suspendetur Si suspensus post iter atas admonitiones nullum poenitentiae signum dederit ad Excommunicationem procedet Ecclesia Melchior Adamus de vitis Germanorum Theologorum Pag. 342. CUmque sub id tempus Anno 1545. Fredericus Elector Palatinus qui Ludovico successerat de Ecclesiarum agitaret Reformatione composuit Melanchthon cum evocato venire integrum non esset scriptum de reformandis Ecclesiis cujus Synopsin aliquot regulis comprehendit quas addimus Vera salutaris gubernatio Ecclesiae Christi praecipuè in his sex Membris consistit PRimum In vera pura Doctrina quam Deus Ecclesiae suae patefecit tradidit doceri mandavit Secundo In legitime usu Sacramentorum Tertio In conservatione Ministerii Evangelici obedientiae erga Pastores Ecclesiarum sicut Deus vult postulat conservari Ministerium Evangelii servat ipse sua potentiâ presentiâ Quarto In conservatione honestae pia Disciplinae retinendae per judicia Ecclesiastica seu jurisdictionem Ecclesiasticam Quinto In conservandis studiis necessariae doctrinae Scholis Sexto Ad haec opus est defensione corporali facultatibus ad personas quae sunt in efficiis necessariis alendas The Irish Articles of Religion Art 58. NEither do we give unto him the Supreme Magistrate hereby the administration of the Word and Sacraments or the power of the keyes And Art 69. But particular and visible Churches consisting of those who make profession of the Faith of Christ and live under the outward means of Salvation be many in number wherein the more or lesse sincerely according to Christs Institution the Word of God is taught the Sacraments are administred and the authority of the keyes is used the more or lesse pure are such Churches to be accounted Laurentius Humfredus de Religionis conservatione Reformatione vera Ad Nobilitatem Clerum Populum Anglicanum PAg. 23. Nec satis mirari possum nec satis dolere cum intellgam in his locis repudiari disciplinam Ecclesiasticam vel nullam esse vel nimis laxam vel non satis vigilanter administratam in quibus tamen alioqui Religionis sincera efâ—igies cernitur quasi Evangelium esse possit ubi non vivitur Evangelicè aut quasi Christus laeto carnali voluptuario delectetur Evangelio c. At in Ecclesia manere debet censura jurisdictio non minus quam gladius in Repub. Pag. 25. Sit ergo haec prima Reformationis perfectae ratio nostri ac peccatorum recognitio emendatio Deinde severior adsit in Ecclesia castigatio animadversio ut illa laxit as remissio frnaeetur quo minus levius deinceps peccetur FINIS THE THIRD BOOKE OF Excommunication from the CHURCH AND Of Suspension from the LORDS TABLE CHAP. I. An opening of the true state of the question and of Master Prynnes many mistakes and mis-representations of our Principles HAving now by the light of Scripture and other helps asserted a Church-government distinct from civill Magistracy both in the Old and New Testament the last part of my present undertaking shall be to vindicate the particular Ordinances of Excommunication and Suspension called by the Schoolmen Excommunicatio major minor Of which also I have before spoken divers things occasionally for I have asserted an Excommunication and Suspension in the Jewish Church Booke 1. Chap. 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12. The nature grounds reasons uses and ends whereof were not proper to the Old Testament but such as concerne the Christian Church I have also brought arguments Booke 2. Chap. 9 10. which conclude not onely Church-government but Excommunication And so much of my worke is done Neverthelesse there is more to doe M r Prynne first in his foure grand Quaeres and thereafter in his Vindication of the same hath argued much both against the Suspension from the Sacrament of a person not Excommunicated and wholly cast out of the Church and against some of the most pregnant Scripturall proofes for Excommunication it selfe In his Vindication he hath branched forth the controversie into ten points of difference Two of these viz. the fifth concerning suspension from the Sacrament of the Passeover and the ninth concerning casting out of the Synagogue I have discussed before in the first Book Where I have also examined other assertions of his concerning the Jewish Sanhedrin Temple confession of sinne The other points of difference not handled before I am as the Lord will help me now to speak to The first point of difference is whether in those foure Quaeres of his he stated the Controversie aright He is offended that I in a Sermon of mine before the honourable House of Commons charged the Questionist with mistakes and that I did not take notice of the question concerning suspension from the Sacrament as he stated it Vindic. pag. 3. I had reason because he had mis-stated it and since it pleased him to interpose in a matter depending between the Honourable houses of Parliament and the Reverend Assembly of Divines and to publish a paper plainly reflecting upon a Petition of the Assembly I hope he can not think either the Assembly or me tied to his stating of the question If he will meddle with the businesse of the Assembly he must speak to it as it is And that it may now appeare how just cause I had to charge his Queres with mistakes of the state of the question which he still mistaketh I shall endeavour a more particular and full discovery of these his mistakes And first that which was desired by the Assembly was that such a rule may be established by authority of Parliament as may keep off all scandalous and notorious sinners from the Sacrament The question was not what Texts of Scripture doe warrant this thing It did not concerne me to debate whether the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament quoted by him prove suspension from the Lords Table The controversie was of the practicall conclusion and of establishing such a rule as may keep off scandalous persons from the Sacrament If the thing be done if the conclusion be consented to there is the greater liberty for men to abound in their own sence concerning the mediums to prove it Secondly and if he would needs debate what Texts of Scripture doe prove the thing and what precept or president in Scripture doth warrant it me thinks he had done better to have informed himselfe on what Scripturall proofs the Reverend Assembly had grounded the suspension of scandalous sinners from the Sacrament though not yet cast out of the Church The proofes from Scripture voted in the Assembly were these Because the Ordinance it selfe must not be prophaned And because we are charged to withdraw from those who walk disorderly And because of the great sinne and danger both to him that comes unworthily and also to the whole Church The Scriptures from which the Assembly did prove all
the Passeover which is not at all meant in this Text but even from the Manna and the water of the Rock those scandalous sinners were cut off by death except such of them as did repent and turn for whom atonement was made to God As soon as Moses came into the camp he gave a charge to slay every man his Brother and every man his companion which had committed the sinne of Idolatry and for the rest who survived Moses made atonement and got an answer of Peace from God concerning them Exo. 32. 33. We read also that the Lord plagued the people because of their Idolatry Exo. 32. 35. and the people did mourn and humble themselves and cast off their Ornaments Exo. 33. 4. So that I am sure the first case mentioned by the Apostle maketh much against our Opposites The second example is the matter of Peor where they did fall both into Idolatry and Fornication together but what came of it Moses gave a charge to the Judges of Israel to slay every one his men that were joyned to Baal Peor Numb 25. 5. and there died also of the Plague 24000. v. 9. But what was the peoples part in Repenting vers 6. tells us that all the congregation of the Children of Israel were weeping before the door of the Tabernacle of the Congregation and for those that remained alive Phinehes made atonement and the Lord smelled a savour of rest vers 11. 13. As for the third case instanced by the Apostle which is the tempting of Christ much people of Israel dyed for it and the remnant did repent and confesse that particular sinne that they had spoken against the Lord and against Moses and therefore did desire Moses to pray unto the Lord for them Num. 21. 6. 7. Lastly for that of murmuring those that had the chiefe hand in it died of the Plague Num. 14. 37. and the people mourned greatly and confessed We have sinned vers 34. 40. And thus by searching for an Answer to our Opposites argument we have found this argument against them If God himself did execute such Discipline upon those who were tainted with the grosse and scandalous sinnes of Idolatry Fornication c. That he would not permit them to enjoy their former liberty of eating of the Manna and drinking of the Water of the Rock being spirituall meat and spirituall drink as Typifying Christ though appointed of God also for ordinary daily food and drink to his people untill they mourned repented confessed and atonement was made for them It is much lesse the will of God that such scandalous sinners as are manifestly impenitent and manifestly not reconciled to God should be admitted and received to the Lords Supper which is an Ordinance purely spirituall But the former part is true Therefore so is the latter 6. Another Answer I shall adde though I need adde no more Those sinnes mentioned by the Apostle were not scandals given by a few persons nor yet by a few Families nor by a Tribe but they were common nationall sinnes and so fall not within the verge of our Controversie which is not concerning the suspending of a scandalous Nation from the Sacrament for some nationall sinne but concerning the suspension of scandalons persons for their personall publike offences If it be objected unto me that the Apostle saith that some of them were Idolaters and some of them did commit Fornication c. I answer when he saith some he saith so in reference to the All which had gone before that is all the Israelites who did eat of the Manna and drink of the water of the Rock during the 40 yeers in the wildernesse successively so that he makes a distribution of Israel in the wildernesse comparing one passage with another not distributing those that lived together at one and the same time And that it must needs be so understood I prove from Exo. 32. where we find all the people falling into Idolatry so Num. 14. 2. And all the Children of Israel murmured against Moses and against Aaron The other two are also called the sinnes of the people and of Israel and the people were punished and for one of them all the Heads of the people commanded to be hanged Num. 21. 5. 6. 25. 3. 4. Peradventure every one did not act in each of these sinnes but yet they were nationall as we call nationall sinnes the generality of the Children of Israel either acting or partaking therein In such a case Augustine thought fit to suspend the exercising of Excommunication for the sinne of drunkennesse rather than to excommunicate all Africa These are my six answers to Master Prynnes unanswerable argument The end of the first Book AN APPENDIX To the First Booke Containing an additionall debate concerning the Jewish Church-Government and Censures I Have said enough as I suppose of a Church-Government and Church-Censures distinct from Magistracy and civill Justice among the Jewes whereby the seeming Old Testament strength of the Erastians is sufficiently yea abundantly broken And now it appeareth how ill grounded that Assertion is which did lately come abroad in the Discourse entituled The difference about Church-government ended Pag. 8. Moses was first the sole Ruler c. Afterwards when Kings reigned in Israel King Solomon put Abiathar the high Priest from his Office setting up Zadok and David distinguished the courses of the Priests and other godly Kings from time to time ruled in things Ecclesiasticall and Priests never till that after their returne from the Babylonish captivity c. And no better grounded are the first five questions in M r Prynne his Diotrephes catechised in which he doth intimate that there was no distinct Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction among the Jewes and that all scandalous sinnes and offences now pretended to be of Ecclesiasticall cognisance were by Gods owne institution throughout the old Testament inquireable examinable determinable and punishable onely by the temporall Magistrates or â—ivill powers not by any Ecclesiasticall persons or Officers But when he should prove that there was no Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction distinct from the civill he brings many Scriptures to prove that there was a civill jurisdiction and civill or temporall punishments in the Old Testament How cold the consequence from hence will be against Church-Government the intelligent Reader cannot but perceive The most of that strength which doth militate against these Erastian Principles is presented and drawn up in this preceding Booke That which I now intend is onely an additionall debate And first of all it is to be observed that the same point of Controversie is debated with the Anabaptists they holding as the Erastians doe that in the old Testament there was but one kind of government one kind of jurisdiction one kind of punishment and that it was Civill or Temporall but an Ecclesiasticall Judicature or censure in the old Testament they deny Wherein they are contradicted by those that writ against them Secondly we must distinguish with great caution
