That they were made of purpose by the said Archbishop and Divines to deliver and declare their opinions concerning the sense of the nine and thirty Articles in those particulars For though those Articles might and did deliver their opinions in the points disputed yet were they but opinions still and the opinions of private and particular men are no publick Doctrines Therefore to set this matter right I will first lay down the true occasion of the making of these Articles Secondly of what authority they were when made and agreed upon And thirdly what might move King James to recommend them first to the Church of Ireland and after to the Assembly at Dort and not as our Authour tells us by a strain Hysteron Proteron to the Assembly at Dort first and to Ireland afterwards And fiâ—…st for the occasion of these Articlâ—…s we may please to know that the first Reformers of this Church look neither on the Lutheran or Calvinian Doctrines as their Rule and Guide but held themselves unto the constant current of approved antiquity To which the Melancthonian way bâ—…ing thought most consonant was followed not onely by Bishop Hooper in his Treatise on the Ten Commandements and by Bishop Latimer in some pass ges of his Sermons but also by the Compilers of the Book of Articles and the Book of Homilies the publick Monuments of this Church in points of Doctrine But the Calvinian way having found some entrance there arose a difference in the judgments of particular men touching these Debates the matter being controverted pro and con by some of the Confessors in prison in Qu. Maryes dayes After whose death many of our exiled Divines returning from Geneva Basil and such other places where Calvins Dictates were received as Celestiall Oracles brought with him his Opinions in the points of Predestination Grace and Perâ—…everance which they dispersed and scattered over all the Church by whose authority and the diligence of the Presbyterian party then busie in advancing their holy Discipline it came to be universally received for the onely true and Orthodox Doctrine and was so publickly maintained in the Schools of Cambridge Insomuch that when Peter Baro a Frenchman Professour for the Lady Magaret in that University revived the Melancthonian way in his publick Lectures and by his Arguments and great Learning had drawn many others to the same perswasions complaint was made thereof by Dr. Whitakers Dr. Willet Mr. Chatterton Mr. Perkins and certain others to the Ld. Archbishop of Canterbury Dr. Whitgift desiring his assistance to suppresse that Fâ—…ction which was like to grow by this means in that University On which complaint the said Archbishop calling to him to Lambeth Doctor Richard Flecher then Bishop of London and Doctor Richard Vaughan then Elect of Bangor did then and there with the advice oâ—… Dr. Whitakers Dr. Tindall and some other Divines most of them Parties to the suit agree on these nine Articles which our Author peaks of to be sent to Cambridge for the â—…termining and compâ—…g of the present Controversies And this was done â—…pon the 26th of November Anno 1595. and being so done and sent accordingly to Cambridge Dr. Baro found himself so discouraged and discountenanced that at the end of his first three years he relinquished his Professourship and retired not long after into France leaving the University in no small disorder for want of such an able Instructor to resort unto We are to know also that amongst others of Baro his followers there was one Mr. ster Barret who in a Sermon preached in St. Maryes Church not onely defended Baro his Doctrine but used some offensive words against Calvin Beza and some others of the Reformators for which he was convented before the Heads of the University amongst which Doctor James Montague then Master of Sydney Coll. and a great stickler in this quarrell was of great authority and by them May the 5th next following was enjoynd to recant and a set form of Recantation was prescribed unto him which though he read publickly in the Church yet the contentions and disputes grew greater and greater till the coming down of the nine Articles from Lambeth hastened with greater earnestnesse upon this occasion Secondly these Articles being thus made and agreed upon we are next to see of what authority they were in the Church of England and how long they continued in authority in the Schools of Cambridge concerning which we are to know that the making of these Articles being made knowne to Queen ELIZABETH by William Lord Burly Lord Treasurer of England and Chancellour of that University who neither liked the Tenets nor the manner of proceeding in them she was most passionately offended that any such innovation should be made in the publick Doctrine of this Church and once resolved to have them all aâ—…ted of a Praemunire But afterwards upon the interposition of some friends the reverent esteem She had of that excellent Prelate the Lord Archbishop whom She used to call Her black Husband She let fall Her anger and having favourably admitted his excuse therein She commanded him speedily to recall and suppresse those Articles which was done with so much care and diligence that for a while a Copie of them was not to be found in all that University though afterwards by little and little they peeped forth again And having crept forth once again it was moved by Dr. Reynolds in the Conference at Hampton Court Aâ—… 1603. That the nine Assortions Orthodoxall as he termed them concluâ—…ed upon at Lambeth might be inserted into the Booke of Articlâ—…s that is to say of the Church of England The King was told who never had heard before of those nine Assertions that by reason of some Controversies arising in Cambridge about certain points of Divinity My Lords Grace assemblâ—…d some Diâ—…ines of especiall note to set down their opinions which they drew into nine assertions and so sent them to the University for the appeasing of those quarrels Which being told His Majesty answered That when such Questions arise among Scholars the quietest proceeding were to determine them in the University and not to stuffe the Book with all conclusions Theologicall Conf. p 24. 40. 41. So that these nine Assertions being first pressed at Cambridge by the command of Qu. Elizabeth and afterwards esteemed unfitting to be inserted into the Book of Articles by the finall judgement of King James there is no reason in the world why any man should be traduced of Arminianisme or looked on as an enemy of the true Religion here by Law established for not conforming his opinions to their no-authority It is not the meeting of a few Bâ—…shops and Divines in the Hall at Lambeth but the body of the whole Clergy lawfully assembled in Convocation whâ—…ch hath authority in determining Controversies in Faith and to require conformity to such determinations and concâ—…usions as are there agreed on When the nine Articles of Lambeth shall be so confirmed our
