Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
any till he found it out such wherein he is not like to finde many followers though the way be opened I know it is no unusuall thing for works of different Arguments publisht at severall times and dedicated to severall persons to be drawn together into one Volume and being so drawn together to retain still those particular Titles and Dedications which at first they had But I dare confidently say that our Historian is the first who writing a Book of the same Argument not published by peece-meal as it came from his hand but in a full and intire Volume hath filled his Sheets with so many Title-leaves and Dedications as we have before us For in this one Book taking in the History of Cambridge which is but an Appendix to it there are no fewer then 12 particular Titles beside the generall as many particular Dedications and no fewer then fifty eight or sixty of those By-Inscriptions which are addrest to his particular Friends and Benefactors which make it bigger by fourty Sheets at the least then it had been otherwise Nay so ambitious he is of encreasing the Number of his Patrons that having but four Leaves to come to the end of his History he findes out a particular Benefactress to inscribe it to Which brings into my minde the vanity of Vitellius in bestowing and of Roscius Regulus for accepting the Consular Dignity for that part of the day on which Cecina by Order and Decree of the Senate was degraded from it Of which the Historian gives this Note that it was Magno cum irrisu accipientis tribuentisque a matter of no mean disport amongst the People for a long time after But of this Argument our Author heard so much at the late Act in Oxford that I shall say no more of it at this present time 3. In the next ranck of Impertinencies which are more intrinsecal part of the substance of the work I account his Heraldry Blazons of Arms Dâ—scenis of noble Families with their Atchievements intermingled as they come in his way not pertinent I am sure to a Church-Hâ—storian unless such persons had been Founders of Episcopal Sees or Religious Houses or that the Arms so blazoned did belong to either Our Author tells us lib. 5. fol. 191. that knowledge in the Laws of this Land is neither to be expected or required in one of his profession and yet I trow considering the great influence which the Laws have upon Church-matters the knowledge of the Law cannot be so unnecessary in the way of a Clergy-man as the study of Heraldry But granting Heraldry to be an Ornament in all them that have it yet is it no ingredient requisite to the composition of an Ecclesiastical History The Copies of Battle-Abbey Roll fitter for Stow and Hollingsheâ—d where before we had them can in an History of the Church pretend to no place at all though possibly the names of some may be remembred as their Foundations or Endowments of Churches give occasion for it The Arms of the Knights-Errant billeted in the Isâ—e of Ely by the Norman Conqueror is of like extravagancy Such also is the Catalogue of those noble Adventurers with their Arms Issue and Atchievements who did accompany King Richard the first to the War of Palestine which might have better serv'd as an Appendix to his History of the Holy Warâ— then found a place in the main Body of an History of the Church of England Which three alone besides many intercalatious of that kinde in most parts of the Book make up eight sheets more inserted onely for the ostentation of his skill in Heraldry in which notwithstanding he hath fallen on as palpable Errors as he hath committed in his History For besides those which are observed in the course of this work I finde two others of that kinde in his History of Cambridge to be noted here For fol. 146. he telleth us That Alice Countess of Oxford was Daughter and sole Heir of Gilbert Lord Samford which Gilbert was Hereditary Lord Chamberlain of England But by his leave Gilbert Lord Samford was never the Heriditary Chamberlain of the Realm of England but onely Chamberlain in Fee to the Queens of England betwixt which Offices how vast a difference there is let our Authour judge And secondly The Honor of Lord Chamberlain of England came not unto the Earls of Oxford by that Marriage or by any other but was invested in that Family before they had attained the Title and Degree of Earls Conferred by King Henry the first on Aubrey de Vere a right puissant Person and afterwards on Aubrey de Vere his Son together with the Earldom of Oxford by King Henry the second continuing Hereditary in that House till the death of Robert Duke of Ireland the ninth Earl thereof and then bestowed for a time at the Kings discretion and at last setled by King Charls in the House of Lindsey But because being a Cambridge Man he may be better skild in the Earls of that County let as see what he saith of them and we shall finde fol. 162. That Richard Plantagenet Duke of York was the eighth Earl of Cambridge Whereas first Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge And secondly If he had been such he must have been the seventh Earl and not the eighth For thus those Earls are marshalled in our Catalogues of Honor and Books of Heraldry viz. 1. William de Meschines 2. Iohn de â—amalt 3. William Marquess of Iuliers 4. Edmond of Langley D. of York 5. Edward D. of York 6. Richard de Conisburgh yonger Brother of Edward 7. Iames Marquess Hamilton c. No Richard Duke of York to be found amongst them his Father Richard of Konisburgh having lost that Title by Attainder which never was restored to Richard his Son though most improvidently advanced to the Dukedom of York nor unto any other of that Line and Family 4. Proceed we in the next place to Verses and old ends of Poetry scattered and dispersed in all parts of the History from one end to the other for which he hath no precedent in any Historian Greek or Latine or any of the National Histories of these latter times The Histories of Herodotus Xenophon Thucydides and Plutarch amongst the Greeks of Caesar Livy Salust Taciâ—us and Sueâ—onius amongst the Latines afford him neither warrant nor example for it The like may be affirmed of Eusâ—bius Socrates Sâ—zomen Theodoret Russin and Evagrius Church Historians all though they had all the best choice and the most excellent Poets of the world to befriend them in it And he that shall consult the Histories of succeeding times through all the Ages of the Church to this present day will finde â—hâ—m all as barren of any incouragements in this kinde as the ancients were Nay whereas Bishop Godwin in his Annals gives us an Epitaph of two Verses onely made on Queen Iane Seymour and afterwards a Copy of eighteen verses on the Martyrdom of Arch Bishop Cranmer
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
Parliament that they should warn the Clergy of their several and respective Dioceses some in their persons and others by their Procurators to attend there also But this hath been so long unpractic'd that we finde no track of foot-steps of it since the Parliaments of the time of King Richard the second It 's true indeed that in the 8. year of King Henry the sixth there passed a Statute by which it was enacted That all the Clergy which should be called thenceforth to the Convocation by the Kings Writ together with their servants and Families should for ever after fully use and enjoy such liberty or immunity in coming tarrying and returning as the great men Commonalty of the Realm of England called or to be called to the Kings Parliament have used or ought to have or enjoy Which though it make the Convocation equal to the Parliament as to the freedom of their Persons yet can it not from hence be reckoned and much less commonly reputed for a part thereof Fol. 14. Indeed the Queen bare Poole an unfeigned affection and no wonder to him that considereth 1. their Age he being about ten years older the proportion allowed by the Philosopher betwixt Husband and Wife c. In Queen Maries afâ—ection unto Poole and the reasons of it I am very well satisfied better then in the explication which he adds unto it For if by the Philosopher he means Aristotle as I think he doth he is very much out in making no more then ten years to be the proportion allowed by him betwixt the Husband and the Wife For Aristotle in the seventh Book of his Politicks having discoursed of the fittest time and age for marriage both in men and women concludes at last that it is expedient that maidens be married about the age of eighteen years and Men at seven and thirty or thereabouts His reason is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is to say Because they shall then be joyned in wedlock while their bodies be in full strength and shallâ— cease from procreation in fit time Whether so great a dispâ—oportion were allowed of then or that it was a matter of Speculation only and not reducible to practice I dispute not now Only I note that it is twenty years not ten which the Philosopher requires in the different ages of the Man and Wife Fol. 19. Lincoln Diocess the largest of the whole Kingdom containing Leicester c. with parts of Haâ—tford and Warwickshires That the greatâ— Diocess of Lincoln containeth the whole Counties of Bedford Buckingham Huntington Leicester and Lincoln with part of Hartfordshire is confessed by all but that it containeth also some part of Warwickshire I doe very much doubt Certain I am that Archbishop Parker a man very well skilled in the jurisdiction of his Suffragan Bishops assigns no part of Warwickshire to the See of Lincoln dividing that County between the Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield and the Bishop of Worcester I see by this our Author is resolved to play at all games though he get by none Fol. 27. The Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies in Service and Sacraments they omitted both as superfluoâ—s and superstitioâ—s Our Author speaks this of the Schismatical Congregation at Franckford who tâ—rn'd the publick Church Liturgy quite out of their Church fashioning to themselves a new form of Worship which had no warrant and foundation by the laws of this Realm And first saith he the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies they omitted both as superfluous and superstitious Superfluous and superstitious in whose opinion In that of the Schismaticks at Franckford our Authors or in both alike Most probably in our Authors as well as theirs for otherwise he would have added some note of qualification such as they thought they judg'd or they suppos'd them according as he hath restrain'd them to their own â—ense in the clause next following viz. in place of the English Confession they used another adjudged by them of more effect Adjudged by them in this not the former sentence makes me inclinable to believe that the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies are both superfluous and superstitious in our Authors judgement not in theirs alone Secondly our Author as we have noted formerly on the second Book of this History reckons the Cross in Baptism used and required to be used by the Church of England among the superstitious Ceremonies and such like Trinckets with which that Sacrament is loaded And if he durst declare himself so plain in this second Book written as he affirms in the Reign of the late King when he might fear to be call'd to an account for that expression there is little question to be made but since Monarchy was turn'd into a State he would give his pen more liberty then he did before in counting the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies is superfluous and superstitious as the Cross in Baptism Thirdly having laid down an abstract of the form of worship contriv'd by the Schismaticks at Franckford he honoreth them with no lower Title then that of Saints and counts this liberty of deviating from the Rules of the Church for a part of their happiness For so it followeth fol. 28. This saith he is the Communion of Saints who never account themselves peaceably possest of any happiness untill if it be in their power they have also made their fellow-sufferers partakers thereof If those be Saints who separate themselves schismatically from their Mother Church and if it be a happiness to them to be permitted so to do our Author hath all the reason in the world to desire to be admitted into their Communion and be made partaker of that happiness which such Saints enjoy And if in order thereunto he counts the Letany Surplice and other Ceremonies of the Church to be both superstitious and superfluous too who can blame him for it Fol. 39. Trinity Colledge built by Sir Thomas Pope â—I shall not derogate so much from Sir Thomas Pope as our Author doth from Trinity Colledge naming no Bishop of this House as he doth of others He tells us that he liv'd in this University about 17 weeks and all that time Dâ— Skinner the Bishop of Oxford liv'd there too Dr. Wright the Bishop of Liâ—chfield pâ—obably was then living alâ—o for he deceased not till after the beginning of the year 1643. but living at that time in his own House of Ecclesal Castle Both of them Members of this Colledge and therefore worthily deserving to have found some place in our Authors History And because our Author can finde no learned Writers of this Colledge neither I will supply him with two others in that kinde also The first whereof shall be Iohn Sâ—lden of the Inner Temple 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that renown'd Humanitian and Philologer sometimes a Commoner of this House and here initiated in those Studies in which he afâ—erwards attain'd to so high an eminence The second William Chillingworth an able and acute Divine and once a
England France and Ireland and proclaimed that day to be crowned consecrated and anointed unto whom he demanded whether they would obey and serve or not By whom it was again with a loud cry answered God save the King and ever live his Majesty The same we have in substance but in sewer words in the Coâ—onation of King Iames where it is said that The King was shewed to the people and that they were required to make acknowledgement of theâ—â— allâ—giance to his Majesty by the Archbishop which they did by acclamations Assuredly the difference is exceeding vaâ—t betwixt obeying and consenting betwixt the peoples acknowledging their allegiance and promising to obey and serve theiâ— lawful Soveraign and giving their consent to his Coronation as if it could not be peâ—formed without such consent Nor had the late Archbishop been repâ—oacht so generally by the common people and that reproach publisht in several Pamphleâ—s for altering the Kings Oath at his Coronation to the infringing of the Libeâ—â—ies and diminution of the Rights of the English Subjecâ—s had he done them such a notable pieâ—e of service as freeing them from all promises to obey and â—erve and making the Kings Coronation to depend on their consent For Bishop Laud being one of that Committee which was appointed by the King to review the form and oâ—der of the Coronation to the end it might be fitted to some Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England which had not been observ'd befoâ—e must bear the greatest blame in this alteration if any such alteration had been made as our Author speaks of because he was the principal man whom the King reâ—â—ed on in that business But our Author tels us in his Preface that this last Book with divers of the rest were written by him when the Monarchy was turn'd into a State and I dare believe him He had not elâ—e so punctually conform'd his language to the new State-doctrine by which the mâ—king and conâ—equently the unmaking of Kings is wholly veâ—ted in â—he people according to that Maxim of Buchannan â—opulo jus est imperium cui velit deferat then which â—here is not a more pestilent and seditious passage â—n his whole Book De jure Regni apud Scotos though â—here be nothing else but Treason and Sedition â—n it Fol. 123. Then as many Earls and Barons as could â—onveniently stand about the Throne did lay their hands â—n the Crown on his Majesties head protesting to spend their blouds to maintain it to him and his lawful Heâ—rs A promise faithfully performed by many