sweet and precious amongst Men unto this day had not the dead fly corrupted and marr'd the savour of the fragrant oyntment Let Vincentius Lyrniensis be heard an ancient Father too and if any thing be wanting above he will supply it and make his encomium full He is saith he accounted the chief among the Latins for who more learned then this Man who more exercised in things both divine and humane In the wonderful vastness and capacity of his mind he comprehended all Philosophy and all the sects of Philosophers the authors and assertors of those sects together with all their Discipline all variety of History yea of all kinds of study Was not his Wit so weighty and vehement that he propounded almost nothing to himself to be overcome and master'd by him which he either brake not through with the sharpness or else dashâ— in pieces with the ponderousness of it Moreover who can set forth the praises of his speech which is so invironed with I know not what strength of reason that whom he could not perswade he doth even force to yeild to his consent in whom there are as many sentences as words and as many victories as reasons as Marcion Apelles Praxeas Hermâ—genes the Jews the Gentiles Gnosticks and others knew full well whose blasphemies he overthrew with the many and mighty mounts and batteries of his Volumes as it were with certain thunderbolts And yet even this man by much more eloquent than happy not holding the ancient Faith even he also became in Ecclesiâ magna tentatio a great temptation in the Churcâ— of God § 3. As he was a Man of great abilities sâ— was he of no less industry as appears by those lasting monuments of his learned and elaborate Volumes Acutus Scriptor gravis inquit Danaeus qui totum hominem desideret imò etiam saepè ingenii communem captum superet who was had in great estimation especially by holy Cyprian so that he suffered no day to pass without the diligent reading and perusal of some part of him testifying the extraordinary respect which he bare toward him by the words he was wont to use when he called for him saying Da Magistrum reach hither my Master whom also in many things he imitated borrowing even his words and expressions from him and transcribing many passages out of him which he inserted into his own books many other also of the Ancients that followed him made use of him viz. Ierom Ambrose Fortunatus Basil Isidore c which plainly shews that they had him in great veneration As the ancient Ethnicks honoured Homer the Prince of Poets and particularly Arcesilaus the Academick who was so delighted with and studious of him that he would always read somewhat of him before he went to sleep as also in the morning when he arose saying that he went ad Amasium to his beloved Of his works some are wanting but the most remaining unto this day Of the first sort are 1. His Treatise of the troubles attending marriage unto a Philosopher his friend which he wrote when he was but young â—um adhuc esset adolescens lusit in hac materiâ before as Pamelius thinks but in the judgement of Baronius after his conversion 2. His book of the Garments of Aaron which Ierom mentions in his Epistle to Fabiola 3. Of the hope of the faithful wherein he declares himself to be a Millenary himself mentions it advers Marcionem lib. 3. 4. Of Paradise which he thus speaks of himself habes etiam de Paradiso a nobis libellum quo constituimus omnem animum apud inferos sequestrari in die Domini 5. Against Apelles who with Lucian the Heretick having been the Disciple of Marcion and falling upon errours of his own differing from his Master became the author of a Sect that from him have the name of Apelletiani as Tertullian stiles them or Apelleiani as Epiphanius or Apellitae as Augustine or Apelliaci as Rhenanus alluding unto them as the denyers of the Flesh of Christ which was their errour Quasi sine pelle sive cute hoc est carne ut Horatius Iudaeum vocat Apellam quòd sine pelle sit nempe quòd praeputium non habeat Against these Hereticks did Tertullian write this Book inscribed adversus Apelletianos 6. Six Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Rapture which saith Pamelius seem rather to have been written in Greek than Latine and a seventh which he wrote particularly against Appollonius who with Victor are the only two Latin Fathers that preceded Tertullian who hath the third place among them in Ieroms Catalogue wherein he endeavours to defend whatever the other reproved him for These were written after his defection against the Church containing in them divers of his wild Montanistical conceits which therefore may well be wanting without any detriment the bad by much over-weighing the good that was in them they might haply be suppress'd by some who wished well unto the peace of the Church and surely the loss of them would have proved a gain had the errours contained in them been with them buried in everlasting oblivion It 's a mistake of Platina to say that he wrote six Books of Ecstacy against Apollonius whereas 't was only a seventh So it is also of Honorius Augustodunensis who reckons but five of Ecstasie and six against Apollonius and of Trithemius who records but one of each which he saith he had seen so that they seem to have been extant even unto his time 7. A Book against Marcion as he himself intimates written by him in his yonger years somewhat overhastily as Ierom speaks of an Allegorical exposition of the Prophet Obadiab composed by himself in his youth liberè profiteor illud fuisse puerilis ingenii in libris quoque contra Marcionem Septimius Tertullianus hoc idem passus est 8. Of the submission of the Soul 9. Of the superstition of that age these two saith Gothfredus among the rest were in the Index of the Books of Tertullian which was prefix'd unto that Ancient Manuscript out of which he took those two Books of his ad Nationes which he published 10. That the Soul is corporeal volumen hoc suppressum putamus inquit Rhenanus To which added 11. De Fato 12. De Nuptiarum angustiis ad Amicum philosophum 13. De mundis immundis animalibus 14. De circumcisione 15. De Trinitate 16. De censu animae adversus Hermogenem which Pamelius hath in his Catalogue also 17. Trithemius sets down in his Catalogue a Book of his Contra omnes Haereses which begins with Divorum Haereticorum 18. The Book of English Homilies tom 2. part 2. against the peril of idolatry mentions his Book Contra coronandi morem which I find no where else spoken off unless it be the same with his Book De coronâ Militis 19. Bishop Andrews in
salutatio quidem ei extiterit cum his praetereunti communis I shall close his encomium in the words of Venantius who was also Bishop of Poictiers about the year of Christ 575. And a Poet of chief note according to the time he lived in He in four books of Heroick Verse wrote the life of S. Martin by whose help he had been cured as it is reported of a great pain in his eyes in the first of which books he thus speaks in the praise of our Hilary Summus apex fidei virtutis amoris Hilarius famae radios jactabat in orbem Buccina terribilis tuba legis praeco Tonantis Pulchrior electro ter cocto ardentior auro Largior Eridano Rhodano torrentior amplo Vberior Nilo generoso sparsior Hystro Cordis inundantis docilis ructare fluenta Fontibus ingenii sitienta pectora rorans Doctor Apostolicus vacuans ratione sophistas Dogmate luce side informans virtute sequaces Which may be thus Englished Hilary top of honour faith and grace Whose fame doth dart its rays in every place The laws shrill Trumpet preacher of the most High Fairer than Amber sparkling far and nigh More than refined Gold larger than Po More vehement than Rhone of swiftest flow For fruitfulness passing th' Egyptian Nile Outstretching generous Ister many a Mile Whose swelling heart freely its streams out spues And with his wit the thirsty brests bedews Doctor Apostolick skilful to unty The cunning knots of subtile Sophistry And by sound doctrine to inform aright His followers with virtue faith and light § 3. As for the Writings of this Worthy many of them have felt the force of time which hath rak'd them up in the dust so that they are withdrawn from the view and use of the present as also of some preceding Ages The little of them which with their names have been preserved unto this day is that which follows viz. 1. His commentary or tractates upon the Book of Iob which is little else than a translation of Origen For herein and in his comment upon the Psalms are to be found almost forty thousand verses quadraginta fermè millia versuum Origenis in Iob et Psalmos transtulit translated out of that Author in which he keeps to the sence though not unto his words These were extant in Ieroms time for he had the sight of them 2. His comment upon the Canticles which Ierom only heard of but it came not to his hands 3. Of Mysteries 4. Of the Septenary or uneven number a book mentioned by Ierom dedicated unto Fortunatus This book saith Victorius is extant under the name of Cyprian but that 't is rather Hilary's appears saith he from the stile Ieroms authority ascribing it to him and its dedication unto Fortunatus who was Hilary's great friend as his Poems do testifie 5. His book or commentary as Possevin calls it against Dioscorus a Physician or against Salust a Prefect wherein though it were but short yet was it a learned and accurate piece he shewed what he could do with his Pen putting out all the strength both of his wit and eloquence which is wanting not without the great loss of the History of the affairs of France and other Countries 6. His book against Valens and Vrsatius two pestilent Arians who had infected with their heresie Italy Illiricum and the East containing the History of the Acts of the councils of Ariminum and Seleucia which is lost unless perhaps it be contained in his book of of Synods 7. A defence of the Catholick Faith 8. Of heresies 9. A book of Chronicles or an history from the beginning of the world unto the time of Christ. 10. A book of hymns he was the first among the Catholicks that set forth hymns and verses Declarat inquit Erasmus phrasis et compositio Hilariani sermonis in carmine non infoelicem fuisse Et fortassis aliquot hymni quos hodiè canit ecclesia non indoctos sed incerti authoris illius sunt 11. Divers Epistles a work mentioned by Sulpitius Severus which reporteth the great age of Osius the famous Bishop of Corduba as being above an hundred year old The most of them seem to have been written after his return from banishment into France wherein condemning the Arian heresie he labours to reduce therefrom those Western Bishops who by the Eastern in the Council of Seleucia had been by cunning and craft deceived and drawn into it 12. Whereas the Centurists speak of a book of his concerning the rebaptization of hereticks I suppose it belongs not to our but another Hilary who was a Deacon in the Church of Rome and of Cyprian's mind in the point of rebaptization of those that had been baptized by hereticks and particularly the Arians He indeed wrote certain books upon this subject of whom Ierom is to be understood calling hlm the Worlds Deucalion as one that thought the whole World would have perished in the baptism of Hereticks as in a second flood had not he restored it by another Baptism There are extant to this day these following books which are generally conceived to be his 1. Twelve books of the Trinity against the Arians which he wrote when he was banished into Phrygia being the first among the Latine Fathers that dealt upon this subject A work in this regard of no small advantage unto the Reader that therein he expounds divers places not a little obscure in the Gospel of Iohn and Epistles of Paul no less happily than accurately The first of these books as it seems he writ last for it contains an account or sum of the whole work setting down particularly the subjects or contents of each of the other books It is an elaborate piece of much strength and commended even by the adversaries themselves 2. Three books or Apologues unto Constantius the Emperour who much favoured the faction of the Ariaus All which Erasmus thinks to be imperfect for saith he they promise something exact and laborious but perform not accordingly being as it were suddenly silent The first of these he conceives to have been written after the death of that Emperour because he therein deals more freely and sharply with him whereas in the other two he is more fair and moderate Baronius supposeth the first as well as the two later to have been written while the Emperour was alive and therefore that the book mentioned by Ierome to be written after the death of Constantius is not now extant because he saith that by this free confession he tended to martyrdom whereunto he exhorteth others by the like liberty of speaking which would have seemed ridiculous if the persecutor had been now dead But saith Bellarmine perhaps these different opinions may be reconciled by thus saying That at the Writing of the first Epistle Hilary thought
resembled the face of the Apostles He excelled both in piety and learning being so admirably endued with both that he was no less famous for the one than for the other stiled therefore by Epiphanius a sacer Irenaeus holy man so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto as that he became praeclarum organum a choice instrument for the good of the Churches of Christ. Admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of Learning both sacred and secular very studious and ready in the Holy Scriptures having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them And how notably instructed and furnished with knowledge in the Arts and Sciences is abundantly manifested by his subtil investigation of abstruse Heresies which though wonderfully obscure and confused he representeth and sets forth to publick view with very great perspicuity and order as also by his most acute and quick disputations wherein he throughly discovers their vanity and as soundly confuteth them So that it is most evident saith Erasmus that he was very exact in all the liberal Scienceâ— Yea how diligently he had read over the Books both of the ancient Philosophers Thales Anaximander Anaxagoras Democritus Empedocles Plato Aristotle c. As also of the Poets Tragick Comick and Lyrick may be gathered from hence in that he clearly evinceth those Heresies which he impugned to have been taken and to have had their original from those prophane Authors the names only being changed So that he was not without cause stiled by Tertullian Omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of Doctrines very large is Epiphanius his Encomium of him who held him in high esteem as appears by the great use he made of him Old Irenaeus saith he every way adorned by the Holy Ghost brought into the Field by the Lord as a valiant and expert Soldier and Champion and annointed with Heavenly Gifts and Graces according to the true faith and knowledge contended against all the arguments of sottish Hereticks and most exactly confuted them Add hereunto which put a lustre upon all the rest that he was of a very meek and modest spirit a great lover and as studious a preserver of peace among Brethren but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of God and a bitter adversary of the wretched Hereticks of his time Magnus to give you Erasmus his words to this purpose Ecclesiae propuâ—nator ac pro sui nominis â—ugurio pacis Ecclesiasticae vindex § 3. He wrote divers learned Books upon several subjects and occasions the greater part whereof indeed all to one through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost not any of them remaining and extant at this day and they are such as we find mention of 1. A brief Volume against the Gentiles And saith Ierom another of discipline but herein is he mistaken and those that follow him as Honorius Augustodunensis Trithemiâ—â— c. who supposed that they were two distinct Books whereas by Eusebius it appears 't was but one and the same Volume for thus he speaks of it Extat adhuc liber illius adversus Gentes compendiosissimus summopere necessarius de scientia inscriptus 2. A declaration of the manner and way Possevin of the Apostles preaching unto a certain Brother one Marcianus 3. A Book intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 variorum tractatuum saith Ierom variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores or a disquisition of sundry things Possevin 4. A Book or an Epistle de schismate unto Blastus 5. A Book de Monarchiâ or that God is not the author of Sin unto Florinus whose Doctrine he being of this opinion he proves to be both impious and blasphemous 6. A Book entituled Ogdoas or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 written also for Florinus who was bewitched with the errours of Valentinus which Ierom calls commentarium egregium an excellent commentary in the close whereof we have these words containing a solemn obtestation which both Eusebius and Ierom thought worthy of special notice Adjurâ— te c. I adjure thee whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this Book by our Lord Jesus Christ and by his glorious coming wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead that thou compare what thou hast written and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 't is transcribed and also that thou do likewise write out this adjuration and insert it into the copy so taken The like hereunto is that of Ruffinus in his preface in his Translation of Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is found among the Epistles of Ierom charging both the Transcriber and Reader not to add or diminish to insert or alter any thing therein but to be exact even to a Letter c. 7. Divers Epistles unto Victor and many other Pastors of Churches about the Controversies of Easter as also against those who at Rome did corrupt the sincerity of the Churches 8. Volateran saith that he wrote an Ecclesiastical History quam mutuatus est Euseâ—ius testemque citat 9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse as saith Sixtus Senensis But these two latter are very questionable seeing that neither Eusebius nor Ierom in his Catalogues not Honorius Aâ—gustudonensis nor Trithemius make mention of any such That of his which to this day the World injoys is only a Volume containing five Books against the Heresies of the Gnosticks and Valentinians whâ—ch was thus intitled as both Eusebius and Photius have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsly so called a learned and most famous piece full fraught with Learning and Piety This too it seems was almost lost at least as to the Western Churches For saith Gregory we have long and diligently made inquiry after the Writings of Irenaeus but hitherto not any of them could be found Erasmus therefore tells us he that might well call him his as being by his industry brought to light after it had been almost buried and recovered from the dust being mouldy and moth-eaten And should they have remained in perpetual oblivion the loss had been exceeding great for saith he his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the Gospel yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for Martyrdom for the Martyrs have a certain serious bold and masculine kind of speech It hath been a question and doubted by some learned men whether he wrote these Books in the Greek or Latine Tongue because they are now not to be found but in the Latin only yet was he a Greek by Nation and his phrase savours of that Language having many Grecisms in it Erasmus a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way rather inclined to think it
