory it was Our Author came out of it purged pretty clean of all principles of Sense or Shame or Honesty And now who fitter than he to be the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland Before his Death he wrote only such Books as were little in their own Eyes Pref. to Anim. on Irenicum but he ventured on writing such Books as his Second Vindication after his Resurrection I have given this Account of our Author and the Occasion of his writing the Book for fixing the Readers attention that he may consider it with the greater Application Now in this Book His Second Vindication I mean he rejected by the Bulk all the Matters of Fact which were contain'd in the Four Letters because they were not Attested as if forsooth the Writers of the Letters had had opportunity to have had all the particular Cases Tried in formal Courts before Indifferent Judges and with all the Usual Solemnities of Process As if it had been their Intention by their Letters to have made formal Pursuits for the Injuries had been done the Clergy As if the World could not have easily Discerned That all their purpose in writing these Letters was not to sue Legally for Redress but to represent to their Friends Matter of Fact in the common way of History Well! To mend this however The Case of the afflicted Clergy gave him Attestations enough in all Conscience But did that satisfy him No more than if he had got none at all for they were not worth a Button they were not probative they were but partial he had reason to reject every one of them Thus When the Author of the Case c. cited D. Burnet G. R. reply'd in these words He farther proveth our Persecution by citing some passages out of Doctor Burnet whom being a party we are not to admit as a Witness against us 85 What No not D. Burnet No not the Son of such a Mother No not the Nephew of such ane Vncle No not the Brother of such a Brother No not the Cousin German of such a Cousin German No not the Man who has all alongst advised the Scottish Prelatists particularly Mr. Malcome one of the Ministers of Edenburgh to return to their Native Country and submit to the Ecclesiastical Government Now Established Do you reject even him as a party But to proceed If the person who was barbarously used by the Rabble gave an Account of his own Usage and who could do it better and subscribed his name to it This was such ane Attestation as G. R. thought fit to reject with a Fie upon it It was Teste Meipso p. 88. and so not worth ane half-penny As if it had been possible for a Minister when the Rabble surprized him and came upon him unawares still to have had witnesses at hand for Attesting all their Rudenesses as if it had not been enough for all the design of such Accounts that a Man of known Probity and Reputation subscribed his own Narration of a Matter of Fact which so nearly concerned himself and thereby declared his Readiness to make the Matter appear as far as he was capable If the Rabbled Minister adduced Witnesses as was done in the Case c. in several Instances And they subscribed the Account was he then satisfied Never ane Ace more than before All of his Witnesses are the sworn Enemies of Presbyterians and in a Combination to defame them p. 88. And again p.
100. His first Collection is of Accounts that he hath had from his Complices a company of Men avowed and malicious Enemies of all Presbyterians and all this attested by themselves Nay Tho they were not Episcopal Ministers but Laicks who attested if it was done in favour of Episcopal Ministers that was enough to prove them Friends to Episcopacy and so they were no more Boni Legales Homines as he calls his Vnexceptionable Witnesses p. 111. Thus The Account which was sent to London immediately after the Second Tumult at Glasgow which happened on the 17th of Feb. Anno 1688 â— was subscribed by Iames Gibson then One of the Magistrates of the City Iohn Gillhagie who had been a Magistrate the year before and Patrick Bell Son to Sir Iohn Bell a discreet young Gentleman and Merchant in the City These three subscribed it that it might make Faith it was directed to Doctor Fall Principal of the Colledge of Glasgow that he might shew it to the then P. of O. and crave that now that he had taken upon him the Government of the Kingdom of Scotland he would interpose his Authority for discharging such Tumults for the future c. Doctor Fall actually addressed to his Highness and shewed the Account All this was done before the Scottish Estates met in March Now consider G. R.'s Discussion of this Account p. 94. Iohn he should have called him Iames Gibson was a Party and made a Bailie by the Archbishop and all know the Prelates Inclinations towards the present Civil Government Have ye not here a goodly Specimen of both our Authors Law and his Logick Iohn Gillhagie is lookt on by all as a Foolish and Rash Man who little considereth what he doth Now what was his Testimony worth after our Author had given him such a Character Patrick Bell and his Brother were soon after seized for Treasonable Practices were long in Prison and are now under Bail And is not G. R. now a potent Author How easily and readily he can reject Testimonies And these three once thus rejected There was never such a thing as that Presbyterian Tumult at Glasgow No not tho there are Hundreds in Glasgow who can attest that every syllable of the Account was true Again Pag. 109. in Mr. Gellies Case How easily could he reject all the Testimonies that were adduced Why They that testify for him are of his own party And then let them testify that they saw a Nose on G. R.'s own Face and for any thing I know he should cut off his own Nose to have them Liers And now Let the World judge of this way of disproving Historical Relations and Attestations of Matters of Fact Is it not plain that according to this Standard it is impossible to Attest any thing For as I take it the whole Nation is so divided between Prelalatists and Presbyterians or those who favour One of the sides that you shall not find many Neutrals Now who is obliged to take the Testimonies of Presbyterians in Matters of Fact more than the Testimonies of Prelatists Have they any Divine Natural or Municipal Law for the Validity of their Testimonies beyond other Men If they have not as I shall still be apt to believe till G R. produces the Law then I would fain know how G. R. by his own Standard can allow That Presbyterian Witnesses should appear before any Court Ecclesiastical or Civil against Episcopal Ministers Nay may not the Presbyterians themselves reject even G. R. s Testimony Nay I say they ought to do it Why He stands nearly related to Episcopacy How Let it be enquired into and I 'le hold him two to one if he was Baptized at all he was Baptized either by a Bishop or by a Presbyter that submitted to Bishops But if so then good morrow to his Testimony For thus the Argument runs G. R. was Baptized by a Prelate or a Prelatist and all know the Prelates inclinations c. Why this Reasoning should not hold in G. R.'s Case as well as in Iames Gibson's Case I desire to learn of G. R. when he is at Leisure But this is not all As he rejected all the Attestations in that Book without any shew of Reason so he did some in Despight of the Common Sense of Mankind For setting this in its due Light it is to be Remembred that in that Book there are Accounts of the Insolencies committed by the Rabble upon such and such Ministers in the Presbyteries of Glasgow Hamilton Irwing Air Paisley Dumbarton c. Now these Accounts were occasioned thus When the Rabble was in its fury and making Havock of all the Clergy in the Western Diocess of Glasgow some of them met at Glasgow upon the 22 of Ianuary 1688 9. to consider what might be proper for them to do for their own Preservation and Protection against the Rage of their Persecutors And the best Expedient they could then fall upon was to send Doctor Scot Dean of Glasgow to London to represent their Condition to his Highness the P. of O. who had then assumed the Government of the Nation and crave protection according to Law And that the Doctor might be the better instructed it was resolved that particular Accounts of the Violences had been done to the Clergy within the abovenamed Presbyteries should be digested by such Ministers as lived within these Presbyteries respectively This was done The Account of the Violences done to those who lived within the Presbytery of Air was digested and signed by Mr. Alexander Gregory Mr. William Irwine and Mr. Francis Fordyce that for Paisley by Mr. Fullerton and Mr. Taylour Ministers at Paisley that for Glasgow by Mr. George and Mr. Sage c. And that the Truth of these Accounts might be the more unquestâ—onable the Subscribers in some of them at least undertook to make all the particulars appear to be true upon the greatest peril if they should get a fair Hearing What greater Evidence of Truth and Ingenuity could have been expected or required of People in such Circumstances Yet Even these accounts G. R. rejected as readily and conâ—idently as he did any other he rejected them I say indiscriminately and without taking notice of any difference between them and such as were not written upon any such Occasion such as were only vouched Teste Meipso Was this like either the Sense or the Discretion that were proper for the Vindicator of a Church I do not incline so much as in the least to insinuate that any of the Accounts contained in The Case of the afflicted Clergy were false I am satisfied they were all very true All I intend is to represent G. R.'s impudent Rashness in rejecting all Accounts with the same facility And certainly whosoever considers this seriously cannot but reckon of his Book as written with as little Wit or Discretion as Truth or Ingenuity And all this will appear more evident still if it be considered that All this did not content him but he