our Saviours soule and putting no other sense than that horrid blasphemy on the Article of his Descent the ineffectuality of the blessed Sacraments as to the power and vertue which the Antients did ascribe unto them and many others of that nature which are not to be found in all S. Augustines Works Therefore the Doctrine of S. Augustine cannot be called by the name of Calvianisme In the year 1618 King James published a Command or Declaration tolerating sports on the Lords day called Sunday Our Author is now come to His Majestiâ—…s Declaration about lawfull sports being a reviver onely of a former Declaration published by King James bearing date at Greenwich May the 24th in the sixteenth year of that Kings reigne in his discourse whereof there are many things to be considered For first he telleth us that many impetuous clamours were raised against it but he conceals the motives to it and restrictions of it And secondly he telleth us that to satisfie and still those â—…lamours the Book was soon after called in in which I am sure our Author is extremely out that Book being never called in though the execution of it by the 〈◊〉 of that Kings Government was soon discontinued Now for the motives which induced that King to this Declaration they were chiefly four 1. The generall complaints of all sorts of people as he pasâ—…ed through Lancashire of the restraint of those innocent and lawfull Pastimes on that day which by the rigour of some Preachers and Ministers of publick justice had been layd upon them 2. The hinderance of the conversion of many Papists who by this means were made to think that the Protestant Religion was inconsistent with all harmlesse and modest recreations 3. That by 〈◊〉 men from all manly Exercises on those dayes on which onely they were freed from their dayly labours they were made unactivâ—… and unable and unfit for warres if either Himself or any of His Successours should have such occasion to employ them And 4 That men being hindred from these open Pastimes betook themselves to Tipling Houses and there abused themselves with Drunkennesse and censured in their cups His Majesties proceedings both in Church and State Next the Restrictions were as many First that these Pastimes should be no impediment or let to the publick Duties of the Day Secondly that no Recusants should be capable of the benefit of them Noâ—… thirdly such as were not diligently present at all Dâ—…vine offices which the day required And fourthly that the benefit thereof should redound to none but such as kept themselves in their own Parishes Now to the Motives which induced King James to this Declaration our Author adds two others which might move King Charles to the reviving of the same That is to say 1. The neglect of the Dedication Feasts of Churches in most places upon that occasion And secondly an inclination in many unto Judaisme occasioned by a Book written by one Brabourne maintaining the indispensible morality of the 4th Commandement and consequently the necessary observation of the Jewish Sabbath Though our Author tells us that this Royall Edict was resented with no small regret yet I conceive the Subjects had great cause to thank Him for his Princely care in studying thus to free their consciences from those servile yokes greater than which were never layd upon the Jewes by the Scribes and Pharisâ—…es which by the preaching of some Zealots had been layd upon them But our Author is not of my mind for he telleth us afterwards that The Divinity of the Lords day was new Divinity at Court And so it was by his leave in the Countrey too not known in England till the year 1595 when Doctor Bound first published it in his Book of Sabbath Doctrines nor in Ireland till just twenty years after when it was thrust into the Articles of Religion then and there established nor in Scotland till above twenty years after that when the Presbyterians of both Nations layd their heads together for the subversion of this Church So new it is that as yet it cannot plead a prescription of threescore years much lesse pretend to the beginning of our Reformation for if it could we should have found some mention of it in our Articles or our Book of Homilies or in the Book of Common Prayer or in the Statute 5 6 Edward VI. about keeping Holy dayes in the two first of which we finde nothing at all touching the keeping of this day and in the two last no more care taken for the Sundayes than the other Festivals But our Author still goeth on and saith Which seemed the greater Prodigie that men who so eagerly cryed up their own Order and Revenues for Divine should so much 〈◊〉 the Lords day from being such when they had no other existence than in relation to this Here is a Prodigie indeed and a Paradox too that neither the Order not Revenues of the Evangelical Priesthood have any existence but in Relation to the Dâ—…vinity of the Lords day If our Author be not out in this I am much mistaken S. Paul hath told us of himself that he was an Apostle not of men neither by men but by 〈◊〉 Christ and God the Father And what he telleth us of himself may be said also of the twelve Apostles and the seventy Disciples ordained by Christ to preach the Gospel and to commit the like power to others from one generation to another till the end of all things S. Paul pleads also very strongly for the Divine right of Evangelicall maintenance to them that laboured in the publick Ministerie of the Church concluding from that saying in the Law of Moses viz Thou shalt not muzzle the Oxe which treads out the corn and from the maintenance of the Priest which served at the Altar that such as preached the Gospel should live by the Gospel And he pleads no lesse â—…outly for the right of Tithes where he proves our Saviour Christ to be a Priest after the order of Melchisedeck from Melchisedecks receiving Tithes of Abraham or rather from this Tithing of Abraham as the Greek importeth And yet I trow the Lords day Sabbath had no such existence and much lesse such Divinity of existence as our Author speaks of when both the Order and Revenue of the sacred Ministery had a sure establishment as much Divine right as our Saviour and the holy Apostles could confer upon them Our Author now draws towards an end for our further satisfaction referreth us to somthing elsc and that something to be found elswhere concluding thus But of this elsewhere And indeed of this there hath enough been said elsewhere to satisfie all learned and ingenious men both in the meaning of the Law and in point of practise so that to speak more of it in this place and time were but to light a Candle before the Sun All I shall further adde is this that if the Rules and Principles of the Sabbatarians
77. he would deny them nothing of their Liberties which any of his Predecessours had granted to them and finally in the close thereof when He enacted the Petition of Right and made it passe into a Law of which our Authour tells us Fol. 87. That never Arbitrary power since Monarchy first founded did so submitters fasces so vaile its Scepter never did the prerogative descend so much from perch to popular lure as by that Concession He vailed his Crowne unto all three by suffering the House of Commons to set up a Committe for Religion to question Manwaring Sibthorp and divers others for Doctrinall matters which if erroneous were more proper to be censured in the High Commission or the Convocation to which the cognizance of such Causes doth of right bâ—…long and not unto a Consistory of Lay. Elders which though it might consist of the wisest men yet were they for the most part none of the greatest Clerks He vailed his Crown also unto the Scots when having power to bring them under his command he yeilded to the Pacification at Barwicke not more unto his own dishonour than to their advantage which drew him on first to abolish the Episcopal Government the greatest prop of hiâ—… Estate in the Church of Scotland and after at their instance to call a Parliament in England and by the terrouâ—… of their Armes first to give way that the Lords of the Privie Councel in referencâ—… to the Tryall of the 〈◊〉 of Strafford should be examined