written by him in Latin yet would not peremptorily conclude it For saith he it is not clear to me whether of the two he wrote in though I rather soppose that he wrote in Latin but was more expert in the Greek and therefore speaking Latin he is bold to make use of Greek figures and forms of speech But most are of another mind judging the Greek to have been the Original Language werein his Books were written And that they were afterward translated by himself saith Feuardentius to cover over the faults of the Translator which are not a few or lest the Testimonies alleadged from the translation should lose of their Authority and Weight or which is most likely by some other All consent in this saith Baronius that he wrote In Greek he wrote many excellent Volumes in the Greek Tongue saith Sixtus Senensis and saith Rhenanus proculdubio without doubt he wrote in Greek for else would not Ierom have ranked him among the Greek Fathers nor have made Tertullian as he doth the third but the fourth as he should among the Latins Pamelius also thinks that both he and those first Roman Bishops unto his time wrote rather in Greek than Latine which things considered it 's a wonder that Erasmus should herein be of the mind he was The Latin Copy of Irenaeus saith Cornatius is an exceeding faulty Translation and may better be restored out of Epiphanius than afford any help in the translating of Epiphanius so that marvailous it is that Erasmus a man otherwise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this Nature should think that Irenaeus did wrâ—tein Latin To the same purpose speaks the great Scaliger I do admire saith he that from such a feverish Latin Interpreter as he is whom now we have Erasmus should imagine both that 't is the true Irenaeus and that he imitates the Greeks That Latin Interpreter was most foolish and either omitted or depraved many things which he understood not The fragments which are extant in Epiphanius also the History of the things done by Irenaeus in Eusebius do sufficiently prove both that the man was a Grecian and wrote in Greek neither is it to be doubted of c. The Greek Copy therefore written by himself is long since perished only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several Authors who saw and made use thereof Thus we have seven and twenty Chapters of of his first Book by Epiphanius inserted into his Panarium who took a good part of his second and third Books word for word out of Iuneus and some few fragments in Eusebiuâ— and Theodoret by comparing of which witâ— the Translation we now have it will easily appear how great a loss the Church sustains in the want of it For instead of eleganâ— Greek we have nothing else in the Ireâ—eâ—â— now extant but rude and ill-favoured Latinâ— Nor indeed can a Translation especially 〈◊〉 of Greek into Latin equal the Original seeing that as Ierom speaks the Latin Tongue râ—ceives not the propriety of the Greek The Contents of the five Books of this excellent Volume to give you a brief accouâ—â— of them from Grynaeus are these 1. In thâ— first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical Errours of the Valentinians together with a narration of the discords and impieties of those wretched Hereticks Whâ—â—â— opinions saith Erasmus are so horrid thâ—â— the very bringing of them to light is confutation sufficient yea the very terms as wâ—â— as the opinions are so monstrous saith the saâ—â— Author that it would even turn the stomach and tire the patience of any one but to peruâ—â— them over 2. In the second he treats of the one Eternal True Omnipotent and Omniscient God besides whom there is none other And that not any feigned Demiurgus or Angels but this eternal God alone Father Son and holy Ghost did out of nothing produce this whole Fabrick both of Heaven and Earth and gave being to Angels Men and all inferiour Creatures and refuses the Errours of the Gnosticks concerning the same shewing what they stole from the Philosophers to deceive the simple withal and wounding yea overcoming them with Weapons or Arguments fetched out of their own Magazines and Armory 3. In the third which is partly polemical and partly exegetical he discovers and proves the Hereticks to be foully guilty of that heynous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred Scriptures and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the Prophets and Apostles concerning our Lord Jesus Christ God and Man 4. In the fourth he clearly and by solid Arguments proves that one and the same God was the Author of both the Testaments the Old and the New and that therein he hath revealed himself and his Will concerning the Restitution and Salvation by Jesus Christ of all men that do repent largely discoursing of the power of the Will and of our imperfection and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places he enters into a large field explaining many Scriptures depraved by the Hereticks 5. In the fifth and last Book having made a repetition of divers things formerly handled he comes to confute the vain conceits of the Gnosticks concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by Christ at the last day but also that the very bodies of the Saints shall injoy eternal life and be saved together with their Souls In the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment as the diligent Reader may observe of a clear head and as of a choice a spirit whence his weighty arguments sharpned with holy Zeal do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the Enemies of the Truth to their shameful prostration and utter overthrow for great is the Truth and will prevail He is one of the Ancients and the only one among those contained in this Decade that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the Books he never wrote nor the bastard-brats of others to be father'd upon him § 4. As for his Stile 't is somewhat obscure and intricate yea he is oftentimes neglectinâ— of his words and speaks improperly ye such is the subject he discourseth of that â— will hardly admit of clear and plain expressions He himself disclaims Eloquence aâ— dwelling among the Celtae a people of a barbarous speech Look not saith he for the art of Oratory which we have not learned but what simply truly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in â— vulgar manner we have written in Love iâ— Love receive Yet understand him of affected Rhetorick and not that he was altogether ignorant of that art which could not be seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex his stile is perspicuous digested and coherent So that considering the matter he handleth 't is no wonder he is so obscure and that so little art
for the benefit of posterity those things which he had heard and received from the Ancient Presbyters In which book he remembers Melito Irenaeus and certain others whose expositions he inserts and makes use of 2. A book thus intituled Quis dives salvetur So Eusebius or as Ierom Quisnam dives ille sit qui salvetur A Treatise Learnedly composed saith Nicephorus and worthy to be perused whence saith Possevine Eusebius took that famous story of the Young man by the Apostle Iohn recommended to the care of a certain Bishop who afterward became very debaucht and gave himself to all kind of vice but was again by the same Apostle in an admirable manner recalled and recovered who so list may read this story at large in Eusebius liâ— 3. cap. 21. 3. His disputations of Fasting which as also the following Nicephorus calls Homilies Honorius Augusto dunensis divides the title but amiss setting down as two distinct Books De Iojunio unus De Disceptatione unus contrary to Ierome whose catalogue with some others he epitomized Trithemius also is guilty of the same errour 4. De Obtrectatione or of slander 5. An exhortatory unto patience composed for such as were newly baptized 6. Of the Canons of the Church or an Ecclesiastical Canon and against those who follow the errour of the Jews which Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he peculiarly dedicated it unto Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem Trithemius and the Centurists make these two distinct Books wherein they may be presumed to be mistaken seeing herein they differ from Eusebius and Ierom the latter of the two the Centurists entitle thus Of those who in the Scriptures follow the sence of the Jews 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eight Books of Dispositions Informations or Institutions fetching the name haply from 2 Tim. 1. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein he goeth over the whole body of the Scriptures in a brief Commentary or compendious explanation of them if not rather some special places of both Testaments the scope of the whole work seeming to be an interpretation of Genesis Exodus the Psalms the Epistles of Paul and those called Catholical and lastly of the Book called Ecclesiasticus yea he omits not some of those that are Apâ—cryphal altogether and generally rejected viz. the Revelation under the name of Peter and the Epistle of Barnabas Heinsius gives us this account of them These Books saith he as the Inscription teacheth us did contain an institution or delineation of the Doctrine of Christianity not so much methodical dogmatical and artificial as free and bound up or restrained by no rules for he interpreted divers places of the Sacred Scriptures out of which without doubt he gathered a Body of Doctrine The want of these Books cannot be accounted any great loss if the report of Photius concerning them be a truth For saith he although in some things he seems to be Orthodox and sound in his judgment yet in others he discourseth altogether fabulously and impiously as in asserting the matter whereof the world was made to be eternal in ranking Christ among the number of things created in mentioning with allowance and approbation the Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or transmigration of Souls and that many worlds were before Adam that the word was not truly made flesh but only seemed so to be together with very many such like passages withal adding as admiring and amazed that such an one as Clement should be the author of them all which either he himself or else some other under his name blasphemously uttereth which latter saith Andrew Schoâ—tus and Possevine is the more likely for the Arrians had corrupted his writings as Ruffine reporteth in his Apology for Origen and the Doctrine contained in his other Books is more sound and orthodox Besides these there is elsewhere mention of the following Treatises 8. Of the Resurrection 9. Of Continence 10. Of Marriage of these three he himself speaks in his Books of Stromes and particularly of the last in his Paedagogus lib. 3. cap. 8. where we have a summary of the contents of it viz. how the Wife ought to live with her Husband of the Administration of the Government of the Family the use of Servants and what things ought to be done by her apart of the time of Marriage and of those things which appertain to women 11. Sozomen saith that he compiled an History and indeed Suidas makes mention of one Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Historian who wrote of the Roman Kings and Emperours but Baronius supposeth they meant not this but another Clement and the truth is they both speak of a Clement indefinitely without any addition of the Alexandrian or otherwise 12. Many Epistles 13. He also promised a Commentary upon Genesis which accordingly he clearly and entirely performed upon the whole Book as some do affirm whom herein saith Sixtus Senensis I will neither give credit unto nor gainsay Of the second sort of his Books viz. those remaining and commonly received at this day are only the three following 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his admonition or exhortation unto the Gentiles adversus Gentes liber unus saith Ierom. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Schoolmaster comprised in three Books 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eight Books of Stromes a work variously woven after the manner of Tapestry mixed with testimonies taken out of the Sacred Scriptures as also Poets Philosophers and Historians whence he got the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contextor or the Weaver He himself gives the reason of the name and why these Books were so entituled by him Est in exiguo quidem spacio inquit multa genitalis copia semine eorum dogmotum quae comprehenduntur in hoc opere tanquam ager omnibus herbis plenus Vnde etiam propriam habent inscriptionem stromata commentariorum c. Again Permixtim nobis instar prati variata est stromatum descriptio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of its proper and primitive signification the most learned Casaubon gives us this account Solitos veteres stragulam vestem pellibus involvere loris constringere etiam Iurisconsulti testes sunt Constat autem ex-veterum lectione stragula superiora involucrum istud quod antiquiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recentiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocarunt varâ—â—s coloribus distincta ferè fuisse Inde translatae eae dictiones ad res significandas varietate insignes cujusmodi fuit piscis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus ob coloris aurei virgas per totum illius corpus productas inquit Athenaeus lib. 7. Similiter viri docti excerpta sua ex variis auctoribus aut propria etiam scripta sed veterum referta testimoniis soliti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellare ut Clemens Alexandrinus c. Those Books and Commentaries saith Martianus Victorinus men call Stromata