of them some losing their lives for him in the open field others exhausting their Estates in defence of his many more venturing their whole fortunes by adhering to him to a conâ—â—scation a Catalogue of which laâ—t we may finde subscribed to a Letter sent from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled in Oxford to those at Westminster Anno 1643. And by that Catalogue we may also see what and who they were who so ignobly brake faith with him all those whose names we finde not in that sâ—bscription or presently superadded to it being to be reckoned amongst those who in stead of spending their bloud to maintain the Crown to him and to his lawful successors concurred with them either in opere or in 〈◊〉 who despoiled him of it And to say truth they were rewarded as they had deserved the first thing which was done by the House of Commons after the King by their means had been brought to the fatal Block being to tuâ—ne them out of power to dissolve their House and annul their priviledges reducing them to the same condition with the reâ—t of the Subjects Fol. 127. And it had not been amiss if such who would be accounted his friends and admirers had followed him in the footsteps of his Moderation content with the enjoying without the enjoyning their private practises and opinions 〈◊〉 others This comes in as an inference only on a formeâ— passage in which it is said of Bishop Andrews that in Whâ—â— place soever he came he never pressed any other Ceremonieâ— upon them then such as he found to be used there before 〈◊〉 coming though otherwise condemned by some â—omany superstitious Ceremonies and superâ—luous Ornaments in his private Chappel How true this is I am not able to affiâ—m lesse able if it should be true to commend it in him It is not certainly the office of a carefull Bishop only to leave things as he found them but to reduce them if amiss to those Rules and Canons from which by the forwardness of some to innovate and the connivence of others at the innovations they had been suffered to decline And for the inference it self it is intended chiefly for the late Arch-bishop of Canterbury against whom he had a fling before in the fourth Book of this History not noted there because reserved to another place of which more hereafter Condemned here for his want of moderation in enjoyning his private practises and opinions on other men But 〈◊〉 our Author had done well to have spared the man who hath already reckoned for all his errors both with God and the world And secondly it had been betteâ— if he had told us what those private practises and opinions were which the Archbishop with such want of moderation did enjoyne on others For it is possible enough that the opinions which he speaks of might be the publick Doctrines of the Church of England maintained by him in opposition to those private opinions which the Calvinian pâ—rty had intended to obtrude upon her A thing complained of by Spalato who well observed that many of the opinions both of Luther and Calvin were received amongst us as part of the Doctrine and Confession of the Church of England which â—therwise he acknowleâ—ged to be capable of an Oxthoâ—x sense Praeter Anglicanam Confessionem â—uam mihi ut modestam praedicabant multa 〈◊〉 Lutheri Calvini dogmata obtinuisse â—he there objects And it is possible enough â—â—at the practises which he speaks of were not private either but a reviver of those ancient and publick â—ages which the Canons of the Church enjoyned â—nd by the remisness of the late Government had been â—iscontinued He that reads the Gag and the Appello â—aesarem of Bishop Montague cannot but see that those â—â—inions which our Author condemned for private were â—he true Doctrine of this Church professed and held forth â—n the Book of Articles the Homilies and the Common-Prayer-Book But for a justification of the Praâ—â—ises the private practises he speaks of I shall direct â—im to an Author of more credit with him Which â—â—thor first tels us of the Bishops generally That being of late years either careless or indulgent they had not required within their Dioceses that strict obedience to Ecclesiastical Constitutions which the Law expected upon which the Liturgy began totally to be laid aside and in conformity the uniform practise of â—he Church He
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the common-prayer-Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
own Thirdly though it be true enough that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrote these terrible effects but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the Plot and finally undertook the command oâ— their Armieâ— Rewaâ—ded foâ— which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himâ—elâ— he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Archbishop Laâ—d as the principal and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect fâ—om a former passage lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop And then he adds Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein His stomach is so full of choler against this pooâ— Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to suâ—plant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also some strong pâ—eâ—â—mptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it But what proofs have we for all this Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies or our Authors own 〈…〉 or some common fame And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History though the greatest falsehood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Authors language But for the last he brings some pâ—oof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army in which it was declared that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews the Archbishop of Glasco the Bishop of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reign of King Charles the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not and if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fol. 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-shine in England In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam if the clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foul weather in Scotland had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution The Scots were then weak unprovided of all necessaries not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaâ—ly arm'd and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation And had the Scots been once broken and their Countrey wasted which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King disturbances in their own Châ—rch and destruction to England So true is that of the wise Histoâ—ian Conatus subditorâ—m irritos imperia â—â—â—per promovere the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest do always make the King stronger and the Subjects weaker Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
of Millain into Flanders So that if there had not been some other reason why the Spaniards engaged themselves in the Conquest of this Countrey then the opening a free passage for their Armies to march out of Italy into the Netherl it might have remained unconquered by them to this very day But the truth is that both the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria being wholly acted by the Counsels of the Jesuits resolv'd upon some compulsory courses to bring all Germany under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and to that end thought fit to begin with the Prince Elector Palatine as appears by several Letters exemplified in the Book entituled Cancellaria Bavarica as being the chief head of the Calvinian party in the Empire and having made himself doubly obnoxious to a present proscription which Proscription being issued out the Execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria who was to have the upper Palatinate together with the Electoral Dignity the better to enable him to carry on the Design and to the King of Spain as best able to go thorow with it who was to have the lower Palatinate wholly to himself that his Forces might be always in readiness to carry on the War from one Prince to another till the Emperor had made himself the absolute Master of them all From Germany we pass into Scotland where we finde the busie Arch-Bishop so he calls him in a time of high discontentment pressing a full conformity of the Kirk in Scotland with the English Discipline So here and hereupon the credit of hear-say onely but in another place where he rather acts the part of an Historian then of one that is to speak in the Prologue he relates it thus King Iames had a Design not once but always after his coming into England to reform that deformity of the Kirk of Scotland into a decent Discipline as in the Church of England which received Opposition and Intermissions till the year 1616. Where at Aberdine their General Assembly of Clergy made an Act authorizing some of their Bishops to compile a form of Liturgy or book of Common Prayer first for the King to approve which was so considerately there revised and returned for that Kingdom to pâ—actice which same Service Book was now sent for by this King and committed to some Bishops here of their own to review and finding the difference not much from the English he gave command in Scotland to be read twice a day in the Kings Chappel at Holy-Rood House at Eâ—inburgh that the Communion should be administred in that form taken on their knees once a Moneth the Bishop to wear his Rochet the Minister his Surplice and so to inure the people by president of his own Chappel there first and afterwards in all parts for the publick The Scotch Bishops liked it reasonable well for the matter but the maner of imposing it from hence upon them was conceived somewhat too much dependancy of theirs on our English Church and therefore excepting against the Psalms Epistles and Gospels and other Sentences of Scripture in the English Book being of a different Translation from that of King Iames they desired a Liturgy of their own and to alter the English answerable to that and so peculiar to the Church of Scotland which indeed was more like to that of King Edward the sixth which the Papist better approved and so was the rather permitted by the King as to win them the better to our Church And so had it been accustomed to the Scotish several Churches for some years without any great regret and now particularly proclaimed to be used in all Churches c. fol. 221. In all which Narrative we finde no pressing of the Book by the busie Arch-Bishop how busie soever he is made by the Author in the Introduction None having power to carry away his nine parts or any part until the propriâ—tâ—ry had set out his tenth part Our Author speaks this of the miserable condition of the poor Scotish Husbandman under the Lords of new erection as they commonly called them who on the dissolution of Abbies and other Religious Houses to which almost all the Tithes in Scotland had been appropriated iâ—grost them wholly to themselves And were it no otherwise with the poor Husbandman then is here related his condition had been miserable enough it not being permitted unto him in default of the Parsone or his Bailyff to set apart the Tythes in the presence of two or three sufficient Neighbors as with us in England But their condition if I remember it aright was far worse then this not being suffered to carry away their own Corn though the Tithes had been set out in convenient time before the Impropriator had carried his by means whereof they were kept in a most intollerable slavery by these their Masters who cared not many times for losing the tenth part so they might destroy the other nine By means whereof the poor Peasants were compell'd to run swear fight to kill and be killed too as they were commanded From which being freed by the Grace and goodness of King Charls they prov'd notwithstanding the most base and disloyal People that the Sun ever shined on This Bishop John Maxwell Minister of Edinburgh was set up by Laud then Bishop of London who finding him Eloquent and Factious enough placed him a Bulwark against adverse Forces This Bishop the Bishop of Ross he meaneth was by the King preferred to great Offices of Trust both in Church and State That he was Eloquent is confessed by our Author and that he was a learned man appears by his judicious and elaborate Treatise entituled Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas in which he hath defended the Rights and Soveraignty of Kings against all the Cavils of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction But that he was also Factious was never charged upon him but by those who held themselves to the Assembly at Glasco by whom he was indeed lookt on as a Factious person for acting so couragiously in defence of his own Episcopal Rights the publick Orders of the Church and the Kings Authority According to which Rule or Noâ—ion the generality of the Bishops in all the three Kingdoms might be called a Faction if Tertullian had not otherwise stated it by saying this viz. Cum pii cum boni coëunt non factio dicenda est sed Curia The like unhandsome Character he gives us of Sir Archiâ—â—â— Atchison of whom he tells us That he was of such a◠〈…〉 he means his first coming out of 〈…〉 to all thâ—se afâ—er-Seditions But ceâ—tainly the paâ—â—y whom he speaks of was of no such temper For being of a â—udge in 〈◊〉 made the Kings Sollicitor or Procuratoâ— for the Realm of Scotland he diverâ—â—d the King from 〈◊〉 the intended Act of Revocatâ—on which indeed 〈◊〉 have brought more fuel to the fire then could be suddenly extinguisht advising rather that he should enter his Action in the Courts of Iustice against
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
if the Squire had markt it well he might have found that the Respondeâ—t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated and those or England setled in the place thereof but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation For which mistake as the Resâ—ondent hath observed in the place before-cited though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 and that by M. Sâ—nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it if you mark it well For if it can be proved as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix pag. 88. that the Articles of Ireland were called in and those of England were received in their place then whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall And for the proof of this that the Aâ—ticles of Ireland were repealed and the Articles of the Church of England as in the way of a super-induction were setled in the place thereof there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued and in that called The Respondit Petrus as may satisfie any rationall and impaâ—tiall Reader So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity which he makes to be a great rarity in him and much more in defaming a whole Nation with a matter of truth in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only appâ—oved but revived in the Church of Ireland and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least if not also formally substituted in the place thereof Against which though the Lord Primate have said something he hath proved just nothing and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he And here again I do desire that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come Et placida compostâ—â— morte quiesâ—aâ— as the Poet hath it But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living â—ame of this deceased but learned Prelate to shew his malice to the dead there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification The Panmâ—phleter will not suffer him to go â—ff so quietly and therefore tels us that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature neither in charity with the dead noâ— at peace with the living I specially if they come under the name and notion of emiâ—nent and pious men but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson yet I can confidently say that it is Novum crimen anie hoc tempus in auditum a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon do most clearly evidence Against which Declaration the Squire is able to instance only in one particular whereas indeed he hath but one particular to make instance in his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it that it is only one degree removed from a sâ—ander For first omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux either at Woodstock or elsewhere Secondly The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear And for the proof hereof since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it I shall only say First That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper For if he did it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Balâ—ol Colledge and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall in which D. Prideaux was concerned and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check yet M. Fâ—ller from whom he borrowed the whole relation is more punctual in it and reports it thus viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuersâ—y 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagiâ—g in their behalf The former of these two Doctors ingenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 to the King that Nemo motalium omnibâ—s hoâ—is sapit which wrought more on his Maâ—esties affectioâ—s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 Church-Hist lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth That if M Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself as he now seems to do he would have given it some place in his History to shew with what credit D Prideaux came off from that â—econd encounter at Woodstock and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information And secondly The Respondent saith that he was then one of his Majestâ—es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August preaching before him at Oâ—t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation to which there is no question but he had been called if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him And if he had been called to iâ— it is not probable that the Doctor had gone