upon oath in points debated and resolved on at the Councill Table that being done to yeild to a Triennial Parliament to be called upon his default by Sheriffs and Constables and finally to perpetuate that Parliament to his owne destruction What other vailings of the Crown followed upon this we shall hereafter see upon another occasion In this Session of Parliament was Mr. Mountague questioned for publishing certain Bookes prejudiciall to the Protestant cause c. Somewhat of Mr. Mountague we have seen before and shall now adde that his Books contained nothing prejudiciall to the Protestant Cause or to the established Doctrine of the Church of England but onely to the Calvinisticall Sect who had imposed their Heterodoxies upon credulous men for the received Doctrines of the Church This Mr. Mountâ—… disavowed in his Answer to the Romish Gaggâ—…r and severing private mens Opinions from the Churches Doctrines to be defended by their own Patrons and abettors which so offended that whole Party that an Information was intended and prepared against him which being made knowne unto King James he did not onely give him his discharge and quietus est and grant him leave in regard the Accusation was divulged and the clamour violent humbly to appeale from his Defamers unto His most sacred cognizance in publique and to represent his just defence against their slanders and false surmises unto the world but also to give expresse order unto Doctor White then Deane of Câ—…l sle cried up when Lâ—…cturer of St. Pauls for the stoutest Champion of this Church against those of Rome for the authorizing and publishing thereof which was â—…one accordingly So he in his Epistle Dedicatory to the late King Charles These are the Books The Answer to the Romish Gagger and the Defence thereof caâ—…led Appello Caesarem so prejudiciall is you say to the Protestant Cause and therefore fit to be inâ—…ed on by the House of Parliament The cause of that restraint vâ—…z the grant of Tonage and Poundage for no more than one yeare being a designe to reduce it to the rate setled in Quâ—…n Maryes daies And had they brought it unto that their Grant would have been like the Apples of Sodome goodly and beautifull to the eye sed levi tactu pressa in vagum pulverem fatiscunt saith the old Geographer but never so gently handled fell to dust and ashes a nut without a kernil and a painted nothing And yet they might have made the King some faire amends if they had brought the Subsidies to the same rate also or to the rates they were at in her Fathers daies when as one single Subsidie of foure shillings in the pound was estimated to amount to eight hundred thousand pounds of good English money which is as much as eight whole Subsidies did amount to when King Charles câ—…me unto the Crown The Divinity Schoole was appointed for the House of Commons And quâ—…stionlesse this giving up of the Divinity School unto the use of the House of Commons and placing the Speaker in or neer the Chairâ—… in which the Kings Professour for Divinity did usually reade his Publick Lectures and moderate in all Publick Disputations first put them into a conceit that the determining in all points and Controversies in Divinity did belong to them As Vibius Rufus in the story having married Tully's Widow and bought Caesars Chair conceived that he was then in a way to gain the Eloquence of the one and the Power of the other For after this we find no Parliament without a Committee for Religion and no Committee for Religion but what did think it self sufficiently instructed to manage the greatest Controversies of Dâ—…vinity which were brought before them with what successe to the Religion here by Law established we now see too clearly Most of the Voters of this Remonstranâ—… flew high and impetuously prest in upon the Duke And this makes good that saying of the wise Historian Quam breves infausti Romani populi amores that the Dâ—…rlings and Affections of the Common People take which sense you will are of short continuance It was not long since that this very man was cried up in Parliament for the great ornament and honour of the English Nation the chief preserver of this Kingdome from the Spanish practises no attribute sufficient to set forth his praises no honour large enough to requite his merits Now on the sodain he is become the subject of a popular hâ—…d tossed from one Parliament to another like the Ball of Fortune many times struck into the hazard and at last quite tossed out of the Court and-tumbled into his grave by a desperate Ruffion But as I have been told by some intelligent man this sodain alteration came another way and not from any premeditated purpose in the Parliament men who after voted this Remonstrance For having an ill eye to the Bâ—…shop of Lincolne and a designe to make hâ—…m lighter by the Seal the Bâ—…shop to prevent the danger and divert the humour proposed the Duke of Buckingham unto some leading men amongst them as the fitter game offering to furnâ—…sh them with matter and to mâ—…ke good that matter by sufficient evidence which coming not long aâ—…ter to the ears of the Duke to whom he had done many ill offices when he was in Spaine he procured the Seale to be taken from him of which more anon And who i.e. Sir Robert Mansell had an unquestionable right to the chief conduct of this
which followed viz Since with this yeare thy name doth so agree Then shall this yeare to thâ—… most fatall bee And in the upshot were fined as was reported six thousand pounds And this is all the City suffered for Lambs death not that they payed six thousand pounds or â—…t any such Fine was imposed upon them but that they were abused with this false Report But to say truth I hope my Masters of the City will excuse me for it a fine of 60000 li. had been little enough to expiate such a dangerous Riot and so viâ—…e muâ—…r in which both Mayor and Magistrates had contracted a double guilt Fiâ—…t in not taking care to suppresse the Râ—…ot which in a discontented and uâ—…quiet City might have gathered strength and put the whole Kingdom into blood before its time And â—…econdly in not taking order to prevent the murder or bring the Malefactors to the Bâ—…rre of Justice The punâ—…shment of the principall Actors in this barbarous Tragedy mighâ—… possibly have preserved the life of the Duke of Buckingham and had the City smarted for not doing their duty it might in probability have prevented the like Riot at Edinburgh Non ibi consistunt exempla ubi coeperunt saith the Court-Historian Examples seldome â—…nd where they take beginning but eiâ—…her first or last will finde many followers And though Lamb might deserve a farre greater punishment than the fury of an ungovâ—…rned Multitude could 〈◊〉 upon him yet suffering without Form of Law it may very well be said that he suffered unjuftly and that it was no small peece of injustice that there was no more justice done in revâ—…nge thereof Connivance at great crimes adds authority to them and makes a Prince lose more in strength than it gets in love For howsoever maâ—…ers of Grace and Favour may oblige some particular persons yet it is justice impartiall and equall justice that gives satisfaction unto all and is the chief supporter of the Royall Throne God hath not put the sword into the hands of the supreme powers that they should bear the same in vain or use it only for a shew or a signe of soverâ—…ignty for then a scabbard with a pair of hilts would have served the turn In his Will he bequeathed to his Dutchess the fourth part of his Lands for her