himself gives of his end in compiling these Books his words are as rendred in the Parisian Edition Non est hoc opus Scriptura artificiosè comparata ad ostentationem sed mihi ad senectutem reconduntur monimenta oblivionis medicamentum verè image adumbratio evidentium animâ—tarum illarum orationum quas dignus hahitus sum qui audirem virorum beatorum quique reverà erant maximi precii aestimationis 2. The eighth Book of Stromes is different from the rest 1. In the bulk of it being shorter then the fore-going whence it appears not to be an entire book 2. In the Inscription thereof foâ— in some copies it hath this Title saith Photius Quis dives salveter of which before and begins with these words Qui laudatorias or ationes in other Copies it is thus inscribed Stromatâ—n Octavus as the other seven and begins with the same words which the now extant eighth book doth Sed neque antiquissimi Philosophi 3. In the subject thereof or matter contained and handled in it for the seven preceding books are altogether Theological but this wholly Logical nihil continet inquit Scultetus Theologicum sed de syllogismis argumentisque logicis quasdam praeceptiunculas wherein there are some things unsound though not so many as in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or institutions so far Photius Heinsius supposeth that this may be a fragment taken out of his Institutions to which some things contained in them that were not sound did stick so that he conceives this book was long lost and that now a part of the institutions hath invaded the place thereof Which haply may be the reason wherefore Freculphus reckons the books of Stromes to be but seven This I thought good to intimate and so to leave it unto the discreet Reader to judge and make what use of it he can That small Commentary set forth by Bigne which he calls adumbrationes or shadowings Baronius gives them the name of breves notae short notes upon some of the Catholical Epistles viz. The Epistle of Peter the Epistle of Iude and the first and second of Iohn and the truth is they give but little light into those Scriptures though they bear the Title of this ancient Father yet in all likelyhood are they none of his for neither Eusebius nor Ierom make any mention of them only Cassiodorus affirms it and that it is done in an Attick or Elegant stile wherein many things are spoken subtily indeed but not so warily as they should have been Probable it is that these notes also were by some one taken out of his Institutions For these are said to contain in them an explanation of a great part of the sacred Scriptures and particularly of the Catholical Epistles § 4. For the stile that he useth 't is elegant and full of gravity both Ierom and Cyril commend in him his eloquence and Trithemius stiles him Eloquentissimus a most eloquent Man It 's conceived that he was born in Athens and consequently it is likely that there also he had his first Education and the Language of the place which was of all other the best and finest Athenis inquit Tertullianus sapiendi dicendique acutissimos nasci relatum est In Athens are born the most acute men for Wisdom and Speech Athens being famous for Eloquence as was Sparta for Arms. His Books of the School-master saith Photius are nothing like unto his Institutions or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for besides that they have not in them any of those sottish and blasphemous opinions which were to be found in the other the very phrase is more florid and rhetorical rising to a certain well temper'd gravity mixed with sweetness Such was the Attick Dialect Atticorum aures teretes ad quas qui se accommodat is existimandus est Atticè dicere inquit Rhodiginus ut nil sentiatur insolens nil ineptum omnia ornata gravia copiosa Whence grew that adage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prâ—venustâ lepidâque oratione § 5. Those excellent Monuments of his own extant may not unfitly be compared unto a pleasant Garden richly furnished with great variety of the choicest herbs and flowers wherein the judicious Reader may with much contentment recreate himself and be thence abundantly stored both for his profit and delight I shall gather and present you with a view for an invitation 1. Concerning the Holy Scriptures he speaks very venerably plainly asserting the Divine authority perspicuity and perfection of them thus We make use saith he of the Scriptures for the finding out and judging of the truth of things Now whatsoever is judged is not believed before it be judged wherefore neither is that a principle that needs to be judged If it be not enough to affirm what seems to be a truth but that a proof of what is spoken be requisite we expect not the Testimony of men but we prove what is inquired after by the Voice of the Lord which is more worthy to be believed than any demonstration or rather is the only demonstration Again as in war that order is not to be foresaken which the Commander hath given to the Soldier So neither is that order to be forsaken that the word hath prescribed to us which we have received as the Prince or Moderator both of knowledge and practice 2. To believe in Christ is to be made one with him and inseparably united to him Not to believe is to doubt and to be divided and at distance from him Faith is a voluntary anticipation or aforehand taking hold of what is promised a pious assent the substance of things hoped for and argument of things not seen Others an uniting assent unto things not apparent a demonstration or manifest assent unto a thing not known 3. The whole life of a godly man is as it were a certain holy and solemn festival day his Sacrifices are Prayers and Praises and the reading of the Scriptures before his repast as also Psalms and Hymns while he is at meat likewise before he goeth to rest yea and in the night to Prayers again By these he unites and joyns himself unto the Quire of Heaven But doth he know no other Sacrifices Yes namely the largess of instruction and relief of the poor 4. The Sacred Scriptures are they which make men holy like unto God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 5. This is to drink the Blood of Jesus viz. to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord. 6. It 's the greatest argument of Divine Providence that the Lord permits not sin and vice which had its rise from mans voluntary defection to remain unprofitable nor yet altogether hurtful for it is the office of the divine wisdom vertue and power not only to do good for this is to say it once for all the nature of God as it is of fire to burn
comprised in the first Volume a Chronicle containing the times unto the death of Commodus so that it is evident saith he that he finished his Books under Severus 16. He thus descants upon those words of Christ Matth. 10. 23. When they persecute you in this city flee ye into another he doth not here perswade to fly as if to suffer persecution were evil nor doth he command us fearing death to decline it by flight but he wills us that we be to none the authors or abettors of evil he requires us to use caution but he that obeys not is audacious and rash unadvisedly casting himself into manifest perils Now if he that kills a man of God doth sin against God he also is guilty of that Murther who offers himself to Judgement And such a one shall he be accounted that avoids not persecution presumptuously offering himself to be taken He it is that as much as in him lyeth helps forward the impiety of him that persecutes Much like to this is that of Athanasius Numb 11. vid. 17. Behold O man saith he for how small a matter the Lord doth give thee Land to till Water to drink another Water whereby to send forth or export and to return or import thy Commodities Air wherein to breath a House to cover thee from the injury of the weather Fire wherewith to warm thee and whereat to imploy thee a World wherein to dwell all these things so great so many thy Lord hath as it were rented out unto thee at a very easie rate a little Faith a little Thanks so it be true so they be hearty And most unkind thou if thou denyest him that rent the earth is the Lords and the fulness thereof if then thou dost not acknowledge thy Lord being compassed round with his blessings he will then say unto thee Get thee out of my Land and from out of my House touch not my Water partake not of my Fruits If I have rented these out unto thee for so small a matter a little thanks and thou dost deny me that little thou hast in so doing forfeited the whole and I will require the forfeiture at thy hands § 6. These and many such like excellent passages do his Writings abound with but yet there are intermixed and scattered up and down such things as are neither sound nor savâ—â—ry which are therefore carefully to be heeded and avoided In so much as for this cause Pope Gelasâ—us did providently require saith Baroâ—ius that the works of this Clement should be branded with the note of Apocryphal wherein notwithstanding he may justly be accounted more wary than wise for were this ground sufficient to reject the labours of the ancients because among much good grain there is some chaff to be found none of them would be remaining or of any credit at this day Let us rather sever the Gold from the Dross than dam up the Mine and let what 's bad be suffer'd to continue for the sake of what is good and useful in them rather than what 's good be rejected for the bads sake Nevertheless it may not be amiss to give notice of what will not endure the test and trial lest through inadvertency and because of the antiquity and authority of the Author that should be esteemed and taken up for sound and current which upon examination will prove adulterate and unpassable Of which sort are these that follow 10. It is a ridiculous thing saith be to imagine that the Body of our Saviour as a body did stand in need of necessary aids and Ministries that it might continue for he did eat not for his bodies sake which was upheld by an holy Power but lest it might occasion those with whom he conversed to think otherwise of him as indeed afterward some were of opinion that he appeared only in a Vision and Phantasm For to say it once for all he was void of passion being one whom no motion of affection could take hold of neither pleasure nor grief A strange and gross conceit and directly contrary to clear Texts of Scripture 2. That Christ ought to preach but one year only he fondly gathered from Luke 4. 19. he hath sent me To preach the acceptable year of the Lord and supposeth that he suffer'd in the thirtieth year of his age Both which as his errours Casauboâ— maketh mention of and how manifestly repugnant they both are to the History of the Evangelists is obvious to every observing eye 3. He is of the mind that Jesus Christ descended into Hell for this cause that he might preach the Gospel unto the dead and that these are the bodies spoken of Matth. 27. 53. 53. that arose at the time of Christ's passion that they might be translated unto â— better place Yea that the Apostles as well as the Lord himself did preach the Gospel unto those that were dead Chemnitius thus reports it Clemens Alexandrinus inquit multa citat ex apocryphis quibus peregriâ—s dogmata stabilire conatur Vt ex libro Pastoris Hermae probat Apostolos post mortem praedicasse illis qui anteà in infidelitate mortui fuerâ—nt illos conversos vivificasse He thought that no man was saved before the coming of Christ but that those who lived piously and righteously by the Law or by philosophy were accounted righteous yet wanted Faith wherefore in Hell they expected the coming of Christ and the Apostles and that by their preaching they were converted to the Faith and so saved 4. He frequently asserteth the freedom of man's will in spirituals e.g. Yours is the Kingdom of Heaven if directing or turning your free-will unto God you will believe only and follow that short way that is preached unto Again neither praises nor dispraises neither honours or rewards nor punishments are just if the soul have not free power to desire and to abstain Also because it is in our power to obey or not to obey that none may pretend ignorance the divine word gives a just call unto all and requires what every one is enabled to perform Lastly defection going back and disobedience are in our power as is also obedience And in this particular he erred not alone the two immediately preceding and divers other of the Ancients being of the same judgement the ground whereof may be conceived to be this because many of them had been in their first years brought up in the study of Philosophy and of Philosophers being converted became Christians this made them attribute so much even too much unto Philosophy which proved the occasion of many errours in them Hence it is that Tertullian calls Philosophers Patriarchas haereticorum and Rhenâ—nus having shewn of how great advantage the Philosophy of Platonicks was unto Valentinus who had been of that Sect in the hatching of his wild and sottish Heresies breaks out into these words See saith he how
great mischief Philosophy hath always done unto Christianity well therefore might the Apostle so caution the Colossians Beware lest any man spoil you through philosophy and vain deceit Ierom also exercising some errours of his wherein he had followed Origen thus pleads for himself Fae me inquit errasse in adolescentiâ philosophorum i.e. gentilium studiis eruditum in principio fidei dâ—â—mata ignorasse Christiana hoc putasse in Apostolis quod in Pythagorâ Platone 〈◊〉 Empedocle legeram Cur parvuli in Christo 〈◊〉 lactentis errorem sequimini Cur ab eo imputatem discitis qui necdum pietatem noveratâ— Secunda post naufragium tabula est culpâ—â— simpliciter confiteri Imitati estis errantem imitamini correctum Erravimus juvenâ—â— emendemur senes c. Now among other things Philosophy doth beyond measure advance the power of mans will and naturâ— abilities and this opinion drew on withiâ— the extenuation of Original sin and the depravation of the Doctrine of the Merit of Christ into both which this Father among the rest was but meanly insighted And this may be the reason why the Reverend Calâ—â— stiles that Doctrine of Free-will Heatheniâ— Philosophy Procul sit inquit à Christiâ—â— pectore illa de arbitrii libertate Gentilis Philâ—sophia 5. He affirms that because the 〈◊〉 hath Free-will he may repent which saying of his seems to have been the occasion 〈◊〉 that errour in Origen his Scholar that the Devils might be saved as both the Centâ—rists and also Gentian Heroet conceive who in his Education hath this Note in the Mâ—â—gin upon these words of Clement hinc 〈◊〉 Origenis 7. He also phansied that some of the Aâ—gels were incontinent and being overcome with lust they descended and discloseâ— many secrets unto those woman with whom they fell in love and whatsoever things came to their knowledge which the other Angels conceal'd and reserved unto the coming of the Lord. Besides these there are some other things wherein he is judged to be both unsound and uncertain sometimes affirming one thing sometimes another as concerning the Baptism of Hereticks which he seems altogether to condemn Also that second Marriages have imperfection in them and are not without sin yea are little better than fornication contrary to that express Text. 1 Timoth. 5. 14. I will that the younger women viz. Widows verse 11. marry Likewise concerning good works perfection and repentance he seems sometimes to contradict himself and vents very dangerous opinions adeò in multis articulis lubricus est ac saepenumerò sibi contradicit ut quid constanti sententiâ affirmet vix interdum agnoseas § 7. How long this Father lived as also when where and how he ended his days is very uncertain Histories being silent herein only probable it is that he attained unto many years and continued long after the death of his Master Pantaenus For it seems that he compiled his Book both of Stromes and Informations or Institutions if not all the rest after that time seeing he mentions him as dead and some good while before as also that he had through length of time forgotten many of those things which he haâ— heard from him He flourished saith Iâ—rom under the Emperour Severus and Autoninus Caracalla and as some report 〈◊〉 ended his Pilgrimage by a natural death 〈◊〉 Alexandria where he had long taught dying In a good old age and full of days emâ—annum 195. Tertullianus HE stiles himself in the Titles prefixed to his Books by the name of Quintus Septimius Florens Tertullianus perhaps to distinguish himself from some others whose names did in part agree with his own For his Country he was an African and had for the place of his Birth there the famous City of Carthage 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it 's called by Strabo Rome's Corrival de terrarum orbe aemula saith Pliny that contended with it for the Empire of the world And 't is observed as memorable that in his time two of his Countrymen held the places of highest Dignity both Civil and Ecclesiastical viz. Septimius Severus and Victor both Africans the one being Emperour and the other Bishop of Rome His Father was a Centurion one of eminent Rank as bearing the office of a Proconsul who took care to have his Son from his tender years to be well educated and trained up in the Schools where having a pregnant wit and excellent parts he proved a notable proficient and soon attained unto such a measure of knowledge in Philosophy and all kind of Learning that he was by all esteemed for one of the most exquisite and best accomplished Scholars of his time He for some years professed and taught the art of Rhetorick in Carthage with approbation and applause from which after a while he proceeded to the practice of the Law to the study whereof he had formerly applied himself and became well skilled therein as Eusebius testifieth stiling him a man well experienced in the Roman Laws accuratâ legum inquit Nicephorus actorum Româ—norum peritiâ clarus performing the office of an Advocate in pleading the causes of such Clients as entertained him with much dexterity But he is designed unto a more high and honourable employment viz. to plead the cause of God and to publish the glorious mysteries of the Gospel in order whereunto the divine goodness finds out a way for the translating of him from the School of the world into the Shool of Christ by his conversion from Gentilism to Christianity As touching the time and manner thereof though nothing be lefâ— upon Record either by himself or others directly pointing it out and acquainting us therewith yet are then some things to be found from whence it may be probably conjectured that it fell out while he was yet but young and in the prime of his years For 1. He wrote a Treatise of the troubles attending Marriage cum adhuc esset adoleseens when saith Ierom he was but a young man yet Baronius conceives it most likely to have been done by him after his conversion for saith he I cannot think that Ierom would have directed Eustochium whom he wished to read that Book of his unto the writingâ— of an Heathen for her instruction in that particular 2. Ierom and others report concerning him that he continued an orthodox Presbyter in the Church usque ad statam mediamque aetatatem unto his middle age and afterwards fell away unto the Heresie of the Montanists but now evident it is that he wrote the most of his Books before that time to the doing whereof and furnishing for such a work a great deal of time must needs be requisite In the judgment of Pamelius and according to his computation he became a Christian in the third year of the Reign of Severus in which also he is of opinion that he wrote his Book de Pâ—llio or of the