seasonably here if I had not somewhat to alledge for my justification But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure mentioned in the Introduction following be seriously considered as they ought to be I hope I shall be capable of excuse at the least if not of pardon And for my venturing on the other I shall say nothing more at the present but that as well my love to Truth as to doe right unto the Authour whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to Church or State hath invited me to it Truth is the Mistresse which I serve and I presume that none will be offended with me because I tell them of their Errours in a modest way and beare witnesse for them to that Truth of which they doe professe themselves such especiall Lovers In that great Disputation between the Esquires of the body of King Darius whether the King Wine Women or the Truth were of greatest power the whole Assembly cryed out in behalf of Truth Magna est Veritas praevalet that is to say Great is Truth and mighty above all things So that in standing for the Truth without consideration unto the recompence of reward I hope though I meeâ— some Adversaries I shall finde more Friends If not for I am at a reasonable passe for that it shall be no small comfort to me that the weak Candle of my Studies hath given light to othâ—rs whereby they may discern some Historicall Truâ—hs even in the darkest Mists of Errour which either partiality or incogitancy hath cast before the eyes of unwary Readers Which said I shall now adde no more but that having two Pâ—tients under cure of different tempers it is not to be thought that I should administer unto both the same kinde of Physick an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one whereas the foule body of the other doth require a Fluxing as some wounds may be healed with Balm when others more corrupt and putrified doe exact a Lancing But so it happeneth many times that some men are more impatient of the Cure then sensible of their Diseases and that in stead of giving thanks to the Physician for the great pains he took about them they pay him with nothing but displeasures Which being the worst that can befall me I am armed against it If by the hazâ—rd of my peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times that men may prove more carefull of what they write and not obtâ—ude upon the Reader either through ignorance inadvertency or somewhat worse such and so many Falsities Mistakes and Errours as have been lately put upon him in some Modern Histories it is that I aimed at and having gained that Point I have gained my purpose Non partis studiis agimur sed sumpsimus Arma Consiliis inimica tuis ignavia fallax Peter Heyliu Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern HISTORY Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE Church-History of Britain AND The History of Cambridge Publisht by Thomas Fuller For vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy 2 Corinth 13. 8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem sed pro veritate Minut. Foel in Octavio Et Veritas quidem obvia est sed requirentibus A Necessary Introduction To the Following ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN Touching the Title of the Book and the Preface to it 1. INtending some short Animadversions on the Church Hâ—story of Britain for Vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain but necessary Introduction touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. M. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he lets us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprentiships God spinning out the thick thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiasticall History from Christs time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it except some starts for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to the publike view the Book not coming out until the Year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectation we are now to see For first The Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Britain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Britain yet he pursues not his Designe agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Britain and lesse if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a British Island Nor is it thirdly a Church-History rightly and properly so called but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies that Ecclesiasticall affairs make the least part of it Abstracted from the dresse and trimming and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tels us Pars minima est ipsa puella sui that the woman was the least part of her self The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it though to say truth had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning it might have past by the old Title of Fullers Miscellanies For such and so many are the impertinencies as to matters of Historicall nature more as to matters of the Church that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compasse if it had taken up any room at all So that we may affirm of the present History as one did of the Writings of Chrisippus an old Philosopher viz. Si quis tollat Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt facilâ— illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena that is to say that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the businesse which he had in hand there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments 2. The first of this kinde which I am to note is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinences which are coucht within consisting of Title-Pages Dedicatory Epistles and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section A new way never travelled before by
he ushers in the last with this short Apology Contra morâ—m â—â—storiae liceat quaeso inserere c. Let me saith he I beseech you insert these following verses though otherwise against the Rule and Laws of History But what alass were eighteen or twenty verses compared with those many hundred six or seven hundred at the least which we finde in our Author whether to shew the universality of his reading in all kinde of Writers or his faculty in Translating which when he meets with hard Copies he knows how to spare I shall not determine at the present Certain I am that by the interlarding of his Prose with so many Verses he makes the Book look rather like a Church-Romance our late Romancers being much given to such kinde of Mixtures then a wellâ— built Ecclesiastical History And if it be a marter so inconvenient to put a new piece of cloth on an old garment the putting of so many old patches on a new piâ—â—e of cloth must be more unfashonable Besides that many of these old ends are so light and ludicrous so little pertinent to the business which he has in hand that they serve onely to make sport for Children ut pueris placeas Declamatio fias and for nothing else 5. This leads me to the next impertinency his raking into the Chanel of old Popish Legends writ in the daâ—ker times of Superstition but written with an honest zeal and a good intention as well to raise the Reader to the admiration of the person of whom they write as to the emulalation of his vertues But being mixt with some Monkâ—â—h dotages the most learned and ingenious men in the Church of Rome have now laid them by and it had been very well if our Author had done so to but that there must be something of entertainment for the gentle Reader and to inflame the reckoning which he pays not for But above all things recommend me to his Merry Tales and scraps of Trencherâ— jests frequently interlaced in all parts of the History which if abstracted from the rest and put into a Book by themselves might very well be serv'd up for a second course to the Banquet of Iosts a Supplement to the old Book entituled Wits Fits and Fancies or an Additional Century to the old Hundred Merry Tales so long since extant But standing as they do they neither do become the gravity of a Church-Historian nor are consistent with the nature of a sober Argument But as it seems our Author came with the same thoughts to the writing of this present History as Poets anciently addrest themselves to the writing of Comedies of which thus my Terence Poeta cum primum animum ad scribendum appulit Id sibi negâ—tii credidit solum dari Populo ut placerent quas â—ecisset fabulas That is to say Thus Poets when their minde they first apply In looser verse to frame a Comedy Think there is nothing more for them to do Then please the people whom they speak unto 6. In the last place proceed we to the manifold excursions about the Antiquity of Cambridge built on as weak Authoritie as the Monkish Legends and so impertinent to the matter which he hath in hand that the most Reverend Mat. Parker though a Cambridge Man in his Antiquitates Britanicae makes no business of it The more impertinent in regard that at the fag-end of his Book there follows a distinct History of that University to which all former passages might have been reduced But as it seems he was resolved to insert nothing in that History but what he had some probable ground for leaving the Legendary part thereof to the Church-Romance as mâ—st proper for it And certainly he is wondrous wise in his generation For fearing lest he might be asked for those Bulls and Chartularies which frequently he relates unto in the former Books he tells us in the History of Cambridge fol. 53. That they were burnt by some of the seditious Townsmen in the open Market place Anno 1380. or thereabouts So that for want of otâ—eâ— ancient evidence we must take his word which whether those of Cambridge will depend upon they can best resolve For my part I forbear all intermedling in a controversie so clearly stated and which hath lain so long asleep till now awakened by our Author to beget new quarrels Such passages in that History as come under any Animadversion have been reduced unto the other as occasion served which the Reader may be pleased to take notice of as they come before him 7. All these extravagancies and impertinencies which make up a fifth part of the whole Volumn being thus discharged it is to be presum'd that nothing should remain but a meer Church History as the Title promiseth But let us not be too presumptuous on no better grounds For on a Melius inquirendum into the whole course of the Book which we have before us we shall finde too little of the Church and too much of the State I mean too little of the Ecclesiastical and too much of the Civil History It might be reasonably expected that in a History of the Church of England we should have heard somewhat of the foundation and enlargement of Cathedral Churches if not of the more eminent Monasteries and Religious Houses and that we should have heard somewhat more of the succession of Bishops in their several and respective Sees their personal Endowments learned Writings and other Acts of Piety Magnificence and publick Interess especially when the times afforded any whose names in some of those respects deserv'd to be retain'd in everlasting remembrance it might have been expected also that we should have found more frequent mention of the calling of National and Provincial Synods with the result of their proceedings and the great influence which they had on the Civil State sparingly spoken of at the best and totally discontinued in a maner from the death of King Henry the fourth until the Convocation of the year 1552. of which no notice had been taken but that he had a minde to question the Authority of the Book of Articles which came out that year though publisht as the issue and product of it by the express Warrant and Command of King Edward the sixth No mention of that memorable Convocation in the fourth and fifth years of Philip and Mary in which the Clergy taking notice of an Act of Parliament then newly passed by which the Subjects of the Temporaliâ—y having Lands to the yearly value of five pounds and upwards were charged with finding Horse and Armour according to the propertion of their yearly Revenues and Possessions did by their sole Authority as a Convocation impose upon themselves and the rest of the Clergy of this Land the finding of a like number of Horses Armour and other Necessaries for the War according to their yearly income proportion for proportion and rate for rate as by that Statute had been laid on the