Trusts and Offices as the Clergy did then and they are satisfied And now if these Reformers who thus petitioned and in their Petition thus reasoned and agreed to such a Rule of Reformation were for the divine institution of Parity and the sacred Rights of Presbytery nay if they were not not only for the Lawfulness but the Continuance of Prelacy I must confess my ignorance to be very gross and so I refuse not Correction For this Evidence as I said we are beholden to Knox and to Knox only 'T is true indeed Calderwood gives us the Abstract of this Petition but he conceals and suppresses the whole pith and marrow of this Article summing it up in these few ill-complexion'd words That the slanderous and detestable life of the Prelates and the State Ecclesiastical may be reformed which at first view one would imagin lookt kindly towards Presbytery but I am not surprized to find him thus at his Tricks 't is but according to his Custom To have set down the full Article or to have abridged it so as that its force and purpose might have been seen had been to disserve his Cause and do ane ill Office to his Idol Parity And Petrie as I have said was so wise as not to touch it at all lest it had burnt his Fingers but that Archbishop Spotswood should have overlookt it both in his History and in his Refutatio Libelli c. seems very strange For my part I should rather think we have not his History intire and as he design'd it for the Press for which I have heard other very pregnant presumptions than that so great a man was guilty of so great ane Oscitancy But whatever be of this Knox has it and that is enough and Calderwood has abridged it and that 's more than enough for my Presbyterian Brethren The Third Petition which I promised to adduce is that which was presented to the Parliament which established the Reformation Anno 1560. for which we are obliged to Knox alone also at least so far as the present Argument is concerned For tho both Spotswood and Petrie make mention of the Petition or Supplication yet neither of them has recorded that which I take notice of and Calderwood is so accurate ane Historian as to take no notice of the Petition That which I take notice of in it as it is in Knox is That when our Reformers came to crave the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical State they bespoke the Parliament thus And lest that your Honours should doubt in any of the premisses they had affirmed before That the Doctrine of the Roman Church contained many pestiferous errors that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ were most shamefully abused and profaned by the Roman Harlot that the true Discipline of the antient Church amongst that Sect was utterly extinguisht and that the Clergy of all men within the Realm were most corrupt in life and manners c. we offer our selves evidently to prove that in all the Rabble of the Clergy there is not one Lawful Minister IF GODS WORD THE PRACTICES OF THE APOSTLES THE SINCERITY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHVRCH AND THEIR OWN ANCIENT LAWS SHALL IVDGE OF THE ELECTION Here I say our Reformers insist on that same very Rule for finding if there be Corruptions in and by consequence for reforming of the Church on which they insisted in the aforementioned Petition from which 't is evident they persisted of the same sentiments and 't is easy to draw the same inferences Such were the sentiments of our Scottish Reformers before the Reformed Religion had the countenance of the Civil Government and Acts of Parliament on its side and was made the National Religion Let us try next what kind of Government they did establish when they had got Law for them Whither they established a Government that was to be managed by Ministers acting in Parity or in Imparity And here I think the Controversy might very soon be brought to a very fair issue The First Book of Discipline the Acts of many General Assemblies the Acts of many Parliaments Both without interruption the unanimous Consent of Historians and the uncontroverted Practice of the Church for many years all concurring to this Assertion That the first Establishment was of a Government which was to be managed by Superintendents and Parochial Ministers Elders and Deacons acting in Subordination not in a State of Parity with but in a State of inferiority in Power and Iurisdiction to these Superintendents This Establishment I say is so clear and undoubted from all these fountains That no more needed be said upon the whole Argument But because our Presbyterian Historians and Antiquaries tho they cannot deny the thing do yet endeavor with all their Might and Cunning to intricate it and obscure it I shall further undertake two things I. I shall give the world a fair prospect of the power of Superintendents as they were then established and of the Disparities betwixt them and Parish Ministers II. I shall endeavour to dissipate these Mists whereby our Presbyterian Brethren are so very earnest to involve and darken this Matter As for the I. The world may competently see that Superintendents as established in Scotland at the Reformation had a considerable stock of Prerogatives or Preheminencies call them as ye will which raised them far above other Churchmen far above the allowances of that Parity our Presbyterian Brethren contend for so eagerly from the following Enumeration 1. They had Districts or Diocesses of far larger extent than other Churchmen Private Ministers had only their private Parishes and might have been as many as there were Churches in the Kingdom But according to the Scheme laid down by our Reformers in the First Book of Discipline Head 5. only ten or twelve Superintendents were design'd to have the Chief Care as it is worded in the Prayer at the Admission of a Superintendent of all the Churches within the Kingdom Indeed ten are only there design'd but it was because of the scarcity of qualified men as we shall learn hereafter 2. As they had larger Districts than Parish Ministers so there were correspondent Specialities in their Election Parish Ministers were to enter to such Churches as had Benefices by presentation from the Patron and Collation from the Superintendent as is evident from Act 7. Parl. 1. Iam. 6. and many Acts of Assemblies as shall be fully proven afterward If they were to serve where the Benefice was actually possessed by a Papist they were to be chosen by the People of the Congregation by the appointment of the First Book of Discipline Head 4. But the Election of Superintendents was quite different they were to be nominated by the Council and elected by the Nobility and Gentry c. within their Dioceses as hath been already considered 3. There was as great a difference in the matter of Deposition if they deserved it Parish Ministers by the First Book of Discipline Head 8.
were deposable by the Superintendent of the Diocess and the Elders of the Parishes where they were Ministers but of this more hereafter But by that same First Book of Discipline the Superintendent was to be judged by the Ministers and Elders of his whole Province over which he was appointed and if the Ministers and Elders of the Province were negligent in correcting him one or two other Superintendents with their Ministers and Elders were to conveen him providing it were within his own Province or Chief Town and inflict the Censure which his Offence deserved Of the Reasonableness of this afterward 4. There was as remarkable a difference in point of Ordination which in the then Scottish stile was called Admission Private Ministers were to be admitted by their Superintendents as we shall find afterwards But by the First Book of Discipline Head 5. Superintendents were to be admitted by the Superintendents next adjacent with the Ministers of the Province 5. In the case of Translation the General Assembly holden at Edenburgh Decem. 25. 1562. Gives power to every Superintendent within his own bounds in his Synodal Assembly with consent of the most part of the Elders and Ministers of Kirks to translate Ministers from one Kirk to another as they shall consider the Necessity Charging the Minister so translated to obey the Voice and Commandment of the Superintendent But according to the First Book of Discipline Head 5. No Superintendent might be translated at the pleasure or request of any one Province without the Council of the whole Church and that for grave Causes and Considerations 6. A special care was to be taken of his Qualifications and Abilities for such ane important office for thus it is appointed by the First Book of Discipline Head 5. That after the Church shall be established and three years are past no man shall be called to the Office of a Superintendent who hath not two years at least given a proof of his faithful Labours in the Ministry A Caution simply unapplyable to Parish Ministers 7. He had a living provided for him by the First Book of Discipline Head 5. about five times as much yearly as was alotted for any private Minister And it is to be observed that this was in a time when the Popish Bishops still brooked their Benefices But when the Resolution was Anno 1567 to deprive all the Popish Clergy it was agreed to in the General Assembly by the Churchmen on the one hand and the Lords and Barons on the other That Superintendents should succeed in their places as both the Mss. and Spotswood have it expresly 8. Superintendents by vertue of their Office were constant Members of the General Assemblies Therefore the General Assembly holden at Perth Iune 25. 1563. statuted That every Superintendent be present the first day of the Assembly under the pain of 40 sh. to be given to the poor without Remission So it is in the Mss. but Petrie has it barely That they shall conveen on the first day of every Assembly And it seems because that punishment had not sufficient influence on them it was again ordained by the G. Ass. at Edenburgh March 6. 1573. That they shall be present in the Assembly the first day before noon under the pain of losing one half of their stipend for a year c. So both the Mss. and Petrie But as we shall find afterwards such presence of Parish Ministers was not allowed far less necessary 9. It belonged to them to try those who stood Candidates for the Ministery thus 1. B. of Disc. Head 4. Such as take upon them the Office of Preachers who shall not be found qualified therefore by the Superintendent are by him to be placâ—d Readers And again Head 5. No Child nor person within the age of 21 years may be admitted to the Office of a Reader but such must be chosen and admitted by the Superintendent as for their Gravity and Discretion may grace the Function that they are called unto And the Ass. at Edenburgh Dec. 15. 1562. Ordains That Inhibition be made against all such Ministers as have not been presented by the people or a part thereof to thâ— Superintendent and he after Examination and Tryal has not appointed them to their Charges So the Mss. and so Petrie and Spotswood cites another Act of the General Assembly at Edenburgh 1564. to the same purpose 10. As appears by that Act of the Assembly Decem. 