Cloak and so continued year after year to put forth some or other of his Labours unto the time of his defection which fell out in the eighteenth year of that Emperour's Reign so that he remained in the Church after his conversion about fifteen years before he arrived unto his middle age and therefore could be of no great age when first he gave up his name to Christ. That which gave the occasion of his relinquishing the Heathenish and embracing the Christian Religion some conceive taking a hint hereof from a passage of his own to have been this viz. that the Devils being sometimes adjured did though unwillingly confess that they were the Gods of the Gentiles This put him upon the search and study of the Scriptures whose great antiquity as transcending all other writings in this regard asserted their authority and the truth of the predictions contained in them testified by answerable events was a sufficient argument of their Divinity which two duly considered could not but prove strong inducements to perswade him that the Doctrine and Religion therein taught and discoursed must needs be the truest and above any other most worthiest to be believed and embraced To which he added as no small help hereunto the diligent perusal of those writings of his Predecessors wherein they had testified against the Gentiles their profane practices and abominable Idolatries Having after his conversion spent some time in Carthage where he was promoted unto the degree and office of a Presbyter he afterward came to Rome in which City he was had in great estimation being famous among those learned men who flourished there at that time Upon what occasion he came to Rome and how long he made his abode there is uncertain Pamelius conceives thâ—â— his Book de coronâ militis was there writteâ— in the sixteenth year of Severus in the eighteenth year of whose Reign he made his defection from the Church upon which he was excommunicated and consequently in alâ— likelyhood then left that place returning again unto Carthage But how long or short soever his continuance was there it proveâ— too long for him in regard of the mischiâ—â— that there betided him for in this place 〈◊〉 was that he split and dashed himself upon the Rock of Montanism either through 〈◊〉 overlargeness of the Sails of self-conceit 〈◊〉 the impetuous gusts of his own passions Ierom and divers other Historians do agree in this that his defection took beginning from the envy conceived against and contumelies cast upon him by the Romish Clergy moved hereunto either by his Learning and Virtue wherein haply he might go beyond and out-shine them and so seem to detract from their worth and eclipse their Glory or for that being extremely studious of continence and chastity they thought him to lean toward and too much favour though closely the Heresie of Montanus or lastly because in some of his Books he had too sharply reprehended the vices which he had observed among them hereupon being a man of a cholerick and violent spirit impatient and unable to brook and bear such injuries Cum ingenio calamo omnia vinceret impatientiam vincere non potuit inquit Scultet Miserrimus ego inquit Tertullianus ipse semper aeger caloribus impatientiae patientiae sanitatem suspicem necesse est he openly joyned himself unto that Sect which being once faln to he as zealously laboured to defend and plead for as he had formerly opposed it proving as vehement an adversary of the Orthodox as he had been of the Hereticks Some conceive the occasion of his fall might be because that after the death of Agrippinus he suffered a repulse and was put by the Bishoprick of Carthage Sic Valentinus cum cujusdam Ecclesiae Episcopatum ambiret ipsius non fuisset habita ratio offensus hac re veteris cujusdom opinionis praestigias adversus orthodoxos docere caepit hoc videlicet pacto sui contemptum ulturus whereunto may be added as a step to his fall that he was a man of an easie belief and of no great judgement saith Rivet insomuch as he was apt to give credit unto the feigned Relations of every silly woman and to prefer them before the most certain and Catholick Doctrines These things thus making way for it the work became the more facile and easie whereof one Proclus was the unhappy instrument reputed a most eloquent man and one of the more moderate followers of Montanus with this Man being then at Rome Tertullian grew familiar having him in admiration for his eloquence and Virgin old age ut Proculus inquit nostrae Virginis senectae Christians eloquentiae dignitas loqui autem eum de Pâ—culo seu Proclo Montanistâ apparet inquit Pâ—melius de quo suprà auctor lib. de praescriâ—â— advers haeretic Proclus making his advantage hereof soon deceived him telling him that the Doctrine which he professed he had received not from Man but from the Paracleâ— that descended first upon Montanus he highly commended chastity injoyned fasting to be observed in the strictest manner as by the instinct of the spirit multiplyed watchings and prayers and so much extolled martyrdom that he held it unlawful to fly or use aâ— means for the preservation of life What 〈◊〉 thus confidently taught and delivered was â—â—greedily taken in by Tertullian in so much â— he quickly became giddy yea even drunkâ— with his Fanatical opinions which as he entertained with facility so did he retain theâ—â— with pertinacy in whom we find this verified that eminent gifts may occasion a 〈◊〉 fall but cannot keep him from falling it being Grace alone that makes the soul steddy and secures it against all the impetuous blasts of temptation Great parâ—s expose men to hazard 1. Through pride which is too often the companion of them and begotten by them hence they soar aloft prying into things secret not content to walk in the common and safe road they would as he Acts 8. 9. be some body more than ordinary and so transcending the limits of sobriety they do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon which precipice being once gotten they soon fall into the snare of the Devil 2. Through envy which for the most part follows them as the shadow the substance this blasting their reputation and being as a dead fly in the pot of their precious ointment they betake them unto factions chusing rather to side with the erroneus in esteem then with the orthodox in disgrace 3. Through ambition they would fain be as eminent in place as in parts accounting themselves injured when others are preferred before them hence it comes to pass that sometime in way of discontent and by way of revenge they have deserted yea set themselves against the truth because they would make opposition against those that have stood in their way and crost them in their expectations By this means he lost both his
contumeliously calls the Orthodox accounting those to be carnal who rejected the prophesie of Montanus and those only spiritual alluding unto 1 Cor. 2. who received and embraced it Herein he defends the set Fasts and stations observed by the Montanists Of the name Psychicus Baronius gives us this account Ignominiae causâ— Orthodoxos Psychicos nominare fuit ut autor est Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 1. Valentini haeresiarchae inventum qui Psychicos nominabat homines qui non essent sicut ipse ut aiebat spirituales Transiit vox eadem ad Cataphrygas qui aequè omnes non suscipientes Paracletum Psychicos appellabant 29. Of prayer which Hilary calls volumen aptissimum wherein he commendeth and commenteth upon the Lords Prayer adding somewhat of the adjuncts of prayer The title and subject hereof seem to intimate that it was a mistake in Sixtus Senensis to imagine that he wrote two books upon this subject one whereof he intitles in orationem dominicam the other de oratione 30. An Apology against the Gentiles in the behalf of the Christians wherein he notably and at large defends their innocency clearing them of the crimes falsely charged upon them and fully evincing the groundlesness of the adversaries hatred to and unjust proceedings against them imitating herein Iustin and Aristides who had undertaken the same task before him who yet he far transcends both in sharpness of wit and soundness of Learning how boldly doth he stand up against the Gentiles how constantly maintain the purity of our faith what Authors doth he not read which of their disciplines doth he not touch so that this book alone is abundantly sufficient to convince the pertinacy of the Gentiles It contains in it saith Ierom cunctam saeculi disciplinam wherein he is more elegant than ordinary the strength whereof was such that in likelyhood it was the thing that prevaii'd to the mitigation of the enemies fury and in some measure the cessation of the persecution then raised against the Christians It was written by him as both Pamelius and Baronius conjâ—ctâ—â—â— in the seventh year of the Emperor Severus An. Christi 201. Of the excellency hereof Prateolus thus speaks proculdubiò inquit verum est quum acris ardentis ingenii non ferens gentilium insolentiam atque saevitiam quâ in Christianos ferebantur omnes ingenii sui nervos in borum defensionem intendit incomparabiles interim eruditionis eloquentiae suae opes isthic oftentans 31. Ad nationes libri duo set forth and published singly by Iacobus Cothofrâ—dus I.C. which by divers arguments he would prove to be Tertullians also that they were written before his Apologetick as a Prodrome or preparatory to it as his book de testimonio animâ— followed after and was added as a third way whereby he attempted the Gentiles viz. by testimonies drawn from the soul and by those forms of speech wherein they named God in common use among them He also shews it to differ from his Apologetick because in these books he directs himself unto the Nations in general but in that only unto the Governors and Presidents of the Roman Empire besides these are purely Elenctical wherein he undertakes not to defend the cause of the Christians as in the other he doth but reproves the iniquity of the Nations against the Christians and shews the vanity of the Gentile Gods Ierom mentions these books contra gentes as distinct from his Apology quid inquit Tertulliano eruditius quid acutius Apologeticus ejus contra gentes libri cunctam saeculi continent Disciplinam Of these following it is doubted whether they be his or no. 1. An Epistle concerning Judaical meats wherein he shews that the difference between clean and unclean meats injoyned unto the Jews is taken away and abolished under the Gospel Pamelius thinks this Epistle to be none of his but rather Novatians whose name therefore he prefixeth to it thus Novatiani Romanae Ecclesiae presbyteri de cibis Iudâ—icis epistola It seems saith Bellarmine to have been sent by some Bishop unto his own people but Tertullian was no Bishop yet I determine nothing Both the Stile saith Rivet and the Texts of Scripture otherwise Translated then in Tertullian as also that the Author remembers his withdrawing in the time of persecution which Tertullian is every where against plainly shew it to be none of his 2. Of the Trinity concerning which Ruffin and others do report that certain of the Macedonian Hereticks who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 finding somewhat in Tertullians book of the Trinity which was for their advantage inserted it among the Epistles of Cyprian causing them to be dispersed about Constantinople and sold at a low rate that so being the more bought up and read what was unsound therein might be the sooner embraced for the Authority of so great an Author by which means as they supposed their cause would be credited and promoted But saith Ierom there is no such matter for that book of the Trinity is neither Tertullians nor Cyprians but Novatians as both by the title and propriety of the stile doth evidently appear characterem alium genus dieendi nitidius in eo notat Laurentius Hence Ierom speaking of Novatian He wrote saith he grande volumen a great volum of the Trinity making as it were an Epitome of Tertullians work upon this subject which many ignorantly think to be Cyprians this piece of Novatians exceeding in bulk that of Tertullians now extant it must needs refer unto some book of his on that subject now wanting unless we will make which is absurd the Epitome to be larger then the book it self whose compend it is Bellarmine supposeth it to be beyond all doubt that this book is none of Tertullians because the heresie of Sabellius which began almost an hundred years after Tertullians time is therein by name refuted with whom Pamelius accords adding this as another reason of his confidence that the Author in the sixth Chapter denieth Corporeal Lineaments in God which Tertullian more then once affirms How ever it be it is a learned and elegant book though yet there are some things to be found in it not agreeable to the Christian Faith and I conclude saith Sculteius that whoever was the Author it is written according to the genius of Tertullian and therefore deservedly set forth under his name seeing it agrees so well with that Noble work of his against Praxeas Baronius tells us that those of the Eastern Church did receive it as the legitimate writing of Tertullian 3. Of Repentance wherein he discourseth of the excellency and utility thereof perswading to beware of recidivation and returning unto sin again after repentance particularly directing himself unto the Catechumens who for that they believed their sins would be all blotted out and wash'd away in Baptism were not so careful as
they should have been to abstain from it Est autem hic commentarius ejusmodi ut theologi eum debeant ad unguem ediscere nam egregium monumentum est antiquitatis tam sanctè docet tam piè suadet tam instanter urget rem ecclesiasticae disciplinae summopere necessariam In the argument of this book Rhenanuâ— that expert Antiquary solertissâ—nus Tertulliani interpres hath spoken so much and so freely against the Auricular Confession of the Romish Synagogue crudelis illa conscientiarum carnificina that cruel rack of consciences that the Council or rather that politick and pack'd Conventicle of Trent took order that the most part of it should be expunged as unskilful rash false heretical and otherways scandalous as they did also by somewhat contained in the argument of his book de carne Christi because it suited not with their Doctrine of the perfection of the Virgine Mary a short way were it as safe and honest to make all sure But this book also in the judgment of the quick-sighted Erasmus grounded upon the difference of the stile from that of Tertullian is none of his but of some other very studious in our Author and living about the same time to whom Rhenanus subscribes though the author use many words and figures agreeable to and borrowed from Tertullian I am of opition saith Daille that both the birth and fortune of that piece de paenitentiâ hath been if not the very same yet at least not much unlike that of the Trinity though Pamelius and Baronius be of another mind and would fain it should be his 4. His Poems which are diverse according to Pamelius viz. 1. Against Marcion 5. books 2. Of the Judgement of the Lord. 3. Genesis 4. Sodom 5. His Poem to a Senator that turned from the Christian Religion to the service of Idols But should we reject them all as Apocryphal seeing neither Ierom nor Eusebius make any mention of them together with Iuret's Ionab and Nineveh notwithstanding the Authority of his old Manuscript I suppose that neither our Authour nor the Commonwealth of Learning would at all be injured hereby Pamelius tells us that in his Edition of Cyprian's works he had entituled them unto him as the composer of them but thinks it not amiss to follow the censure of Sixtus Senensis who ascribes the Poem of Sodom unto Tertullian induced hereunto by the fidelity as he supposeth of some Manuscripts and because the stile is the same with that of the other he concludes that all three were his viz. Genesis Sodoma ad Senatorem A weak ground for him to change his mind and build such confident conclusions upon as well may we deny them to be either Tertullians or Cyprians and so leave him to seek a Father for them § 4. For his stile and manner of writing he hath a peculiar way of his own sâ—us quidam est character saith Erasmus sufficiently elegant ejus opuscula eloquentissimè scripta inquit Augustinus eloquentiâ admodum pollens est full of gravity and becoming a Learned man creber est in sententiis sed difficilis in loquendo very sententious and of much strength and vehemency but hard difficult and too elaborate varius est inquit Rhenanus in phrasi in disputationibus dilucidior simplicior in locis communibus velut de pallio c. est durior affectatior Not so smooth and fluent as many others and therefore not in so much esteem as otherwise he might have been His expressions saith Calvin are somewhat rough and thorny and therefore dark and obscure certè magis stridet quà m loquitur idem in Epist. 