Temporal Subjects And this they did by their own sole Authority as before was said ordering the same to be levyed on all such as were refractory by Sequestration Deprivation Suspension Excommunication Ecclesiastical Censures all without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament which they conceiv'd they had no need of Nor finde we any thing of the Convocations of Queen Elizabeths time except that of the year 1562. and that not fairly dealt with neither as is elsewhere shewed though there passed many Canons in the Convocation of the year 1571. and of the year 1585. and the year 1597. all Printed and still publickly extant besides the memorable Convocation of the year 1555. in which the Clergy gave the Queen a Benevolence of 2â— in the pound to be levyed by Ecclesiastical Censures without relating to any subsequent confirmation by Act of Parliament as had accustomably been used in the Grant of Subsidies It might have been expected also that we should have found in a Church History of Britain the several degrees and steps by which the Heterodoxies and Superstitions of the Church of Rome did creep in amongst us and the degrees by which they were ejected and cast out again and the whole Reformation setled upon the Doctrine of the Apostles attended by the Rites and Ceremonies of the Primitive times as also that some honorable mention should be found of those gallant Defences which were made by Dr. Bancroft Dr. Bilson Dr. Bridges Dr. Cosins and divers others against the violent Batteries and Assaults of the Puritan Faction in Queen Elizabeths time and of the learned Writings of B. Buckeridge B. Morton Dr. Suâ—cliff Dr. Burges c. in justification of the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England against the remnants of that scattered and then broken Faction in the time of King Iames of which we have Negry quidem not a word delivered Nor could it stand with his design which will discover it self in part in this Introduction and shall more fully be discovered in the Animadversions that it should be otherwise All which together make it clear and evident that there is too little of the Church or Ecclesiastical History in our Authors Book And that there is too much of the State or Civil History will be easily seen by that unnecessary intermixture of State-Concernments not pertinent to the business which he hath in hand Of this sort to look back no further is the long Will and Testament of King Henry the eighth with his Gloss or Comment on the same taking up three whole sheets at least in which there is not any thing which concerns Religion or which relates unto the Church or Church-affairs although to have the better colour to bring it in he tells us that he hath transcribed it not onely for the rarity thereof but because it contained many passages which might reflect much light upon his Church-History Lib. 5. â—ol 243. Of this sort also is his description of the pomp and order of the Coronation of King Charls which though he doth acknowledge not to be within the Pale and Park of Ecclesiastical History yet he resolves to bring it in because it comes within the Purlews of it as his own words are But for this he hath a better reason then we are aware of that is to say That if hereafter Divine Providence shall assign England another King though the transactions herein be not wholly precedential something of state may be chosen out grateful for imitation Lib. 11. fol. 124. As if the Pomp and order of a Coroâ—nation were not more punctually preserved in the Heralds Office who have the ordering of all things done without the Church and are eye-Witnesses of all which is done within then in our Authors second-hand and imperfect Collections The like may be said also of the quick and active Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary in which the whole Body of the reformed Religion was digested setled and destroyed sufficient of it self to make a competent Volumn but contracted by our Author like Homers Iliads in the Nut shell into less then 25 sheets And yet in that small Abstract we finde many Impertinencies as to the work he hath in hand that is to say The great proficiency of King Edward in his Grammar Learning exemplified in three pieces of Latine of his making when he was but eight or nine years old the long Narrative of Sir Edward Mountague chief Iustice of the Common Pleas to vindicate himself from being a voluntary Agent in the business of the Lady Iane Gray the full and punctual relation of Wâ—ats Rebellion and the issue of it though acted upon some false grounds of Civil Interess without relating to Religion or to Church Affairs Infinitum esset â—re per singula It were an infinite labor to look into all particulars of this nature which are found in our Author make up a great part of the Book but we may guess by this brief view as Ex pede Hereulem that his diversion upon Civil Matters and Affairs of State which neither have relation to nor any influence at all upon those of the Church do make up a considerable part of the rest of the Book Which Civil Matters and State-Concernments being discharg'd also as in all reason they ought to be we next proceed to the Church-History it self In which if we should make the like defalkation and expunge every passage which is either positively false or ignorantly mistaken by him there would be very little left to inform the Reader as by the following Animadversions will appear sufficiently 8. But well it were if onely Abberrations from Historical truth were to be met with in our Author In whom we find such a continual vein of Puritanism such dangerous grounds for inconformity and Sedition to be raised upon as easily may pervert the unwary Reader whom the facetiousness of the stile like a hook baited with a painted Fly may be apt to work on Murthering of Kings avowed for necessary prudence as oft as they shall fall into the power of their Subjects Lib. 4 fol. 109. The Coronation of the Kings and consequently their succession to the Crown of England made to depend upon the suffrage and consent of the People Lib. 11. fol. 122. The Sword extorted from the Supream Magistrate and put into the hands of the common People whensoever the Reforming humor shall grow strong amongst them Lib. 9. fol. 51. The Church depriv'd of her Authority in determining controversies of the Faith and a dispute rais'd against that clause of the Atticle in which that Authority is declared whether forg'd or not Lib. 9. f. 73. Her power in making Canons every where prostituted to the lust of the Parliament contrary both to Law and constant practice the Heterodoxies of Wickliff Canoniz'd for Gospel and Calvins Opinions whatsoever they were declar'd for Orthodox the Sabbatarian Rigors published for Divine and Ancient Truths though there be no Antiquity nor Divinity
in them the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for as shews he had a minde to betray the cause whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians whom he chiefly acts for And this is that which we must look for par my par tout as the Frenchmen say Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him then he doth with the Causes which they bring No profest Puritan no cunning Non-conformist or open Separatist comes upon the Stage whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends when as the Fathers of the Church and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence and sometimes with censure The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury so eminently deserving of the Church of England must be rak'd out of his Grave arraigned for many misdemeanors of which none could accuse him when he was alive all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages when Mr. â—ovâ—'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches must needs for footh be buried in the same Earth with him The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated upon â—light occasions the late Kings party branded by the odious Title of Malignants not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confoâ—mâ—sts Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament despitefully called Baals Priests uâ—savory salâ— not â—iâ— to be thrown upon the Dungâ— hill though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges he were not able to abide it And therefore we may jâ—stly say in the Poets Language Si de to◠〈…〉 Namin â— quisâ—ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit Which may be Englisht in these words Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing then his repoâ—t of the proceedings in the Isle of â—â—gh between his Majâ—sty and the long Parliament Divines of which he tells us Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 aâ—â—nâ—wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement according to their perswasions and also took especial notice of thâ—ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of puts an end to the business The man who reads this passage cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians had given over the cause and therefore as convicted in his Conscience rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeâ—'d all their Arguments And having so done puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper acknowledg'd by themselves to be of great importance in the present controversie without an Answer whereunto his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference It not being probable as he told them that they should work much upon his Iudgement whilâ—â— they are â—â—arful to declare their own nor possible to reliâ—ve his conscience but by a free dâ—â—laring of theirs But they not able or not daring for fear of displeasing their great Masters to return an Answer to those Questions his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field a most absolute Conqueror For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel it is the last blow always that gets the Victory But Regium est cum benefeceris male audire It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes when they deserve best to be worst reported 10. Nor deals he better with the Church then he does with the King concealing such things as might make for her justification and advocating for such things as disturb her order In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men who had the managing of that business But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries were incouraged to proceed therein and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South contrary to the usage of the Primitive times and the Church of England with which King Iames being made acquainted he answered as our Author tells us That it was no maâ—ter how the Chappel stood so the heart stood right Which Tale being told by him and believed by others populum qui sibi credit habet Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil as he is like enough to finde many Believers farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God What need we trouble our selves or others with standing kneeling bowing in the acts of Worship it is no matter in what posture the Body be so the Heart be right What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods of Gowns and Cassacks in the officiating of Gods Service It is no matter in what habit the Body be so the heart be right There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated whether a Stable or a Dormitory is all one to me At which when some found themselves grieved our Author tells them That others of as great Learning and Religion himself especially for one dare defend that the continued Series of Divine Duties publickly practiced for more then thirty years without the least check or controul of those in authority in a place set apart to that purpose doth sufficiently consecrate the same Stables and Barns by this Argument shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple or any consecrated place whatsoever it be Churches may well be spared pull'd down and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints a Tub by this our Authors Logick will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular unconsecrated and unfurnished Chappel Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber must be brought in by head shoulders out of time and place for fear least such an excellent piece of
to say the Title of Earl of Hereford which the Duke requested but so much of the Lands of those Earls as had been formeâ—ly enjoy'd by the House of Lancaster Concerning which we are to know that Humphry de Bohun the last Earl of Hereford left behinde him two Daughters only of which the eldest called Eleanor was married to Thomas of Woodstock Duke of Gloster Mary the other married unto Henry of Bullenbrook Earl of Darby Betwixt these two the Estate was parted the one Moiety which drew after it the Title of Hereford falling to Henry Earl of Darby the other which drew after it the Office of Constable to the Duke of Glocester But the Duke of Glocester being dead and his estate coming in fire unto his Daughter who was not able to contend Henry the fifth forced her unto a sub-division laying one half of her just partage to the other Moiety But the issue of Henry of Bullenbrook being quite extiâ—ct in the Person of Edward Prince of Wales Son of Henry the sixth these three parts of the Lands of the Earls of Hereford having been formerly incorporated into the Duchy of Lancaster remained in possession of the Crown but were conceiv'd by this Duke to belong to him as being the direct Heir of Anne Daughter of Thomas Duke of Glocester and consequently the direct Heir also of the House of Hereford This was the sum of his demand Nor do I finde that he made any suit for the Office of Constable or that he needed so to do he being then Constable of England as his Son Edward the last Duke of Buckingham of that Family was after him Fol. 199. At last the coming in of the Lord Stanley with three thousand fresh men decided the controversie on the Earls side Our Author is out in this also It was not the Lord Stanley but his Brother Sir William Stanley who came in so seasonably and thereby turn'd the Scale and chang'd the fortune of the day For which service he was afterward made Lord Chamberlain of the new Kings Houshold and advanc'd to great Riches and Estates but finally beheaded by that very King for whom and to whom he had done the same But the King look'd upon this action with another eye And therefore when the merit of this service was interposed to mitigate the Kings displeasure and preserve the man the King remembred very shrewdly that as he came soon enough to win the Victory so he staid long enough to have lost it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Fifth and Sixth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Relating to the time of King Henry the Eighth WE are now come to the busie times of King Henry the Eighth in which the power of the Church was much diminisht though not reduced to such ill terms as our Author makes it We have him here laying his foundations to overthrow that little which is left of the Churches Rights His superstructures we shall see in the times ensuing more seasonable for the practice of that Authority which in this fifth Book he hammereth only in the speculation But first we will begin with such Animadversions as relate unto this time and story as they come in our way leaving such principles and positions as concern the Church to the close of all where we shall draw them all together that our discourse and observations thereupon may come before the Reader without interruption And the first thing I meet with is a fault of Omission Dr. Newlen who succeeded Dr. Iackson in the Presâ—dentship of Corpus Christi Colledge in Oxford Anno 1640. by a free election and in a statuteable way being left out of our Authors Catalogue of the Presidents of C. C. C. in Oxford fol. 166. and Dr. Stanton who câ—me in by the power of the Visitors above eight years after being placed therein Which I thought fit though otherwise of no great moment to take notice of that I might do the honest man that right which our Author doth not Fol. 168. King Henry endevoured an uniformity of Grammar all over his Dominions that so youths though changing their School-masters might keep their learning That this was endevoured by King Henry and at last enâ—oyned I shall easily grant But then our Authour should have told us if at least he knew it that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thereof pâ—oceeded fâ—om the Convocation in the yeaâ— 1530. in which complaint being made Quod multiplex varius in Scholis Grammaticalibus modus esset 〈◊〉 c. That the multiplicity of Grammars did much him to learning it was thought meet by the Prelates and Clergy then assembled Vt una eadem edatur formula Auctoritate 〈…〉 singula Schola Grammaâ—icals per 〈…〉 that is to say that one only 〈…〉 that within few years after it was enjoyned by the Kings Proclamation to be used in all the Schools thoughout the Kingdom But here we are to note withall that our Author anticipates this business placing it in the eleventh year of this Kingâ— Anno 1519. whereas the Convocation took not this into conâ—ideration till the eighth of March Anno 1530. and ceâ—tainly would not have medled in it then if the King had setled and enjoyned it so long before Fol. 168. otherâ—ardiner â—ardiner gathered the Flowers made the Collections though King Henry had the honour to wear the Posie I am not ignorant that the making of the Kings Book against Martin Luther is by some Popish writers ascribed to Dr. Iohn Fisher then Bishop of Rochester But this Cavâ—â— was not made till after this King had reâ—ected the Popes Supremacy and consequently the lesse credit to be given unto it It is well known that his Father King Henry the seventh designed him for the Arch-bishoprick of Canterbury and to that end caused him to be trained up in all parts of learning which might inable 〈◊〉 for that place But his elder Brother Prince Arthur dâ—ing and himself succeeding in the Crown though he had laid aside the thoughts of being a Priest he could not but retain that Learning which he had acquired and reckon it amongst the fairest Flowers which adorned his Diadem Too great a Clerk he was to be called Beauclerk junior as if he were as short in learning of King Henry the first whom commonly they called Beauclerk as he was in time though so our Author would fain have it Hist. Cam. p. 2 3. A little learning went a great way in those early dayes which in this King would have made no shewâ— in whose â—â—me both the Arts and Languages began to flourish And if our Author doth not suspect this Kings lack of learning he hath no reason to suspect his lack of 〈◊〉 the work being small the glory great and helps enough at hand if he wanted any But of this enough Fol. 196. Which when finished as White-hall Hampton-Court c. he either freely gave to the King or exchanged them on very reasonable considerations That Hampton Court was either freely given by