25. 1562. just now cited and the 7 Act Parl. 1 Iac. 6. cited before also Superintendents had the power of granting Collations upon presentations And the Assembly at Perth holden in Iune 1563. appoints That when any Benefice chances to vaik or is now vacant that a qualified person be presented to the Superintendent of that Province where the Benefice lyeth and that he being found sufficient be admitted c. So I find it cited by the Author of Episcopacy not abjured in Scotland 11. A Superintendent had power to plant Ministers in Churches where the people were negligent to present timeously and indeed that power devolved much sooner into his hands by the First Book of Discipline Head 4. than it did afterwards into the hands of either Bishop or Presbytery for there it is ordered That if the people be found negligent in electing a Minister the space of forty days the Superintendent with his Counsel may present unto them a man whom they judge apt to feed the flock c. And as he had thus the power of trying and collating Ministers and planting Churches in the case of a Ius Devolutum So 12. He had the power of Ordination which as I said was then called Admission as is evident from the First Book of Discipline cap. 5. and several Acts of Assemblies already cited 13. All Presbyters or Parish Ministers once admitted to Churches were bound to pay Canonical Obedience to their Superintendents Thus in the Assembly at Edenburgh Iune 30. 1562. It was concluded by the whole Ministers assembled that all Ministers should be subject to the Superintendents in all lawful admonitions as is prescribed as well in the Book of Discipline as in the Election of Superintendents So the Mss. And by that aforecited Act of the Assembly at Edenburgh Decem. 25. 1562. Ministers translated from one Church to another are commanded to obey the Voice and Commandment of the Superintendent Indeed it was part of ane Article presented by the Church to the Council May 27. 1561. That ane Act should be made appointing a civil Punishment for such as disobeyed or contemned the Superintendents in their Function 14. He had power to visit all the Churches within his Diocess and in that Visitation they are the words of the First Book of Discipline Head 5. To try the Life Diligence and Behaviour of the Ministers the Order of their Churches the Manners of their People how the Poor are provided and how
Office of Superintendents whereunto they were forced as they thought by necessity c. And in his Breviate of the first book of Discipline he offers at a Reason why it was so They make a Difference at this time among Ministers some to be Superintendents some to be ordinary Ministers not because Superintendents were of divine institution as ane Order to be observed perpetually in the Kirk but because they were forced only AT THIS TIME to make the Difference lest if all Ministers should be appointed to make continual Residence in several places when there was so great Rarity of Preachers the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of the preaching of the word And G. R. in his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland printed at Edenburgh 1691. in answer to the first of the ten Questions following Calderwood exactly as indeed he doth all alongst and it seems he has never read another of our Historians so that he had some reason to call him THE HISTORIAN ibid. delivers it thus 'T is true the Protestant Church of Scotland did set up Superintendents but this was truly and declared so to be from the Force of Necessity and design'd only for that present Exigency of the Church c. And more pointedly in his true Representation of Presbyterian Government printed at Edenburgh 1690. prop. 18. where he lays it down as ane undoubted truth That Superintendency was only established throught necessity when a qualified Minister could scarcely be had in a Province c. And Petrie seems to aim at the same way of Reasoning Now 1. Supposing all this true what ground have they gained by it Do they not fairly acknowledge that the Prelacy of Superintendents was established at the Reformation And is not that all I am concerned for For the Question is not whither Superintendency was design'd to be perpetual or temporary but whither it was a Prelacy And if it was a Prelacy the Church of Scotland was not then govern'd by Ministers acting in parity The Perpetuity or Temporariness of it doth not affect its nature If it was a Prelacy at all it was as really a Prelacy tho it had lasted but for a Day as it had been tho it had lasted till the Day of Iudgment Just as our Presbyterian Brethren were as really Addressers to K. I. by addressing once as they should have been tho they had continued addressing to him till this very minute This alone in all conscience might be enough for discussing this Plea Yet that I may not offend the Party by seeming to think so meanly of this mighty argument I shall insist a little longer and consider 2. If they have any sufficient Fund in the Records of these times for this pretence And 3. What Force or Solidity is in the reason insisted on to make this pretence seem plausible As to the first viz. Whither there is any sufficient Fund in the Records of these times for this pretence All I have observed insisted on for this is only one phrase in the fifth Head of the First Book of Discipline AT THIS TIME Take the whole period as it is in Petrie for he censures Spotswood for curtailing it As Petrie has it it runs thus If the Ministers whom God hath endued with his singular Graces among us should be appointed to several places there to make their continual Residence the greatest part of the Realm should be destitute of all Doctrine which should not only be the occasion of great Murmur but also dangerous to the Salvation of many and therefore we have thought it a thing expedient AT THIS TIME That from the whole number of Godly and Learned Men now presently in this Realm be selected Ten or Twelve for in so many Provinces we have divided the whole to whom Charge and Commandment should be given to plant and erect Kirks to set order and appoint Ministers to the Countries that shall be appointed to their care where none are now This is the whole foundation of the Plea for the Temporariness of Superintendency but if I mistake not the true Gloss of this period will amount to no more than this That because there were then so few men qualified for the Office of Superintendency tho Ten or Twelve were by far too small a number for the whole Kingdom yet at that time they thought it expedient to establish no more And tho when the Church should be sufficiently provided with Ministers it would be highly reasonable that the Superintendents should have places appointed them for their continual Residence yet in that juncture it was necessary that they should be constantly travelling thro their Districts to preach and plant Churches c. That the period will bear this Gloss is obvious to any who considers it impartially And that this and not the Presbyterian is the true Gloss I hope may competently appear if these things be considered 1. It is notorious that the Compilers of that First Book of Discipline were generally to their dying day of Prelatical Principles They were six as Knox tells us Mr. Iohn Winrame who died Superintendent of Strathern Iohn Spotswood who was many years a Superintendent and a constant Enemy to parity as appears from his Sons account of him Iohn Willock who died Superintendent of the West Iohn Dowglas who died Archbishop of St. Andrews Iohn Row who was one of the three that defended the Lawfulness of Episcopacy at the Conference appointed by the General Assembly 1575 and Iohn Knox of whom we have said enough already Now I ask is it credible that these men all so much for Prelacy all their Lives without any constraint on them As 't is certain there was none should while digesting a Model of Policy have been only for a Prelacy that was to be laid aside within God knows how short a time so soon as the Parish Churches could be planted with Ministers I know nothing can be said here unless it be that Knox was not so prelatical as the rest and he would have it so and the rest have yielded But there 's no ground for this For 2. Even Knox himself if he was the Author of the History which bears his Name amongst our Presbyterian Brethren assigns a quite other reason than the then Necessities of the Church for the Establishment of Superintendency Superintendents and Overseers were nominated says he that all things in the Church might be carried with order and well A Reason which as it held since the Apostles times will continue to hold so long as the Church continues And is it not told again in that same History That at the Admission of Spotswood to the Superintendency of Lothian Iohn Knox in his Sermon asserted the Necessity of Superintendents or Overseers as well as Ministers The Necessity I say and not the bare Expediency in that juncture Further now that I have Knox on the Stage I shall repeat over again a Testimony of his which I