AARONS ROD BLOSSOMING OR The Divine Ordinance of Church-Government VINDICATED So as the present Erastian Controversie concerning the distinction of Civill and Ecclesiasticall Government Excommunication and Suspension is fully debated and discussed from the holy Scripture from the Jewish and Christian Antiquities from the consent of latter Writers from the true nature and rights of Migistracy and from the groundlesnesse of the chiefe Objections made against the Presbyteriall Government in point of a domineering arbitrary unlimited power By George Gillespie Minister at Edinburgh For unto us a child is born unto us a sonne is given and the government shall be upon his shoulder Isaiah 9. 6. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double honour 1 Tim. 5. 17. And the spirits of the Prophets are subject to the Prophets for God is not the Author of confusion but of peace 1 Cor. 14 32 33. August lib. contra Donatistas post collationem Cap. 4. Ne fortè aut indisciplinata patientia foveat iniquitatem aut impatiens disciplina dissipet unitatem Published by Authority London Printed by E. G. for Richard Whitaker at the signe of the Kings Armes in Pauls Church yard 1646. TO THE Reverend and Learned Assembly of DIVINES Convened at WESTMINSTER Right Reverend THough many faithfull servants of God did long agoe desire to see those things which we see and to heare those things which we heare Yet it hath been one of the speciall mercies reserved for this Generation and denied to the times of our Ancestors that Divines of both Kingdomes within this Island should be gathered and continued together to consult peaceably and freely concerning a Reformation of Religion in Doctrine Worship Discipline and Government 'T is a mercy yet greater that two Nations formerly at so great a distance in the form of publike Worship and Churchgovernment should to their mutuall comfort and happines and to the further endearing of each to other through the good hand of God be now agreed upon one Directory of Worship and with a good progresse advanced as in one Confession of Faith so likewise in one forme of Church-government For all which as the other Reformed Churches in regard of their common interest in the Truth and Ordinances of Christ so especially your Brethren in the Church of Scotland are your debters Your name is as precious Oynment among them and they doe esteeme you very highly in love for your workes sake A worke which as it is extraordinary and unparalleld requiring a double portion of the Spirit of your Master so You have very many Hearts and Prayers going along with you in it that the pleasure of the Lord may prosper in your hand As for my Reverend Colleagues and my selfe it hath been a good part of our happinesse that we have been partakers of and Assistants in your grave and learned Debates Yet as we declared from our first comming amongst you we came not hither presuming to prescribe any thing unto You but willing to receive as well as to offer light and to debate matters freely and fairely from the Word of God the common Rule both to you and us As herein You were pleased to give testimony unto us in one of your Letters to the Generall Assembly of the Church of Scotland so the great respects which in other things and at other times you have expressed both towards that Church from which we are entrusted and particularly towards our selves doe call for a returne of all possible and publique testimonies of gratitude For which purpose I doe for my part take hold of this opportunity I know that I owe much more unto You then I have either ability to pay or Elocution to set forth Yet although I cannot retaliate your Favours nor render that which may be worthy of your selves I beseech you to accept this part of my retribution of respects I doe offer and entitle unto You this Enucleation of the Erastian Controversie which is Dignus vindice nodus I hope here is a word in season concerning it Others might have done better but such furniture as I had I have brought to the worke of the Tabernacle I submit what is mine unto your greater learning and better judgement and shall ever continue Yours to serve you GEO. GILLESPIE To the Candid Reader I Have often and heartily wished that I might not be distracted by nor ingaged into polemick Writings of which the World is too full already and from which many more learned and idoneous have abstained and I did accordingly resolve that in this Controversall age I should be slow to write swift to read and learne Yet there are certaine preponderating reasons which have made me willing to be drawn forth into the light upon this subject For beside the desires and sollicitations of diverse Christian friends lovers of truth and peace seriously calling upon me for an answer to M r Prynne his Vindication of his foure Questions concerning Excommunication and Suspension the grand importance of the Erastian controversie and the strong influence which it hath into the present juncture of asfaires doth powerfully invite me Among the many Controversies which have disquieted and molested the Church of Christ those concerning Ecclesiasticall Government and Discipline are not the least but among the chiefe and often mannaged with the greatest animosity and eagernesse of spirit whence there have growne most dangerous divisions and breaches such as this day there are and for the future are to be expected unlesse there shall be through Gods mercy some further composing and healing of these Church-consuming distractions which if we shall be so happy as once to obtaine it will certainely contribute very much toward the accommodation of civill and State-shaking differences And contrariwise if no healing for the Church no healing for the State Let the Gallio's of this time who care for no intrinsecall evill in the Church promise to themselves what they will surely he that shall have cause to write with Nicolaus de Clemangis a Booke of lamentation de corrupto Ecclesiae statu will finde also cause to write with him de lapsu reparatione Justitiae As the thing is of high concernment to these so much disturbed and divided Churches so the elevation is yet higher by many dègrees This controversie reacheth up to the Heavens and the top of it is above the clouds It doth highly concerne Iesus Christ himselfe in his glory royall prerogative and kingdome which he hath and exerciseth as Mediator and Head of his Church The Crowne of Iesus Christ or any part priviledge or pendicle thereof must needs be a noble and excellent Subject This truth that Iesus Christ is a King and hath a Kingdome and government in his Church distinct from the kingdomes of this World and from the civill Government hath this commendation and character above all other truths that Christ himselfe suffered to the death for it and sealed it with his blood For it may be observed from the story
is I have not declined them but encountered yea sought them out where their strength was greatest where their Arguments were hardest and their exceptions most probable so no man may decline or dissemble the strength of my Arguments Inferences Authorities Answers and Replies nor thinke it enough to lift up an Axe against the uttermost branches when he ought to strike at the root Thirdly if there be any acrimony let it be in a reall and rationall conviction not in the manner of expression In which also I aske no other measure to my selfe than I have given to others T is but in vaine for a man to help the bluntnesse of reason with the sharpnesse of passion for thereby he loseth more than he gaineth with intelligent Readers the simpler sort may peradventure esteem those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 those despicable nothings to be something but then they are delu ded not edified Therefore let not a man cast sorth a flood of passionate words when his Arguments are like broken cisternes which can hold no water If any Replyer there be of the Erastian party who will confine himselfe within these Rules and Conditions as I doe not challenge him so if God spare me life and liberty I will not refuse him But if any shall so reply as to prevaricate and doe contrary to these just and reasonable demands I must to his greater shame call him to the Orders and make his tergiversation to appeare I shall detaine thee good Reader no longer The Lord guide thee and all his people in waies of truth and peace holinesse and righteousnesse and grant that this Controversie may I trust it shall have a happy end to the glory of God to the embracing and exalting of Iesus Christ in his Kingly Office to the ordering of his House according to His owne will to the keeping pure of the Ordinances to the advancing of Holinesse and shaming of prophanesse and finally to the peace quiet wel-being comfort and happinesse of the Churches of Christ. These things without thoughts of provoking any either publike or private person the searcher of hearts knoweth to be desired and intended by him who is Thine to please thee for thy good to edification GEO. GILLESPIE THE CONTENTS The first Booke Of the Jewish Church Government CHAP. I. That if the Erastians could prove what they alledge concerning the Iewish Church Government yet in that particular the Iewish Church could not be a president to the Christian. THe Jewish Church a patterne to us in such things as were not typicall or temporall If it could be proved that the Jewes had no supreme Sanhodrin but one and it such as had the power of civill Magistracy yet there are foure reasons for which that could be no president to the Christian Church Where the constitution manner of proceedings and power of the Sanhedrin ure touched Of their Synagoga Magna what it was That the Priests had great power and authority not onely in occasionall Synods but in the civill Sanhedrin it selfe CHAP. II. That the Iewish Church was formally distinct from the Iewish State or Commonwealth WE are content that the Erastians appeale to the Jewish government Seven distinctions between the Jewish Church and the Jewish State Of the proselytes of righteousnesse and that they were imbodied into the Jewish Church not into the Jewish State CHAP. III. That the Iewes had an ecclesiasticall Sanhedrin and Government distinct from the civill DIvers Authors cited for the ecclesiastcal Sanhedrin of the Jews The first Institution thereof Exo. 24. That the choosing calling forth of these 70 Elders is not coincident with the choosing of the 70 Elders mentioned Num. 11. nor yet with the choosing of Judges Exod. 18. The institution of two coordinate Governments cleared from Deut. 17. A distinct Ecclesiasticall government setled by David 1 Chro. 23. and 26. The same distinction of Civill and Church government revived by Iehoshaphat 2 Chro. 19. That Text vindicated Two distinct Courts one Ecclesiasticall another Civill proved from Ierem. 26. Another argument for an Ecclesiasticall Senate from Ierem. 18. 18. Who meant by the wise men of the Jewes Another argument from Ezech. 7. 26. Another from 2 Kings 6. 32. and Ezech. 8. 1. Another from Psal. 107. 32. Another from Zech. 7. 1 2 3. That Ezech. 13. 9. seemeth to hold forth an Ecclesiasticall Sanhedrin That the Councell of the chiefe Priests Elders and Scribes so often mentioned in the Gospel and in the Acts of the Apostles was an Ecclesiasticall Sanhedrin and not a civill Court of Justice as Erastus and M. Prynne suppose which is at length proved That the civill Sanhedrin which had power of life and death did remove from Hierusalem 40 yeeres before the destruction of the Temple and City and consequently neere three yeeres before the death of Christ. The great objection that neither the Talmud nor Talmudicall Writers doe distinguish a civill and an ecclesiasticall Sanhedrin answered Finally those who are not convinced that there was a distinct ecclesiasticall Sanhedrin among the Jewes may yet by other Mediums be convinced that there was a distinct ecclesiasticall Government among the Jewes as namely the Priests judgement of cleannesse or uncleannesse and so of admitting or shutting out CHAP. IV. That there was an Ecclesiasticall Excommunication among the Iewes and what it was FIfteen witnesses brought for the Ecclesiasticall excommunication among the Jewes all of them learned in the Jewish antiquities Of the 24 causes of the Jewish excommunication which were lookt upon formally qua scandals not qua injuries Of the three degrees of their excommunication Niddui Cherem and Shammata The manner and form of their Excommunication sheweth that it was a solemne Ecclesiasticall censure Formula anathematis The excommunication of the Cuthites The excommunication among the Jewes was a publique and judicial act and that a private or extrajudicial excommunication was voyd if not ratified by the Court The effects of the Jewish excommunication That such as were excommunicated by the greater excommunication were not admitted to come to the Temple He that was excommunicated with the lesser excommunication was permitted to come yet not as other Israelites but as one publiquely bearing his shame The end of their excommunication was spirituall CHAP. V. Of the cutting of from among the people off God frequently mentioned in the Law THe sence of the Hebrew word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 scanned That the commination of cutting off a man from his people or from the Congregation of Israel is neither meant of eternall death nor of dying without children nor of capitall punishment from the hand of the Magistrate nor yet of cutting off by the immediate hand of God for some secret sinne Reasons brought against all these That Excommunication was meant by that cutting off proved by six reasons CHAP. VI. Of the casting out of the Synagogue THe casting out of the Synagogue is understood by Interpretâ—rs and others to be an excommunication from the Church assemblies and