â—bâ—tted and confirm'd by his following Doctrines the name of Puritan though first found out to denote such as followed Calvin in dissenting from the Hierarâ—hy in Disciplin and Church-government might not unfitly be applyed to such as maintain'd his Doctrines also But of this Argument enough I shall adde only and so proceed to other businesses that Mr. Fox is brougâ—â— in as required to subscribe to the Canons by Archbishop Parker whereas there were at that time no Canons to subscribe unto nor is it the custom of the Church to require subscription unto Canons but unto those only who consented to the making of them Fol. 9â— John Felton who fastned the Popes Bull to the Palace â—f London being takenâ— and refusing to fly was hanged on a Gibbet before the Popes Palace The Bull here mention'd was that of Pope Pius the fifth for excommunicating Qâ—een Elizabeth which this Iohn Felton a 〈◊〉 Papist had hang'd up at the Gates of the Bishop of Londâ—â—s House that the Subjects might take noâ—â—â—e of it and for that fact was hang'd neer the same 〈…〉 he had offended But why our Author should call the Bishop of Londons House by the name of the Popes 〈◊〉 I do very much wonder unless it were to hold 〈◊〉 with the style of Martin Mar-Prelate and the 〈…〉 Faction Amongst whom nothing was more common then to call all Bishops Petty-Popes more particularly to call the Archbishop of Canterbury the Pope of Lambeth and the Bishop of London Pope of London But I hope more charitably then so being more willing to impure it to the fault of the Printers then the pen of our Author I only adde that to make even with this Iohn Felton a zealous Papist another Iohn Felton of the next age a zealous Puritan committed that execrable murther on the Duke of Buckingham Fol. 98. Against covetous Conformists it was provided that no Spiritual Person Colledge or Hospital shall let lease other then for twenty one years or three lives c. No mention in the Statute of Covernous Conâ—ormists I am sure of that and therefore no provision to be made against them the Coverous Conformist is our Authors own I finde indeed that long and unreasonable Leases had been 〈◊〉 by Colledges Deans and Chapters Parsons Vicarâ— and other â—aving Spiritual promotions which being found to 〈◊〉 the causes of Dilapidations and the decay of all Spiritual Livings and Hospitality and the utter impoverishing of all Successors incumbents in the same the Parliament thought it high time to provide against it In all which Bedroll it were strange if we should finde no Non-conformists who had by this time got a great part of the Church Preferments and were more likely to occasion those diâ—apidations then the regular and conformable Clergy these laâ—â—â— looking on the Church with an eye to succession the former being intent only on the present profit And if we mark it well we shall finde that Coverousness and Non-conformity are so married together that it is not easie to divorce them though here the crime of coverousness be wrongfully charg'd on the Conformists to make them the more odious in the eye of the vulgar Reader High Royalists in one place Covetous Conformists in another are no good signs of true affections to Conformity and much less to Royalty Fol. 121. These Prophesyings were founded on the Apostles Precept For ye may all Prophesie one by one that all may learn and all be comforted but so as to make it out they were fain to make use of humane prudential Additions Not grounded but pretended to be grounded on those words of St. Paul the Prophesying there spoke of not being 〈◊〉 be drawn into example in the change of times when 〈…〉 of the Spirit were more restrain'd and limited then they had been formerly For were they gâ—â—â—nded on that Text it had been somewhat sawcily done to adde their own prudential Additions to the direction and dictamen of the holy Spirit A course much favoured as it seems by Archbishop Grindal whose Letter to the Queen is recommended to the welcom of the pious Reader fol. 122. But both the Queen and her wise Councel conceiv'd otherwise of it looking upon these Prophesyings as likely to prove in fine the â—ane of the Common-wealth as our Author hath it Noâ— did King Iames conceive any better of them as appeareth by the conference at Hampton Court in which it was mov'd by Dr. Reynolds chief of the Millenary party That the Clergy might have meetings once every three weeks and therein to have â—â—â—phesying according as the Reverend Father Archbishop Grindall and other Bishops desired of her late Majesty No said the King looking upon this motion as a preamble to a Scottish Presbytery then Iack and Iâ—m and Will and Dick shall at their pleasures ceâ—â—â—re me and my Councel and all our proceedings then Will shall stand up and say It must be thus then Dick shall reply and say Nay marry but we will have it thus And therefore stay I pray you for one 7 years before you demand that of me and then if you finde me 〈◊〉 and fat and my windepipes stuffed I will perhaps hearken to you for if that government be once up I am sure I shall be kept in breath then shall we all of us have work enough both our hands full But let King Iames and Queen Elizabeth conceive what they will our Author hath declared it to be Gods and the Churches cause fol. 130. And being such it is enough to make any man consident in pleading for it or appearing in it Fol. 135. A loud Parliament is always attended with a silent Convocation as here it came to pass The Activity of the former in Church matters left the latter nothing to do A man would think by this that the Parliament of this year being the 23. of the Queen had done great feats in matters of Religion as making new Aâ—ticles of Faith or confirming Canons or something else of like importance But for all this great cry we have little wool our Author taking notice of nothing else which was done this Parliament but that it was madeâ— eason for the Priests or Jesuites to seduce any of the Queens Subjects to the Romish Religion and for the Subâ—ects to be reconciled to the Church of Rome with other matters nor within the power and cognizance of the Convocation But he conceals another Statute as necessary to the peace and safety of the Church and State as the other was By which it was Enacted that if any person or persons should advisedly devise or write print or set â—orth any manner of Book Rime Ballade Letter or Writing containing any false seditious and sâ—anderous matter to the defamation of the Queens Majesty or to the incouraging stirring or moving of any Inâ—â—â—rection or Rebellion within this Realm c. or that shall procure or cause such Book Rime Ballade c. to be written printed published or set
secrets of the heart of man Interest tenebris interest cogitationibus nostris quasi alteris tenebris as Minutius hath it The man here mention'd had been in the Confeâ—sion of our Aâ—thor himself Archbishop of Spalato in Dalmatia â— dignity of great power and reputation and consequently of a fair Revenue in propoâ—tion to it He could not hope to mend his Fortunes by his coming hither or to advance himself to a more liberal entertainment in the Church of England then what he had attain'd unto in the Church of Rome Covetousness therefore could not be the motive for leaving his own estate of which he had been possessed 14 years in our Authors â—eckoning to betake himself to a strange Countrey where he 〈◊〉 promise himself nothing but protection and the â—â—eedom of conscience Our Author might have said with more probability that covetousness and not consâ—ience 〈…〉 cause of his going hence no bâ—it of proâ—â—t or preferment being laid before him to invite him 〈◊〉 â—s they were both by those which had the managing 〈…〉 him hence He had given great 〈◊〉 to the Pope by his defection from that Church and no 〈◊〉 councenance to the Doctrine of the 〈◊〉 Churches by his coming oâ—er unto ouâ—s The 〈◊〉 of â—o great a 〈…〉 of that Church was not like to stand And yet he gave greater blows to them by his Pen then by the defection of his Person his learned Books entituled De Republica Ecclesiasticâ being still unanswered In which respect those of that Church bestird themselves to disgrace his person devising many other causes by which he might be mov'd or forc'd to forsake those parts in which he durst no longer tarry But finding little credit given to their libellous Pamphlets they began to work upon him by more secret practises insinuating that he had neither that respect nor those advancements which might incourage him to stay that the new Pope Gregory the fifteenth was his special friend that he might chuse his own preferments and make his own conditions if he would return And on the other side they cunningly wrought him out of credit with King Iames by the arts of Gondomar and lessened his esteem amongst the Clergy by some other Artifices so that the poor man being in a manner lost on both sides was forc'd to a necessity of swallowing that accursed bait by which he was hook'd over to his own destruction For which and for the rest of the story the Reader may repair for satisfaction to this present History Fol. 96. Besides the King would never bestow an Episcopal charge in England on a foreiner no not on his own Countrey-men the Scots This must be understood with reference to the Church of England King Iames bestowing many Bishopricks upon his Countrey-men the Scots in the Realm of Ireland And if he did not the like here as indeed he did not it neither was for want of affection to them nor of confidence in them but because he would not put any such discouragement upon the English who looked on those preferments as the greatest and most honourable rewards of Arts and Industry Quis enim virtutem exquireret ipsum Proemia si â—ollin Fol. 100. All mens mouthes were now 〈◊〉 with discourse of Prince Charles his match with 〈…〉 Infanta of Spain The Protestants grieved thereat fearing that this marriage would be the Funerals of their Religion c. The buâ—â—ness of the match with Spainâ—ath â—ath already been sufficiently agitated between the Authoâ— of the History of the Reign of King Charles and his Observator And yet I must adde someâ—hing to let our Author and his Reader to understand thus much that the Protestants had no cause to fear such a Funeral They knew they liv'd under such a King who lov'd his Soveraignty too well to quit any part thereof to the Pope of Rome especially to part with that Supremacy in 〈◊〉 matters which he esteemed the fairest Flower in the Royal Garland They knew they liv'd under â—â—ch a King whose interest it was to preserve Religion in the same state in which he found it and could not fear but that he would sufficiently provide for the 〈◊〉 of it If any Protestants â—eared the funeral of their Religion they were such Protestants as had been frighted out 〈…〉 as you know who us'd to call the Puritans 〈…〉 under the name of Protestants had â—ontriv'd themselves into a Faction not only against Episcopacy but even Monarchy also And to these nothing was more 〈◊〉 then the match with Spain fearing â—nd perhaps 〈◊〉 fearing that the Kings 〈◊〉 with that Crown might aâ—m him both with power and counsel to suppress those practices which have since prov'd the Funeral of the Church of England But as it seems they 〈…〉 fear was our Author telling us fol. 112. that the 〈…〉 State had no minde or meaning of a match and that this was quickly discovered by Prince Charles at his coming 〈◊〉 How so Because saith he Fol. 112. They demanded 〈…〉 in education of the 〈…〉 English Papists c 〈…〉 nothing For thus the argument seems to stand viz. The Spaniards were desirous to get as good conditions as they could for themselves and their Party Ergo they had no minde to the match Or thus The demands of the Spaniards when the business was first in Treaty seem'd to be unreaâ—onable Ergo they never really intended that it should proceed Our Author cannot be so great a stranger in the shops of London as not to know that Trades-men use to ask many times twice as much for a commodity as they mean to take and therefore may conclude as strongly that they do not mean to sell those wares for which they ask such an unreasonable 〈◊〉 at the first demand Iniquum petere ut aequum obtineas hath been the usual practice especially in driving Sâ—aâ—e-bargains of all times and ages And though the Spaniards at the first spoke big and stood upon such points as the King neither could nor would in honour or conscience consent unto yet things were after brought to such a temperament that the marriage was agreed upon the Articles by both Kings subscrib'd a Proxie made by the Prince of â—ales to espouse the Infanta and all things on her part prepared for the day of the wedding The bâ—each which â—ollowed came not from any aversness in the Court of Spain though where the fault was and by what means occasioned need not here be said But well â—are our Author for all that who finally hath absolv'd the Spaniard from this breaâ—h and laid the same upon King Iames despairing of any restitution to be made of the Palatinate by the way of Treaty Ibiâ— Whereupon King James not only broke off all Treaty 〈◊〉 pain but also called the great Councel of his Kingdom together By which it seems that the breaking off of the Treaty did precede the Parliâ—ment But multa apparent quae non sunt Every thing is not as it seems The Parliament
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of