Joyntâ—… And that was no grâ—…t Joynture for so great a Lady I never heard that the whole estate in lands which the Duke died dâ—…d of of his own purchasing or procuring under two great Princes came to Foure thousand pounds per annum which is a very strong Argument that he was not covetous or did abuse his Masters favours to his own enriching And though hee had Three hundred thousand pounds in Jewels as our Authour tells us yet taking back the sixty thousand pounds which he owed at his death two hundred forty thousand pounds is the whole remainder a pretty Aldâ—…ans Estate and but hardly that Compare this poor pittance of the Dukes with the vast Estate of Cardinall Ricâ—… the favourite and great Minister of the late French King and it will seem no greater than the Widows mitâ—… in respect of the large and cost y Offerings of the Scribes and Phaâ—… The Cardinals Estate being valued at the time of his death at sixty millions of Franks in rents and monies which amount unto six millions of pounds in our English estimate whereas the Dukes amounted not to a full third part of one million onely Such was the end of this great Duke not known to me either in his Fâ—…owns or his Favours nec beneficio nec injuria notus in the words of Tacitus and therefore whatsoever I have written in relation to him will be imputed as I hope to my love to truth not my affections to his person His body was from thence conveyed to Portsmouth and there hung in chains but by some stole and conveyed away Gibbet and all Our Authour is deceived in this for I both saw the whole Gibbet standing and some part of the body hanging on it about three years after the people being so well satisfied with the death of the Duke that though they liked the murder they had no such care of the Wretch that did it That which might possibly 〈◊〉 him was the lâ—…ke injury done by some Puritanicall Zealots to the publick Justice in taking down by stealth the body of Enoch ap Evans that furious Welch-man who killed his Mother and his Brother for kneeling at the blessed Sacrament of the Lords Supper and for those 〈◊〉 factâ—… was hangâ—…d in chains not farre from Shrewsbury The Narrative whereof was published in print by one Mr. Studly and to him I refâ—… the Reader if he desire any farther satisfaction in it After this Mr. Montague ' s Booke called Appello Caesarem was called in by Proclamation This Proclamation beareth date the 17th day of January In which it was to be observed that the Book is not charged with any false Doctrine but for being the first cause of those disputes and differences which have since much troubled the quiet of the Church His Majesty hoping that the occasion being taken away mâ—… would no longer trouble themselves with such unnecessary disputations Whether His Hiâ—… did well in doing no more if the Book contained any false Doctâ—… in it or in doing so much if it were done only to please the Parliament as our Authour telâ—… us I take not upon me to determine Buâ—… certainly it never falleth out well with Christian Princes when they make Religion bend to Policy and so it hapned to this King the calling in of Montague's Book and the advancing of Dr. Barnaby Potter a thorow-paced Calvinian unto the 〈◊〉 of Carlâ—…sle at the same time also could not get him any love in the hearts of His people who looked upon those Acts no otherwise than as tricks of King craft So true is that of the wise Historian whom I named last inviso sâ—…mel Principe 〈◊〉 bene facta ceu male facta premunt that is to say when Pâ—…inces once are in discredit with their Subjects as well their good actions as their bad are all counted grievances For 〈◊〉 informations were very pregnant that notwithstanding the Resolution of the Archbishop of Canterbury and other reverend Bishops and Divines assembled at 〈◊〉 Anno 1595. c. Our Authour in this Folio gives me work enough by setting out the large spreading of Arminianisme and the great growth of Popery in the Church of England First for Arminianisme hee telleth us that the proofs thereof were very pregnant How so Because the nine Articles made at Lambeth had not of late been so much set by as he and the Committee for Religion did desire they should Why mâ—…n The Articles of Lambeth were never looked on as the Doctrine of the Church of England nor intended to be so looked on by the men that made them though our Authour please to tell us in following words
Authour may declare them for the Doctrine of the Church of England and traduce all men for Arminians which subscribe not to them Thirdly in the last place we are to see what moved King James to recommend these Articles to the Church of Ireland and afterwards to the Assembly at Dort And herein we must understand that Dr. James Montague at that Kings first entrance on this Crown was made Dean of the Chappell which place he held not onely when he was Bishop of Wells but of Winchester also who being a great stickler in the quarrels at Cambridge and a great master in the art of Insinuation had cunningly fashioned King James unto these opinions to which the Kings education in the Kirk of Scotland had before inclined him So that it was no very hard matter for him having an Archbishop also of his own perswasions to make use of the Kings authority for recommending those nine Articles to the Church of Ireland which he found would not be admitted in the Church of England Besides the Irish Nation at that time were most tenâ—…ciously addicted to the Eâ—…rours and corâ—…uptions of the Church of Rome and therefore must be bended to the other extreme before they could be strait and Orthoâ—…ox in these points of Doctrine which reason might work much upon the spirit of that King who used in all his Government as a piece of King-crafâ—… to ballance one extreme by the other countenancing the Papist against the Puritanâ—… and the Puritane sometimes against the Papist that betwixt both the true Religion and the Professours of it might be kâ—…pt in saâ—…ety On what accompt these nine Articles were commended to the Assembly at Dort we have shewed before and upon what accompt they were abolished in the Church of Ireland we shalâ—… see hereafter In the mean time our Author telleth us that By the prevalency of the Bishops of London and Westminster the Orthodox party were depressed the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A man would think our Author were Chairman at the least in a Committee for Religion for he not onely takes upon him to declare who are Orthodox in point of Faith and what is truth and not truth in matter of controversie but censureth two great Bishops both of them Counsellors of State for depressing both This savoureth more of the party than of the Historian whom it might better have become to have told us onely that a Controversie being raised in matters of a Scholasticall nature those Bishops favoured the one party more than they did the other and not have layd it down so majesterially that they disfavoured the Orthodox party and deprest the truth or that the truth they served was scarce able to protect them to impunity A very heavy Charge which hath no truth in it For I am very confident that neither of these Bishops did ever draw any man within the danger of punishment in relation only to their Tenets in the present Controversies if they managed them with that prudence and moderation which became men studiously affected to the Gospel of Peace or were not otherwise guilty of creating disturbances in the Church or ruptures in the body of the Common-wealth On which occasions if