Superintendents Ministers Exhorters and Readers and that Superintendents and Ministers might be planted where none were The Assembly at Eden Decem. 25. 1562. as the Mss. has it enacted That notwithstanding the proponing and nominating of the Superintendents for Aberdeen Bamf Jedburgh and Dumfries appointed before in the Third Session and the days appointed for the Election of the same the further Advisement and Nomination of the persons should be remitted to the Lords of the secret Council providing always that the days appointed for their Election be not prolonged Observe here that Aberdeen and Bamf were now design'd each to have their Superintendent whereas both were to be under one by the first Nomination in the Book of Discipline One of the Articles ordered by the Assembly at Eden Decem. 25. 1564. to be presented to the Queen was To require that Superintendents might be placed in the Realm where none were viz. in the Mers Teviotdale Forest Twedale and the rest of the Dales in the South not provided with Aberdeen and the other parts of the North likewise destitute So it is in the Mss. Petrie has it only in short That Superintendents be placed where none are But as it is in the Mss. it shews plainly that now that the Church was of four years standing and the number of qualified men was increasing the Assembly were for increasing proportionably the number of Superintendents As is demonstrated thus by the Establishment in the First Book of Discipline the Superintendent of Lothians Diocess comprehended the Sheriffdoms of Lothian Stirling Mers Lauderdale and Twedale Spotswood was set over this Diocess in March 1560 1. He was still alive and in the Exercise of his Office and yet here now the Assembly craves that Superintendents may be placed in the Mers and Twedale and the rest of the Dales From which it follows that that which was but one Diocess Anno 1560. when qualified men were few was design'd by the Assembly Anno 1564. when the number of qualified men was somewhat increased to be divided at least into three or four Exactly agreeable to what I have all along asserted In the Assembly at Eden Iuly 20. Anno 1567. That famous Assembly whereof Buchanan was Moderator and which tumbled Queen Mary from her Throne it was agreed by the Nobility and Barons on the one hand and the Church on the other That all the Popish Clergy should be dispossessed and that Superintendents Ministers and other NEEDFUL MEMBERS of the Kirk should be planted in their places So it is in the Mss. and so Spotswood hath it But both Calderwood and Petrie tho they mention the thing yet labour to obscure it for they do not so much as name Superintendents far less take notice that they are reckoned amongst the Necessary Members or were to succeed the Popish Bishops Farther by the Ass. at Eden Iuly 1. 1568. it is resolved To advise with my Lord Regent his Grace and Council that in the Rowms and Countreys where no Superintendents are they may be placed So the Mss. and Pet. Nay Doth not Calderwood himself tell us that the Ass. holden at Eden March 1. 1570. when it appointed the Order to be observed thereafter in handling affairs brought before General Assemblies ordained in the sixth place That the Complaints of Countreys for want of Superintendents should be heard and provided for c. Further doth not the same Calderwood record that when in the year 1574. the Superintendents of Angus Lothian and Strathern would have dimitted their Office the Assembly would not admit of their Dimission but ordered them to continue in their Function For what reason they offered to demit perhaps we shall learn hereafter All I am concerned for at present is that the Assembly would needs continue them in their Office now fourteen years after the first legal Establishment of the Reformation The truth is this Assembly was holden in March and Master Andrew Melvil the Protoplast Presbyterian in Scotland came not to the Kingdom till Iuly thereafter By this time I think I have made it appear that our Reformers intended nothing less than to make Superintendency only temporary and subservient to the then pretended Necessities of the Church And likewise I have sufficiently made it appear that it was merely for scarcity of qualified men that so few Superintendents were at first design'd by the First Book of Discipline which was the one half of my Gloss upon the controverted period in that Book The other half which was that when once the Church was competently provided with Parish Ministers the Superintendents were no longer obliged to their Evangelistical way of travelling constantly through their Diocesses to preach c. is plain from what both Petrie and Spotswood agree in as contained in the Book viz. That they were to follow that method no longer than their Kirks were provided of Ministers or at least of Readers Thus I have dispatched the first thing which was proposed to be enquired into viz. Whither there was any sufficient fund in the Records of these times for believing that our Reformers intended that Superintendency should only be temporary It remains now that we should consider the 2. viz. What Force or Solidity is in the reason insisted on by our Presbyterian Brethren to make this pretence seem plausible The reason insisted on by them is The Force of Necessity there being so few men then qualified for the Ministery scarcely one in a Province c. Now who sees not that this so often repeated reason is intirely naught and inconsequential For what tho in these times there were few qualified men for the Ministery How follows it that therefore it was necessary to raise up Superintendents and set them above their Brethren If the principles of parity had then been the modish principles could not these few who were qualified have govern'd the Church suitably to these principles Suppose we Twenty Thirty Forty men in the Kingdom qualified for the Office of the Ministery could not these 20 or 30 or 40 have divided the Kingdom into a proportionable number of large Parishes And still as more men turn'd qualified could they not have lessened these greater Parishes till they had multiplied them to as great a number as they pleased or was convenient It was easy to have done so so very obvious as well as easy that it is not to be doubted they would have done so if they had been of these principles Why might not they have done so as well as our Presbyterian Brethren now adays unite Presbyteries where they have a scarcity of Ministers of their Perswasion Where lies the impossibility of Vniting Parishes more than uniting Presbyteries Indeed This way of reasoning is more dangerous than it seems our Presbyterian Brethren are aware of for it quite cuts the sinews of Parity and demonstrates irrefragably that it cannot be the Model our blessed Lord instituted for the Government of his Church For who can
have fully proven and which was all I still aim'd at yet it is easy to Discover they were very far from keeping Closely by the Principles and Measures of the primitive constitution of Church Government This is so very apparent to any who Reads the Histories of these times and is so visible in the Deduction I have made that I shall insist no longer on it Secondly The truth of my charge may further appear from the Instance of Adamson advanced this year 1576 to the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews That Nature had furnished him with a good stock and he was a smart Man and cultivated beyond the ordinary Size by many parts of good Literature is not denyed by the Presbyterian Historians themselves They never attempt to represent him as a Fool or a Dunce tho' they are very eager to have him a Man of Tricks and Latitude Now this Prelates ignorance in true Antiquity is Remarkably visible in his subscribing to these Propositions Anno 1580 if we may believe Calderwood The Power and Authority of all Pastors is equal and alike great amongst themselves The Name Bishop is Relative to the Flock and not to the Eldership For he is Bishop of his Flock and not of other Pastors or fellow Elders As for the Preheminence that one beareth over the rest it is the Invention of Man and not the Institution of Holy Writ That the ordaining and appointing of Pastors which is also called the laying on of hands appertaineth not to one Bishop only so being Lawful Election pass before but to those of the same Province or Presbytery and with the like Iurisdiction and Authority Minister at their Kirks That in the Council of Nice for eschewing of private ordaining of Ministers it was statuted that no Pastor should be appointed without the consent of him who dwelt or remained in the Chief and Principal City of the Province which they called the Metropolitan City That after in the latter Councils it was statuted that things might proceed more solemnly and with greater Authority that the laying on of hands upon Pastors after Lawful Election should be by the Metropolitan or Bishop of the Chief and principal Town the rest of the Bishops of the Province voting thereto In which thing there was no other Prerogative but only that of the Town which for that cause was thought most meet both for the conveening of the Council and Ordaining of Pastors with common Consent and Authority That the Estate of the Church was corrupt when the name Bishop which before was common to the rest of the Pastors of the Province began without the Authority of Gods Word and ancient Custome of the Kirk to be attributed to one That the power of appointing and ordaining Ministers and Ruling of Kirks with the whole procuration of Ecclesiastical Discipline was now only devolved to one Metropolitan The other Pastors no ways challenging their Right and Privilege therein of very slothfulness on the one part And the Devil on the other going about craftily to lay the ground of the Papistical Supremacy From these and such other Propositions sign'd by him at that time it may be judged I say if this Prelate did not bewray a very profound ignorance in true Ecclesiastical Antiquity Ane Arrant Presbyterian could not have said could not have wished more Indeed 't is more than probable as perchance may appear by and by that these Propositions were taken out either formally or by collection of Mr. Beza's Book De Triplici Episcopatu Now if Adamson was so little seen in such matters what may we judge of the rest But this is not all For Thirdly There cannot be a greater Evidence of the deplorable unskilfulness of the Clergy in these times in the ancient records of the Church than their suffering Melvil and his Party to obtrude upon them The Second Book of Discipline A split new Democratical Systeme a very Farce of Novelties never heard of before in the Christian Church For instance What else is the confounding of the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters The making Doctors or Professors of Divinity in Colledges and Vniversities a distinct Office and of Divine Institution The setting up of Lay-Elders as Governours of the Church Jure Divino Making them Iudges of mens Qualifications to be admitted to the Sacrament Visiters of the Sick c. Making the Colleges of Presbyters in Cities in the primitive times Lay Eldership Prohibiting Appeals from Scottish General Assemblies to any Iudge Civil or Ecclesiastick and by consequence to Oecumenick Councils Are not these Ancient and Catholick Assertions What footsteps of these things in true Antiquity How easy had it been for men skilled in the Constitution Government and Discipline of the Primitive Church to have laid open to the Conviction of all sober Men the novelty the vanity the inexpediency the impoliticalness the uncatholicalness of most if not all of these Propositions If any further doubt could remain concerning the little skill the Clergy of Scotland in these times had in these matters it might be further Demonstated Fourthly from this plain matter of Fact