procured that order to be suppressed and by subornation and menacing of tampeâ—ing with Witnesses at length in May 10. Car. procured the childe to be fathered upon one Boon and Prideon acquit Which leâ—d practises for the supportation of his Favorites credit cost the Bishop as he confest to Sir Iohn Munson and others twelve hundred pounds so much directly and by consequence much more But to proceed the cause being brought unto a censure Fol. 157. Secretary Windebank motioned to degrade him which saith he was lustily pronounced by a Knight and a Lay-man having no precedent for the same in former ages But first it is not very certain that any such thing was moved by Sir Francis Windebank A manuscript of that dayes proceedings I have often seen containing the Decree and Sentence with the substance of every Speech then made and amongst others that of Sir Francis Windebank in which I finde no motion tending to a Degradation nor any other punishment inflicted on him then Fine Suspension and Inprisonment in which the residue of the Lords concurred as we finde in our Author Secondly it had been more strange if the Knight had not been a Lay-man the Church of England not acknowledging any Order of Spiritual Knighthood Knights in Divinity are greater strangers in this Land then Lay-Divines these last being multiplied of late even ad infinitum the first never heard of And thirdly had it been so mov'd and so lustily mov'd as our Author makes it the Knight and Lay-man might have found a precedent for it in the former ages Which last clause is to be understood as I suppose with refeâ—ence to the times since the Reformation For in the former times many precedents of like nature might be easily found And being understood of the times since the Reformation it is not so infallibly true but that one precedent of it at the least may be found amongst us Marmaduke Middleton advanced to the Bishoprick of St. Davids Anno 1567. after he had sat in that See three and twenty years was finally condemned for many notable misdemeanors not only to be deprived of his Bishoprick but degraded from all holy Orders Which sentence was accordingly executed by and before the High Commissioners at Lambeth house not only by reading it in Scriptis but by a formal devesting of him of his Episcopal Robes and Priestly vestments as I have heard from a person of good credit who was present at it And somewhat there is further in the story of this Marmaduke Middleton which concerns the Bishop now before us Of whom our Author telleth us further that being prest by two Bishops and three Doctors to answer upon Oath to certain Articles which were tendred to him in the Tower he utterly refused to do it claiming the priviledge of a Peer fol. 159. Which Plea was also made by the said Bishop of St. Davids offering to give in his Answer to such Articles as were fram'd against him on his Honour only but refusing to do it on his Oath Which case being brought before the Lords then sitting in Parliament was ruled against him it being ordered that he should answer upon Oath as in fine he did To this Bishop let us joyne his Chaplain Mr. Osbolstone who being engag'd in the same Bark with his Patron suffered shiprack also though not at the same time nor on the same occasion Censured in Star-Chamber not only to lose his Ecclesiastical Promotions but to corporal punishments Fol. 166. But this last persâ—nal penalty he escaped by going beyond Canterbury conceived sâ—asonably gone beyond the Seas whilst he secretly concealed himself in London And he had scapt the last penalty had he staid at home For though Mr. Osbolston at that time conceived the Archbishop to be his greatest enemy yet the Archbishop was resolved to shew himself his greatest friend assuring the Author of these Papers before any thing was known of Mr. Osbolstons supposed flight that he would cast himself at the Kings â—eet for obtaining a discharge of that corporal punishment unto which he was sentenced Which may obtain the greater credit First in regard that no course was taken to stop his flight no search made after him nor any thing done in Order to his apprehension And secondly by Mr. Osbolstons readiness to do the Archbishop all good Offices in the time of his troubles upon the knowledge which was given him at his coming back of such good Intentions But of these private men enough passe we now to the publick Lib. XI Part. II. Containing the last 12. years of the Reign of King Charles ANd now we come to the last and most unfortunate part of this Kings Reign which ended in the loss of his own life the Ruine of the Church and the Alteration of the Civil Government Occaâ—â—oned primarily as my Author saith by sending a new Liturgie to the Kirk of Scotland for he thus proceeds Fol. 160. Miseries caused from the sending of the Book of Service or new Liturgie thither which may sadly be termed a Rubrick indeed died with the bloud of so many of both Nations slain on that occasion Our Aâ—thor speaks this in relation to the Scottish tumults Anno 1637. In telling of which story he runs as commonly elsewhere into many Errors For first those miseries and that bloud-shed was not caused by sending the Liturgy thither the Plot had been laid long before upon other grounds that is to say questioning of some Church Lands then in the hands of some great Persons of which they feared a Revocation to the Crown And secondly the Manu-mitting of some poor subjects from the Tyranny and Vassalage which they liv'd under in respect of their Tithes exacted with all câ—â—elty and inâ—uâ—tice by those whom they call the 〈…〉 for raising of a tumult first a Rebellion afterwards and this occasion they conceiv'd they had happily gain'd by sending the new Liturgy thither though ordered by their own Clergy first as our Author tells us at the Assembly of Aberdeen Anno 1616. and after at Perth Anno 1618. and fashioned for the most part by their own Bishops also But of this there hath so much been said between the Observator and his Antagonist that there is nothing necessary to be added to it Secondly there was no such matter as the passing of an Act of Revocation for the restoring of such Lands as had been aliened from the Crown in the Minority of the King Predecâ—ssors Of which he tells us fol. 192. The King indeed did once intend the passing of such an Act but finding what an insurrection was likely to ensue upon it he followed the safer counsel of Sir Archibald Acheson by whom he was advis'd to sue them in his Courts of Justice Which course succeeding to his wish so terâ—ified many of those great Persons who had little else but such Lands to maintain their Dignities that they never thought themselves secure as long as the King was in a condition to demand his
of the Reformation here by law establisht But to say truth it is no wonder if he concur with otheâ—s in the condemnation of particular persons since he concurs with others in the condemnation of the Châ—rch it self For speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin Mr. Nye c. fol. 209. he professeth that he rather doth believe that the sinful corruptions of the worship and government of this Church taking hold on their consciences and their inability to comport any longer therewith was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Countrey then that it was for Debt or Dangerâ— as Mr. Edwards in his Book of his had suggested of them What grounds Mr. Edwards had for his suggestion I enquire not now though coming from the Pâ—n of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England it might have met with greater credit in our Author For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another the Church would be in worse condition then the antient Borderers Amongst whom though the teâ—â—imony of an English man against a Scot or of a Scot against the English in matters of spoil and depâ—edation could not finde admittance yet a Scots evidence against a Scot was beyond exception Lege inter Limitaneos cautum ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum nullus nisi Scotus in Scotum testis admittatur as we read in Camden We see by this as by other passages which way our Authors Bowl is biassed how constantly he declares himself in favour of those who have either separated from the Church or appear'd against it Rather then such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger the Church shall be accus'd for laying the heavy burthen of Conformity upon their Consciences which neither they nor their fore-fathers the old English Puritans were resolved to bear For what else were those sinful Corruptions of this Church in Government and Worship which laid hold of their Consciences as our Author words it but the Government of the Church by Bishops the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church here by law establisht which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and real cause of their Separation then that which we finde in Mr. Edwards Nor can our Author save himself by his parenthesis in which he tells us that he uses their language only for using it without check or censure he makes it his own as well as theirs and â—ustifies them in the action which he should have condemn'd Fol. 214. Here Mr. Christopher Love gave great offence to the Royalists in his Sermon shewing the impossibility of an Agreement c. This happen'd at the Treaty at Vxbridge where he had thrust himself as the Commissioners affirm'd upon that attendance And for the words at which the offence was taken they were these viz. That the Kings Commissioners came with Hearts full of bloud and that there was as great distance between that Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell For which though some condemn him for want of charity and others for want of discretion yet our Author seems more willing to have mens censures fall lightly on him because since he hath suffered and so saâ—â—fied here for his faults in this or any other kinde This Rule I both approve and am willing to practise and could wish our Author were so minded who will not let the Archbishop of Canterbury be at rest in his grave after all his sufferings notwithstanding the great difference between the persons and the impulsives to their deaths But Mr. Love was Mr. Love and Bishop Laud was but a Bishop to whom now we come Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works The Diary which our Author speaks of was the Archbishops practical Commentary on those words of David viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my days that I may apply my heart unto wisdom No memorable passage hapned in the whole course of his life till the end of May 1633. when his Papers were seis'd on by Mr. Prin which he had not book'd in a Memorial by the way of a Diary or Journal Out of which though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceiv'd might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage and publish'd it to that end in pâ—int yet when it came to the perusal of equal and indifferent men it was so far from serving as an evidence of his faults as our Author words it that it shew'd him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himself unmov'd fidelity to his friend of most perfect loyalty to his Master and honest affections to the Publick He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done and in part done by him fol. 28 29. will finde that both his heart was set on and his hand engag'd in many excellent pieces of work tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions as some of his profest Enemies were pleas'd to make him Certain I am that as Mr. Prin lost his end so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations and the story is commonly told and believ'd of a Lady c. Here is a charge of the Archbishops inclination unto Popery and the proof nothing but a tale and the tale of a Lady Quid vento Mulier Quid Muliere Nihil The substance of the tale is this that a certain Lady if any Lady may be certain who turning Papist was askt by the Archbishop the cause of her changing to which she answered that it was because she alwayes hated to go in a croud And being askt the meaning of that expression she replyed again that she perceiv'd his Lordship and many others making haste to Rome and therefore to prevent going in a press she had gone befoâ—e them Whether this tale be true or false though he doth not know yet he resolves to set it down and to set it down also with this Item that it was generally believ'd Be it so for once For not being able to disprove it I shall quit our Author with one story and satisfie the equal Reader with another First for my Author I have heaâ—d a tale of a Lady too to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a frequent guest and being asked once by her whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodcâ—ck he would needs put her to the question how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock and not a Woodhen And this he pressed with such a troublesome impoâ—tunity that at last the Lady answered with some shew of displeasure that the woodcock was Fuller headed Fuller breasted Fuller thighed and in a word every way Fullâ—r Whether this tale
But I must needs say that I am not satisfied in the arguments which are brought to prove it Wilson in his unworthy History of the Reign of King Iames makeâ— him to be Eunuchus ab utero an Eunuch from his Mothers womb The Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed conceives that Wilson went too far in this expression and rather thinks that he contracted some impotency by falling on a stake when he was a Boy fol. 10. Our Author here seems to incline unto this last assuring us from such who knew the Privacies and casualtiâ—s of his infancy that this Archbishop was but one degree remov'd from a Misogynist though to palliate his infirmity to nâ—ble Females he was most compleat in his Courtly Addresses But first the falsity and frivolousness of these Deâ—ences leave the poor man under a worse suspicion then they â—ounâ— him in His manly countenance together with his masculine voyce shewed plainly that he was no Eunuch and the agreeableness of his conversation with the female Sex did as plainly shew that he was no Misogynist or woman-hater And secondly admitting these surmises to be true and real they rather serve to evidence his impotency then to prove his chastity it being no chastity in that man to abstain from women who either by casualty or by nature is disabled from such copulations The vertue of chastity consisteth rather in the integrity of the soul then the mutiâ—ation of the body and therefore more to be ascrib'd to those pious men Qui salvis â—oâ—lis foemiâ—am vident in Tertullians language then to the old Philosopher who put out his eyes to avoid temptations of that nature So that if this be all which they have to say for the Bishops chastity these Advocates had shewed more wisdom in saying nothing then speaking so little to the purpose Ibid. Envy it self cannot deny but that whither soever he went he might be traced by the foot-steps of his benefaction Amongst which benefactions it was none of the least that in both the Universities he had so many Pensioners more as it was commonly given out then all the Noble-men and Bishops in the Land together some of which receiv'd twenty Nobles some ten pounds and other twenty Marks per annum And yet it may be said without envy that none of all these Pensions came out of his own purse but were laid as Rent-charges upon such Benefices as were in his disposing either as Lord Keeper or Bishop of Lincoln and assign'd over to such Scholars in each University as applyed themselves to him And because I would not be thought to say this without Book I have both seen and had in my keeping till of late if I have it not still an Acquittance made unto a Minister in discharge of the payment of a Pension of twenty Nobles per annum to one who was then a Student in Christ-Church The names of the parties I forbear he that receiv'd it and he for whom it was receiv'd and perhaps he that paid it too being still alive And possible enough it is that this Pensioning of so many Scholars had not been past over in silence by our Author if he had not known the whole truth as well as the truth Ibid. Much he expended on the Repair of Westminster Abbey-Church c The Library at Westminster was the effect of his bounty This though it be true in part yet we cannot say of it that it is either the whole truth or nothing but the truth For the plain truth is that neither the charge of repairing that Church nor â—urnishing that Library came out of his own private Coffers but the Churches rents For at such time as he was made Lord Keeper of the great Seal he caused it to be signified unto the Prebendaries of that Church how inconvenient it would be both to him and them to keep up the Commons of the Colledge and gaind so farre upon them that they pass'd over to him all the rents of that Church upon condition that he should pay the annual pensions of the Prebendaries School-masters Quire-men and inferiour Officers and maintain the Commons of the Scholars The rest amounting to a great yearly value was left wholly to him upon his honourable word and promise to expend the same for the good and honour of that Church The surplusage of which expenses receiv'd by him for four years and upwards amounted unto more than had been laid out by him on the Church and Library as was offered to be proved before the Lords Commissioners at the visitation Anno. 1635. And as for the Library at St. Iohns it might possibly cost him more wit than money many books being dayly sent in to him upon the intimation of his purpose of founding the two Libraries by such as had either suits in Court or business in Chancery or any ways depended on him or expected any favours from him either as Bishop of Lincoln or Dean of Westminster Fol. 228. He hated Popery with a perfect hatred But Wiâ—son in his History of great Britain sings another song whether in tune or out of tune they can best tell who liv'd most neere those times and had opportunities to observe him There is a muâ—tering of some strange offer which he made to K. Iames at such time as the Prince was in Spain and the Court seemed in common apprehension to warp towards Popery which declared no such â—erfect hatred as our Author speaks of unto that Religion Nor was he coy of telling such whom he admitted unto privacies with him that in the time of his greatness at Court he was accounted for the Head of the Catholick Party not sparing to declare what free and frequent accesses he gave the principal Sticklers in that cause both Priests and Iesuits and the special services which he did them And it must be somewhat more than strange if all this be true that he should hate Popery with a perfect â—atred yet not more strange then that he should so stickle in the preferment of Dr. Theodore Price to the Arch-Bishoprick of Armagh in Ireland who died a profest Catholick reconciled to the Church of Rome as our Authour hath it fol. 226. But if there be no more truth in the Bishop of Lincolns hating Popery then in Dr. Prices dying a professâ—d Papist there is no credit to be given at all to that part of the Character Dr. Price though once a great Favourite of this Bishop and by him continued Sub-Dean of Westminster many years together was at the last suppos'd to be better affected to Bishop Laud than to Bishop Williams Bishop Laud having lately appeared a Suitor for him for the Bishoprick of St. Asoph And therefore that two Birds might be kild with the same bolt no sooner was Dr. Price deceased but the Bishop of Lincoln being then at Westminster cals the Prebendâ— together tels them that he had been with Mr. Sub-Deane before his death that he left him in very doubtful