339. Phraseos Character inquit Zephyrus minùs semper câ—mptus multùmque brevis obscurus fuisse videtur Commata enim potiùs habet qùam â—olâ— frequentes periodos qualia decent gravi vehementique stilo quo semper ipse usus est So that durè Tertullianicè loqui to speak harshly and like Tertullian are equivalent phrases And the causes whence this proceeded might be chiefly these four 1. His Country being an African of the City of Carthage which was a Province of the Roman Empire Now those that were Provincials scarce any of them could attain unto the purity of the Latin Tongue except such only as were brought up at Rome from their child-hood as was Terence our Authour's Countryâ—man Romam perductus cum in tenerâ aetate foret comoedias sex composuit easque ab Apollodoro Menandro Poetis Graecis in Sermonem Latinum convertit tantâ Sermonis elegantiâ proprietate ut eruditorum judicio nihil perfectiùs aut absolutiùs in eo scribendi genere habitum sit apud Latimos Cicero in Epist. ad Aâ—â—icum refert Terentium esse optimum autorem Latinitatis The same Author elsewhere speaking of the difference in this language among those living in several Countries thus observes Romani omnes inquit in suo genere pressi elegantes proprii Hispani autem florentes acuti qui ad peregrinum inclinent Punici Carthagiuenses duri audaces improbi palam aberrantes vitium virtuti praetulerunt ut Tertullianus Apuleius Cyprianus It 's also the observation of Loys le Roy in his discourse of the variety of things Every thing saith he by how much the farther it is from its original spring is the less pure as the Gauls Spaniards and Africans did not speak Latin so purely as the Romans for although their words were Latin yet they retained the phrase of their own Country insomuch that speaking Latin they were always known for Strangers Perturbatissime loquitur Tertullianus inquit Ludovicus Vives ut Afer And in the decrees of the Africans many whereof Augustin relates you may perceive saith Erasmus an anxious affectation of eloquence yet so as that you may know them to be Africans 'T is no wonder then Ierom should say that the stile of Tertulâ—ian and also of other Africans was easily discerned by Nepotian and it appeareth by Augustin in sundry places that the Roman Tongue was imperfect among the Africans even in the Colonies 2. His calling and profession for before his conversion he had studied and practised the Law wherein he was very skilful hence it comes to pass that using many Law terms juris verborum erat retinentissimus and phrases borrowed from thence his Language comes to be more perplex and obscure It 's apparent saith Danaeus from his continual stile and manner of speaking that he was a most expert Lawyer and by reason of the unusual novelty of his words his stile is very obscure saith Sixtus Senesis 3. His constitution and natural temper for words are the mind's Interpreters and the clothing of its conceptions wherein they go abroad which therefore are in a great measure fashioned by it and receives a tincture from it Hence
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that he would scarce afford him sufficient time to eat sleep or walk for his recreation or to read and review what the Notaries had written as himself complains in a certain Epistle to his Friend About this time the Churches of Achaia being much pestâ—red and vexed with divers Heresies Origen is sent thither with Letters testimonial for the suppressing of them who was now in his middle age or about forty and three years old as Baronius conjectures he supposeth that the cause of his going into Greece was his great desire to get the sixth Edition of the Bible which was this year found at Nicopolis that he might adjoyn it unto the other five Versions which with unwearied pains and diligence he had formerly found out and so compose that laborious work of his which he called Hexoplâ— Now passing through Palestine toward Athens he was by Alexander and Theoctistus who greatly admired Origen two Bishops of great authority the one of Hierusalem the other of Cesarea by imposition of hands made or ordained Minister at Cesares which office gained him much more respect so that he was had in great esteem This begat envy in Demâ—trius who was highly offended with those Bishops for what they had done and by aspersions endeavoured to darken and eclipse the Glory of Origen in his Letters unto all the Bishops throughout the world and having nothing else to charge him withal that might tend to his disparagement he published his unadvised act of castration as a moâ—â— foul and absurd fact of his though when he first came to the knowledge thereof he had admired and praised him for it encouraging him still to go on in the office of catechising Origen therefore perceiving how much the mind of Demetrius was alienated from and in censed against him forbearing to make use of any bitterness against his detractors chose rather to pass by the injury in silence and to give place to their passion than further to exasperate them he therefore after his return and abode there for some small time lest Alexandria having committed the office of a Catechist there unto Heraclas formerly his assistant in that work and went again into Palestine remaining at Cesarea where he applyed himself unto the preaching of the word many not only of that Country but also strangers from other places resorting thither and attending upon his Ministry among whom were divers eminent men and of special note viz. Firmilian Bishop of Cesarea in Cappadocia who one while invited him into his Province to edifie or reform the Churches there another while under pretence of visiting the holy places he made a voyage into Palestine and for a good space continued there that by Origen he might be brought to the further understanding of the Scriptures Also Theodorus called afterward Gregorius Bishop of Neocaesarea in Pontus a man most renowned and for the miracles which he wrought surnamed Thaumaturgus together with his Brother Athenodorus whom continuing with him about the space of five years he converted from Heathenism to Christianity for which cause this Theodorus a while after penned a Panegyrick or Encoâ—miastick Oration in the praise of Origen to testifie his thankfulness for what he had received from him After this Beril Bishop of Bostra in Arabia falling into Heresie and maintaining that Christ before his Incarnation had no being he was dealt and disputed with by divers Bishops assembled together Origen also was sent for who by strength of Argument so convinced him of his error that he restored him again to his former sound opinion for which he returned him solemn thanks in divers letters written unto him Also certain others arose in Arabia who broached this pernicious Doctrine that the soul died and perished together with the body and that in the general resurrection they arose together and were restored unto life again These Hereticks are by Augustine called Arabiei by Damaseen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Animimortales about which a great Synod was assembled wherein Origen so discoursed of this matter that the erroneous did soon renounce their absurd opinion and were reduced to a better judgment He also suppressed the Heresie of the Helcesaits which sprung up about the same time called of Epiphanius Sampsaei in the region of Perâ—â— whose first Author was one Elxaeus who rejected part of the Old Testament denyed the Apostle Paul wholly counted it an indifferent thing to deny or not to deny with the mouth in time of persecution so that thou persist faithful in thine heart and used a certain book which as they say came down from heaven the which whosoever heareth and believeth say they shall obtain another kind of remission of sins then that which Christ purchased for us Growing now old above sixty years of age and much worn out and wasted with long study and painful exercise he at length was prevaild with and permitted that those things which he publickly preached and disputed should by Notaries be taken and Copied out which before he would not suffer to be done This Erasmus understands of his Sermons or Homilies tantae erat modestiae inquit ille ut serò pâ—ssus sit excipi quae disserebat And thus was his time and strength laid out and spent in the work of the Lord even from his Childhood unto his old age not hiding his talent but as a good servant improving it for the advantage of his Master who had intrusted him therewith § 2. He was man of extraordinary parts and endowments of Nature vir magnus excellentis ingenii which began to appear in him even from his very childhood vir magnus â—b infantiâ being a man in understanding when but a child in years stiled therefore by Erosmus senilis puer of a notable strong and piercing wit perspicacississimo ingenio saith Rhenanus for which nothing was too hard and so truly Adamantineâ— nor nothing too high and so truly Origenical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Montigena such a one as Learned Greece the fruitful mother of the most happy wits scarce ever bred the like immortale inge nium so comprehensive as not to be bounded within the limits of ordinary capacities there being nothing within the Encyclopedy of Arts that could escape his knowledge for he exactly perused all kind of Authors wherein he had this advantage above many others that he lost no time ei inquit Erasmus nulla pars aetatis periit à studiis his tenderest years being improved this way by his pious and careful father By which means the fair field of his great abilities being so well cultured and manured began in his very spring to flourish and abound with the fruit of excellent skill in all the Liberal Sciences whereof he gave a large proof and testimony undertaking at the age of eighteen years the publick profession of the art
with two Books upon the thirtieth Chapter 11. A huge number of Homilies upon Ieremy the most whereof are lost 12. Upon the Lamentations nine Tomes Of which saith Eusebius we have seen five 13. Upon Ezekiel twenty and five Tomes the which he wrote being at Athens besides many Homilies 14. Upon the twelve Minor Prophets many Tracts Whereof saith Eusebius we have found twenty and five in the whole which Ierom saith he found copied out by Pamphilius among these were one upon Hosea of which Ierom thus Origenes parvum de hoc Prophetâ scripsit Libellum cui hunc titulum imposuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. quare in Osee appellatur Ephraim volens ostendere quaecunque contra eum dicuntur ad haereticorum referenda personam c. II. Vpon the New Testament 1. Upon Matthew one Book containing his Scholia or brief Annotations upon obscure places Also twenty five Homilies upon divers places of the Gospel Six and twenty saith Trithemius and Nicephorus speaks of five Books of his upon Matthew 2. Upon Luke five Tomes and many Homilies 3. Upon the Epistle to the Galatians five Tomes also one Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of choice passages besides not a few Homllies 4. Upon the Epistle to the Ephesians three Volumes or Commentaries of which Ierom makes mention in these words Illud quoque 〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo ut sciatis Origenem tria â—â—lumina in hanc Epistolam conseripsissc quem nos ex parte secuti sumus 5. Upon the Epistle to the Colossians three books 6. Upon the first Epistle of the Thessalonians divers books for Ierom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this Epistle wherein saith he he discourseth with much variety and prudence 7. Upon the Epistle to Titus one book 8. Upon the Epistle to the Hebrews many books all which through the injury of time and violence of his adversaries are lost and now not to be found The books that are extant at this day under his name are these following 1. Seventeen Homilies upon the book of Genesis which are said to be interpreted by Ierom whose name is prefixed to them but falsly as Crynaeus supposeth for indeed it was done by Ruffinus as appears by the liberty that he takes to add detract and change what he pleased which it seems was his manner sed haec non est inquit Erasmus libertas interpretis sed licentia potiùs contaminantis scripta aliena Again Ruffino peculiaris est ista temeritas viz. ea quae vertiâ— truncare augere immutare ex alieno opere suum facere cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur omnes illustrium autorum libros attrectando contaminare Haâ— aâ—rte vir glorie cupidus putavit se reperisse viam quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum Certainly saith the Learned Daille he hath so filthily mangled and so licentiously confounded the writings of Origen which he hath translated into Latine that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off or added or at least altered something A soul fault in a translator in whom fidelity as the chief vertue is required and most commendable Such is his dealing in this kind that the Reader is often uncertain whether he read Origen or Ruffine Which thing Ierom often and tartly taxeth him for and particularly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls and that fitly enough and not without â—est cause an infamous interpretation Let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of Ruffine in his translation of divers books of Origen And that this translation of these Homilies upon Genesis is his appears from what Ruffine himself hath said in his Peroration added unto the Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans wherein he professeth that he translated Origen upon Genesis And probable it is that the transcribers prefixed Ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable Grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the Reader to set down as he hath done before all the rest of the works of Origen in his Edition of them the several Theological Common places handled in these homilies adding moreover that by them the diligent Reader will confess that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of Christian Philosophy replenished with all kind of Spiritual treasures 2. Upon Exodus thirteen Homilies translated also by Ruffinus though for the gaining of the more credit unto them the name of Ierom be here also prefixed as the interpretor of them 3. Upon Leviticus sixteen Homilies eighteen say some where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former By some over-bold impostor these are ascribed unto Cyril of Alexandria under the title of so many books or a Commentary whereas it is manifest they are not Commentaries but Homilies for the Author excuseth his brevity to his auditors by reason of the straits of time and that he intended not a large exposition of the words but to touch some few things briefly for their edification The stile saith Bellarmine and similitude of the Doctrines contained in them shew them plainly to be Origens 4. Upon Numbers twenty eight Homilies some say but twenty six Cent. 3. cap. 10. Sixt. Senens lib. 4. and Scultetus in Medulâ which its likely was translated by Ierom because Ruffine speaking of his translation of Genesis Exodus Leviticus Iosuah and Iudges makes no mention of Numbers and saith Erasmus out of Gennadius Ruffine translated all of Origen except what was done by Ierom. Yet that there are some additions of the interpretor in this piece is apparent saith Grynaeus in homil 2. in cap. 2. Yea these Homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some Latine Author for in Chap. 12. he expounds the difference between excudere and excidere which could have no place in a Greek 5. Upon Iosuah twenty and six Homilies where we have also the name of Ierom as the interpretor instead of Ruffine as also a Preface pretended to be his but so frigid and and foolish that a more certain argument cannot be desired to perswade us that neither the one nor other is Ieroms and Erâ—smus gives instance in divers particulars 6. Upon Iudges nine Homilies where we have the same mistake of the interpretor liber inquit Grynaeus satis bonus Here also the Etymology of rex à regendo gives cause to suspect that these came out of the same shop with those upon Numbers 7. Upon the book of the Kings or one Homily upon the first and second Chapters of the first of Samuel 8. Upon the book of Iob a large explation divided into three books from the beginning of the History unto