viz. that that Second Book of Discipline in many points is taken word for word from Mr. Beza's Answers to the Questions proposed to him by The Lord Glamis then Chancellor of Scotland A fair Evidence that our Clergy at that time have not been very well seen in Ecclesiastical Politicks Otherwise it is not to be thought they would have been so imposed on by a single stranger Divine who visibly aimed at the propagation of the Scheme which by chance had got footing in the Church where he lived His Tractate De Triplici Episcopatu written of purpose for the advancement of Presbyterianism in Scotland carries visibly in its whole train that its design was to draw our Clergy from off the Ancient Polity of the Church and his Answers to the Six Questions proposed to him as I said by Glanus contain'd the New Scheme he advised them to Now let us taste a little of his skill in the Constitution and Government of the Ancient Church or if you please of his accounts of her Policy I take his Book as I find it amongst Saravia's works He is Positive for the Divine Right of Ruling Elders He affirms that Bishops arrogated to themselves the power of Ordination without Gods allowance That the Chief foundation of all Ecclesiastical Functions is Popular Election That this Election and not Ordination or Imposition of hands makes Pastors or Bishops That Imposition of hands does no more than put them in possession of their Ministry in the exercise of it as I take it the power whereof they have from that Election That by consequence 't is more proper to say that the Fathers of the Church are Created by the Holy Ghost and the suffrages of their Children than by the Bishops That Saint Paul in his first Epistle to the Corinthians in which he expressly writes against and condemns the
the work was set a going Amongst the first things done in this Ass it was enacted That Bishops and all others bearing Ecclesiastical Function should be called by their own names or Brethren in all time coming No more Lord Bishops and it was but consequential to the great Argument which was then and ever since hath been in the mouths of all the party The Lords of the Gentiles c. Matt. 20.25 Luke 22.25 This was a step worthy of Mr. Andrew's Humility which was not like other mens Humility's consisting in Humbling themselves but of a new species of its own consisting in Humbling of his Superiours Indeed after this he still treated his own Ordinary the Archbishop of Glasgow in publick according to this Canon Tho' when he was at his Graces table where he got better entertainment than his own Commons for he was then in the College of Glasgow he could give him all his Titles of Dignity and Honour But Another more important Act was made by this Assembly Take it word for word from Calderwood who agrees exactly with both the MS. and Pet. Forasmuch as there is great corruption in the State of Bishops as they are presently set up in this Realm whereunto the Assembly would provide some stay in time coming so far as they may to the effect that farther corruption may be bridled The Assembly hath concluded that no Bishop shall be Elected or Admitted before the next General Assembly Discharging all Ministers and Chapters to proceed any ways to the Election of the said Bishops in the mean time under the pain of perpetual Deprivation And that this matter be proponed first in the next Assembly to be consulted what farther Order shall be taken therein Here was ground gain'd indeed However this was but preparatory still Nothing yet concluded concerning the Vnlawfulness of the Office It was consistent with this Act that Episcopacy should have continued its corruptions being removed Neither are we as yet told what these corruptions were It seems even the Presbyterians themselves tho' in a fair condition now to be the prevailing party had not yet agreed about them Indeed another Assembly must be over before we can come by them Leaving them therefore till we come at them proceed we with this present Assembly Another Fast was appointed by it The Nation it seems was not yet sufficiently diposed for Presbytery Rubs and difficulties were still cast in the way and the good cause was deplorably retarded So 't is fairly imported in the Act for this Fast The corruption of all Estates Coldness in a great part of the Professors That God would put it in the Kings heart and the hearts of the Estates of Parliament to Establish such a Policy and Discipline in the Kirk as is craved in the word of God c. These are amongst the prime Reasons in the narrative of this Act for Fasting Indeed all this time the Book of Discipline was only in forming It had not yet got the Assemblies Approbation The next General Assembly met at Stirling Iune 11. this same year about six weeks or so after the Dissolution of the former But the Parliament was to sit and it was needful the Assembly should sit before to order Ecclesiastick business for it And now it seems there was little struggling For the Assembly all in one voice as it is in MS. Calderwood and Petrie concluded That the Act of the last Assembly discharging the Election of Bishops c. should be extended to all time coming And here Petrie stops But the MS. and Calderwood add ay and while the corruptions of the Estate of Bishops be all utterly taken away And they ordained That all Bishops already Elected should submit themselves to the Gen. Ass. Concerning the Reformation of the Corruptions of that Estate of Bishops in their Persons Which if they refused to do after Admonition that they should be proceeded against to Excommunication This Ass. met as I said on the 11 th of Iune and indeed it seems the weather has been warm enough Yet neither now did they adventure again upon the Main Question nor ennumerate the Corruptions of the Estate of Bishops By this Assembly a Commission was also granted to certain Persons to attend the Parliament and Petition that the Book of Discipline might be Ratified Tho' all the Articles were not as yet agreed to A pretty Odd overture to desire the Parliament to Ratify what they themselves had not perfectly Concerted The next Assembly met at Edenburgh Octob. 24. of that same year 1578. And it was but reasonable to have three Assemblies in six Months when the Church was so big with Presbytery And now the Corruptions so frequently talk't of before were ennumerated and the Bishops were required to Reform them in their Persons They were required 1. To be Ministers or Pastors of one Flock 2. To usurp no Criminal Iurisdiction 3. Not to vote in Parliament in Name of the Kirk without Commission from the General Assembly 4. Not to take up for maintaining their Ambition and Riotousness the Emoluments of the Kirk which ought to sustain many Pastors the Schools and the Poor But to be content with reasonable livings according to their Office 5. Not to claim the Titles of Temporal Lords nor usurp Civil Iurisdiction whereby they might be Abstracted from their Office 6. Not to Empire it over particular Elderships but be subject to the same So the MS. Calderwood and Petrie have it tho' Spotswood has the word Presbyteries Which I take notice of because the unwary Reader when he reads Presbyteries in Spotswood may take them for these Ecclesiastical Judicatories which now are so denominated whereas there were none such as yet in the Nation 7. Not to usurp the Power of the Pastors says the MS. nor take upon them to visit any Bounds not committed to them by the Church 8. And lastly If any more Corruptions should afterward be found in the Estate of Bishops to consent to have them Reformed These were the Corruptions and particularly at that same very time the two Archbishops were required to Reform them in their Persons What Adamson Archbishop of St. Andrews did or said on this occasion I know not But it seems he submitted not For I find him again required to do it by the next Assembly And that it was particularly laid to his charge that he had opposed the Ratification of the Book in Parliament But Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow did certainly behave at this Assembly like a Person of great worth and a Man of Courage suitable to his Character giving a brave and resolute Answer You may see it in Spot Cald. and Pet. I have not leisure to transcribe it But it pleased not the now too much Presbyterian Assembly and no wonder for he spake truely like a Bishop The next Assembly was holden at Edenburgh in Iuly Anno 1579. The King sent a Letter to them whereby he signified his dislike of their
the Meeting of the Four Kings against the Five or of the Five against the Four mentioned in the 14 th Chapter of the Book of Genesis For the Meetings of these Kings were before our Presbyteries I think in order of time And these Meetings of these Kings were as much like our present Presbyteries as those Meetings were which were appointed at the Reformation for the inteâ—pretation of Scripture So that even Calderwood himself was but triâ—ling when he said so But triâ—ling is one thing and impudent founding of false History upon another Mans trifling is another But enough of this Author at present we shall have further occasions of meeting with him This Assembly was also earnest with the King that the Book of Policy might be farther considered and that farther Conference might be had about it That the Heads not agreed about might be compromised some way or other But the King it seems listned not For they were at it again in their next Assembly And now that I have so frequently mentioned this Second Book of Discipline and shall not have occasion to proceed much further in this wearisome Deduction Before I leave it I shall only say this much more about it As much stress as the Presbyterian party laid on it afterwards and continue still to lay on it as if it were so very exact a Systeme of Ecclesiastical Polity yet at the beginning the Compilers of it had no such Confident sentiments about it For if we may believe Spotswood and herein he is not contradicted by any Presbyterian Historian when Master David Lindesay Mr. Iames Lawson and Mr. Robert Pont were sent by the Assembly to present it to the Regent Morton in the end of the year 1577 They intreated his Grace to receive the Articles presented to him and if any of them did seem not agreeable to reason to vouchsafe Audience to the Brethren whom the Assembly had named to attend Not that they thought it a work complete to which nothing might be added or from which nothing might be diminished for as