of Kings and Lord of Lords How all power in Heaven and in Earth is said to be given to him That the Governments set in the Church 1 Cor. 12. 28. are not civill Magistrates fully proved Ephes. 1. 21 22 23. and Colos. 2. 10. vindicated CHAP. VII Arguments for the negative of that Question formerly propounded THe lawfull authority of the Heathen Magistrates vindicated It can not be shewed from Scripture that Christ as Mediator hath given any Commission of Vice-gerentship to the Christian Magistrate That the worke of the Ministery is done in the name and authority of Jesus Christ the worke of Magistracy not so The power of Magistracy or civill Government was not given to Christ as Mediator shewed from Luke 12. 14. Iohn â—8 36. Luke 17. 20 21. Magistracy founded in the Law of nature and Nations The Scripture holds forth the same origination of Heathen Magistracy and of Christian Magistracy CHAP. VIII Of the power and priviledge of the Magistrate in things and causes Ecclesiasticall what 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not and what it is THat no administration formally and properly Ecclesiasticall and namely the dispencing of Church censures doth belong unto the Magistrate nor may according to the Word of God be assumed and exercised by him proved by six Arguments That Christ hath not made the Magistrate head of the Church to receive appeales from all Ecclesiasticall Assembles There are other sufficient remedies against abuses or Mal-administration in Church-Government Reasons against such appeales to the Magistrate The Arguments to the contrary from the Examples of Ierenâ—…y and of Paul discussed Of the collaterality and coordination of the Civill and Ecclesiasticall powers What is the power and right of the Magistrate in things and causes Ecclesiasticall cleared first generally next more particularly by five distinctions 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 belong to the civill power but non 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. The Magistrate may imperare that which he may not elicere 3. Distinguish the directive power from the coercive power 4. The Magistrates power is cumulative not privative 5. He may doe in extraordinary cases that which he ought not to doe ordinarily A caution concerning the Arbitrary power of Magistrates in things Ecclesiasticall CHAP. IX That by the Word of God there ought to be another Government besides Magistracy or civill Government namely an Ecclesiasticall Government properly so called in the hands of Church-officers THe Question stated and the Affirmative proved by one and twenty Scripturall Arguments Who meant by the Elders that rule well 1 Tim. 5. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 names of government The words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb 13. 7 17. examined Of receiving an accusation against an Elder Of rejecting an Hereticke Of the excommunication of the Incestuous Corinthian and the sence of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of the subjection of the spirits of the Prophets to the Prophets The Angels of the Churches why reproved for having false Teachers in the Church Note that man 2 Thess. 3. 14. proved to be Church-censure Of the Ruler Rom. 12. 8. and Governments 1 Cor. 12. 28. A patterne in the Jewish Church for a distinct Ecclesiasticall government What meant by cutting off Gal. 5. 12 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 properly what Of the Ministeriall power to revenge all disobedience 2 Cor. 10. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2 Cor. 2. 8. what Of the visible administration of the Kingdome of Christ by his Laws Courts Censures The Arguments for Excommunication from Matth. 18. and 1 Cor. 5. briefly vindicated That Elders are rulers of the flock 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name of Government Ministers why called Sâ—…ewards of the Mysteries of God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a name of government Church-Government exercised by the Synod of the Apostles and Elders Acts 15. CHAP. X. Some objections made against Ecclesiasticall Government and Discipline answered Mr Husseys objection doth stricke as much against Paul as against us The fallacy of comparing Government with the word preached in point of efficacy Foure ends or uses of Church-government That two coordinate Governments are not inconsistent The objection that Ministers have other worke to doe answered The feare of an ambitious ensnarement in the Ministery so much objected is no good Argument against Church-government M. Husseys motion concerning Schooles of Divinity examined Church Government is no immunity to Church-officers from Censure Though the Erastian principles are sufficiently overthrown by asserting from Scripture the may be of Church-government yet our Arguments prove a must be or an Institution Six Arguments added which conclude this point CHAP. XI The necessity of a distinct Church-government under Christian as well as under Heathen Magistrates THis acknowledged by Christian Emperours of old Grotius for us in this particular Christian Magistracy hath never yet punished all such offences as are Ecclesiastically censurable Presbyteries in the primitive times did not exercise any power which did belong of right to the Magistrate No warrant from the word that the Ordinance of a distinct Church government was onely for Churches under persecution but contrariwise the Churches are charged to keep till the comming of Christ the commandement then delivered No just ground for the feare of the interfeering of the civill and of the Ecclesiasticall power The Churches liberties enlarged not diminished under Christian Magistrats The Covenant against this exception of the Erastians The Christian Magistrate if he should take upon him the whole burthen of the corrective part of Church-government could not give an account to God of it The Erastian principles doe involve the Magistrate into the Prelaticall guiltinesse The reasons and grounds mentioned in Scripture upon which Church-censures were dispenced in the Primiâ—ive Churches are no other then concerne the Churches under Christian Magistrâ—tes The end of Church-censures neither intended nor attained by the administration of Christian Magistracy The power of binding and loosing not temporary They who restrict a distinct Church-government to Churches under Heathen or persecuting Magistrats give a mighty advantage to Socinians and Anabaptists Gualther and Master Prynne for us in this Question APPENDIX A Collection of some testimonies out of a Declaration of King Iames the Helvetian Bohemian Augustane French and Dutch confessions the Ecclesiasticall Discipline of the reformed Churches in France Harmonia Synodorum Belgicarum the Irish Articles a Book of Melanchton and another of L. Humfredus The third Booke Of Excommunication from the Church AND Of Suspension from the Lords Table CHAP. I. An opening of the true state of the question and of Master Prynnes many mistakes and mis-representations of our Principles A Transition from Church-government in generall to Excommunication and Suspension in particular The present controversie ten waies mis-stated by M. Prynne That which was publiquely depending between the Parliament and Assembly did rather concerne the practicall conclusion it selfe then the Mediums to prove it The strength of the Assemblies proofes
is misapplied by him His tenth concerning the ends of the Sacrament yeeldeth the cause and mireth himselfe His eleventh a grosse petitio principii His twelfth appealing to the experience of Christians rectified in the state and repelled for the weight That this debate concerning the nature end use and effect of the Sacrament doth clearely cast the ballance of the wholecontroversie concerning Suspension Lucas Osiander cited by M. Prynne against us is more against himselfe CHAP. XV. Whether the admission of scandalous and notorious sinners to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper be a pollution and prophanation of that holy Ordinance And in what respects it may be so called THe true state of this Question cleared by five distinâ—ions Nine Arguments to prove the affirmative That the admitting of the scandalous and prophane to the Sacrament gives the lie to the word preached and looseth those whom the word binddeth That it is a strengthning of the hands of the wicked T is a prophanation of Baptisme to baptise a Catechumene Jew or a Pagan being of a known prophane life although he were able to make confession of the true faith by word of mouth That such as are found unable to examine themselves whether through naturall or sinfull disability or manifestly unwilling to it ought not to be admitted to the Lords Supper The reason for keeping backe children and fooles holds stronger for keeping back known prophane persons Hag. 2. 11 12 13 14. explained A debate upon Matth. 7. 6. Give not that which is holy to dogs c wherein M. Prynne is confuted from Scripture from Antiquity from Erastus also and Grotius CHAP. XVI An Argument of Erastus drawn from the Baptisme of John against the excluding of scandalous sinners from the Lords Supper examined THat Iohn baptised none but such as confessed their sinnes and did outwardly appeare penitent T is a great question whether those Pharisees who came to his Baptisme Matth. 3. were baptised The coincidency of that story Matth. 3. with the message of the Pharisees to Iohn Baptist Ioh. 1. The Argument retorted CHAP. XVII Antiquity for the Suspension of all scandalous persons from the Sacrament even such as were admitted to other publique Ordinances Oâ— the foure degrees of Penitents in the ancient Church and of the Suspension of some unexcommunicated persons from the Lords Supper who did joyn with the Church in the hearing of the word and prayer Proved out of the ancient Canons of the Councels of Ancyra Nice Arles the sixth and eighth General Councels out of Gregorius Thaumaturgus and Basilius Magnus confirmed also out of Zonaras Balsamon Albaspinâ—…us The Suspension of all sorts of scandalous sinners in the Church from the Sacrament further confirmed out of Isidorus Pelusiota Dionysius Areopagita with his Scholiast Maximus and his paraphrast Pachimeres Also out of Cyprian Justin Martyr Chrysostome Ambrose Augustine Gregorius Magnus Walafridus Strabo CHAP. XVIII A discovery of the instability and loosenesse of M. Prynne his principles even to the contradicting of himselfe in twelve particulars AN Argument hinted by M. Prynne from the gathering together all guests to the wedding Supper both bad and good examined and foure answers made to it That M. Prynne doth professe and pretend to yeeld the thing for which his Antagonists contend with him but indeed doth not yeeld it his Concessions being clogged with such things as do evacuate and frustrate all Church Discipline That M. Prynne contradicteth himselfe in twelve particulars Foure Counter-quaerees to him A discourse of M. Fox the Author of the Booke of Martyrs concerning three sorts of persons who are unwilling that there should be a Discipline or power of Censures in the Church The Names of Writers or Workes cited and made use of in this Tractate IS Abrabanel Melchier Adamus Ainsworth Aeschines Albaspinaeus Albinus Flaccus Alcuinus Alex. Alensis Algerus Ambrosius Ambrose the Monke Ammonius Alexandrinus Ampsinâ—ius Dutch Annotations English Annotations Apollâ—nius Aquinas Arabick N. T. Aretius Arias Montanus Aristótle Arnobius Irish Articles of faith Augustinus Azorius B BAlsamon Io. Baptista derubcis Baronius Basilius Magnus M r Bayne Becanus Becmanus Beda Bellarmine Bertramus Beza Bilson Brentius Brochmand Brughton Mart. Bucerus Gers. Bucerus Budoeus Bullingâ—r Buxtorff C CAbeljavius Cajetanus Calvin I. Camero Camerarius Canons of the African Church L. Capellus D. Carthusianus Cartwright I. Casaubon The Magdeburgian Centurists Chaldee Paraphrase Chamiâ—rus Chemnitius Chrysostomus D. Chytraeus Is. Clarus Fr. à S. Clara Clemens Clemens Alexandrinus Nic. de Clemangis Iudocus Clichtoveus I. Cloppenburgius I. Coch M r Coleman Aâ—gid de Coninck Barthol Coppen Balthasar â—orderius Corpus Disciplinae M r Cotoon Tomes of Councels Richardus Cowsin Cyprian Cyrill D DAnâ—us R. David Ganz Demosâ—henes M. David Dickson Didoclavius Lud. de Dieu Mich. Dilherrus Diâ—dati The Directory of both Kingdomes Dioâ—yfins 〈◊〉 Synâ—d of Dort Iesuits of Doway I. Drusius Duâ—renus Durandus Duranâ—s E ELias R. Eliâ—ser C â— Empereur Erastus Erasmus C. Espenâ—us Esâ—ius Euthymius Aben Ezra F FAâ—ritius M r Fox Ch. Francken Hist. of the troubles at Franckeford The Disciplin of the reformed Churches of Franâ— D r Fulkâ— G P. Galatinus Phil. Gamachaeus Gelenius Laws and Statuâ—es of Genevah Genebrardus Geo. Genzius I. â—rhardus Gesnerus Sâ—l Glassius Godwyn Gomarus Gorranus Gregorius Magnus Gregorius Thaumaturgus Professors of Groning Grotius Gualther H HArmony of confessions Harmonia Synoderâ—n Belgicarum Haymo Helmichius Hemmiugius Heshusius Hesychius Hierâ— Hilarius M. Hildersham P. Hinkelmannus Fraâ— Holy-Oke 〈◊〉 Honnius Hâ—go de S. Uictâ—re Hugâ— Cardiâ—lis L. Humfredus Aegid Hâ—ius M. Hussey Hutterus I KIng Iames Iansenâ—us I'lyricus Iâ—nocentius 3. Iosephus Iosuae levitae Halichoth Olam Isidorus Hispâ—lensis Isidorus 〈◊〉 Iulius Caesar Fr. Iunius Iustinus Martyr K KEâ—erm â—nnus D r Kâ—llet C. Kirâ—erus L COrn a Lapide Lavater Laurentius de la barre M r Leigh Nieolaus Lambardus Lorinus Lutheâ—us Lyrâ— M MAccovius Maimonides Maldonat Manâ—sseh Ben. Israel Conciliaâ—or Marianae Marlorat Martial M. Martinius P. Martyr Maximus Medina Meisnerus Menochius Mercerus P. Maulin Munsterus Musculus N G. Nazianzen I. Newenklaius Nonnus Novarinus O OEcumenius Origen Luc. Osiander P PAchymeres M r Paget Pagnin Paraeus Parker Pasor Pelargus Pellicanus Pemble Philo the Iew Piscator Plato Polanus M r Prynne R RAbanus Maurus Raynolds The Remonstranâ—s Revius Rittangelius D. Rivetus Rupertus Tuitiensis M. Rutherfurd S EManuel Sa Salmasius Salmeron M. Salâ—marsh Sanctius Saravia I. Scaliger Scapula Schindlerus Ionas Schlichtingius The Booke of Discipline of Scotland Scotus Subtilis M. Selden The 〈◊〉 â—eius F. Socinâ—s â—ipingius Fr. Spanbemiâ—t Spelman Stegmannus Strigelius Suarez Suidas Suâ—livius Syariacâ— N. T. T TAcianus The Talmud Tannerus Tertullian Theodoretus Theophylactus Tilenus Tirinus Titus Bostrorum Episcapus Toletus Tostatus Tossanus Trelcatius Triglandius Tully W WAlaeus Walafridus Strabo M r Io. Welsh Mr Iohn Weyâ—es of Craigton Mr Iohn Weimes of Lathoâ—ker Westhemerus Whitgift Whittakerus Willet I. Winkelmannus Wolphius V GR. de Valentia Vatablus Uazquez Uedelius Uictor Antiochenus