Greek would not have been the part vertentis sed evertentis of a turner or translatour but of 〈◊〉 overturner and to express the same word for word would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech My end saith he was to discover an Heretick that I might vindicate the Church from Heresie And the truth is Origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this Book wherein there is more bad than good it being full stuffed with gross errours Toti inquit Scultetus scatent erroribus so that it can hardly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the Christian Faith which he had received from his Predecessours And as Plotinus said of the forenamed Longinus that he was studious of Learning yet not at all a Philosopher so may it be truly affirmed of Origen as touching this Book that therein he meant to seem a Philosopher rather than a Christian the truth is it is most obscure and full of difficulties Scias inquit Hieronymus detestanda tibi in eis libâ—is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse quam plurima juxta sermonem Domini inter scorpiones colubros incedendum In the close of which Epistle he shews with what caution these Books are to be read withal making an enumeration of the errours contained in them it being intended by Ierom as an antidote against them Binnius calls this piece Multarum Heresium promptuarium The translation of these Books which we now have as Grynaeus conceives is Ruffine's for in his Marginal Notes we sometimes meet with these words loquitur Ruffinus 20. Eight Books against Celsus the Philosopher of the Sect of Epicurus who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the Christian Religion This is the only work of Origen upon which the incomparably judicious Erasmus past not his censure being prevented by death the want whereof as also of his Coronis is much to be bewailed considering that by reason of his singular learning and long exercise in the study of the Ancients it cannot but be presumed he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner Origen undertook this work by the instigation of Ambrose who was much grieved to see that the Christian Religion should be so reproached Celsus stiled his Book the word of truth though little were contained in it but what was foolish weak and false and unworthy of a prudent man whose objections and slanders as also those of all other both Gentiles and Jews Origen in his answer which Baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium most notably wipes off and refuteth A piece it is of much use especially unto the History of those times which by it self is set forth in Greek and Latine by Dâ—vid Haeschelius who gives this commendation of it Celso argumentis rationibus Origenes ita respondit ut haud sciam an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet He set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age viz. being then more than sixty years old 21. Of the right faith in one God or three Dialogues against the Marcionists which are mentioned by Bellarmine as two distinct pieces of Origen though indeed they be but one and the same For so the learned Doctour Humphries that translated it into Latine out of a Greek Manuscript that he obtained of Frobenius and set forth anno 1557. as Perionius had done the year before out of a Greek Copy which he found in the King's Library entitles it Of the right Faith in one God against the three principles of Megethius the Marcionite These two interpreters made use of two very different Copies but it is evident that that which Dr. Humphries followed was the more distinct and full It is questionable whether this is Origen's or no 1. Because the Author speaks of Kings and Princes that piously believe now there were none such in Origen's time 2. No ancient Author of Note hath recorded this disputation wherein an Ethnick viz. Eutropius a Greek Philosopher being made the Judge the Church by Origen should get the victory for the issue was as is affirmed the conversion of Eutropius unto Christianity together with many others who in the close of the disputation celebrated the praise of Origen with this acclamation David hath slain the Tyrant Goliah and Adamantius hath cut the throat of that opinion which fought against God 3. Besides it is strange that this should not come to the notice of Eusebius or in case it did that he should be silent herein who so diligently sought out whatsoever might make for the commendation of Origen The Dialogues against the Marcioâ—ites saith Vsher were collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus who lived in the time of the Emperours Commodus and Severus Of which Maximus Ierom tells us Quòd famosam quaestionem insigni volumine ventilavit Vnde malum Quòd materia à Deo facta sit 22. The lamentation of Origen which he himself wrote with his own hand in the Greek Tongue when after his fall and denyal of his Master Christ Jesus he wandred to and fro with great grief and torment of conscience the which Ierom translated into Latine these are the words of Doctor Meredith Hanâ—er prefixed to this Lamentation set down in his English Translation and Edition of Eusebius between the first and second Chapters of the seventh Book having immediately before given us out of Suidas the story of his fall As touching his fall viz. that he should chuse rather to offer incense unto Idol than to have his Body defiled by an Ethiopian though Epiphanius who was no friend to our Author and Suidas also deliver it for a truth yet doth Baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a meer fiction and slander of those that were his enemies who envying endeavoured this way to darkâ—â— the same of Origen and saith Dâ—ille that I may not dissemble I profess my self much enclined to be of the Cardinal's opinion who thinks this story to be an arrant fable and that it was foisted into Epiphanius or else as I rather believe was taken upon trust by himself for this Father hath shewed himself in this as in many other things a little overcredulous Now the story it self being questionable and so sandy a foundation the superstructure must needs be weak nor is the censure of Erasmus without cause that these Lamentations were neither written by Origen nor translated by Ierom but the figment of some idle and unlearned brain who studyed by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit It is therefore by Gelasius ranked among the Apocrypha 23. There is another piece which because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of Origen I thought good not to pass it over altogether unmentioned it is stiled by the name of Philocalia or as Bellarmine
in his Commentary upon the 43. Chapter of Augustin de haeresibus and Nicelas Choniates in his treasury of the Orthodox faith Lib. 4. Haeres 31. who there thus speaks of him that for natural and moral philosophy he was a Doctor acceptable unto all but for matters Dogmatical or of Faith of Theological speculation he shewed himself the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him Which also those frequent passages of Ierom do shew where he saith I commended him as an interpretor but not as a Dogmatist Again I call Origen ours for his learning and wit not for the truth of his opinions and Doctrine Lastly as I ever attributed unto Origen the Interpretation and idioms or proprieties of Scripture So I most constantly took from him truth in his opinions For this cause also having at his request sent unto Avitus his Translation of Origens books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the close of his Epistle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained Whosoever saith he will read these books and go toward the land of promise with his feet shod lest he be bitten of Serpents and smitten with the forked wound of the Scorpion let him read this book or Epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books that so he may know before he begin his journy what things he must shun avoid Hence Beza gives this censure of him certainly saith he this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself or whether his writings were afterward depraved that in matters controversial he deserves no authority in the Church Yet notwithstanding in the judgment of some the good that was in him exceeded the evil so that although he were guilty of the errors imputed unto him yet being a man of so much learning he deserves to be pittied whose faults saith Haymo if there be any in his books may be overcome by the Celestial splendor of those things which are faithfully written by him And saith Scultetus this age might well bear the precipitate publication of his works by Ambrose or the malevolent depravation of them if withal they had all come to our hands Many of his errors began first to be entertained by the Monks and Disciplinarians in Egypt from whose Cells being vented they spread abroad and were embraced and maintained by very many unto whom as a Sect or swarm of Hereticks deriving their errors from Origen was given the name of Origenists or Adamantians who continued long even unto the time of Gregory the great for he testifieth that some of them were remaining in his days Adversus Origenistas inquit Baronius longa admodum periculosa fuit Ecclesiae concertatio § 7. Now as touching the last scene of his life his going off the Theatre of this world I find no large mention made of it That his sufferings for Christ were neither few nor small though he suffered not martyrdom is abundantly testified So that in the judgment of Merline as also of Mirandula he came but little short of it and deserves the palm semper Deo inquit Pontius Diaconus mancipata devotio dicatis hominibus pro martyrio deputatur And saith Haymo voluntate Martyr fuit though he laid not down his life yet he lost not the Honor of Martyrdom For they were many and sore things which he did undergo even in his old age besides what in former time had beâ—ided him at what time the persecution against the Church raged under the Emperor Decius whereof Eusebius makes report in these words drawing toward the close of Origen about which the most part of the sixth book is spent what things they were saith he and how great which hapned to Origen in that persecution and how he died the spiteful Devil pursuing him with his whole troop striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death and what and how great things he sustained for the Doctrine of Christ imprisonments and torments of body scourging at Iron stakes stench of close prison and how for the space of many days his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrifie him with and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation sundry of his Epistles truly faithfully and curiously penn'd do declare He lived the space of sixty nine years of which reckoning from the time that he was by Demetrius made Catechist in the School of Alexandria he spent above fifty most laboriously in teaching and writing in the affairs and care of the Church in refuting Heresies and in the exercise of Piety and many notable vertues But notwithstanding all his labours and worth his age and end as well as the former part of his life were accompanied with poverty so small recompence and reward had he from men who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises but kept fast their purses sic virtus laudatur alget And for this rich Ambrose above all other deserves most blame that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend Origen Hence it came to pass that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition miserabiliter inquit Nicephorus infoelix obiit dying in the famous City of Tyre where also he was buried in the reign of the Emperors Gallus and Volusian and in the year of Christ. 256. Cyprianus § 1. CYprianus called also Thascius was born at Carthage one of the chief Cities of Africa he was very rich and of great note and power there being one of the Senatorian Order and among them held the first or chief place his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years being trained up in and seasoned with the knowledge of the Arts wherein his proficiency was such that among the rest he became an excellent Rhetorician and publickly professed and taught that art at Carhage being had in very great esteem among them but all this while an Ethnick without the knowledge of Christ yea a most bitter persecutor of the Christians withal à Magician and skilled in those curious arts though this last be very improbable in the judgment both of Baronius and Pamelius How long he continued in this condition is uncertain yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto Christianity may be conjectured 1. Partly from his own words for while being a Gentile he thought of receiving the Christian Faith he conflicted with such reasonings as these he conceived it a hard and difficult thing as sometime did Nicodemus for a man to
Apology so likewise doth he Minutius Foelix in his Octavius or Minutius him for they lived near about the same time 7. Of Mortality written by him in a time wherein the pestilence invaded and raged in divers provinces and chiefly Alexandria and the rest of Egypt Vsher calls it a famous Treatise wherein by divers arguments he armeth Christians against the fear of death and admonisheth them not to grieve immoderately for those that die shewing what are the fruits of death and of how great advantage it is unto them that die in Lord. A book saith Augustine laudably known to many yea almost to all that love Ecclesiastical writings in quo dicit mortem fidelibus utilem reperiri quoniam peccandi periculis hominem subtrahit in non peccandi securitatem constituit 8. Of works and almsdeeds Augustin calls it an Epistle and Ierom grande volumen a great volum wherein he exhorteth those that were able to contribute toward the relieving of the poor who by pestilence famine and other calamities had been reduced unto great exigencies 9. Of the good of Patience wherein virtutem hanc per effecta magnificè amplificat commending the practice of it from the example of God Christ the Saints proving also both by Scripture and reason that 't is not only profitable but also necessary for a Christian. Baronius shews us the occasion of the writing hereof Veritus inquit magnopere Cyprianus ne inter Episcopos obortis contentionibus magno aliquo sebismate Catholica scinderetur Ecclesia ad â—ntevertenda futura mala egregium illud propâ—ylacticon praeparavit antidotum libellum illum de bono Patientiae scribens quò demonstraret absque patientiâ impossibile esse servari inter fratres mutuam charitatem And Cyprian himself in his Epistle to Iubaianus concerning the rebaptization of hereticks having said in the last paragraph that he would not for Hereticks contend with his fellow Bishops he shuts up all with these words servatur à nobis patienter firmiter charitas â—nimi collegii honor vinculum fidei concordia sacerdotii Propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae quantum valuit nostra mediâ—critas permittente Domino inspirante conscripsimus quem ad te pro mutuâ dilectione transmisimus In this book also he much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject with a pious and commendable emulation for he feared lest as it afterward fell out the writings of so eminent a man should be lost or laid aside many even then abstaining from the reading of him because he had so unhappily separated from the Church 10. Of zeal he takes this word here in the worse sense and envy which by many arguments he dehorteth from shewing whence it proceeds and how much evil it produceth Sermo praeclarus inquit Keckermanâ—us egregia coneio Augustine calls this Tract also an Epistle and Ierom librum valdè optimum The occasion of the writing of this as of the former Treatise also was the controversie and great contest that arose between Stephen Bishop of Rome and the African Bishops about the Baptizing of Hereticks 11. An exhortation to Martyrdom written unto Fortunatus distinguished into twelve Chapters containing so many arguments whereby he presseth unto Martyrdom which are collected almost verbatim out of the Scriptures Baronius and Pamelius are very confident that it is Cyprians and much wonder that any should ascribe it unto Hilary which yet Marianus Victorinus doth as confidently induced hereunto by the stile and authority of Ierom. For which cause the industrious Mr. Cooke doubts not to rank it among the works falsly ascribed unto this Father 12. Three books of Testimonies unto Quirinus being none other then a rapsody or collection of several places of Scripture The two first against the Jews In the one he shews that the Jews have departed from God and so have lost that grace and indulgence which formerly was afforded unto them and that the Gentiles from among all nations have succeeded them and come into their place The other contains the mystery of Christ that he came according as the Scriptures had foretold and hath done and performed all things by which he might be known In the third which the Centurists stile de disciplina Christianorum he instructs Quirinus in a Christian life it being a Collection of Divine Precepts and Commands which may be the more easie and profitable for the Readers for that being but a few and digested into a Breviary they are the sooner Read over and more frequently repeated Pamelius cannot wonder enough at the censure of Erasmus that it should seem more probable unto him that these books are not Cyprians Yet is this sagacious censor seconded by Scultetus who renders some reasons why he should make question of it viz. that some Greek forms of speech are used in the third book which are not to be sound in the other works of Cyprian withal he adds that many things do offer themselves unto the diligent Reader by which without any great ado they may be distinguished from what of this Father is genuine 13. The sentences or suffrages of the Council of Carthage concerning the baptizing of Hereticks which is none other than a rehearsal of what was done and said in that Council as things were taken by the publick Notaries whereof he gives an account unto Quirinus This piece shuts up the second Tome in Pamelius his Edition His third Tome contains those books that are doubted of or falsly ascribed unto Cyprian though in his preface Pamelius makes them to be of three sorts First Some that by the stile and Scriptures cited do certainly appear to be his genuine works but how true this is we shall hereafter examine Secondly Others of which there is some doubt yet are there many things to perswade us that they are his or at least of some Author no less Ancient then he 3. Some that are certainly found to be none of his But though divers pieces have his name affixed unto them that he was never the Author of yet saith Erasmus herein was he more happy then some others that nothing is ascribed unto him but what is Learned and proceeded from great men These are first his book of Spectacles which he shews 't is unlawful for Christians to be present at and behold A book which neither Trithemius nor the Centurists nor Erasmus take notice of and therefore not without cause suspected which also the stile gives sufficient ground for Herein the Author much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject 2. Of Discipline or the good of chastity wherein many passages are almost verbatim taken out of Tertullian Bellarmine and Pamelius conceive it to be Cyprians 'T is a work of an uncertain but Learned Author so that 't were pitty it should be lost saith Erasmus yet in his judgement the stile plainly shews it to