God should reveal further unto them they should be willing to help and renew the same Now upon this Testimony I found this Question Whither the Compilers of the Second Book of Discipline could in reason have been earnest that this Book which they acknowledged not to be a work so complete as that nothing could be added to it or taken from it should have been confirmed by ane Oath and sworn to as ane Vnalterable Rule of Policy Are they not injurious to them who make them capable of such a bare faced absurdity Indeed whatever our present Presbyterians say and with how great assurance soever they talk to this purpose this is a Demonstration that the compilers of it never intended nay could not intend that it should be sworn to in the Negative Confession That it was not sworn to in that Confession I think I could prove with as much evidence as the nature of the thing is capable of if it were needful to my present purpose But not being that I shall only give this further Demonstration which comes in here naturally enough now that we have mentioned this Book so often The Negative Confession was sworn to and subscribed by the King and his Council upon the 28. of Ianuary 1580 1. Upon the second of March thereafter the King gave out a Proclamation ordering all the subjects to subscribe it But the King had never approven never owned but on the contrary had constantly rejected the Second Book of Discipline Nay it was not Ratiâ—ied got not its finishing stroke from the General Assembly it self till towards the end of April in that year 1581. By necessary consequence I think it was not sworn to in the Negative Confession And thus I leave it Proceed we now to the next Assembly It met at Dundee upon the twelfth of Iuly 1580. full twenty years after the Reformation For the Parliament which Established the Reformation as the Presbyterian Historians are earnest to have it had its first Meeting on the tenth of Iuly 1560. This this was the Assembly which after so many fencings and strugglings gave the deadly Thrust to Episcopacy I shall transcribe its Act word for word from Calderwood who has exactly enough taken it from the MS. and both Spotswood and Petrie agree It is this Forasmuch as the Office of a Bishop as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realm hath no sure Warrant Authority nor good Ground out of the Book and Scriptures of God but is brought in by the Folly and Corruptions of mens invention to the great overthrow of the true Kirk of God The whole Assembly in one voice after Liberty given to all men to Reason in the matter none oppening themselves in defence of the said pretended Office Findeth and Declareth the same pretended Office Vsed and Termed as is abovesaid Vnlawful in the self as having neither Fundament Ground nor Warrant in the word of God And Ordaineth that all such Persons as brook or hereafter shall brook the said Office be charged simpliciter to dimit quite and leave off the Samine as ane Office whereunto they are not called by God and sicklike to desist and cease from preaching Ministration of the Sacraments or using any way the Office of Pastors while they receive de novo Admission from the General Assembly under the pain of Excommunication to be used against them Wherein if they be found Disobedient or Contraveen this Act in any point The sentence of Excommunication after due admonition to be execute against them This is the Act. Perhaps it were no very great difficulty to impugn the Infallibility of this true blue Assembly and to expose the boldness the folly the iniquity the preposterous zeal which are conspicious in this Act Nay yet after all this to shew that the Zealots for Parity had not arrived at that height of Effrontery as to Condemn Prelacy as simply and in it self Unlawful But by this time I think I have performed my promise and made it appear that it was no easy task to Abolish Episcopacy and Introduce Presbytery to turn down Prelacy and set up Parity in the Government of the Church when it was first attempted in Scotland And therefore I shall stop here and bring this long Disquisition upon the Second Enquiry to a Conclusion after I have Recapitulated and represented in one intire view what I have at so great length deduced I have made it appear I think That no such Article was believed professed or maintained by the body of any Reformed or Reforming Church or by any Eminent and Famous Divine in any Reformed or Reforming Church while our Church was a Reforming No such Article I say as that of the Divine and indispensible Institution of Parity and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy or Imparity amongst the Governours of the Church I have made it appear that there is no reason to believe that our
have the clear and consentient Testimonies of Historians to this purpose Petrie delivers it thus Mercy and Truth Righteousness and Peace had never since Christs coming in the Flesh a more Glorious Meeting and Amiable Embracing on Earth Even so that the Church of Scotland justly obtain'd a Name amongst the Chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world The hottest Persecutions had not greater Purity The most Halcyon times had not more Prosperity and Peace The best Reformed Churches in other places scarcely Parallel'd their Liberty and Vnity Spotswood thus The Superintendents were in such Respect with all Men as notwithstanding the Dissensions that were in the Country no Exception was taken at their proceedings by any of the parties But all concurred in the Maintainance of Religion And in the Treaties of Peace made That was ever one of the Articles such a Reverence was in those times carried to the Church The very form of Government purchasing them Respect I might also cite Beza himself to this purpose in his Letter to Iohn Knox dated Geneva April 12. 1572 wherein he Congratulates heartily the happy and Vnited state of the Church of Scotland Perhaps it might be no difficult task to adduce more Testimonies But the truth is no man can Read the Histories and Monuments of these times without being convinced that this is true and that there cannot be a falser proposition than That Prelacy was such a Grievance then or so contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People Further even in succeeding times even after it was Condemnd by that Assembly 1580 it cannot be proven that it was such a Grievance to the Nation 'T is true indeed some Hot-headed Presbyterian Preachers endeavoured all they could to possess the People with ane opinion of its Antichristianism forsooth and that it was a Brat of the Whore a Limb of Popery and what not But all this time no account of the Inclinations of the Generality of the People against it On the contrary nothing more evident in History even Calderwoods History than that there was no such thing Is it not obviously observable even in that History that after the Civil Government took some 12 or 14 of the most forward of these Brethren who kept the pretended Assembly at Aberdeen Anno 1605 a little Roundly to Task and some 6 or 8 more were called by the King to attend his will at London all things went very peaceably in Scotland Was not Episcopacy restored by the General Assembly at Glasgow Anno 1610 with very great Unanimity Of more than ane hundred and seventy voices there were only five Negative and seven Non liquet Nay Calderwood himself hath recorded that even these Ministers who went to London after their return submitted peaceably to the then Established Prelacy And there are few things more observable in his Book than his Grudge that there should have been such a General Defection from the good Cause Indeed I have not observed no not in his History that there were six in all the Kingdom who from the Establishment of Episcopacy Anno 1610. did not attend at Synods and submit to their Ordinaries I do not remember any except two Calderwood himself and one Iohnston at Ancrum and even these two pretended other Reasons than Scruple of Conscience for their withdrawing It is further observable that the Stirs which were made after the Assembly at Perth Anno 1618. were not pretended to be upon the account of Episcopacy Those of the Gang could not prevail it seems with the Generality of the People to tumultuate on that account All that was pretended were the Perth Articles Neither did the Humour against these Articles prevail much or far all the time King Iames lived nor for the first twelve years of King Charles his Son and Successor It fell asleep as it were till the Clamours against the Liturgy and Book of Canons awakened it Anno 1637 And all that time I mean from the year 1610 that Episcopacy was restored till the year 1637 that the Covenanting work was set on foot Prelacy was so far from being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People that on the contrary it was not only Generally submitted to but in very good esteem Indeed it is certain the Nation had never more Peace more concord more plenty more profound quiet and prosperity than in that Interval Let no man reckon of these things as naked Assertions I can prove them And hereby I undertake with Gods allowance and assistance to prove all I have said and more if I shall be put to it But I think my cause requires not that it should be done at present Nay further yet I don't think it were ane insuperable task if I should undertake to maintain that when the Covenanting Politick was set on foot Anno 1637. Prelacy was no such Grievance to the Nation This I am sure of it was not the Contrariety of the Generality of the Peoples Inclinations to Prelacy that first gave life and motion to that Monstrous Confederation Sure I am it was pretty far advanced before the Leading Confederates offered to fix on Prelacy as one of their Reasons for it So very sure that it is easy to make it appear that they were affraid of nothing more than that the Generality of the People should smell it out that they had designs to overturn Episcopacy How often did they Protest to the Marquis of Hamilton then the Kings Commissioner that their meaning was not to Abolish Episcopal Government How frank were they to tell those whom they were earnest to Cajole into their Covenant that they might very well swear it without prujudice to Episcopacy Nay how forward were the Presbyterian Ministers themselves to propagate this pretence When the Doctors of Aberdeen told the Three who were sent to that City to procure subscriptions that they could not swear the Covenant because Episcopacy was abjured in it Are not these Hendersons and Dicksons very words in their Answer to the fourth Reply You will have all the Covenanters against their intention and whither they will or not to disallow and condemn the Articles of Perth and Episcopal Government But it is known to many hundreds that the words were purposely conceived for satisfaction of such as were of your Iugment that we might all joyn in one Heart and Covenant Many more things might be readily adduced to prove this more fully But 't is needless for what can be more fairly colligible from any thing than it is from this Specimen that it was their fear that they might miss of their mark and not get the people to joyn with them in their Covenant if it should be so soon discovered that they aim'd at the overthrow of Episcopacy 'T is true indeed after they had by such disingenuous and Iesuitish Fetches gain'd numbers to their party and got many well-meaning Ministers and