they came within the danger of 〈◊〉 censures or fell into the power of the High Commission it was no reason that their Tenets in the other points were they as true as truth it selfe should give them any impunity or free them from the punishment which they had deserved But it hath been the constant artifice of the Churches Enemies not to ascribâ—… the punishment of Factions and scismaticall persons to the proper cause but to their orthodoxie in Religion and zeal against Popish superstitions that so they might increase the number of Saints and Confessours against the next coming out of the Book of Martyrs But Arminianisme being as some say but a bridge to Popery we will pâ—…sse with our Authour over that Bridge to the hazard which was feared from Rome and that he telleth us came two waies First By the uncontrouled preaching of severall points tending and warping that way by Montague Goodman Cozens and others And here againe I thinke out Authour is mistaken For neither Montague nor Cozens were questioned for preaching any thing which warped toward Popery but the one of them for writing the Book called Appello Caesarem the other for publishing a Body of Devotions according to the Hours of Prayer in neither of which an equall and judicious Reader will finde any Popery unlesse it be such part-boyled Popery as our Authour speaks of whereof more anon And as for Goodman our Authour might have called him Bishop Goodman though now he be but Goodman Bishop as he calls himselfe though he preached something once which might warp toward Popery yet he did not preach it uncontrouled being not onely questioned for it but sentenced to a Recantation before the King He telleth us of some others but he names them not and till he names them he saies nothing which requires an Answer So that the first fear which flowed from Rome being ebbed again we next proceed unto the second which came saith he from The audacious obtruding of divers superstitious ceremonies by the Prelates as erecting of fixed Altars the dapping and cringing towards them and the standing up at Gloria Patri Our Authour is more out in this than in that before for I am confident that no Bishop in the times he speaks of did either command the erecting of fixed Altars or the bowing or cringing towards them nor have I heard by any credible report that any such fixed Altars were erected as he chargeth on them So that I might here end this observation without farther trouble But because the placing of the Communion Table Altar-wise did carry some resemblance to the Altars used in the Church of Rome and that some such thing was done in some Churches much about this time I shall here shew upon what reasons it was done and how farre they that did it might be justified in it The Reader therefore is to know that by the late neglect of decency and good order in most Parish Churches of this Land the Communion Table had been very much profaned by sitting on it scribling and casting hats upon it in Sermon-time at other times by passing the Parish accompts and disputing businesses of like nature to the great scandall and dishonour of our Religion For remedy and redresse whereof it seemed good unto some Bishops and other Ordinaries out of a pious zeal to the Churches honour and for the more reverent administration of the holy Sacrament to gâ—…ve way that the Commun on Table might be removed from the body of the Chancel where of late it stood and placed at the East end thereof all along the wall in the same place and posture as the Altars had been scituated in the former times For which permission I doubt not but
the Bishops and other Ordinaries had sufficient ground both from law and practise And first for Law there passed an Act and it was the first Act of Queen Elizabeths Reigâ—… for restoring to the Crown the antient jurisdiction and rights thereof by virtue of which Act and the Authority which natuâ—…ally was inherent in Her Royall person she pubâ—…ished certain Injunctions Anno 1559. in one of whâ—…ch it was thus ordered and enjoyned that is to say That the holy Table in every Church be decently made and set in the place where the Altar stood and there commonly covered as thereto belongeth and as shall be appointed by our Visitors In the same Parliament there passed also another Statute for confirmation of the Book of Common Prayer wherein it was enacted That if it shall happen that any contempt or irreverence be used in the Ceremonies or rites of the Church by the misusing of the Orders appointed in this Book the Queens Majesty may by the like advice of the said Commissioners or Metropolitan or dain and publish such further Ceremonies or Rites as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due 〈◊〉 of Christs mysteries and Sacraments And in pursuance of this Act there came out first a Book of Orders Anno 1561. and afterwards a Booke of Advertisments Anno 1565. so made and authorized as the Law required In the first of which it was appointed That in such Churches where the steps were not taken down the Communion Table should be placed on the steps where the Altar stood and that there be fixed on the wall over the Communion boord the Tables of Gods precepts imprinted â—…or the said purpose And in the second it was ordered That the Parish should provide a decent Table standing on a frame for the Communion Table which they shall decently cover c. and shall set the ten Commandements upon the East wall over the said Table Lay these together and the Product will be briefly this that the Communion Table was to stand where the Altar stood above the steps and under the Commandements and therefore to bee placed Altar-wise all along the wall And that this was the meaning of them appeareth by the constant practise of the Royall Chappels many Cathedrals of this Land the Chappels of great men and some Parochial Churches also in which the Communion Table never stood otherwise than in the posture of an Altar since the Reformation without the least suspition of Popery or any inclinations to it But of this more hereafter in another place Secondly the next thing here objected is bowing or crâ—…ging as my Author calls it toward the said Table so transposed and placed Altar-wise which many of the Bishops used but none of them ever did obtrude upon any other who in this point were left unto the liberty of their owne discretion That adoration towards the Altar or Eastern part of the Church be it which it will was generally used by the best and most religious Christians in the Primitive times our Authour if he be the man he is said to be being well versed in the Monuments and Writings of most pure Antiquity cannot chuse but know and therefore must needs grant also that it is not Popery or any way inclining to it or if it be we shall entitle Popery unto such Antiquity as no learned Protestant can grant it T is true indeed that this bowing toward the East or Altar had been long discontinued in the Church of England And I have been informed by persons of great worth and honour that it was first revived again by Bishop Andrews of whom our Author telleth us Fol. 64 that he was studiously devoted to the Doctrine of the Antient Fathers and Primitive not onely in his aspect and gesture but in all his actions This in a man so Primitive in all respects so studious of Antiquity as our Authour makâ—…s him so great an enemy to the Errours and Corruptions of Rome as his Apologie against Cardinal Bellarmine his Answer to Cardinal Peron and his Tortura Torti have declared him to be would blast his Fame by the