these two things 1. It is the opinion of divers who hold two Sanhedrins among the Jewes one Civill and another Ecclesiasticall that in causes and occasions of a mixed nature which did concerne both Church and State both did consult conclude and decree in a joynt way and by agreement together Now Ezra 10. the Princes Elders Priests and Levites were assembled together upon an extraordinary cause which conjuncture and concurrence of the Civill and the Ecclesiasticall power might occasion the denouncing of a double punishment upon the contumacious forfeiture and excommunication But 2. The objection made doth rather confirme me that Excommunication is intended in that place For this forfeiture was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a making sacred or dedicating to an holy use as I have shewed out of Iosephus The originall word translated forfeited is more properly translated devoted which is the word put in the margin of our bookes The Greek saith 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anathemstizabitur which is the best rendring of the Hebrew 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It was not therefore that which we call forfeiture of a mans substance Intellige saith Grotius ita ut Deo sacra fiat And so the excommunication of a man and the devoting of his substance as holy to the Lord were joyned together and the substance had not been anathematized if the man had not been anathematized I doe not say that Excommunication ex natura rei doth inferre and draw after it the devoting of a mans estate as holy to the Lord. No Excommunication can not hurt a man in his worldly estate further than the Civill Magistrate and the Law of the Land appointeth And there was Excommunication in the Apostolical Churches where there was no Christian Magistrate to adde a Civill mulct But the devoting of the substance of Excommunicated persons Ezra 10. as it had the authority of the Princes and Rulers for it so what extraordinary warrants or instinct there was upon that extraordinary exigence we can not tell Finally M. Selden de Jure nat Gentium lib. 4. cap. 9. p. 523. agreeth with Lud. Capellus that the separation from the Congregation Ezra 10. 8. plane ipsum est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fieri it is the very same with casting out of the Synagogue which confuteth further that which M. Prynne holds that the casting out of the Synagogue was not warranted by Gods word but was onely a humane invention I know some have drawne another argument for the Jewish Excommunication from Nehem. 13. 25. I contended with them and cursed them id est anathematizavi excommunicavi saith C. a lapide upon the place So Tirinus upon the same place Mariana expounds it anathema dixi Aben Ezra understands it of two kinds of Excommunication Niddui and Cherem For my part I lay no weight upon this unlesse you understand the cursing or malediction to be an act of the Ecclesiasticall power onely authorised or countenanced by the Magistrate Which the words may well beare for neither is it easily credible that Nehemiah did with his owne hand smite those men and plucke off their hayre but that by his authority he tooke care to have it done by civill Officers as the cursing by Ecclesiasticall Officers The Dutch annotations leane this way telling us that Nehemiah did expresse his zeale against them as persons that deserved to be banned or cut off from the people of God Another Text proving the Jewish Excommunication is Luke 6. 22. When they shall separate you and shall reproach you and â—…ast out your name as evill It was the most misapplied censure in the world in respect of the persons thus cast out but yet it proves the Jewish custome of casting out such as they thought wicked and obstinate persons This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beda upon the place understandeth of casting out of the Synagogue Separent Synagoga depellant c. yet it is a more generall and comprehensive word then the casting out of the Synagogue It comprehendeth all the three degrees of the Jewish Excommunication as Grotius expounds the place Which agreeth with Munsterus Dictionar Trilingue where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the onely Greeke word given both for the three Hebrew words Niddui Cherem and Shammata and for the Latine Excommunicatio Wherefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this place is extermino excommunico repudio which is one of the usuall significations of the word given by Stephanus and by Scapula It is a word frequently used in the Canons of the most ancient Councels to expresse such a separation as was a Church-censure and namely suspension from the Sacrament of the Lords Supper For by the ancient Canons of the Councels such offences as were punished in a Minister by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is deposition were punished in one of the people by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is segregation or sequestration Zonaras upon the 13 th Canon of the eighth generall Councell observeth a double 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 used in the ancient Church â—ne was a totall separation or casting out of the Church which is usually called Excommunication another was a suspension or sequestration from the Sacrament onely Of which I am to speak more afterward in the third Booke I hold now at the Text in hand which may be thus read according to the sence and letter both when they shall excommunicate you c. Howbeit the other reading when they shall separate you holds forth the same thing which I speake of separate from what our Translators supply from their company but from what company of theirs not from their civill company onely but from their sacred or Church assemblies and from religious fellowship it being a Church-censure and a part of Ecclesiasticall discipline in which sence as this word frequently occurreth in the Greeke fathers and ancient Canons when they speake of Church discipline so doubtlesse it must be taken in this place 1. Because as Grotius tels us that which made the Jewes the rather to separate men in this manner from their society was the want of the Civill coercive power of Magistracy which sometime they had And I have proved before that the civill Sanhedrin which had power of criminall and capitall judgements did remove from Ierusalem and cease to execute such judgement forty yeeres before the destruction of the Temple 2. Because in all other places of the new Testament where the same word is used it never signifieth a bare separation from civill company but either a conscientious and religious separation by which Church members did intend to keep themselves pure from such as did walke or were conceived to walke disorderly and scandalously Acts 19. 9. 2 Cor. 6. 17. Gal. 2. 13. or Gods separating between the godly and the wicked Matth 13. 49. 25. 32. or the setting apart of men to the ministery of the Gospell Acts 13. 2. Rom. 1. 1. Gal. 1. 15. Thirdly a Civill separation is for a Civill injury but this separation
the Talmud it selfe proving that whether the sinne was expiated by Sacrifice or by death it was alwayes to be confessed from the same example of Achan doth P. Galatinus lib. 10. cap. 3. prove that Declaration of repentance was to be made by word of mouth and that the sinne was to be particularly confessed which he further proveth by another rabbinicall passage In the fourth place Io. 9. 24. seemeth to hold forth a judiciall publike confession of sinne to have been required of scandalous sinners The Pharisees being upon an examination of him that was born blind and was made to see they labour to drive him so farre from confessing Christ as to confesse sinne and wicked collusion Give God the Praise say they we know that this man is a sinner Which is to be expounded by Ios. 7. 19. Give glory to the Lord God of Israel and make confession Fifthly as the Jewes had an Excommunication so they had an absolution and that which interveened was Confession and Declaration of Repentance And hence came the Arabik 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nadam he hath repented and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nadim a penitent the Niddui made the nadim for when a man was excommunicated by the lesser Excommunication the Consistory waited first 30. dayes and then other 30. dayes and as some thinke the third time 30. dayes to see whether the offender were penitent which could not be known without confession and would seek absolution which if he did not but continued obstinate impenitent then they proceeded to the greater excommunication Which doth prove a publike Confession at least in the case of the excommunicated Sixthly we find a publike penitentiall confession Ezra 10. 10. 11. And Ezra the Priest stood up and said unto them ye have transgressed and have taken strange wives to encrease the trespasse of Israel Now therefore make confession unto the Lord God of your Fathers and doe his pleasure and separate your selves from the people of the land and from the strange wives Marke here the foresaking of the sinne could not suâ—fice without confessing the sinne All Israel had sworne and covenanted to doe the thing to put away the strange wives vers 5. But Ezra the Priest tells them they must also make confession of their sinne confession of their former trespasse must be joyned with Reformation for the future All which the people promise to doe as Ezra had said vers 12. But what was this confession was it onely a private confession to God alone or was it onely a generall confession made by the whole congregration of Israel at a solemne Fast and humiliation Nay that there was a third sort of Confession differing from both these appeareth by vers 13. neither is this a worke of one day or two for we are many that have transgressed in this thing yea three Moneths are spent in the businesse vers 16 17. during which space all that had taken strange wives came at appointed times out of every City and were successively examined by Ezra the Priest and certaine chiefe of the Fathers and Levites such of both as were not themselves guilty before whom such as were found guilty did make Confession The Sons of the Priests made Confession as well as others yea with the first and gave their hands that they would put away their wives and being guilty they offerered a Ram of the Flock for their trespasse With which trespasse offering confession was ever joyned as hath been before shewed from the Law Seventhly Master Hildersham of worthy memory in his 34. Lecture upon Psal. 51. draweth aâ— Argument from Davids example for the publike Confession of a scandalous sinne before the Church He made saith he publike Confession of his sinne to the Congregation and Church of God for we see in the Title of this Psalme 1. That he committed this Psalme that containeth the acknowledgement of his sinne and profession of his repentance to the chief musitian to be published in the Sanctuary and Temple 2 That in this publication of his Repentance he hideth not from the Church his sinne nor cloketh it at all but expresseth in particular the speciall sinne c. Adde hereunto this publike Confession was made after ministeriall conviction by Nathan who did convince David of the greatnesse of that scandalous sinne in which he had then continued impenitent neer a yeer or thereabout The Doctrin which Master Hildersham draweth from Davids example is this That they whose sinnes God hath detected and brought to light whose sinnes are publike and notorious scandalous and offensive to the congregations where they live ought to be willing to confesse their sins publikely to make their Repentance as publike and notorious as their sinne is He addeth in his explanation when they shall be required to doe it by the Discipline of the Church Marke one of his applications which is the Subject of the 37. Lecture The second sort that are to be reproved by this Doctrine are such as having authority to enjoyne publike Repentance to scandalous sinners for the satisfying of the Congregation when they are detected and presented unto them refuse or neglect to doe it And here he complaineth that the publike acknowledgement of scandalous sinnes was grown out of use and that though it was ordered by authority yet it was not put in execution The Canons of our Church saith he can 26. straightly charge every Minister That he shall not in any wise admit to the Communion any of his flock which be openly known to live in sinne notorious without Repentance And the Booke of Common Prayer in the rubrike before the Communion commandeth that if any be an open and notorious evill liver so that the Congregation by him is offended the Minister shall call him and advertise him in any wise not to presume to the Lords Table till he hath openly declared himself to have truly repented that the Congregation may thereby be satisfied which were afore offended So that you may see the Lawes and Discipline of our Church require that open and scandalous sinners should dâ—…e open and publike Repentance yea give power to the Minister to repell and keepe back such from the Communion that refuse to doe it Where it may be observed by the way that the Power of Elder-ships for suspending scandalous persons not Excommunicated from the Sacrament now so much contented against by Master Prynne is but the same Power which was granted by authority to the Ministery even in the prelaticall times And he hath upon the matter endeavoured to bring the Consciences of a whole Elder-ship into a greater servitude under this present Reformation then the Conscience of a single Minister was formerly brought under by Law in this particular Eightly Master Hildersham Ibid. Lect. 34. argueth not onely â—… pari but â—… fortiori If a necessity of satisfying an offended Brother how much more a necessity of satisfying an offended Church which will equally hold both for the old and