be none of Cyprians 3. Of the praise of Martyrdom unto Moses and Maximus wherein pennis eloquentiae se mirificè extulit But the stile is so elaborate and unequal that Erasmus supposeth no man is of so dull a scent but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of Cyprian He thinks it therefore to be an Essay of some one that would exercise his pen wherein he shewed more care then wit and more affectation then ability Cardinal Baronius is very angry with him for this his censure calling him Mome telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the Apologetick unto Demetrian or his Epistle unto Donatus will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces that they proceeded from the same Author But the wit and wisdom of Erasmus dictator ille rei literariae and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the Learned And as he was able so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another that he might the better give a right judgment So that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded as issuing rather from heat and interest then from candid and impartial animadversion The truth is both the Cardinal and the Canon Pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market affording them a considerable authority for the Doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints who therefore strain hard and would fain perswade us that it is Cyprians though they be levissima argumenta very trivial and slender arguments whereby they endeavor to make it appear so to be 4. Unto Novatian the Heretick that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the Lapsi such as fell in time of persecution which saith Erasmus the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is Cyprians But withal it is so Eloquent and Learned that he judgeth it not altogether unworthy of Cyprian yet rather thinks that Cornelius Bishop of Rome wrote it which conjecture he grounds upon the words of Ierom whom herein Honorius Augustodunensis follows and explains saying Cornelius wrote a very large Epistle unto Novatian and Fabius 5. Of the Cardinal or Principal works of Christ unto his ascension unto the Father which besides the Preface consisteth of twelve Chapters or Sermons 1. Of the Nativity of Christ. 2. Of his Circumcision 3. Of the Star and Wisemen 4. Of the Baptism of Christ and manifestation of the Trinity 5. Of his Fasting and Temptations 6. Of the Lords Supper and first institution of the Sacrament consummating all Sacraments wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of Orthodox Antiquity and the Catholick Church concerning the Lords Supper 7. Of washing the Disciples feet 8. Of Annointing with Oyl and other Sacraments 9. Of the passion of Christ. 10. Of his Resurrection 11. Of his Ascension 12. Of the Holy Ghost All these are urged as the authority of Cyprian by divers Romish Champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound Doctrines though it be doubted of by themselves for sundry weighty reasons among the rest these following 1. The stile is lower than Cyprian's useth to be 2. The Author in serm de tentatione sâ—ith that the Devil fell from Heaven before the creation of man contrary unto the opinion of Cyprian in his Treatise de telo invidiâ 3. In the Preface he gives unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome the Title of sublimitas veâ—ra your Highness whereas Cyprian always stiles him brother and Collegue The stile saith Erasmus argues it to be none of Cyprian's though it be the work of some learned man whereof that age had store Non Cypriani quidem inquit Casaubonus sed non indignus Cypriano And Bellarmin himself elsewhere affirms that the author of these Sermons without doubt lived long since Cyprian yea after the time of Augustine and taxeth the boldness of him that first put Cornelius his name in the fore front of this Book But in a very ancient Manuscript in the Library of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford the Author is called Arnaldus Bâ—naâ—illacensis who lived in the time of Bernard unto whom he hath written one or two Epistles and the Book is dedicated not unto Cornelius who lived about the year of Christ 220. but unto Adrian the Fourth who lived about the year 1154. and succeeded Eugenius the Third unto whom Bernard wrote his Book of Consideration Also that Learned Antiquary the Reverend Vsher saith he hath seen besides the abovenamed another Manuscript in the publick Library at Oxford wherein this Book bears the name of the said Arnaldus as the author thereof Taking it then for granted that it is none of Cyprian's let us give it its due in the words of Scultetus It is a Book full of Religious Piety and of great use to Preachers for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stirred up by the spirit of God 6. Of Dicers which Game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a Christian especially an Ecclesiastical man But it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the Church Bellarmin and Pamelius speak doubtfully of it the former supposing it rather to be written by some one of the Bishops of Rome as plainly appears from the Author 's assuming unto himself the Presidentship of the universal Church and to be Christ's Vicar which indeed none ever dared to do but that proud Prelate of Rome 7. Of the Mountains Sina and Sion against the Jews being a mystical interpretation of them the stile shews it to be none of his as both Bellarmin and Pamelius confess yea it is altogether different both from the stile and also the Genius of Cyprian and is stuffed with such allegories and expositions of Scripture as are far from the Learning Piety and Simplicity of this Blessed Martyr 8. As for those Poems viz. Genesis Sodoâ—â— ad Senatorem Pamelius hath adjudged them rather unto Tertullian because of the stile and because Cyprian was never ranked among the Christian Poets but only by Fabricius he might have added Gyraldus so that he leaves the matter doubtful And saith Bellarmin we have no certain ground whence to conclude it So also for the Hymn de Pascha in many Manuscripts it is ascribed â—nto Victorinus Pictaviensis But saith Bellarâ—in of them Opera sunt gravia docta S. Cyprianâ— digna To which I add the Verses de Sanctae Crucis ligno which Lilius Gyraldâ—s ascribes unto Cyprian being sixty nine Heroicks in number Quos inquit ego legi si semel legatis iterum saepe legetis But as I find them no where else mentioned as Cyprian's so I conceive Pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest had he seen
Pillar of the Church the eye of the world that second light and if we may use the word forerunner of Christ whom praising I shall praise virtue it self for in him all virtues meet Basil hath recourse unto him vâ—lut ad universorum apicem quo consultore ac duce actionum â—â—eretur A most faithful Master saith Vincentius Lyrinensis and a most eminent confessor An illustrious and famous man saith Cyril of Alexandria and in the Council of Nice one that was had in admiration of all though then but young Theodoret calls him the most shining light of the Church of Alexandria who was among the Bishops thereof as an Orient pearl most conspicuous One most approved in the judgment of all Ecclesiastical men saith Vigilius A profound and every way absolute Divine in so much as he acquired and accordingly is commonly known by the name of Athanasius the Great He was for his natural parts more then ordinary being of a strong and excellent wit as also of a sharp and piercing judgment which he cultured and improved by the study of the Liberal Arts and other Humane Learning wherein he attained unto a competent measure of skill although he spent but a small time in them for he chiefly intended things of an higher nature applying himself unto diligent Meditation in the Scriptures viz. all the Books both of the Old and New Testament by which means he so increased in the riches not only of knowledge and Divine Contemplation but also of an egregious and shining conversation both which he happily joyned together being vir sanctitatis eruditionis eximiae as no man more so that in Learning he went beyond those that were famous for their Learning and in action the most apt for action his life and manners were a rule for Bishops and his Doctrines were accounted as the Law of the Orthodox Faith a man of great ability to oppose error and to defend the truth He was adorned with all sorts of vertues of such gentleness that the way was open and easie for all to converse with him free from anger and passion and very propense unto pity and commiseration withal of most Heroick magnanimity inkindled in his brest by the holy Ghost to bear any adversity and of such invincible courage that he could not be broken with any blows of persecution his speech was pleasant but his manners more of an Angelical face yet in his mind more Angelical he was indeed an exact picture of vertue and pattern for Bishops His skill was great in the Management of the affairs of the Church and an admirable dexterity he had in the composing of differences and distempers unto which his Authority conduced much and was of great advantage as appears by the addresses that Basil made unto him earnestly imploring his aid who stiles him their only comfort against those evils and one ordained by God in the Churches to be the Physician for the curing of their maladies for which work he was abundantly furnished In a word he was as a Maul or Hammer unto the Hereticks semper Arianis velut murus obstitit inquit Sulpitius Severus hereticorum nugis inquit Cyrillus Alexandrinus inexpugnabili quadam Apostolicâ prudentiâ restitit as an Adamant unto his persecutors and as a loadstone unto such as dissented from him drawing them unto the truth § 3. His works declare him to have been indefatigably industrious being very many penè infinita almost infinite saith Trithemius some whereof are generally held to be his and by the stile are discovered so to be for they are destitute of those Rhetorical flourishes so frequently to be found in Nazianzen as also of those Philosophical Speculations in the works of Basil which yet had he made use of them would have rendred his writings more sweet and succulent but some of these Arts he shunned as diligently as he did Heretical opinions and others of them he useth very sparingly Netheless his labors were had in very great esteem as may be gathered from the words of Cyril who thus speaks of them quasi fragrantissimo inquit quodam ungnento ipsum coelum scriptis suis exhilâ—ravit And the Abbot Cosmas intimates his apprehensions of their worth in these words when saith he thou lightest on any of the works of Athanasius and hast not paper to write on write it on thy garments But as many are genuine so some under his name are dubious and questionable and others forged and supposititious An injury which the best Authors have not escaped unto whom many books have been ascribed which were not theirs but to none more then unto Athanasius Vt inquit Nannius fertilissimis agris multa Zizania una cum optimis frugibus nascuntur ita optimb cuique autori plurimi falsi notbi libri adscribuntur nulli auâ—em plures quà m Athanasio Indeed as they are now extant scarce the one half do belong unto him which Erasmus meeting with he cast them away with indignation and being full of them cried out 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having his fill and unwilling to meddle more with such stuff Among other that offered him this wrong were the Nestorian and Entychian Hereticks saith Evagrius who set forth divers books of Apollinarius under the name of Athanasius The books extant under his name both of one sort and other I shall briefly set down in the same order that I find them in the Parisian Edition Ann. One thousand six hundred twenty seven contained in two Tomes And they are these following 1. An Oration against the Gentiles 2. Of the Incarnation of the word of God which Bellarmine thinks to be those two books against the Gentiles whereof Ierom makes mention by himself truly stiled the Rudiments or Character of the Faith of Christ for it contains in it an Epitome of Christian Doctrine most necessary to be known and not unpleasant to be read 3. An Exposition of the faith wherein the Orthodox Doctrine of the Trinity is asserted and the Heretical refuted Of this Bellarmine makes question whether it be his or no. 4. His answer unto an Epistle of Liberius Bishop of Rome being a Confession of the Faith but expressed in words very improper it is also foolish in the allegations of Scripture and therefore not to be attributed unto him 5. An Epistle unto the Emperor Iovianus yet written not by him alone but by the Synod then assembled at Alexandria 6. His disputation against Arius in the Council of Nice which plainly appears to be supposititious by the very inscription making it to be held Ann. 310. whereas that council was celebrated Ann. Three hundred twenty five Also the disputation it self saith that it was held not against Arius but against an Arian Again it is said in the lose of the disputation that Arius was hereby converted of him in
held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the Arians there present in the matter of the faith This Bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against Valens and Vrsatius mentioned by Ierom two Arian Bishops who saith Marianus deceived the Fathers in those Synods faining themselves Orthodox An Epistle of Athanasius and ninety Bishops of Egypt and Lybia unto the Bishops in Africa against the Arians wherein the decrees of the Council of Nice are defended and the Synod of Ariminum is shewn to be superfluous that of Nice being sufficient 37. An Epistle unto all the Orthodox wherever when persecution was by the Arians raised against them 38. An Epistle unto Iohn and Antiochus two Presbyters also another unto Palladius nihil continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39. An Epistle unto Dracontius whom flying away he by divers arguments perswades to return unto the Church of Alexandria whereof he was Bishop elect and that he would not hearken unto those that would deter him from so doing It is saith Espencaeus a learned Epistle 40. An Epistle unto Marcellinus concerning the interpretation of the Psalms which seems to be the same that Ierom calls of the Titles of the Psalms stiled by Sixtus Senensis thus In Psalterium Davidis ad Marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum Isagogicus libellus Of which Cassiodorus thus Testis est inquit Athanasii episcopi sermo magnificus qui virtutes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens omnia illic esse probat quaecunque sanctae scripturae ambitu continentur It is by Mr. Perkins put among the suspected works 41 A treatise of the Sabbath and Circumcision in the Latine Parisian Edition Anno 1581. It is joyned as his enarration upon those words Matth. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my Father c. being the seventh in this Catalogue Unto which is added in the same Latine Edition a Compendium of what had been formerly written against those who affirm the Holy Ghost to be a creature 42. Upon those words Matth. 12. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Son of man c. suspected 43. A Sermon upon the passion and cross of the Lord the phrase saith Erasmus savoureth not of Athanasius Also it altogether forbids oaths which Athanasius doth not It is therefore supposititious Herein also the questions unto Antiochus are cited which are not of this Author Besides the Author foolishly makes Christ to feign words of humane frailty when hanging upon the Cross he so cryed out Eli Eli Lama Sabachthani which yet the true Athanasius saith were truly spoken of him according to his humane nature Sixtus Senensis calls it eloquentissimam concionem 44. A Sermon upon Matth. 