reviving of a Popish ceremony and if it were no reproach nor dishonour to him to be the first that did revive it I see no reason why it should be counted an audaciousnesse in the rest of the Prelates to follow the Primitive and uncorrupt usage of the Church countenanced by the Example of so rare a man though I confesse audaciousnesse had been a term too modest had they obtruded it on the Clergie by their sole authority as is charged upon them in this place Thirdly the next audaciousnesse here spoke of is the obtruding of another Ceremony on the Church of England that is to say the standing up at Gloria Patri Never obtruded I am sure nor scarce so much as recommended there was no cause for it the people in so many plâ—…ces of this Realm being accustomed thereunto as well as unto standing up at the Creed and Gospels without any interruption or discontinuance I grant â—…deed that the Rubâ—…cke of the Common-Prayer-Booke neither requireth standing at the Gospels or the Gloria Patri and yet was standing at the Gospels of such Generall usage in all the parts of this Land that he that should have used any other gesture would have been made a laughing-stock a contempt and scorn to all the residue of the Parish Bâ—…sides the Rubrick of the Church requiring us to stand up at the Creed obligeth us by the same reason to stand up at the Gospels and the Gloria Patri the Gospels being the foundation of the Creed as the Gloria Patri is the abstract and Epitomie of it or were it otherwise and that the Rubrick which requireth us to stand at the Creed gave no authority to the like posture of the body in the Gloria Patri yet many things may be retained in a Reformed Church without speciall Rubricks to direct them ex vi Catholicae consuâ—…tudinis by vertue of the generall and constant usage of the Church of Christ especially where there is no Law unto the contrary nor any offence committed against Faith and Piety If it be asked why standing at the Gloria Patri should be discontinued in some places when standing at the Gospels was retained in all there being no more authority for the one than the other I will give the Reader one Answer and my Authour shall help him to another The answer which I shall give is this that though the Rubricks did require that the Gloria Patri should be said at the end of every Psalme throughout the yeare and at the end of Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis yet was this order so neglected in most parts of the Realm as Puritanism and Innovation did gain ground upon it that it was very seldome used And when the Form it self of giving glory to God was once layd aside no marvel if the gesture which
which being minted in the Tower was no small benefit to the King by the Coynage of it and no lesse benefit to the City and the Kingdome generally in regard the greatest part thereof was stil kept amongst us in lieu of such manufactures and native commodities of this Land as were returned into Flanders for the use of that Army And yet this was not all the service which they did this Summer The French and Hollanders had â—…tred this year into a Confederacy to rout the King of Spaine out of all the Netherlands in which it was agreed amongst other things that the French should invest Dunkirk and the other parts of Flanders with their Forces by Land whilst the Hollanders did besiege them with a Fleet at Sea that so all passages into the Countrey being thus locked up they might the more easily subdue all the Inland parts And in all probability the designe had took effâ—…ct in this very year the King of Spaine noâ—… being able to bring 8000 men into the field and leave his Garrisons provided the people of the other side being so practisâ—…d on by the Holland Faction that few or none of them would Arm to repulse those Enemies But first the formidable appearance of the English Fleet which 〈◊〉 the Hollanders before Dunkirk and then the insolencies of the French at Diest and Tillemont did so incourage and iâ—…flame the hearts of the people that the Armies both of the French and Hollanders returned back again without doing any thing more than the wasting of the Countrey And was not this think we a considerable piece of service also Lastly I am to tell our Author that it was not the Earle of Northumberland as he tells us some lines before but the Earle of Lyndsey which did command the Fleet this Summer Anno 1635. The Earle of Northumberland not being in Commission for this service till the year next following when all the Counties of the Realm were engaged in the charge So as the Kings discretion was called in to part the fray by the committing the Staffe of that Office into the hands of William Juxton Lord Bishop of London March the 6th who though he was none of the greatest scholars yet was withall none of the worst Bishops Our Author still fails in his intelligence both of men and matter For first the occasion of giving the Office of Lord Treasurer to the Bishop of London was not to part a fray between the Archbishop and the Lord Cottington who never came to such immoderate heats as our Author speaks of but upon very good considerations and reasons of State â—…or whereas most of the Lord Treasurers of these latter times had rather served themselves by that Office than the King in it and raising themselves to the Estates and Titles of Earles but leaving the two Kings more incumbred with debts and wants than any of their Predecessors had been known to be it was thought fit to put the Staffe of that Officâ—… into the hands of a Church-man who having no Family to raise no Wife and Chilâ—…ren to provide for might better managâ—… the Incomes of the Treasury to the Kings advantage than they had been formerly and who more fit for that employment among all the Clergie than the Bâ—…shop of London a man of so well tempered a disposition as gave exceeding great content both to Prince and people and being a dear friend of the Archbishops who had served the whole year as Commissioner in that Publick trust was sure to be instructed by him in all particulars which concerned the managing thereof But whereas our Author tells us of him that he was none of the greatest scholars I would faine learn in what particular parts either of Divine or Humane Learning our Author reckons him defective or when our Author sate so long in the Examiners Office as to bring the poor Bishop unto this discovery I know the man and I know also his abilities as well in Publick Exercises as Private Conferences to be as farre above the censure of our Aristarchus as he conceives himself to be above such an ignorant and obscure School-Master as Theophilus Brabaurne It is true he sets him off with some commendation of a calm and moderate spirit and so doth the Lord Faulkland too in a bitter Speech of his against the Bishops Anno 1641 where he saith of him That in an unexpected place and power he expressed an equall moderation and humility being neither ambitious before nor proud after either of the Crozier or white Staffe But there are some whom Tacitus calls Pessimum inimicorum genus the worst kinde of Enemies who under colour of commending expose a man to all the disadvantages of contempt or danger The Communion Table which formerly stood in the midst of the Church or Chancel he enjoyned to be placed at the East end upon a graduated advance of ground with the ends inverted and a wooden traverse of â—…ailes before it Of placing the Communiou Table with the ends inverted we are told before Anno 1628 and if it were then introduced and so farre in