your selves in any of these things Of the shedding of bloud defile not therefore the Land wherein ye dwell Wherefore this word uncleannesse or defilement is said of three sorts of things first of a mans qualities and of his transgressions of the Commandements whether theoricall or practicall that is which concerne either Doctrine or his conversation Secondly of externall filthinesse and defilements c. Thirdly of these imaginary things that is the touching or carrying upon the shoulders some uncleane thing c. Adde hereunto the observation of Drusius de tribus sect Judaeor lib. 2. num 82. 83. 84. The Pharisees did account sinners and prophane persons to be uncleane and thought themselves polluted by the company of such persons for which reason also they used to wash when they came from the mercate Though there was a superstition in this Ceremony yet the opinion that prophane persons are uncleane persons and to be avoided for uncleannesse had come from the purest antiquities of the Jewes even from Moses and the Prophets Since therefore both in the old Testament phrase and in the usuall language of the Jewes themselves a scandalous prophane person was called an unclean person it is to me more then probable that where I read none which was uncleane in any thing should enter in it is meant of those that were morally uncleane by a scandalous wicked conversation no lesse yea much more than of those that were onely ceremonially uncleane 3. Especially considering that the Sanctuary was prophaned and polluted by the morall uncleannesse of sinne and by prophane persons their entring into it as is manifest from Lev. 20. 3. Eze. 23. 39. How can it then be imagined that those Priests whose charge it was to keepe back those that were uncleane in any thing would admit and receive such as were not onely unclean persons in the language of Scripture and of the Jewes themselves but were also by expresse Scriptures declared to be defilers or polluters of the Sanctuary 4. It is said of the high Priest Lev 16. 16. and he shall make atonement for the holy place because of the uncleannesse of the children of Israel and because of their transgressions in all their sins or from their uncleannesse and from their transgressions as the Chaldee and the LXX have it the sence is the same and it sheweth that the holy place was made uncleane by the transgressions and sinnes of the children of Israel which uncleannesse of transgression if it were visible publik and notorious then the Priests had failed in admitting such to the holy place 12. Object Throughout the old Testament we read onely of temporall punishments as burning hanging stoning fines stripes and the like but never of Excommunication or any Church censure Neither did the Jewes know the distinction of Lawes Ecclesiasticall and Lawes civill causes Ecclesiasticall and causes civill for the Church of the Jewes was thâ—ir Common-Wealth and their Common-Wealth was their Church and the Government of Church and State among them was one and the same Their civill Lawyers were also Expositors or Doctors of the Law of God Ans. That in the Jewish Church there was an Ecclesiasticall censure or punishment distinct from the civill I have proved in this preceeding booke both from Scripture and from the Jewish antiquities And if there were no more but the sequestration or separation from the Temple or from the passeover for such legall uncleannesse as did not separat a man from his house nor from all company of men even that alone proves a kinde of censure distinct from all civill punishment neither did it belong to the Magistrate or civill Judge but to the Priests to examine judge and determine concerning cleannesse or uncleannesse and consequently concerning admission to or separation from the Temple Passeover and sacrifices That the Jewish Church and the Jewish State were formally distinct see before Chap. 2. Where it hath beene observed that some Proselytes had the full priviledges of the Jewish Church though none of them had the full priviledges of the Jewish common-wealth The like I have read of the Spaniards who admit the Moores or inhabitants of Morisco to turne Christians and receive them into Ecclesiasticall Membership and Communion but by no meanes into their civill liberties That the causes of Excommunication among them were lookt upon as scandalls and not as civill inâ—uries see Chap. 4. This onely I adde that More Nevochim part 2. Chap. 40. doth distinguish civill Lawes from sacred Lawes even among the people of God making the scope of the civill Lawes to be the good safety and prosperity of the Common-wealth the Sacred or Divine Lawes to concerne properly Religion and mens soules He that will compare the civill Lawes and panall Statutes of the Jewes mentioned in Baba Kama with their ceremoniall Lawes concerning the holy Ordinances of God and who should have communion therein who not cannot but looke upon their Church and 〈◊〉 Lawes as formally distinct from their State and civill Lawes Again he that will consider who were the viri synagogae magnae the men of the great synagogue and what their power and acts were as Dr. Buxtorf describeth the same in his Tyberiâ—…t Cap. 10 11. and their authoritative determinations concerning the right writing reading and expounding of the holy Scripture c. must needs acknowledge that it was Senatus ecclesiasticus magnus as Buxtorf cals it and that such power and acts were incompetent to the civill Magistrate As for their Doctors of Law and Scribes they were of the sons of Aaron yet some way diversified in their administrations Scaliger in elench Trihaeres Nic. Serar cap. 11. distinguisheth between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the former were the wisemen or chief of the Scribes who did interpret the Law and declare the sence of it the latter did attend civill forensicall matters Drusius de tribus sect Jud. lib. 2. cap. 13. noteth from Luke 11. 45. 46. that there was some distinction between the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between the Scribes and the Lawyers for when Christ had spoken of the Scribes and Pharises then answered one of the Lawyers and said unto him Master thus saying thou reproachest us also And he said Wo unto you also ye Lawyers This will be more plaine by that other distinction observed by Lud. de dieu in Mat. 22. 35. and diverse others between 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 between the Scribes of the Law of God who did interpret the Law such as Ezra the Priest and the Scribes of the people who were Actuarii publici publick Notaries or Clerks Whence it appeareth that the Offices of Scribes and Lawyers although the persons themselves were of the Tribe of Levi were so ordered as that civill and sacred affaires might not be confounded Yea the Scriveners or Notaries were of two sorts for besides those which did attend
have suffered in his person or estate all the punishment which he ought to suffer so that he hath now made a civil atonement as I may call it for his offence and the Christian Magistrate hath no further to charge him with Suppose also that he is by such corporal or civil punishments as by a bit and bridle over-awed and restrained from committing again the like extâ—rnal acts Notwithstanding he hath not the least signe of true repentance and godly sorrow for his former foul and scandalous sins and he is known to be not an accuser but an excuser of himself for those faults and scandals Such a one comes and desires to receive the Sacrament Must his poenal satisfaction to the Christian Magistrate be a sufficient poenitential satisfaction to the Church Here is a rock which the Erâ—…stians dash upon unlesse they admit of a distinct Ecclesiastical Judgement concerning the signes of repentance in a scandalous sinner according to which as these signes shall appear or not appear he is to be admitted or not admitted to the Sacrament Twelfthly the power of binding and loosing is not a temporary but a perpetual power that is appointed by Christ to continue in his Church alwaies unto the end Now this power is given onely to Church-officers and Christ hath not given the keyes of discipline and the power of binding and loosing of which else-where to the Magistrate nay not to the Christian Magistrate more then to the Infidel Magistrate Let the least hint be found in Scripture where Christ hath given any such power to the Christian Magistrate and I yeeld the cause Thirteenthly The new Testament holdeth out as little of the Ministery of the Word and Sacraments under a ChriÌ„stian Magistrate as it doth of a Church-government under a Christian Magistrate Shall this therefore strengthen the Socinian Tenent That Baptisme is not a perpetual Ordinance in the Church and that we are not obliged by that commission which the Apostles had to baptize God forbid Fourteenthly The German Anabaptists required an expresse warrant or example in the New Testament of a Christian Magistrate or of the sword and wars in a Christian State yet this hath been thought no good Argument against Magistracy and wars among Christians I cannot pretermit a passage of Gualther who may seem to be opposite to me in this present Question Even he in his Homily upon Iohn 9. 22. after he hath spoken of Excommunication in the Jewish Church and in the Apostolick Churches he addeth And this day also there is need of Ecclesiastical discipline which being instituted in the Reformed Churches ought to be diligently kept lest the indulgence of Magistrates which reignes almost every where should render the Doctrine of the Gospel suspected among those that are without and that themselves also may be contained in their office and may not think that any thing they will is lawful to them in the Church But after all this let me put Mr. Hussey and other Erastians in mind that if they do acknowledge that Jesus Christ hath instituted or commanded that there be a Church Government and power of censures distinct from the Civil Government when the Magistrate is Heathenish or Idolatrous let them speak it out and let us agree so far Otherwise if they do not agree in this it is but a blind for them to make use of this distinction that where the Magistrate is Christian there is no necessity of a distinct Church-Government I conclude with a passage of Mr. Prynne in his twelve considerable serious Questions touching Church-Government The ninth of those Questions runs thus Whether the Independents challenge of the Presbyterians to shew them any National Church professing Christ in our Saviours or the Apostles daies before any one Nation totally converted to the Christian Faith or any general open profession made of it by the Princes Magistrates and major part of any Nation Kingdom Republick who were then all generally Pagans and Persecutors of the Gospel not then universally imbraced be not a most irrational unjust demand Sure if this hold against the Independents it will hold as strongly yea more strongly against the Erastians to prove their demand to be most irrational and unjust while they challenge us to shew them in the New-Testament a distinct Church-Government under a Christian Magistrate or where the State was Christian though themselves know Magistrates and States were then generally Pagan and not Christian Yea there was in those daies much more of a national Church then of a Christian Magistrate An Appendix to the second Book containing a Collection of some Testimonies not cited before And first a Testimony of King Iames in a Declaration of his penned with his own hand signed and delivered to the Commissioners of the Church of Scotland at Linlithgow December 7. Anno 1585. I For my part shall never neither my posterity ought ever cite summon or apprehend any Pastor or preacher for matters of Doctrine in Religion Salvation Heresies or true Interpretation of the Scripture but according to my first act which confirmeth the liberty of preaching the Word ministration of the Sacraments I avouch the same to be a matter meer Ecclesiastical and altogether impertinent to my calling Therefore never shall I nor ever ought they I mean my posterity acclaim any power or Iurisdiction in the foresaids His Majesties meaning was that he ought not to do this in prima instantiâ that is before the person be accused convict or judged in any Ecclesiastical Court. which was the Question at that time occasioned by Mr. Andrew Melvill his Case Afterward in the same Declaration it followeth thus Christ saying Dic Ecclesiae and one onely man stealing that dint in a quiet hole the Act of Parliament reduceth the sentence for informality and nullity of processe not as Iudges whether the Excommunication was grounded on good and just causes or not but as witnesses that it was unformally proceeded against the warrant of Gods Word example of all Reformed Kiâ—ks and your owne particular custome in this Countrey A little after I mind not to cut off any liberty granted by God to his Kirk I acclaim not to my self to be judge of Doctrine in Religion salvation heresies or true Interpretation of Scripture And after My Intention is not to meddle with Excommunication neither acclaim I to my self or my Heires power in any thing that is meer Ecclesiastical and not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor with any thing that Gods Word hath simply devolved in the hands of his Kirk And to conclude I confesse and acknowledge Christ Iesus to be Head and Law-giver to the same And what soever persons do attribute to themselves as Head of the Kirk and not as Member to suspend or alter any thing that the Word of God hath onely remitted to them that man I say committeth manifest Idolatry and sinneth against the Father in not trusting the Words of his Son against the Son in not obeying him and taking