termes about Religion and consequently could not tell in what â—orme to bury him that if the Dr. had died a profest Papist he would have buried him himself but being as it was he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could â—ither with safty or with credit performe that office But the Artifice and design being soon discovered took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Senior Prebendaâ—ies performed the Obsequies the rest of the whole Chapter attending the body to the grave with all due solâ—mnitie Fol 228. He was so great an honourer of the English 〈◊〉 that of his own cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish and fairly printed to confute their false concept of our Church c. If this be true it makes not onely to his honour but also to the honour of the English Liturgy translated into more languages then any Liturgy in the world whatsoever it be translated into Latine by Alexand. Alesius a learned Scot in King Edwards time as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King Iames translated into French by the command of that King for the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop as our Author telleth us and finally into Greek by one Mr. â—etly by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Arch Bishop of Canterbury the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy But 2. I have some reason to doubt that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop VVilliams That it was done by his procurement I shall easily grant but whosoever made the Bill of Charges the Church paid the â—eckoning the Dominican Fryer who translated it being â—ewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend as Cab p. 7â— â—he Bishop himself did signifie by letter to the Duke of â—uckingham And as for the printing of the book I cannot â—hink that it was at his charges neither but at the charâ—es of the Printer it not being usual to give the Printers â—oney and the copy too And 3. Taking it for grantâ—d that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this â—ishops charges yet does not this prove him to be so â—reat an honourer of it as our Authour makes him for â—â—d he been indeed a true honourer of the English Liturgy 〈◊〉 would have been a more diligent attendant on it then 〈◊〉 shewed himself never repairing to the Church at Westminster whereof he was Dean from the 18. oâ— â—â—bruary 1635. when the businesse of the great â—ew was judged against him till his Commitment to the Tower in Iuly 1637. Nor ever going to the Chappell of the Tower where he was a Prisoner to attend the Divine Service of the Church or receive the Sacrament from Iuly 1637. when he was committed to November 1640 when he was enlarged A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgie as is here pretended A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places wheresoever it came and never so much vilified despis'd condemn'd as amongst our selves and those amongst our selves who did so vilifie and despise it by none more countenanced then by him who is here said to be so great an Honourer of it But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready telling us that Ibid Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists but Antipathy to Arch-bishop Laud he was favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare who being accused before Henry the Eighth for burning the Cathedrall Church of Cassiles in Ireland profess'd ingeniously That he would never have burnt the Church if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it Hare to that Bishop and Arch-Bishop of Irâ—land incited that mad Earle to burn his Cathedrall Church and hate to Bishop Laud the Primate and Metropolitan of all England stird up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Combuâ—â—ion in the Church of England So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian in another case of the Primitive Christians Viz. Tanti non est bonum quanti est odium Christianorum But are we sure that hee was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud only I believe not so His antipathy to the King did at strongly biass him that way as any thing else For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charls publisht 1656. who telleth us of him That being malevolently inclin'd about the loss of the great Seale he thought he could not gratifie beloved Revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraign To which end finding him declining in the Affectionâ— of his People he made his Apostrophe and Applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour C. And being once set upon that Pin flectere si nequeo superos Achâ—ronta movebâ— as we know who said it is no mâ—rvell if he shewd himself favourable to the Nâ—n Conformists as being Enemies to Kings anâ— a Kingly Government and therefore likeliest to provide Fuell for a publick Fire and yet besides these two there was a third impressive which might move aâ— strongly on his Nature as either of them Our Author fâ—rmerly told us of him that he was A bâ—ck Friend to the Canons because he had no hand in the making of them And for the same reason also I conceive that he might shew himself a back Friend to the Church a Patron to the Non Conformists of purpose to subvert those Counsells and ruinate those Designs for uniformity which had been resolved and agreed on without his Advice Consilii omnis cujus ipse non Author esset inimicus as we know who said In order whereunto he had no sooner heard that there was a purpose in some great Bishops of the Court to regulate the standing of the Communion Table according to the Pattern of the Mother Cathedrall and the royall Chappels but he presently set himselfe against it dispercing Copies of a Letter pretended to be writâ—en â—y him to the Vicar of Grantham on that occasion and publishing his Book called the Holy Table â—ull of quotations but more in number then in weight Anâ— this he did out or a meer Spirit of Contradiction directly contrary to his own practice in all places where he had to do that is to say not only in the Collegiate Church at VVestminster whereof he was Dean and in the Cathedrall Church of Lincoln whereof he was Bishop but in his own private Chappell at Bugden also where there was no body to act any thing in it but himself alone And so I take my leave of this great Prelate whom I both reverence for hiâ— Place and honour for his Parts as much as any And yet I cannot choose but say that I find more reason to condemn then there is to commend him so that we
c. Upon a sâ—ditious Sermon which he preached in that Church where contrary to his duty he had neglected to preach for seven years together before he was first questioned at Durham from whence he was called to the High Commission Court at Lond. and afterwardâ— at his own desire remitted to the same Court at York where being sentenced to recant and refusing so to do with great scorn he was at last upon his obstinacy degraded from his Ecclesiasticall Function and that Sentence was not long after judicially confirmed by Judge Damport at the publick Assises in Durham where he was by publick sentence also at the Common Law put out of his Prebend and his Benefices that he formerly held in that County Many years following he procured a large Maintenance for himself and his Family to the summ of 400 l. per ann more worth to him then his Chuâ—ch-profiâ—s ever were out of the peculiar Contributions at London and elsewhere gathered up for silenced Ministers But when the Parliament began in the year 1640 upon project and hope of getting more he preferred a Bill oâ— Complaint there against thirty severall persons at the least that is against the High Commissioners at London the same Commissioners and Prebends Residentiary at York the Dean and Chapter of Durham with diveâ—s others whereof I was but One though he was pleased to set my Name in the Front of them all From all these together he expected to recover and receive a greater summ of money for Money was his project pretending that he had lost by them no less then thirty thousand pounds though he was never known to be worth one After his Bill of Complaint was carried up by a Gentleman of the House of Commons to the House of Lords among the rest of those persons that were accused by him some for Superstition and some for Persecution I put in my full Answer upon Oath and declared the truth of the whole matter whereof Mr. Fuller taketh not any notice at all and therein dealeth most unfaithfully both with me and the Reader of his History for that Answer of mine is upon Record among the Rolls of Parliament and was justified before the Lords both by my self and by the very Witness that Mr. Smart and his Son-in-law produced there against me whereupon his own Lawyer Mr. Glover openly at the Bar of that honourable House forsook him and told him plainly that he was ashamed of his Complaint and could not in Conscience plead for him any longer Mr. Smart in the mean while crying out aloud and beseeching their Lordships to appoint him another Lawyer and to take care of his fourteen thousand pound damages besides other demands that he had to make which arose to a grâ—ater summ But after this which was the fifth day of pleading between uâ— the Case was heard no more concerning my particular and many of the Lords said openly that â—r Smarâ— had abused the House of Commons with a causâ—â—ess Complaint against me whereupon my Lord the Earl of Warwick was pleased to bring me an Order of â—he Lords House whereby I had liberty granted me to â—eturn unto my places of Charge in the University or â—lsewhere till they sent for me again which they never â—id The Answers that I gave in upon Oath and justified â—efore their Lordships were to this effect all contrary 〈◊〉 Mr. Fullers groundless reports 1. Tâ—at the Communion-Table in the Church of Durâ—am which in the Bill of Complaint and M. Fullers Hist. 〈◊〉 said to be the Marble Altar with Châ—rubins was not 〈◊〉 up by me but by the Dean and Chapter there 〈◊〉 of Mr. Smart himself was one many years beâ—â—re I bâ—came Prâ—â—endary of that Church or ever saw 〈◊〉 Country 2. That by the publick Accountâ— which are there â—â—gistred it did not appear to have cost above the tenth â—â—rt of what is pretended Appurtenanceâ— and all 3. That likewise the Copes used in that Church â—ere brought in thither long before my time and when â—r Smart thâ— Complainant was Prebâ—ndary there who â—â—so allowed his part as I was ready to prove by the 〈◊〉 Book of the money that they cost for they cost â—t little 4. That as I never approved the Picture of the Triâ—y or the Image of God the Father in the Figure of 〈◊〉 old Man or otherwise to be made or placed any â—â—ere at all So I was well assured that there were none â—â—ch nor to my knowledge or hear-say ever had been put upon any Cope that was used there among us One there was that had the Story of the Passion embroidered upon it but the Cope that I used to weare when at any time I attended the Communion-Service was of plain white Sattin only without any Embroidery upon it at all 5. That â—hat the Bill of Complaint called the Image of Christ with a blew Cap and a golden Beard Mr. Fullers History sayes it was red and that it was set upon one of the Copes was nothing else but the top of Bishop Haâ—fields Tomb set up in the Church under a siâ—e-Arch there two hundred years before I was born being a little Portraiture not appearing to be above ten Inches long and hardly discernable to the eye what Figure it is for it stands thirty Foot from the ground 6. That by the locall Statutes of that Church wherunâ—o Mr. Smart was sworn as well as my selfe the Treasurer was to give Order that the provision should every year be made of a sufficient number of Wax-lightâ— for the Service of the Quire during all the Winter time which Statute I observed when I was chosen into that Office and had order from the Dean and Chapter by Capâ—tular Act to do it yet upon the Communion Table they that used to light the Candles the Sacriâ—ts and the Virgers never set more then two fair Candleâ— with a few small Sizes neer to them which they put there of purpose that the people all about might have the better use of them for singing the Psalmes and reading the Lessons out of the Bibles But two hundred was a greater number then they used all the Church over either upon Candlemâ—s Night or any other and that there were no more sometimes many less lighted at that time then at the like Festivalls in Christmas-Holydaies when the people of the City came in greater company to the Church and therefore required a greater store of lights 7. That I never forbad nor any body else that I know the singing of the Meeter Psalms in the Church which I used to sing daily there my self with other company at Morning Prayer But upon Sundaies and Holy-daies in the Quire before the Sermon the Creed was sung and sung plainly for every one to understand as it is appointed in the Communion Book after the Sermon we sung a part of a Psalm or some other Antheme taken out of the Scripture and first signified to the people where they might find it 8. That so far