practise that notice could be taken of it by the Committee for Religion no reason it should now be charged on the Archbishop as an Act of his But granting it to be his Act not to repeat any thing of that which was said before in justification of those Bishops who were there said to have done the like we doubt not but he had sufficient authority for what he did in the transposing of the Table to the Eastern wall The King by the advice of his Metropolitan hath a power by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. on the hapning of any irreverence to be used by the Ceremonies or Rites of the Church by misusing the Orders appointed in this Book namely the Book of Common Prayers to ordain and publish such further Rites and Ceremonies as may be most for the advancement of Gods glory the edifying of his Church and the due reverence of Christs holy Mysteries and Sacraments And certainly there had been so much irreverence done to the Communion Table standing unfenced as then it did in the middle of the Chancell not onely by scribling and sitting on it as before was noted but also by Dogs pissing against it as of common course and sometimes snatching away the Bread which was provided for the use of the blessed Sacrament that it was more than time to transpose the Communion Table to a place more eminent and to fence it also with a raile to keep it from the like prophanation for the time to come Nor did the Archbishop by so doing outrun authority the King having given authority and 〈◊〉 to it a year before the Metropoliticall Visitation which our Author speaks of The Deane and Chapter of S. Pauls as being Ordinaries of the place had transposed the Communion Table in Saint Gregoryes to the upper end of the Chancel and caused it to be placed Altar-wise which being disliked
Ministers of the Archbishop used in the time of his government most of them men of great abilities in learning and though I thinke they were not blamelesse in their lives as who can be that carrieth mortality about him yet I cannot hear of any vitious persons taken into imployment by him much less◅ so scandalously vitious as our Author makes them Or were there such it had been fitter for our Author who desires to be accounted for a Son of the Church to have played the part of Sem and Japhet in finding the nakednesse of their spirituall Fathers then to act the part of Cham and Canaan in making Proclamation of it unto all the world It was a pious saying of the Emperour Constantine reported by Theodoret lib. I. cap. II. that the offences of the Priests were to be hidden and concealed from the common people Ne illis assensi ad delinquendū reddantur audaciores lest else they should transgresse with the greater liberty As for himselfe so tender was he of the credit of his Clergy that he used oftentimes to say that found he any of them which yet God prohibit in the embraces of a Strumpet obtecturum se paludamento sceleratum facinus that with his owne Royal robes he would hide from vulgar eyes both the offence and the offendor A noble piety the piety of Sem and Japhet in the former passage and the Lord blessed him for it and enlarged the Tents of his habitation and Canaan even the whole Countries of the Gentiles became his servants From generalls our Author passeth on unto one particular of whom he telleth us that He was bold to say he hoped to live to see the day when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack Gentleman in England This is a heavy charge indeed the heavier in regard that the fault of this one man if such men there were must lay a brand of Insolencie on all the rest of the Clergy thereby to render them obnoxious to the publick hatred And though our Author hath not told us by name who this one man was yet telling us that he was a high Flyer and that this high Flyer was deplumed he gives us some conjectures at the man he drives at a man I must confesse of an undaunted spirit and strong resolutions but neither so intemperate in his words or unwise in his actions as to speak so contemptuously of the English Gentry For first we are not sure that such words were spoken our Author offering no proof for it but onely his own word or some vulgar heare say too weake a ground for such a heavy accusation to be built upon But secondly admitting that such words were spoken I hope our Author hath heard long since of an antient by word that every Jack would be a Gentleman and therefore cannot choose but know that there is a difference between a Gentleman of Armes and Blood a true English Gentleman and such JackGentl◅men as having got a little more wealth together than their next poor neighbours take to themselves the name of Gentlemen but are none indeed And such Jack-Gentlemen as these as they are commonly most like either for want of wit or of manners or of both together to vilifie their Minister and despise the Clergie so if the poor party said whatsoever he was that he hoped to live to see the time when a Minister should be as good a man as any Jack-Gentleman of them all I hope the antient and true-English Gentry will not blame him for it Our Author having thus arraigned the whole body of the English Clergie that is to say Archbishops Bishops and those of the inferiour Orders is now at leisure to proceed to some other businesse and having brought his Reader thorow the Disputes and Arguments about the Ship-money he carrieth him on to the Combustions raised in Scotland occasioned as he telleth us by sending thither a Booke of Common Prayer for the use of that Church Very little differing as the King was unhappily perswaded by them from the English The King needed no perswasion in this point the difference between the two Liturgies whether great or little being known unto him before He caused this to be published T is true his first desire was that the English Liturgie should be admitted in Scotland without any alteration and to that end He gave order to the Dean of His Chappel in that Kingdome about the middle of October Anno 1633. that it should be read twice every day in the Chappel of His Palace in Holy-rood House that there should be Communions administred according to the form thereof once in every Moneth the Communicants receiving it upon their knees that the Lords of the Privie Councell the Officers of Justice and other persons of Publick trust about the Court should diligently attend the same on the Lords dayes and that he who officiated on those dayes if he were a Bishop should weare his Rochet but if an ordinary Minister onely he should weare the Surplice and thus he did unto this end that the people being made acquainted by little and little with the English Liturgie might be the more willing to receive it in all parts of that Kingdome whensoever it should be tendred to them But the Scotish Bishops being jealous that this might be an Argument of their dependance on the Church of England and finding that the Psalmes the Epistles and Gospels and other sentences of Scripture in the English Booke being of a different Transl◅tion from that which King James had authoriz◅d to be read in the Churches of both Kingdomes had given offence unto that people desired a Liturgie of their own and that they might have leave to make such alterations in the English Book as might entitle it peculiarly to the Church of Scotland which Alterarions being made and shewed to the King he approved well of them in regard that coming nearer to the first Liturgie of K. Edward the sixt in the Administration of the Lords Supper and consequently being more agreeable to the antient Forms it might be a means to gain the Papists to the Church who liked farre better of the first than the second Liturgie July 23. being Sunday the Deane of Edinborough began to read the Booke in S. Gyles Church the chief of that City c. Our Author here doth very well describe the two Tumul◅s at Edinborough upon the reading of the Book but he omits the great oversights committed by the King and the Lords of that Councel in the conduct and carriage of the businesse For had the Book been read in all the Churches of Scotland upon Easter day as w◅s first intended it had in probability prevented these tumultuous Riots which the respite of it for so long gave those which had the hatching of this Sedition both time enough to advise and opportunity enough to effect at last or had the King caused the chief Ring-leaders of this Tumult to be put to death