his calling to minde those words in the rule of Prayer even as we forgive those who trespasse against us Others conceive the occasion of his Question was that which was said vers 19. Againe I say unto you if two of you shall agree on earth supposing that agreement and consequently forgiving of injuries is necessary to make our Prayers the more effectuall for my part I think it not improbable that whatever the occasion of the Question was vers 21 beginneth a new and distinct purpose Which I take to be the reason why the Arabik here makes an intercision and beginneth the eight and fiftieth Section of Matthew at those words Then came Peter and said Lord how oft c. 4. And if vers 21. have a dependence upon that which went before it may be conceived thus Christ had said If thy Brother trespasse against thee goe tell him his fault betweene thee and him alone which supposeth a continuance of the former Christian fellowship and fraternall familiarity and that we must not cast off a scandalous Brother as lost or as an Enemy but admonish him as a Brother This might give occasion to Peter to aske Lord how oft shall my Brother sinne against me that is scandalize me by his sinne against God for even in Luk. 17. 3. 4. that of forgiving one that trespasseth against us is added immediately after a Doctrine of scandals and I forgive him that is as Grotius expounds it restore him to the former degree of friendship and intimate familiarity to deale with him thus as with a Brother Which he well distinguisheth from that other forgiving which is a not revenging And so much of Master Prynnes first reason His second reason is because the Mention of two or three witnesses vers 16. relateth onely to the manner of trying civill capitall crimes as murders and the like before the civill Magistrates of the Jewes c. not to any proceedings in Ecclesiasticall causes in their Ecclesiasticall Consistories of which we find no president Answ. 1. If this hold then the Text must not be expounded indefinitely of civill injuries as he did before but of civill capitall injuries whereas Erastus takes the meaning to be of smaller offences onely and not of Capitall crimes 2. The Law concerning two or three witnesses is neither restricted to Capitall crimes nor to civill Judicatories I appeale to the Ordinance of Parliament dated Octo. 20. 1645. The Elder-ship of every Congregation shall judge the matter of scandall aforesaid being not Capitall upon the Testmiony of two credible Witnesses at the least That Law therefore of witnesses is alike applicable to all causes and Courts Ecclesiasticall and civill Deut. 19. 30. One witnesse shall not rise up against a man for any iniquity or for any sinne in any sin that he sinneth at the mouth of two witnesses or at the mouth of three witnesses shall the matter be established 3. And the same Law is in the new Testament clearly applied to proceedings in Ecclesiasticall causes 2 Cor. 13. 1. again 1 Tim. 5. 19. Against the Elder receive not an accusation but before two or three witnesses which is not spoken to any civill Magistrate but to Timothy and others joyned with him in Church Government His third reason doth onely begge what is in Question that by the Church is not meant any Ecclesiasticall but a civill Court of the Jewes He needed not to cite so many places to prove that the Jewes had civill Courts If he could but cite one place to prove that they had no Ecclesiasticall Courts this were to the purpose Not that I grant that at this time the Jewes had any civill Jurisdiction or Jewish Court of Justice for after that Herod the great did kill Hircanus and the Sanhedrin in the opinion of many learned men the Jewes had no more any civill Jurisdiction Now Herod the great was dead before the time of Christs Ministery Others think they had some civill Jurisdiction a while after Hircanus death How ever he cannot prove that at this time when Christ said Tell the Church the Jewes had any civill Court of Justice which did exercise either Criminall or Capitall Judgements I have in the first Book shewed out of Buxtorf L'Empereur Casauhon and I. Coch. who prove what they say from the Talmudicall writers that 40 yeeres before the destruction of the Temple and so before Christ said Tell the Church the Court of civill Justice at Hierusalem did cease If Master Prynne make any thing of this Glosse of his he must prove 1. That there was no Ecclesiasticall Court among the Jewes I have before proved that that Councell of the Jewes in Christs time was an Ecclesiasticall Court though he conceives it was meerely civill 2. That a private civill injury might not then nor may not now be brought before a civill Court except after severall previous admonitions despised 3. That Chists Rule Tell the Church was antiquated and ceased when a civill Court of Justice among the Jewes ceased If he say that the same rule continueth for telling the civill Magistrate in case the offender prove obstinate after admonition then I aske â— how will he reconcile himself for pag. 4. he saith the Church in this Text is onely the Sanhedrin or Court of civill Justice among the Jewes 2. If this Text Mat. 18. was applicable to the primitive Church after the destruction of Ierusalem and when there was no Jewish Sanhedrin to goe to then the Pagan Magistracy must passe under the name of the Church for they had no other civill Court of Justice to goe to One thing I must needs take notice of that whereas he would prove here that Tell the Church is nothing but tell the civill Court of Justice among the Jewes commonly called the Councell saith he or Sanhedrin he doth hereby overthrow all that he hath been building for the Jewish Sanhedrin at that time had not power to judge civill nor criminall and least of all Capitall offences but onely causes Ecclesiasticall The Romans having taken from them their civill Government and left them no Government nor Jurisdiction except in matters of Religion I hope Master Prynne will not in this contradict Erastus And if so how shall his Glosse stand that this Text is to be understood of civill injuries yea and of these onely for remedy whereof he conceives that Christ sends his Disciples to the Jewish Sanhedrin How sweetly doe his Tenents agree together His fourth reason is that those words let him be to thee as an Heathen man and a Publican cannot signifie excommunication because Heathen men being never members of the Church could never be excommunicated or cast out of it being uncapable of such a censure As for publicans those of them who were members of the Jewish Church though they were execrable to the Jewes by reason of their Tax-gatherings and oppressions yet we never read in Scripture that they were excommunicated or cast out of their Synagogues but
the Law puts an expresse difference between the Nations in so much that some of them were not to be abominate though others were Deut. 23. 7. Thou shalt not abhorre an Edomite for he is thy brother thou shalt not abhorre an Egyptian because thou wast a stranger in his Land The very Canaanites themselves were by the Law Deut. 20. 10 11. to have so much favour as an offer of peace which if any of their Cities had accepted that City was not to be cut off but the people thereof were to be tributaries and to serve Israel and so permitted to live among them The last of his citations maketh very much against him namely Acts 21. 28 29. where the Jewes of Asia doe accuse Paul for bringing Greekes into the Temple For they had seen before with him in the City Trophimus an Ephesian whom they supposed that Paul had brought into the Temple Marke here Paul is not challenged for conversing familiarly with a Greeke but onely for bringing him into the Temple and without all doubt the malice of his adversaries did catch at every advantage which they could have against him I cannot but admire how M. Prynne could cite this place to prove that the Jewes might not converse nor keepe civill company with the Heathens since it proveth the very contrary that the Jewes might have civill but no religious fellowship with Heathens And whereas he addeth that the Jewes had no dealing or conversation with the Samaritans Joh. 4. 9. Luke 9. 52 53. I answer the reason was because the Jewish Church had excommnnicated and anathematized for ever the Samaritans who being once circumcised and having received the booke of the Law did afterward hinder the building of the house of the Lord. This Excommunication of the Cuthites or Samaritans most solemnly performed you may finde in Pirke R. Ecclesiae cap. 38. More of this elsewhere Here I onely touch it to shew that this also of the Samaritans makes against him 4. It is certaine that the Jewes had civill company and conversation with Heathens For Solomons servants and Hirams servants were both together 1 Kings 5. 18. 2 Chr. 2. 8. yea 2 Chr. 2. 17 18. Solomon numbred of strangers or heathens in the Land of Israel a hundred fifty and three thousand and six hundred Could there be so many of them and employed also in the building of the Temple and yet no civill company kept with them Nehemiah in the Court of Artaxerxes and Daniel with his companions in the court of Nebuchadnenar had civill company with Heathens but religious company with them they would have none We finde the King of Edom in fellowship with Iehoshaphat and Iehoram 2 Kings 3. And the Merchants of Tyre were permitted to come into Ierusalem and there to fell all manner of ware unto the children of Iuda onely they were forbidden to doe it upon the Sabbath day Nehem. 13. 16 20 21. L'Empereur de legibus Ebraeorum forensibus pag. 180 181. putteth it out of controversie that in Christs time there were many Heathens in the Land of Canaan with whom the Jewes did converse and dwell together and that Christ found in those places where he preached both Jewes and Gentiles Istis locis inter istos commorabantur Gentiles qui magistrorum placitis se astringi passi non sunt And a little after Nec enim Israelitas ab alienigenarum urbibus abstinuisse Iosephus Indicat And that long before that time there was a mutuall conversing of Jewes and Gentiles I gather from 1 Kings 20. 34. Thou shalt make streets for thee in Damascus as my father made in Samaria meaning for trade and commerce I will here anticipate a great objection which may be made against me from Acts 10. 28. Ye know that it is an unlawfull thing for a man that is a Jew to keepe company or come unto one of another Nation This might seem to make more for M r Prynnes exposition then all the places cited by himselfe But I answer for the better understanding of that place first of all observe what Drusius Quaest. resp lib. 2. quaest 67. tels us out of Elias in Thesbite The Jewes had an old law against drinking Wine with Gentiles or Heathens Lata videlicet eo tempore quo gentes vinum libabant in sacris the Law was made at that time when the Gentiles used a praelibation of Wine in their idolatrous solemnities whereupon the wise men of the Jewes fearing lest Heathen men should give to Jewes that Wine which had been dedicated to Idols did forbid the Jewes to drinke Wine with Heathens which as other Statutes of their wise men the Jewes did religiosè religiously observe Marke we hence 1. It was not a generall received custome among the Jewes in no case to eate or drinke with Heathens else it had been unnecessary and supervacaneous to forbid the drinking of Wine with Heathens exceptio affirmat regulam in non exceptis 2. It was for a religious and consciencious reason propter 〈◊〉 idololatriae for feare of pertaking with Idolatry and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 civill respects that they were forbidden to drinke Wine with the Gentiles The same I say of their shunning to eate with them for the Heathens used also a dedicating of their meats to Idols 1 Cor. 10. 27. Secondly observe Peter addeth immediately but God hath shewed me that I should not call any man common or uncleane meaning so as not to keepe company with him because of his Gentilisme or uncircumcision or because of his eating of meats which were uncleane by the ceremoniall Law as Ludovicus de Dieu doth rightly give the meaning understanding not morall but onely ceremoniall uncleannesse to be there spoken of for many men under the Gospell are still to be looked upon and avoyded as morally uncleane But God had taught Peter by abrogating the ceremoniall differences of meats in the vision that the ceremoniall Law which was the partition wall between Jewes and Gentiles was now to be taken away so that the Gentiles should be no longer called dogs as Matth. 15. 26. neither were the Disciples to be forbidden any longer to goe into the way of the Gentiles Matth. 10. 5. Henc forth no man should be called holy because of his circumcision no man uncleane because of his uncircumcision This being the meaning it followeth that the unlawfulnesse of eating and companying with an Heathen mentioned Act. 10. 28. must not be so understood as if bare civill fellowship had been unlawfull but it must be understood first in reference to the morall Law that is for avoiding the danger of Idolatry in eating or drinking that which Idolatrous Heathens had sacrificed to Idolls as hath been just now cleared Secondly in reference to the Ceremoniall Law or of such fellowship as was contrary to the ceremoniall Law in eating together with Heathens of meats legally unclean such as were represented to Peter in the vision and he commanded to eate what was formerly unclean to him Otherwise when the