Religious Predecessors and namely the Laws Customs and Franchises granted to the Clergy by the glorious King St. Edward your Predecessor according to the Laws of God the true profession of the Gospel establiâ—hed in this Kingdom and agreeable to the Prerogative of the Kings thereof and the ancient Customs of this Land The King answers I grant and promise to keep them Arch-Bishop Sir Will you keep Peace and godly agreement entirely according to your power both to God the holy Church the Clergy and the People Rex I will keep it Arch-Bishop Sir Will you to your power cause Iustice Law and discretion in Mercy and Truth to be executed in all your Iudgements Rex I will Arch-Bishop Sir Will you grant to hold and keep the Laws and rightful Customs which the Commonalty of this your Kingdom have and will you defend and uphold them to the Hâ—nor of God so much as in you lieth Rex I grant and promise so to do Then one of the Bishops reads this admonition to the King before the People with a loud voice Our Lord and King we beseech you to pardon and to grant and to preserve unto us and to the Churches committed to our charge all Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that you would protect and defend us as every good King in his Kingdom ought to be a Protector and Defender of the Bishops and the Churches under their Government The King answereth With a willing and devout heart I promise and grant my Pardon and that I will preserve and maintain to you and the Churches committed to your charge All Canonical Priviledges and due Law and Iustice and that I will be your Protector and Defender to my power by the assistance of God as every good King ought in his Kingdom in right to protect and defend the Bishops and Churches under their Government Then the King ariseth and is led to the Communion Table where he makes a solemn Oath in sight of all the People to observe the premises and laying his hand upon the Book saith The things which I have before promised I shall perform and keep So help me God and the contents of this Book Such was the Oath taken by the King at his Coronation against which I finde these two Objections First That it was not the same Oath which anciently had been taken by his Predecessors and for the proof thereof an Antiquated Oath was found out and publisht in a Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons bearing date the twenty sixth of May 1642. And secondly It was objected in some of the Pamphlets of that time that the Oath was falsified by D. Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to make it more to the Kings advantage and less to the benefit of the Subject then it had been formerly For answer whereunto the King remits the Lords and Commons to the Records of the Exchequer by which it might be easily prov'd that the Oath was the very same verbatim which had before been taken by his Predecessors Kings and Queens of this Realm And to the Pamphleters it is answered by Mr. H. L. the Author of the former History That there was no variation from the old forms but the addition of a clause to a Prayer there mentioned and that this varâ—ation was not the solitary act of Laud alone but of a Committee And this saith he I positively assert as minding the reformation of a vulgar Error thrown abroad in loose Pamphlets that Bishop Laud altered the Coronation Oath whereas the Oath it self was precisely the same with former precedents More candidly in this then the Author of the present History how great a Royalist soever he desires to be reckoned Fol. 31. This necessary Message produced no other supply then this insolency from a Member Mr. Clement Cook It is better says he to dye by a foreign Enemy then to be destroyed at home And this seditious speech of his was as seditiously seconded by one Dr. Turner of whom the King complain'd to the House of Commons but could finde no remedy nor was it likely that he should He that devests himself of a Natural and Original power to right the injuries which are done him in hope to finde relief from others especially from such as are parcel-guilty of the wrong may put up all his gettings in a Semtress thimble and yet never fill it But thus King Iames had done before him one Piggot a Member of the House of Commons had spoken disgracefully of the Scots for their importunity in begging and no less scornfully of the King for his extream profuseness in giving adding withal that it would never be well with England till a Sicilian Vesper was made of the Scotish Nation For which seditious Speech when that King might have took the Law into his own hands and punisht him as severely by his own Authority as he had deserv'd yet he past it over and thought that he had done enough in giving a hint of it in a Speech made to both Houses at White-Hall on the last of March Anno 1607. I know saith he that there are many Pigots amongst them I mean a number of Seditious and discontented particular persons as must be in all Commonwealths that where they dare may peradventure talk lewdly enough but no Scotish man ever spoke dishonorably of England in Parliament It being the custom of those Parliaments that no man was to speak without leave from the Chancellor for the Lords and Commons made but one House in that Kingdom and if any man do propound or utter any seditious Speeches he is straightly interrupted and silenced by the Chancellors Authority This said there was an end of that business for ought I can learn and this gave a sufficient encouragement to the Commons in the time of King Charls to expect the like From whence they came at last to this resolution not to suffer one of theirs to be questioned till themselves had considered of his crimes Which as our Author truly notes kept them close together imboldned thus to preserve themselves to the last fol. 35. This Maxim as they made use of in this present Parliament in behalf of Cook Diggs and Eliot which two last had been Imprisoned by the Kings command so was it more violently and pertinaciously insisted on in the case of the five Members Impeacht of High Treason by the Kings Attorney on the fourth of Ianuary Anno 1641. the miserable effects whereof we still feel too sensibly Fol. 40 And though the matter of the Prologue may be spared being made up with Elegancy yet rather then it shall be lost you may please to read it at this length Our Author speaks this of the Eloquent Oration made by Sir Dudly Diggs to usher in the Impeachment of the Duke of Buckingham which being amplified and prest in six tedious Speeches by Glanvil Pim Selden Wansford Herbert and Sherland was Epilogued by Sir Iohn Eliot A vein of Oratory not to be found in the Body
was not to be found in the whole body of it And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Resâ—ondent readily answered that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions publisht at Geneva Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation Anno 156â— to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places but the Doctor still persisting upon that point and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory he called on one M. Westly who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalenâ— College to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles Which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecâ—tion of tâ—at particular and to go on directly to the Disputation But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia as his own words were till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue in his verbis viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and authority in Controversies of faith c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied And at this point of time it was that the Queens Almoner left the Schools pâ—ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion But to proceed upon the breaking of this blow the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper which made the matter of the Information which is now before us and for which if he received any check from the King at Woodstock it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before as afore is said Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions or to a corrupt Edition of them Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted to the great animation of the Puritan party who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid For which as D. Prideaux by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least according to the genuine and ancient Copies And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux but that there is somewhat in the Paper as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies The Paper tels us of a Hissâ— which is supposed to have been given and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church But first The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church that is to say of the diffusive body of it but denied them to be members of the Convocation that is to say the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature is ascribed by the Articles Which as it did deserve no Hisse so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken If any hisse were given at all as perhaps there was it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke a learned but meer common Lawyer in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument if by that name it may be called which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera as it seems he did what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers who kept himself too close to the Churâ—h-Representative consisting of Arch-Bishops Bishops and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned and now unseasonably revived revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters never intended for the Presse hath been unto the honour of that emiâ—nent and pious Prelate But the Squire will not so give over he hath another peece in store which must now be printed though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters or the Doctors Paper and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his that is to say the Respondents language that ways in reference namely to such eminent persons as he had to deal with For this he is beholden to some friend or other who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Haâ—well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn since Doctor whom he stiles The Parton of that pretended Saint George he hath these words of him viz In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of
off so clearly with those evaâ—â—ns which he had put upon the Articles in charge against him or with those touches on the by which are given to the Defendant in the Doctors Answer supposing that the Paper exemplified in the Pamphlet never before publisht as the Authour tels us contain the substance and effect of that which he delivered to the King for his justification as indeed it doth not For the truth is that this Paper was digested by D. Prideaux as soon as he returned to Oxon coppied out and disperst abroad by some of his own party and perswasions to keep up the credit of the cause And though at first it carried the same Title which the Pamphlet gives it viz. The Answer of D. Prideaux to the Information given in against him by D. Heylin yet afterwards upon a melius inquirendum he was otherwise perswaded of it and commonly imputed it to one of Trinity Colledge whom he conceived to have no good affections to him And here I might conclude this point touching the traducing and disturbing of D. Prideaux did I not finde that by the unseasonable publishing of that Antiquated and forgotten Paper the Respondent had not been disturbed and traduced in a far courser manner then he was the Doctor had those passions and infirmities which are incident to other men of lesse ability and having twice before exposed the Respondent to some disadvantages in the point of same and reputation he was the more easily inclined to pursue his blow and render him obnoxious as much as possibly he could to the publike censure The story whereof I shall lay down upon this occasion and hope that I may safely do it without the imputation of affecting the fresh credit of coping with the deceased or purposing any wrong at all unto the reverend name and living fame of that Learned man Proximas egomâ—t sum mihiâ— as the Proverb hath it my own credit is more dear to me then another mans And where I may defend my self with truth and honesty I have no reason to betray both my name and fame by a guilty silence Know then that on tht 24. day of April Anno 1627. I answered in the Divinity Schools at Oxon upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fâ—erit invisibilis And 2. An Ecclesia possit errare Both which I determined in the Negative And in the stating of the first I fell upon a different way from that of D. Prideaux in his Lecture de visibilitate Ecclesiae and other Tractates of and about that time in which the visibility of the Protestant Church and consequently of the renowned Church of England was no otherwise proved then by looking for it into the scattered conventicles of the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England the Hâ—ssites in Bohemia which manner of proceeding not being liked by the Respondent as that which utterly discontinued that succession in the Ecclesiasticall Hierarchy which the Church of England claimeth from the very Apostles he rather chose to look for a continual visible Church in Asia Aethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Popes thereof And for the proof whereof he shewed First That the Church of England received no succession of doctrine or government from any of the scattered Conventicles before remembred Secondly That the Wicklifsists together which the rest before remembred held many Heterodoxes in Religion as different from the established doctrine of the Church of England as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome And thirdly That the Learned Writers of that Church Bellarmine himself amongst them have stood up as cordially and stoutly in maintenance of some fundamental Points of the Christian Faith against the Socinians Anabaptists Anti-Trinitarians and other Hereticks of these last ages as any of the Divines and other learned men of the Protestant Churches Which point I closed with these words viz. Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino â—ic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis and this so much displeased the Doctor that as soon as the Respondent had ended his determination he fell most heavily upon him calling him by the odious names of Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius and I wot not what and bitterly complaining to the younger part of his Audients to whom he made the greatest part of his addresses of the unprofitable pains he had took amongst them if Bellarmine whom he laboured to decry for so many years should now be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus The like he also did tantaene animis caelestibus irae at another time when the Respondent changed his Copy and acted the part of the Prior Opponent loding the poor young man with so many reproaches that he was branded for a Papist before he understood what Popery was And because this report should not get footing in the Court before him in his first Sermon preached before the King which was in November next following on the words Ioh 4. viz Our Fathers worshiped on this mountain he so declared himself against some errours and corruptions in the Church of Rome that he shewed him to be far enough from any inclinations to the Romish Religion as afterwards in the Year 1638. when that clamour was revived again he gave such satisfaction in his third and fourth Sermon upon the Parable of the Tares that some of the Court who before had been otherwise perswaded of him did not stick to say That he had done more towards the subversion of Popery in those two Sermons then D. Pâ—ideaux had done in all the Sermons which he had ever preached in his life But to proceed the Respondent leaving Oxon within few years after the heat of these reproaches began to cool 〈◊〉 he had reason to conceive that the Doctors 〈◊〉 might in so long a tract of time as from 1627. to 16 〈…〉 cooled also but it happened otherwise For the 〈…〉 being to answer for his degree of Doctor in the 〈…〉 insisted then on the Authority of the Church 〈…〉 he had done on the infallibilâ—ty and visibility of it His Questions these viz. An Eccleâ—ia habeat authoritatem in determinandis â—idei controversâ—â—s 2. Interpretandi Scripturas 3. Discernendi ritus ceremonias All which he held in the Affirmative according to the plain and positive doctrine of the Church of England in the 20. Article which runs thus interminis viz habet Ecclesiae ritas sive ceremonias statuendiâ—us in â—idei controversâ—â—s authoritatem c. but the Doctor was as little pleased with these Questions and the Respondent stating of them as he was with the former And therefore to create to the Respondent the greater odium he openly declared that the Respondent had falsified the publike Doctrine of the Church and charged the Article with that sentence viz. Habet Ecclesia ritus sive Ceremonias c. which