l. 21. for and r. but p. 33. l. 21. for House r. Houses p. 41. l. 18. for his r. this p. 44. l. 30. for unreasonable r. reasonable p. 45. l. 21. r. resolutions p. 58. for faciente r. â—…vente p. 64. l. 15. for paper r. prayers p. 76. l. 22. for pressed r. suppressed p. 78. l. 28. for Westminâ—… r. Winchester p. 95. l. 6. to no body but themselves adâ—… in case they should be discontinued for the times to come p. 105 l. 14. for menâ—… r. mutare p. 106. l. 23. for that r. not p. 140 l. 11. foâ—… finding r. hiding ibid. l. 19. for 〈◊〉 r. offense p. 149. l. 10. for restrain r. â—…range p. 152. l. 11. for then r. therein p. 153. l. 26. for last r. cast p. 154. l. 2. for 1631. r. 16â—…0 p. 160. l. 15. for Gadus r. Gades p. 184. l. 26. for yet could this r. yet could not this p. 186. l. 30. for insalvation r. inâ—…tuation p. 190. l. 25. for asserting r. offering p. 204. l. 27. for Enoch r. 〈◊〉 p. 208. l. 22. for judicious r. judiciary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 more p. 234. l. 8. for cars r. â—…ouse p. 238. l. 9. for committeâ—… r. admitted ibid. l. 16. for neither r. either p. 143. l. 6. r 〈◊〉 p. 247. l. 13. del And finally not to say any thing of the Militia with the Forts and Navy wherein they had not His consent and adde the same to the end of the 12 line in the page next following p. 248. l. 10. for intrenching r. retrench A Table of the principal Observations A DR Abbot Archbishop of Canterbury his Irregularity through killing a Keeper casually 55 His Remissnesse in not exacting Conformity to the Churches Orders occasioned the term of Innâ—…vations 〈◊〉 Arminians what they are 15 Whether Enemies of Gods Grace 18 What caused K. James to be an adversary to them 23 Montacu's Book called Appello Caesarem licensed by King James his command 33 Call'd in again by King Charles 69 Arminianism call'd a Bridge to Popery 80 B BIshops War falsly so called 151 Bishops Presbyters terms not of equivalent import 183 Their Office calling defended to be by divine Rght even Laymen 185 Mr. Grimstons Argument against it retorâ—…ed by Mr. Selden 188 Whether they may be assistant in causes of Blood and Death for which cause they were excluded the House of 〈◊〉 at my Lord of Straffords triall 224 Earle of Bristol V. Digby Duke of Buckingham V. Viliers Dr. Burgesse his answeâ—…ing the Act at Oxford 182 C CAlvinianism how it differs from S. Augustine's Doctrine 110 King Charles crown'd in White an Emblem of Innocence his Predecessors in Purple an Emblem of Majesty 29 How he vail'd his Câ—…owne to his subjects 30 48 His Maxime 'T is better to be deceived than to distrust 105 His Entertainment at Bolsover Castle cost 6000â—… 106 His neglecting those arts for keeping up of Majesty which Qu â—…lizah practised 109 The true cause of the miscarriage of his Expedition against the Scots 157 His error in recalling his Forces thence 160 How the Hollanders affronted him and made him vaile his Crown 166 Clergy-mens Vices to be concealed rather than published 140 A Minister as good as any Jack-Gentlemen in England well interpreted 141 The Clergy in Convocation have a power to grant Subsidies not confirmed by the Commons in Parliament 196 Coronation Rites thereof no vain Ceremonies 37 D SIr Edw Decring his character 177 Digby E. of Bristoll not impowred by proxie to celebrate the Marriage with the Infanta 8 His impeachment by the D. of Buckingham 43 50 F FAme no ground for an Historian 41 G GLoria Patri standing up at it retained in our Reformed Church ex vi Catholicae consuctudinis 87 H MR. Hamilton's end in raising Forces for Germany 101 His being sent Commissioner into Scotland 142 His subtill practises against the King 149 The Scots speech of him That the Son of so good a Mother would do them no hurt 156 He the cause of dissolving the short Parliament 175 Hate Naturale est odisse quem laeseris 170 I K. James Whether the wisest King of the British Nation 13 His seeing a Lion the King of beasts baited presag'd his being baited by his subjects 28 Dr. Juxon Bishop of Lond. why made Lord Treasurer 130 His moderation and humility in that officce being neither ambitious before nor proud after 132 K KNighthood the Statute for taking that order 98 L DR Lamb his death the city not fin'd for it 66 Lambeth Articles when made part of the confession of the Church of Ireland 40 When and why the articles of Ireland were repeal'd c. or 39 Articles substituted in their places 127 The occasion of making them the Lambeth articles 72 Of no Authority in the Ch of England 75 What mov'd K. James to send them to Dort 23 And put them into the Irish Confession 77 Dr. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury Whether a favourer of the Popish faction 171 Ceremonies renued by him tended rather to the ru ine than advancement of the Catholike cause 173 He no cause of dissolving the short Parl. 174 His being voted guilty of High Treason and committed to the Bl. Rod 215 Lyturgie-English endeavoured by K. Charles to be brought into Scotland 143 His Error in not suppressing and punishing the Tumults at Edenburgh when the Scottish service was first read 145 Bish. of Lincoln v. Williams Londoners Petition for redressing of Grievances 200 M MAsques That of the four Inns of Court how occasioned 118 E. of Montrose the cause of his adhering to the Covenanters 206 N MR. Noy Attorny general his great parts 121 Integrity 124 Parliaments not co-ordinate to Kings but subordinate 28 The Members thereof have been imprisoned 43 Whether Lords created sedente Parliamento may be admitted to Vote 48 House of Commons called by Writ only to consent submit not to judg 58 Whether the H. of Commons could 〈◊〉 the H. of Peers consisting of 118 thrice over 59 Bishops Members of the H. of Peeres 60 Their Exclusion thence had this consequent the abrogating of the Kings Negative Voyce 60 The King no Member of the H. of Peeres but supreme Head of all 61 Disorderly and tumultuous carriage of Parliaments cause of their change and discontinuance 94 Members presented not to be questioned without the House's Order 95 Scotcâ—… Parliament how called anciently 162 The Kings calling a Parliament after the Expedition against the Scots unsafe unseasonable 167 That Parliament which was the ruine of Woolsey and overthrow of Abbeys began the third of Novem. the same day of the month began our long Parliament which ruin'd the Archb of Canterbury the whole Church 207 No reason for holding the Parliam at Westm. it had been better at York 209 Who perswaded the King to assent to the Act for a perpetual Parliament 243 S. Pauls Church the repairing thereof 103 Peoples Darlings of short continuance 35 Popery Montacu and â—…osins not