apply the promises yea the death passion and merits of Christ unto EVERY Communicants eyes ears HEART and SOUL Which is plainly universal grace to all who ever received this Sacrament and so to Iudas according to his principles and to all who ever shall receive it 4. Whereas he would confirm this which he saith by his Antagonists Confession I do not think he can give any conscientious account of that word Who said it or where He must needs hold universal grace hold it who will 5. Here lies the strength of his Argument The Word converts by applying Christ therefore the Sacrament which doth more lively apply Christ to every Communicant must be a converting Ordinance Which necessarily implyeth that all who receive the Sacrament are converted Yea if application inferre conversion as the effect of the Application the Saints and Beleevers themselves must be again constituted in the first Article of Conversion and transition from the estate of nature and unregeneration 6. The Application of Christ in the Word unto Conversion is a thing of another nature than the Sacramental application of Christ and therefore like effects ought not to be ascribed unto these Ordinances For the Application of Christ made in the Word preached to the unconverted to convert them is per influxum Physicum by a most efficacious life-giving influence as when Elisha applyed himself to the Shunnamites dead child or like that Ezek. 16. 6. Iohn 5. 25. and 11. 43. But this manner of influence or causality is denied to the Sacrament by many of the Schoolmen and Papists themselves So much of his fifth Argument which I thought to answer in two words if the many absurdities in it had given me leave His sixth Argument is this All grant that God doth as effectually convert by the eye as by the ear All grant I deny it and I verily beleeve he can produce very few Authors if any for it He ought not to speak so great words without good warrants which here I am sure he hath not Well but he will prove the thing it self First he tells us of the book of Nature and of the Creatures by which we are instructed c. But either he means that the very book of Nature can and doth effectually and savingly convert to Faith in Christ and to true sanctification or not If the affirmative then the Heathens who lived and died in Paganisme had sufficient means and helps to conversion and faith in Christ for those Pagans had the book of the Creatures to instruct them as is expressed in some Scriptures cited by himself and so there may be salvation and the means thereof without the Church If this be not his meaning but that the book of Nature instructeth us concerning many things of God yet doth not teach us to know Christ and all things necessary to salvation far lesse doth effectually and savingly convert then he hath said nothing to that point which he had to prove 2. He saith that all the Sacrifices of the old Law and Circumcision and the Passeover did teach Gods people who participated of them or were present at them by the eye and were converting Ordinances as all do and must acknowledge Answ. Here is another tinckling Cymbal Do all acknowledge that the Sacraments of the Old Testament were converting Ordinances There can be no rational account given hereof Certainly our Writers before cited and diverse others who denie the Sacraments of the New Testament to be converting Ordinances never meant to admit that the Sacraments of the old Testament were converting Ordinances 2. How Circumcision did teach by the eye those who did participate of that Ordinance and so Infants is another riddle 3. If Sacrifices under the Law had been converting Ordinances yet that cannot be a just parallel to Sacraments except seeking to make the Lords Supper a converting Ordinance we convert it self into a Sacrifice for sin as Papists do But neither doth he offer the least colour of reason to prove that all the external Sacrifices of the old Law were converting Ordinances which here he affirmeth The Apostle speaketh otherwise of the Legal Sacrifices which he saith could not make him that did the service perfect as pertaining to the Conscience Heb. 99. and therefore calls all those rites carnal Ordinances vers 10. for though they were spiritual in respect of their signification and typifying of Christ and sealing the Covenant of grace to the faithful in the Old Testament yet they were not spiritual in regard of their giving of grace or working conversion or purging the Conscience for they had no such operation nor effect Fourthly Mr. Prynn confirms his present Argument by the miracles of the Prophets Christ and the Apostles which saith he converted thousands without preaching did convert and regenerate men by the eye without the ear For proof whereof he cites abundance of Texts of Scripture which do not prove what he saith nay some of them prove the contrary Some of the Scriptures cited do not prove conversion and regeneration by miracles but either confirmation as Iohn 2. 11. after the miracle it is added and his Disciples beleeved on him Or some preparatory initial work before regeneration as that Iohn 3. 2. Mr. Prynn will hardly prove that Nicodemus was already regenerated at that instant when he knew not what regeneration was Or that those Iohn 2. 23. who beleeved on Christ when they saw his miracles at the feast had any more then a temporary faith it being said of them that Iesus did not commit himself unto them because he knew all men Act. 2. 12. Luke 5. 25. 26. tell us of some who at the sight of miracles were stricken with fear and amazement and gave glory to God which proves not that miracles did convert but convince The like I say of 1 Kings 18. 38. 39. Other Texts cited by him make expresse mention of the Word as a mean of the conversion which was wrought as Iohn 4. 50. the man beleeved the Word that Jesus had spoken and this was before the miracle Iohn 7. 31. many beleeved but they heard Christ preach vers 14. So Iohn 11. 45. those Jewes who beleeved on Christ after they had seen the miracle did also hear that which Christ said yea their beleeving is mentioned as an effect of their hearing vers 41. 42. So Act. 6. 8. Stephen did indeed great miracles but the multiplying of the number of the Disciples is referred to the Word vers 7. Act. 8. 6. it is expressely said And the people with one accord gave heed unto those things which Philip spake hearing and seeing the miracles which he did Quâ fide hath Mr. Prynn cited this very Text to prove that men were converted by miracles without the Word by the eye without the ear Some other Scriptures by him quoted prove onely a popular confluence and the multitudes following of Christ. Having seen his miracles as Iohn 6. 2. and 11. 47. 48. Matth. 15. 30. 31. For
O Generation of Vipers who hath forewarned you to flee from the wrath to come Which insinuateth a coincidency of these two stories related Matth. 3. and Iohn 1. Salmeron thinks that message was sent to Iohn out of honour and respect to him and he endeavours to confute the Centurists but among all his answers he doth not averre which had been his best reply if he had thought it probable that those words O Generation of Vipers were not spoken to the Pharisees that were sent from Ierusalem to Iohn Yea Salmeron himself doth in another place observe divers coincidencies between the story of that which passed between Iohn and the Pharisees that came to his baptism and the story of that which passed between Iohn and the Pharisees that were sent to him from Ierusalem 4. Erastus argueth from the admission of a generation of Vipers to Baptisme to prove the lawfulnesse of admitting a generation of Vipers to the Lords Supper But I argue contrariwise Such persons as desire to be received into the Church by Baptisme if they be prophane and scandal us persons ought not to be baptized but refused baptisme as Augustine proveth in his Book De Fide Operibus Therefore prophane and scandalous persons ought much lesse be admitted unto the Lords Supper Of which Argument more before I conclude with the Centurists Iohn did not cast pearls before swine he did not admit rashly any that would to Baptisme but such as confessed their sins that is onely such as were tryed and did repent but the contumacious and the defenders of their impieties or crimes he did reject CHAP. XVII Antiquity for the suspension of all scandalous persons from the Sacrament even such as were admitted to other publik Ordinances MR. Prynn in his first Quaere would have us beleeve that in the primitive times scandalous sinners were ever excommunicated and wholy cast out of the Church and sequestred from all other Ordinances as well as from the Sacrament And since saith he in the primitive times as is evident by Tertullians Apologie cap. 39. De poenitentia lib. and others scandalous persons were ever excommunicated and wholy cast out of the Church extra gregem dati not barely sequestred from the Sacrament But for further clearing of the ancient discipline concerning suspension I have thought good here to take notice of the particulars following First That great Antiquary Albaspinaeus proving that Church communion or fellowship was anciently larger than partaking of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper he proves it by this Argument because many of those who had scandalously fallen were admitted to communion with the Church in prayer and all other Ordinances the Eucharist onely excepted Next It is well known to the searchers of Antiquity that there were four degrees of publike declaration of repentance 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which the Latines call flâ—…us auditio substratio consistentia After all which followed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the participation of the Sacrament which they were at last admitted unto and is therefore mentioned by some as the fifth degree though to speak properly it was not poenal nor any degree of censure as the other four were First The penitent was kept weeping at the Church door beseeching those that went in to pray for him thereafter he was admitted to hear the Word afar off among the Catechumens In the third place there was a preparatory reconciliation or reception into the Church with prayer and imposition of hands which being done the man was in some sort admitted into Christian fellowship and acknowledged for a brother yet after the Word and Prayer he went forth with the Catechumens before the Sacrament But there was a fourth degree after all this he might stay in the Church and see and hear in the celebration of the Sacrament after the Catechumens and the three first sort of penitents were dismissed yet still he was suspended from partaking of the Sacrament for a certain time after he was brought to this fourth and last step So cautious were those Ancients in admitting of men to the Sacrament till they perceived lasting continuing clear and real evidences of true repentance Three of the degrees above-mentioned are found in the Canons of the Councel of Ancyra and of the Councel of Nice namely the three last The first which did not admit a man so much as into the Church to the hearing of the Word as it was afterwards added so it is not so justisicable as the other three But here is the point I desire may be well observed that of old in the fourth and fifth yea in the third Century men were admitted not only to the hearing of the Word but to prayer with the Church who yet were not admitted to the Sacrament of the Lords Supper The Councel of Ancyra held about the year 308. Can. 16. appointeth some scandalous persons to shew publike signes of repentance for 15. years before they be admitted to fellowship with the Church in prayer and for 5. years thereafter to be kept off from the Sacrament The Councel of Nice doth plainly intimate the same thing That some were admitted to Prayer but not to the Sacrament The different steps of the reception of those that had fallon may be likewise proved from the Councel of Arles I. Mich. Dilherrus Lib. 2. Electorum Cap. 1. After the mention of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 doth observe that as Antiquity did goe too far so the later times have fallen too short And this is a chief cause why Christian Religion doth hear very ill among many because Ecclesiastical Discipline hath waxed cold So much by the way This of the several degrees of Penitents I shall yet further insist upon because this alone will prove that we have Antiquity for us Gregorius Thaumaturgus in his Canonical Epistle concerning those who in the time of the incursion of the Barbarians had eaten things sacrificed to Idols and had committed other scandalous sins doth plainly distinguish these five things thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The weeping is without the gate of the Church where the sinner must stand beseeching the faithfull that come in to pray for him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The hearing is within the Gate in the Porch where the sinner may come no nearer then the Catechumens and thence go out again c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The substration is that standing within the Church door he go forth with the Catechumens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The consistency is that he stand still together with the faithful and do not go forth with the Catechumens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the last place the participation of the holy Mysteries or Sacrament He that will read the Epistles of Basilius magnus to Amphilochius will find these five degrees more particularly distinguished applyed to several cases and bounded by distinct intervalls of time It were too long to transcribe all