to take the Test and had generally done it That the Clergy stood all for Episcopacy There being of about a thousand scarcely twenty Trimmers betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterian Moderator which twenty together with all the Presbyterian Preachers could not make up the fifth part of such a number as the other side amounted to That in all the Vniversities there were not four Masters Heads or Fellows inclined to Presbytery That the Colleges of Iustice and Physick at Edenburgh were so averse from it that the Generality of them were ready last Summer viz. 1689 to take Arms in defence of their Episcopal Ministers c. This Book was published I think in the beginning of the year 1690. What greater Demonstration could any Man desire of the truth of the Negative if all here alleged was true And what greater Argument of the truth of every one of the Allegations than the Confession of a right uncourteous Adversary G. R. I mean who in Answer to this Book wrote his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland as it is now by Law Established as he calls it Published at London about the end of the year 1690 and Reprinted at Edenburgh in the beginning of 1691. But did he indeed acknowledge the truth of all the Allegations Yes he did it Notoriously He yielded to his Adversary all the gang if the Clergy except a few The Vniversities and the College of Iustice at least as lately stated He was not so frank to part with the Physicians indeed because if we may take his word for it There are not a few worthy Men of that Faculty who are far from Inclinations towards Prelacy But he durst not say it seems that either the major part or any thing near the half was for him He also yielded the Generlity of the Burgesses All the dust he raised was about the Nobility and Gentry But what nasty dust it was let any sensible man consider As for the Nobility he granted there were only a few who took not the Test But then he had three things to say for them who took it 1. They who took the Oaths did not by that shew their inclination so much as what they thought fit to comply with rather than suffer But what were they to suffer if they took not the Oaths The loss of their vote in Parliament and a small fine which was seldom if at any time exacted But if they were to suffer no more could their Fears of such sufferings force them to take Oaths so contrary to their inclinations Abstracting from the impiety of mocking God and the wretchedness of crossing ones light which are conspicuous in swearing against mens perswasions could such sufferings as these incline any man to swear to support ane interest which he lookt on as so great and insupportable a Grievance and Trouble to the Nation But this is not all for he added 2. How many of these now when there is no force on them shew that it was not choice but necessity that led them that way I know he meant that many of these Nobles have now broken through these Oaths Let them Answer for that But what had he to do in this case with his old friend Necessity What Necessity can force a man to do ane ill thing Besides can he prove that it was Choice and not that same kind of Necessity that led them in the way they have lately followed That men can be for this thing to day and the contrary to morrow is a great presumption that they do not much regard either But I think it will be a little hard to draw from it that they look upon the one as a great and insupportable Grievance more than the other But the best follows 3. Many who seem to make Conscience of these Bonds yet shew no inclination to the thing they are bound to except by the constraint that they brought themselves under After this what may not our Author make ane Argument that Prelacy is such ane ill-lik't thing as he would have it Seeing he has got even them to hate it who are Conscientiously for it Neither is he less pleasant about the Gentry He acknowledges they as generally took the Test which was enough for his Adversary as hath appeared But how treats he the other Topick about their not going to the Presbyterian Meetings when they had King Iames his Toleration for it Why A silly Argument Why so Many did go But did his Adversary lie grossely or calumniate when he said that not 50 Gentlemen in all the Kingdom out of the West forsook their Parish Churches and went to Conventicles Our Vindicator durst not say he did And has he not made it evident that it was a silly Argument But Most other clave to the former way he means the Episcopal Communion Because the Law stood for it and the Meeting-houses seem'd to be of uncertain continuance But would they have cleaved to the former way if they had thought it a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble Would they have so crossed their Inclinations as to have Adhered to the Communion of the Episcopal Church when it was evident the sting was taken out of the Law and it was not to be put in Execution Were they so fond or so affraid of a lifeless Law if I may so call it that they would needs conform to it tho' they had no inclination for such conformity Tho' what they conform'd with in obedience to that Law was a great and insupportable Grievance to them Did our Author and his Party reckon upon these Gentlemen then as Presbyterians And what tho' the Meetings seem'd to be of uncertain continuance How many of the Presbyterian Party said in those days that they thought themselves bound to take the Benefit of the Toleration tho' it should be but of short continuance And that they could return to the Church when it should be retracted Might not all men have said and done so if they had been as much Presbyterians 'T is true our Author has some other things on this subject in that first Vindication But I shall consider them afterwards This was G. R.'s first Essay on this Controversie Another Parity man finding belike that neither the Plain Dealer nor the Vindicator had gained much credit by their performances thought it not inconvenient for the service of his Sect to publish a Book Entituled A further Vindication of the present Government of the Church of Scotland And therein to produce his Arguments for Determining this Controversie It was Printed in September I think in the year 1691. 'T is true he wrote something like a Gentleman and spake discreetly of the Episcopal Clergy He had no scolding in his Book and was infinitely far from G. R.'s flat Railwifery And I think my self obliged to thank him for his civility But after all this when he came to his Arguments for proving the point about the Inclinations of the People I did not think that he
First Book of Discipline Head 9. We think necessary that every Church have a Bible in English and that the People conveen to hear the Scriptures Read and Interpreted that by frequent Reading and Hearing the gross ignorance of the People may be removed And we judge it most expedient that the Scriptures be read in order that is that some one Book of the Old and New Testament be begun and followed forth to the end For a good many years after the Reformation there was ane order of men called Readers who supplyed the want of Ministers in many Parishes Their Office was to Read the Scriptures and the Common Prayers The Scriptures continued to be Read in Churches for more than eighty years after the Reformation In many Parishes the old Bibles are still extant from which the Scriptures were Read Even the Directory it self introduced not before the year 1645. appointed the Scriptures to be Read publickly in Churches one Chapter out of each Testament at least every Sunday before Sermon as being part of the publick worship of God and one meanâ— Sanctified by him for the Edifying of his People Yet now what a Scandal would it be to have the Scriptures Read in the Presbyterian Churches The last days Sermons taken from the mouth of the powerful Preacher by the inspired singers of Godly George or Gracious Barbara in some Churches of no mean Note have been Deem'd more Edifying than the Divine Oracles The Scriptures must not be touched but by the Man of God who can interpret them And he must Read no more than he is just then to interpret What shall I say Let Protestant Divines Cant as they please about the Perspicuity of the Scriptures 't is a dangerous thing to have them Read publickly without Orthodox Glosses to keep them close and true to the principles of the Godly And who knows but it might be expedient to wrap them up again in the unknown tongue But enough of this 2. As for Sermons c. The First Book of Discipline gives us the sentiment of our Reformers thus The Sunday in all Towns must precisely be observed before and after noon before noon the word must be Preached Sacraments Administred c. After noon the Catechism must be taught and the young Children examined thereupon in audience of all the People This continued the manner of the Church of Scotland for full twenty years after the Reformation For I find no mention of afternoons Sermons till the year 1580 that it was enacted by that same General Assembly which Condemned Episcopacy That all Pastors or Ministers should Diligently travel with their Flocks to conveen unto Sermon after noon on Sunday Both they that are in Landward and in Burgh as they will answer unto God The whole Kingdom knows Lectures before the forenoons Sermon were not introduced till the days of the Covenant and Directory Yet now a mighty stress is laid upon them and I my self have been told that they were one good Reason for forsaking the Episcopal