21. 2. Go into the village over against you c. It seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary wherein the Author as playing with them wresteth the Scriptures saith Erasmus it is forged 45. A Sermon of the most holy Virgin the Mother of God or of the Annunciation it is evidently spurious for the Author is large in refuting the error of Nestorius and presseth the Monothelites both which errors were unknown as not sprung up in the time of Athanasius The Author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and moreover saith that the attributes of God are not the very substance of God sed circa substantiam versari which is discrepant from the manner of Athanasius who is wont to speak very considerately It appears by many passages that the Author hereof lived after the sixth general Council 46. Of Virginity a Sermon or Meditation it is dubious If it be of Athanasius's penning he did saith Erasmus strangely let fall his stile and I may add saith Seultetus that he also laid aside his Theological gravity if he prescribed those childish rules unto a Virgin which saith the Author whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of Angels and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death 47. An homily of the sower it is suspected as being found only in an English book 48. A Sermon against all heresies it is none of his but some doting fellow est vilis et confusus ut plurimum 49. An oration of the ascension of Christ which because of the flourishing stile thereof Scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto Athanasiusâ— 50. An oration or history of Melchisedech in the end whereof the Author speaks of the fathers of the Nicene Council as dead long before it 's therefore spurious 51. A brief oration against the Arians I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian edition by Nannius 52. The declaration of Leviticus it is suspected 53. Short colloquies between Iovianus and certain Arians against Athanasius Also 54. Of the incarnation of the Word of God both which are no where to be found but in the last Parisian edition 55. The Symbol or Creed of Athanasius by Scultetus judged to be dubious he having met with it in no book among the works of Athanasius only in one it is read without the name of the Author It hath been a great dispute among the learned saith Pelargus whose it should be Some ascribing it unto Athanasius and others unto some later Author as yet unknown 56. An Epistle of Iovianus the Emperour unto Athanasius and Athanasius his answer therâ—unto 57. An Epistle unto Ammun a Monk it is dubious 58. A fragment of a festival Epistle containing a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new Testament it is dubious I believe it saith Scultetus to have been taken out of his Synopsis 59. An Epistle unto Ruffinianus 60. Theological definitions said to be collected by Clement and other holy men It is supposititious and by Scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judgment It seems not to have been of Athanasius his writing because therein Gregory Nyssene is cited who in all likelyhood had not begun to write till after the death of Athanasius Besides the Author speaks so distinctly of the two Natures of Christ in one Hypostasis that it seems to be altogether of a later date then the Council of Chalcedon 61. A brief Synopsis or Compendium of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament Wherein first he sets down a Catalogue of the Canonical and Non-canonical books Secondly he shews by whom each was written whence it had its name and what it doth contain Thirdly he names the books of both Testaments that are contradicted or accounted Apocryphal 62. Five Dialogues of the Trinity Also 63. Twenty Sermons against divers Hesies which are Pious and Learned and therefore most worthy to be read The phrase shews them to
have been both written by the same Author not Athanasius but one Maximus a very Learned Man many years after the death of Athanasius Scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of Maximus upon a certain old Parchment in which these Dialogues were wrapt up This Maximus was a Constantinopolitane Monk who lived in the time of Pope Honorius a Monothelite and died Ann. Six hundred fifty seven The Catalogue of whose book mentioned by Photius or which are in the Vaticane Library contains divers that have the very same title with those which are inserted among the works of Athanasius 64. A book of divers questions of the Sacred Scripture unto King Antiochus which appears to be supposititious because first Athanasius himself is therein cited quaest 23. and that under the name of Athanasius the Great which would have argued too much arrogance Secondly Many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgment of Athanasius Thirdly The Mystical Theology of Dionysius Areopagita is alledged therein which I suppose saith Sixtus Senensis was altogether unknown in the time of Athanasius he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the Fathers by some studious man Fourthly The questions are variously reckoned in some Copies there being only fourty and six in others one hundred sixty and two Fifthly Gregory Nazianzen is twice named in it Also there are cited Gregory Nyssen and Epiphanius as ancient authors yet was Athanasius before them also Chrysostom Scala Iohannis Maximus Nicephorus c. all of them juniors unto Athanasius Sixthly Yea quaest 108. the Romans are said to be a kind of Franks whence he evidently appears to be a late author for all those of the West are called Franks in the Turks Dominions Luce ergò clarius est inquit Cocus libellum hunc filium esse populi nec novisse parentem suum Yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the Romanists to prove that there are nine orders of Angels that the Saints departed do know all things images lawful distinction of sins orders of Monks necessity of baptism Sacrament of pennance prayer for the dead Antichrist to be a certain person the sacrifice of the Altar c. 65. Questions of the words and interpretations of the Evangelical parables they are supposititious for they are gathered out of Chrysostom Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory Nyssen their very names being expressed 66. Certain other Anonymous questions which appear to be spurious in all likelyhood the work of some late Greek for in them the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son is denied 67. The life of Antony the Monk That such a narration was written by Athanasius both Nazianzen and Ierome do affirm But that this now extant should be the same believe it who will I doubt not saith Scultelus but that it is the figment of some foolish man for endeavoring to shew how in the whole course of his life Antony imitated Christ he talks childishly and ridiculously and there are many things in it saith Tossanus that are fabulous and savour not of the gravity and simplicity of Athanasius Besides some report Antony to have been a Lawyer and very learned but this Author makes him altogether illiterate But that this is an Ancient Legend appears from hence that Damaseen cites a place out of it Yet is it but a Fable and no more notwithstanding all Bellarmines vain confidence to the contrary 68. A Sermon in Parasceuen or the preparation which I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian Edition by Nannius only Possevine saith that it was first set forth in Greek and Latine in the Antwerp Edition 69. Certain fragments of Athanasius upon the Psalms taken out of Nicetas his Catena with some other out of other Authors 70. Eleven books of the united Deity of the Trinity others reckon but seven they are found only in Latine and seem to have been written in that Language and not Translated out of the Greek as appears partly from the Stile and partly because the Author tells us how those things are expressed by the Greeks which he wrote in Latine he also confutes one Vrbicus Potentinus a disciple or follower of Eunomius which Athanasius could not do 71. A disputation concerning the Faith held at Laodicea between Athanasius and Arius it is clearly Commentitious and Counterfeit nor can it be a true disputation between those two for Athanasius is here brought in as a Deacon disputing in the second year of Constantius whereas it appears that Athanasius was made Bishop long before viz. In the one and twentieth year of Constantine the Great and Arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same Emperor who therefore could not dispute in the Reign of Constantius 2. Herein is mention made of Photinus the Heretick as if from him Arius had Learned his Heresie whereas Photinus was after Arius It seems rather to be that Dialogue which was written by Vigilius Bishop of Trent against Sabellius Photinus and Arius which he therefore set forth under the name of Athanasius that saith he persons present might seem to deal with those that were present 72. An exhortation unto the Monks It is forged 73. An Epistle unto Pope Mark for the exemplars of the Nicene Council with the answer of Mark thereunto both which without doubt are supposititious for this Mark was dead at that time when as 't is pretended this answer was written also at this time was Athanasius in banishment in France and so could not write from Alexandria So that both these Epistles and also the seventy pretended Canons of the Council of Nice contained in them are none other then a meer forgery 74. A Sermon upon the passion of our Saviour which is a meer patch taken almost verbatim out of the Sermon upon the same subject being the forth in this Catalogue 75. Of the passion of the image of Christ Crucified at Beryth in Syria It savors of the Golden Legend And that it cannot be the work of Athanasius may evidently appear from the title that Anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto which was this D. Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini de passione imaginis Domini nostri Iesu Christi qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in urbe quae Berythus dicitur temporibus Constantini senioris Irenae uxoris ejus Now it is known unto all that Athanasius was dead some Centuries of years before the reign of those two abovementioned This Fable is by Sigebert referred unto the year Seven hundred sixty five about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated It must needs therefore be the work of some later Author saith the Learned Daille so tastless a piece and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit that he must be thought not to have common sense that can find in
rhetorical flourish and because the Treatise it self is justly suspected not to belong unto Athanasiùs I shall forbear to set it down as being unworthy to be ascribed unto so grave and found an Author 3. He seems to assert the worshipping or adoration of the Saints thus If saith he thou adore the man Christ because there dwelleth the Word of God upon the same ground adore the Saints also because God hath his habitation in them It is strange say the Centurists that so great a Doctor should so write but they do erre saith Scultetus not considering that he there speaks upon the suppositition of Samosatenus who thought that Christ as man was to be adored because of the Word dwelling in him which is the thing that Athanasius denyeth convincing Samosatenus of falshood from an absurdity that would follow For seeing the Word dwelleth also in the Saints it would thence follow that they are to be worshipped which Athanasius in the same place affirmeth to be extreme impiety And indeed he expresly elsewhere saith that adoration belongeth unto God only § 7. As touching his death it was very remarkable in this regard that in the midst of a most vehement storm and tempest the cruel persecution under the Emperour Valens he should so quietly arrive at the haven For being forc'd to hide himself as hath been said in his Fathers monument about the space of four months the people that greatly loved him and had him in very high esteem grew so impatient of his absence from them that they began to be tumultuous threatning to burn the ships and publick edifices unless Athanasius were permitted to return unto them again The Emperour hereupon fearing what the issue might be gave way to their fury being a hot and hasty kind of people and suffered him to enjoy his Bishoprick again from that time tempering himself from troubling Alexandria and the Country of Aegypt By this means it came to pass that after so long labour and sweat for Christ so many encounters for the Orthodox faith so frequent and famous flights and banishments having given many things in charge unto Peter his successor he did at Alexandria in peace and a good old age pass from this vale of trouble unto the rest above after he had governed that Church by the space though not without intermissions of forty and six years in the seventh year of the Emperour Valens and of Christ about 371. Hilarius Pictaviensis § 1. HE was born in France and yet not Gallus as himself answered Leo Bishop of Rome in a certain Council asking him at his entrance in a proud insulting manner Tune es Hilarius Gallus At ille Non sum inquit Gallus sed de Galliâ ac si diceret non sum natione Gallus sed de Galliâ praesul Erat enim gente Aquitanicus pontificali autem dignitate praeminebat Gallis for he was Bishop of Poâ—ctiers the chief City of the Celtae or Galli For France of old was divided into three parts or Provinces viz. Belgicam Aquitanicam bodie Guienne vocatur Celticam Now the inhabitants of this later were properly those called Galli ipsorum linguâ Celtae nostrâ inquit Caesar Galli appellantur So doth Sulpitius Severus distinguish his Country men into these three sorts Aquitanes Galli and Brittaines the two former are so far differing the one from the other saith Strabo both in habit and Language that the Aquitanes are more like unto the Spaniards then unto the Galli It is reported of him that in his younger years applying himself unto study and not profiting as he desired which made him to doubt whether he should ever attain unto that which he aimed at he left the Schools purposing to fall upon some other course and passing along by a certain well in the way walled up with great stone he observed that those stones were much worn and hollowed in some places by the often rubbing of the Rope upon them wherewith they used to draw the water Hereupon he fell into this consideration with himself if this Cord that is much softer hath by frequency of fretting made this hard stone hollow then surely may I also by continuance of time both profit and perfect or accomplish my desire Accordingly he betook him again unto the Schools where by assiduity and constancy in study he at length became a most Learned and accurate Scholar He seems to have been at first an Ethnick at what time perceiving and considering with himself how vain the opinions and conceits were which the Philosophers had of the gods musing much hereupon he at length light upon the books of Moses the Prophets and the Apostles by the diligent perusal whereof he came to the knowledge of the truth and to embrace the Christian Religion being now well stricken in years yet in a short time did he so much profit in the Doctrine of Christianity that he was deservedly esteemed a chief Doctor and pillar of the Catholick Church His Country men coming to understand of his great worth soon advanced him unto a high degree of dignity though a married man he being by them chosen to be Bishop of Poictiers chief City of the Province of Poictou About this time the persecution under the Emperor Constantius grew very hot in so much that many eminent Bishops for holding fast and sticking close unto the Catholick Faith were exiled and driven into banishment Hereupon Hilary with divers other Gallicane Bishops convening together with mutual consent did by a Decree separate Saturninus Valens and Vrsatius who were violent Arians from their Communion adding withal that if any being admonished to shun their society did not herein obey the sentence of the Catholick Bishops they should be excommunicated Saturninus who was Bishop of Arles a factious and mischievous man took this very grievously that he should be Anathematized and excluded from Communion with the rest of the Bishops yet after this was he sor heinous crimes cast out of the Church wherefore by the favor of Constantius he procured Synods to be congregatted at Byterris and at Arles Cities of France unto which the Catholick Bishops should be forced to come Hilary being one of those who were present in these Synods fearing least by the subtilty of the Arians as was their manner the Orthodox through simplicity might be circumvented offereth a libel to be read wherein the close conveyances crafty fetches and blasphemous Heresies of the Arians were laid open and discovered unto all But the adversaries withstanding the Reading thereof prevailed so far that Hilary refusing to subscribe unto their ambiguous and captious contessions and decrees for he was very circumspect and quick sighted to discern and avoid their cunning devices and impostures was banished into Phrygia in the East where he continued for the space of three whole years and upward In the fourth year of his banishment the Emperor commands a Synod of the