been scandalous and vile he resolveth that so many of them as did professe repentance and forsake such scandalous conversing and companying together if they were still Virgins were to be again received to communicate with the Church namely in the Sacrament from which they had been kept back with premonition given to them that if they should after relapse into the like offence they should be cast out of the Church graviore censura with a heavier censure but that if they were found to have lost their Virginity they should make out the whole course of publike Declaration of repentance and so not be so soon admitted to but longer susspended from the Sacrament Adde hereunto a passage in Augustine plainly intimating that at that time beside reprehension degradation and excommunication there were other censures daily used in the Church according to the Apostles commandement 1 Thess. 3. 14. 15. He is speaking of the mixture of good and bad in the Church and that wicked men may be in some sort suffered in the Church provided saith he that the discipline of Excommunication and the other usual censures in the Church be not neglected but duly executed where it is possible But what were those other censures if not the suspension of scandalous and prophane persons not excommunicated from the Sacraments I appeal for further proof hereof to one passage more of Augustine de fide operibus cap. 18. Whores Stage-players and others whosoever they be that are Professors of publike filthinesse except such bonds of Wickednesse be loosed and broken are not permitted to come unto the Sacraments of Christ which forsooth according to their judgment that is such as would have profane persons baptized as well as others should be all admitted unlesse the holy Church should retain the ancient and vigorous custom which commeth from the most clear truth by which she hath it for certain that they who do such things shall not inherit the Kingdom of God Whence it will certainly follow that all who were excluded from the Lords Table were not excommunicated persons For first The Church did keep back such scandalous persons upon this ground because those who are known to live without repentance in any of those sins of which the Apostle saith that they who do such things shall not inherit the Kingdom of God are not fit to be admittrd unto the Sacrament for this were to give the Seals of salvation to those whom the Word pronounceth to be in a state of damnation Secondly Augustine is there confuting the opinion of some whom he calls Fratres qui aliter sapiunt Brethren who otherwise understood themselves well whose Principles did admit to the Sacraments all uncleane and scandalous persons which cannot be meant of excommunicated persons For there was never any such opinion maintained in the Church that all excommunicated persons ought or may be received to the Sacrament Lastly Lest his meaning should be restricted to the Sacrament of Baptisme onely of which principally and purposely he treateth in that Book he speaketh in the plural of the Sacraments of Christ. Observe also these passages of Gregory called the great Epist. Lib. 2. Cap. 65. Sicut exigente culpâ quis à Sacramento communionis dignè suspenditur ita insontibus nullo modo talis debet irrogari vinaicta Ibid. Cap. 66. Et si in vestra cognitione cujusquam â—…um facinorosi criminis reum esse patuerit tunc ex nostra auctoritate non solum Dominici Corporis Sanguinis communione privatuâ—… fit verumâ—…tiam in Monasterium ubi poenitentiam agere debeat retrudatur And so much for Antiquity in this Question CHAP. XVIII A Discovery of the instability and loosenesse of Mr. Prynn his Principles even to the contradicting of himself in twelve particulars I Shall not need to insist upon his tenth point of difference Vindic. pag. 49. nor upon his four following Quaerees and Conclusion in all which there is no new material point but a repetition of divers particulars spoken to and debated else-where As touching that hint of a new Argument pag. 56. Consider the Parablâ—… of the mariage of the Kings son where the King sent forth his servants to invite guests to the wedding Supper who gathered together ALL they found both BAD and good that the wedding might be furnished with guests Matth. 22. 1. to 11. I answer 1. Some understand here by the bad vers 10. those who had formerly before they were called and brought home by the Gospel been the worst and most vicious among the Heathens so that the words both bad and good make not a distinction of two sorts of Christians or Church-members but of two sorts of Heathens not yet called some of them were good some of them bad comparitively that is some of them much better then others some of them much worse So Grotius and long before him Hierome and Theophylact upon the place 2. Others as Bucerus Tossanus Cartwright Gomarus understand by the bad close Hypocrites who appear good so far as the Ministers and Officers of the Church are able to judge of them These by a Synecdoche of the Genus for the Species may be understood by the bad And so the Text will not comprehend scandalous and known prophane persons That Synecdoche generis is often used in Scripture is proved by Sal. Glassius Philolog sacrae lib. 5. Tract 1. Cap. 14. 3. I throw back an Argument from the same Parable against himself for the King sheweth his servants that he will have unworthy persons kept back from the marriage feast vers 8. Then saith he to his servants the Wedding is ready but they which were bidden were not worthy Luk. 14. 24. For I say unto unto you that none of those men which were bidden shall tast of my Supper The King makes it also known that he alloweth none to come in to this Mariage Feast except such onely as have the Wedding garment or as the Syriak Wedding garments upon them All which is inconsistent with Mr. Prynns principles concerning the admission of known scandalous unworthy persons to the Sacrament as to a converting Ordinance 4. And if all must be brought in or let in to the Lords Supper both bad and good promiseuously and without distinction then it should follow that the Ordinances of Parliament concerning the suspension of all sorts of scandalous persons from the Sacrament are contrary to the Will of Christ And that Mr. Prynn himself in yeelding â—…ag 50. and else-where that scandalous impenitent obstinate persons ought to be not onely suspended but excommunicated doth yeeld what his Argument concludes to be unlawful And so I come to that which I have here proposed viz. the instability and loosenesse of Mr. Prynns principles in this controversie By comparing divers passages together I find that he doth professe and pretend to yeeld the Question which yet he doth not yeeld really and indeed First It is to be observed that he deserteth Erastus and that
from the Sacrament now in publike agitation is a matter of great moment much difficulty and very circumspectly to be handled established to prevent proâ—anation and scandal on the one hand and arbitrary tyrannical papal domineering power over the Consciences the spiritual priviledges of Christians on the other These are his own words in the preface of his Quaeries whether hath he gone in an even path to avoid both these evills Or whether hath he not declined to the left hand while he shunned the error of the right hand Whether hath he not so gone about to cure the heat of the liver as to leave a cold and phlegmatick stomack uncured And whether doth he not trespasse against that rule of his owne last cited when he adviseth this as the best and onely way to suppresse all kind of sins and to reform and purge the Churches of this Kingdom that the sword of excommunication and suspension be not drawn but onely the sword of the spirit and the sword of the Magistrate Vindic. pag. 57. Finally Whether in this Kingdom there be more cause to fear and apprehend an arbitrary tyrannical papal domineering power over the Consciences of Christians where Church discipline is to be so bounded by authority of Parliament that it be not promiscuously put in the hands of all but of such against whom there shall be no just exception found yea are or shall be chosen by the Congregations themselves who have also lately abjured by a solemn Covenant the Popish and Preâ—atical Government Or whether we ought not to be more afraid and apprehensive that the Ordinances of Christ shall hardly be kept from pollution and the Churches hardly purged from scandals there being many thousands both grossely ignorant and grossely scandalous 4. I desire it may be upon a review seriously considered how little truth wisdom or charity there is in that suggestion of Mr Prynn pag. 57. that the lives of the generality of the people are more strict pious lesse scandalous and licentious in our English Congregations where there hath been powerful preaching without the practice of Excommunication or suspension from the Sacrament then in the Reformed Churches of France Germany Denmark or Scotland for which I appeal to all Travellers c. I confesse it is a matter of great humiliation to the servants of Christ that there is occasion to exercise Church discipline and censures in the Reformed Churches yet this is no other then what was the condition of the Apostolique Churches 2 Cor. 12. 21. I fear saith the Apostle lâ—…st when I come again my God will humble me among you and that I shall bewail many which have sinned already and have not repented of the uncleannesse and fornication and lasciviousnesse which they have committed And this is not the onely Testimony concerning scandals and disorderly walking in those primitive Churches But as for those who are so rigid in their censures against the government of the Reformed Churches I answer to them as Hierome did of the Montanists They are rigid not to the end that themselves also might not commit worse sins but this difference there is between them and us that they are ashamed to confesse their sins as if they were righteous We while we repent do the more easily obtain mercy Mr. Prynn and others of his profession are not very willing that such an Ecclesiastical discipline be established in England as is received and setled in Scotland and other Reformed Churches But if once the like sin-searching sin-discovering and sin-censuring discipline were received and duely executed in England then and not till then such comparisons may if at all they must be made between the lives of the generality of the people in England with those in other Reformed Churches which of them is more or lesse licentious and scandalous A Testimony of Mr. Foxe the Author of the Book of Martyrs taken out of a treatise of his printed at London 1551. entituled De Censura Ecclesiastica Interpellatio J. Foxi the eighth Chapter of which Treatise is here translated out of Latin into English What the are chief obstacles hindering Excommunication THat the thought and care of excommunication hath now so far waxed cold almost in all the Churches is to be ascribed as appeareth unto three sorts of men The first is of those whose minds the wealth of this world and high advancement of dignity do so lift up that they are ashamed to submit the neck to the obedience of Christ. What say these shall that poor fellow lay a yoke on me What should I be subject to this naughty and rude Pastor But let go good Sir your vain swelling empty words how rude soever he be yet if he be your Pastor you must needs be a sheep of the flock whom if he doth rightly instruct so much the more dutifully you must submit But if otherwise it is the fault of the man not of the Ministry To those at least yeeld thy self to be ruled whom thou knowest to be more learned But go to thou which canst not suffer a man to be thy Pastor to whom then wilt thou submit thy self unto Christ himself thou sayest very well forsooth This then is of such importance that Christ for thy cause must again leave the heavens or by his Angels or Arch-Angels feed and govern thee whom these mean men the Pastors do not satisfie But what if it so pleased the Lord by these mean Pastors as thou callest them to cast down and confâ—und all the highest statelynesse and pride of this World even as of old by a few and comtemptible Fishers he subdued not onely the high and conceited opinion of Philosophers but even the Scepters of Kings also Now what will thy boasting magnificence say But hear what Christ himself saith of them whom thou from thy high loftinesse lookâ—st down upon as unworthy He that despiseth you despiseth me saith he And moreover who so despiseth Christ despiseth him from whom he is sent and who said unto him Thou art my Son this day have I begotten thee Ask of me and I will give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance and the utmost ends of the earth for thy possission Thou shalt rule them with a rod of yron and break them in peâ—…ces like a pâ—…tters vessel Wherefore seeing thou dost acknowledge so great a Lord so many wayes above all Maiesty whatsoever can be named let it not be grievous to thee my brother whosoever thou art or with how great power soever thou art highly advanced laying aside thy high looks and pride to be humbled under his mighty hand And do not think it a light matter whereas thou entertainest with so great applause and honourable respect an earthly Kings Ambassadors that thou shouldest disdain the Ambassadors of him who alone hath power over all Kings and Lords If thou yeeldest unto a mortal Physitian thy wounds to be handled yea to be cut also and to be burned and seared if need be how commeth