Communion where they were not used and going over to the Presbyterians where they were to be had I am not to condemn a diligent instruction of the People But to speak freely I am very much perswaded the Method of our Reformers in having but one Sermon and Catechising after noon was every way as effectual for Instructing the People in the substantial knowledge of our Holy Religion and pressing the practice of it as any method has been in use since Much more might be said on this subject But from what I have said 't is plain there is a great Dissimilitude between our Modern Presbyterian and our Reformers even in this point and that is enough for my purpose 4. They have as little stuck by the Pattern of our Reformers in the Office of Praise Our Reformers beside the Psalms of David had and used several other Hymns in Metre They had the Ten Commandments the Lords Prayer the Creed Veni Creator the humble suit of a sinner the Lamentation of a sinner the Complaint of a sinner the Magnificat the Nunc Dimittis c. They never used to conclude their Psalms without some Christian Doxology The Gloria Patri was most generally used In the old Psalm Book it is turn'd into all the different kinds of Measures into which the Psalms of David are put that it might still succeed in the conclusion without changing the Tune It was so generally used that as Doctor Burnet in his Second Conference tells us even a Presbyterian General took it in very ill part when it begun to be disused Yet now nothing in use with our present Presbyterians but the Psalms of David and these too for the most part without Discrimination The Gloria Patri recovered from Desuetude at the last Restitution of Episcopacy and generally used in the Episcopal Assemblies these thirty years past was a Mighty Scandal to them So great that even such as came to Church hang'd their Heads and sate silent generally when it came to that part of the Office Having mentioned Doctor Burnet's Conferences I will transcribe his whole Period because some other things than the Gloria Patri are concerned in it When some Designers says he for popularity in the Western Parts of that Kirk did begin to disuse the Lord Prayer in worship and the singing the conclusion or Doxologie after the Psalm and the Ministers kneeling for Private Devotion when he entered the Pulpit the General Assembly took this in very ill part And in the Letter they wrote to the Presbyteries complained sadly of a Spirit of Innovation was beginning to get into the Kirk and to throw these Laudible practices out of it mentioning the three I named which are commanded still to be practiced and such as refused Obedience are appointed to be conferred with in order to the giving of them satisfaction And if they continued untractable the Presbyteries were to proceed against them as they should be answerable to the next General Assembly Thus he and this Letter he said he could produce Authentically Attested I doubt not he found it amongst his Uncle Waristown's Papers who was Scribe to the Rampant Assemblies from the year 1638 and downward I wish the Doctor had been at pains to have published more of them If he had imployed himself that way I am apt to think he had done his Native Countrey better service than he has done her Sister Kingdom by publishing Pastoral Letters to be used he knows how But even from what he has given us We may see how much the disusing of the Lords Prayer and the Doxologie is a late Innovation as well as a Recession from the Pattern of our Reformers And as for the decent and Laudable custom of kneeling for private Devotion used by the Minister when he entered the Pulpit It may be reckoned 5. Another Presbyterian late Recession It is certain it was used by our Reformers It is as certain it continued in use till
THE Fundamental Charter OF Presbytery As it hath been lately Established IN THE Kingdom of SCOTLAND Examin'd and Disprov'd By the History Records and Publick Transactions of our Nation Together with a PREFACE Wherein the Vindicator of the Kirk is freely put in mind of his Habitual Infirmities LONDON Printed for C. Brome at the Gun at the West End of St. Paul's Church-yard 1695. THE PREFACE THis Article which I have now examined was no sooner Established in our Scottish Claim of Right than I turn'd serious to satisfy my self about it I thought it concern'd me as a Scottish man to understand as well as I could That which made such a Figure in the Original Contract between King and People I thought I was no less concern'd as a Christian to be Resolv'd about its Merits I perceiv'd it might readily affect my practice And tho I abhor as heartily as any man all breaking of the Churches peace for Rattles or Nutshels Yet I could not but reckon of it as a matter of Conscience to me to Endeavour to be sure that I built neither my Faith nor my Obedience in a matter of such Consequence as I take the Government of the Church to be on a Deceitful bottom Perhaps I was bound to be inquisitive by some other Reduplications not needful to be Named I had not spent much Application about it when I was satisfied and thought I had Ground to hope the Wisdom of the Nation after more Deliberate Researches might find it Reasonable either to Restore to the Church Her Ancient and Iust Government or settle the New One on some at least more Specious Basis. But I was Disappointed For Three Sessions of Parliament are now over And the Article is so far from being either Retracted or Corrected that on the Contrary It hath been still insisted on and Deem'd sufficient to support very weighty Superstructures Each Session hath Erected some new thing or other upon it This with the importunity of some Friends at last Determin'd me to Enquire more fully and minutely into the value of the Article And the Work hath swell'd to such a bulk as you see I confess I cannot Apologize sufficiently for my adventuring to Expose such ane ill Composure to the publick view Especially Considering how Nice and Critical if not Picq't and Humorsome an Age we live in I ever thought that much of the Beauty as well as of the Vtility of Books lay in Good Method and a distinct Range of Thoughts And I cannot promise that I have observed That so punctually as Clearer Heads might have done I have less Reason to be Confident of the Stile 'T is hard for most Scottish men to arrive at any tolerable Degree of English Purity Our greatest Caution cannot prevent the Stealing of our own Words and Idioms into our Pens and their dropping thence into our writings All things considered I have as little Reason to think I have Guarded or could Guard against them as any Scottish man For not only have mine opportunities all my life been none of the best But for finding Materials for the following Papers I was obliged to Read so many Books written in Right Broad Scotch and take so many Citations from them that 't is little to be wondered if my Book abounds with Scotticisms I thought my self bound to be faithful in my Citations and I can promise I have been that I could not Reason from the Authority of these Citations without using the Terms and Phrases which are in them This no doubt makes the Scotticisms Numerous And I shall not deny that my familiar acquaintance with these Books together with the prejudices of Education Custom and Constant Converse in the plain Scottish Dialect may have occasioned many more Neither shall I be over Confident that where I have adventured to Reason any point I have done it to every mans Conviction I may have been as other men apt to impose on my self and think I have advanced just propositions and drawn fair Consequences when I have not done it No doubt most men have such a Kindness for themselves as too commonly inclines them to applaud their own thoughts and judge their own Reasonings Just and Solid when they are but Coarse enough And others may very easily discover where the mistake lies Yet this I can say for my self I have done what I could to Guard against all such prejudice and partial Byass Sensible of these infirmities I intreat the Readers favourable and benign Censures This I can tell him ingenuously If I could have done better I should not have Grudgâ—d him the pleasure of it But perchance that which I am more concern'd to account for is what Assistances I had for what I have advanced in the following Sheets And here I must Confess I had not all the Advantages I could have wished Such are my present Circumstances That I could not Rationally propose to my self to have Access to the publick Records either of Church or State And no doubt in this I was at a Considerable loss For he who Transcribes from Authentick Records Doth it more Securely than he who has things only from Second hands Yet I don't think this Disadvantage was such as should have intirely Discouraged me from the Attempt I have made For some of my Authors had Access to the publick Registers And I am apt to believe there was not much to be found there Relating to the Controversies I have managed which they have not published So that tho 't is possible I might have been better yet I cannot think I was ill provided of Helps I cannot think any of my Presbyterian Brethren can be provided much better The principal Authors from which I have collected my Materials are these Buchanan's History published at Frankfort Anno 1594 Ieslie's History at Edenburgh 1675. King Iames the Sixth's Works in English at London 1616. Archbishop Spotswood's History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland at London Anno 1655. His Refutatio Libelli c. Lond. An. 1620. The True History of the Church of Scotland c. said to be written by Mr. David Calderwood published An. 1678. Mr. Petrie's History of the Catholick Church c. Tom. 2. printed at the Hague Anno 1â—62 Sir Iames Melvil's Memoirs The Old Scottish Liturgy The Lord Herbert's History of the Life of King Henry 8. Doctor Heylin and Doctor Burnet's Histories of the Reformation of the Church of England Calvin's Epistles printed at Geneva Anno 1617. Beza's Epistles till the year 1573. Acts and Monuments by Fox c. I have likewise considered our printed Acts of Parliaments The printed Acts of the General Assemblies from the year 1638. And as many Pamphlets as I could find Relating to the Matters on which I insist 'T is needless to Name them here You may find them named as Occasion required in my Book There are two Books which I must insist on a little One is A Manuscript Copy of the Acts of our Scottish Assemblies from