Novations now spoken of were not then on Foot So that it is evident enough to any Man that will see that these Commotions had another and a higher cause than the present pretended Innovations And if his Majesty had played the King then he needed not have suffered now Besides they are no Fools who have spoken it freely since the Act of Oblivion for the Scottish Business was passed that this great League before mentioned between the discontented Party of both Kingdoms was Consulted on in the Year 1632. and after the King 's being in Scotland Anno 1633. it went on till they took occasion another way to hatch the Cockatrice Egg which was laid so long before But they say these Novations were great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies So the Books of Ordination and Homilies were great Novations Had they then in Scotland no set Form of Ordination I promise you that 's next Neighbour to no Ordination and no Ordination to no Church formal at least And therefore if this be a Novation among them its high time they had it And for the Homilies if they taught no other Doctrine than was established and current in the Church of Scotland they were no Novations and if they did contain other Doctrine they might have Condemned them and there had been an end Howsoever if these Books be among them in Scotland they were sent thither in King James his Time when the Prelate of Canterbury neither was nor could be the prime cause on Earth of that Novation The other Novations which they proceed unto are first some particular Alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon them without Order and against Law To this I can say nothing till the particular Alterations be named Only this in the general be they what they will the Scottish Bishops were to blame if they pressed any thing without Order or against Law And sure I am the Prelate of Canterbury caused them not nor would have consented to the causing of them had he known them to be such The two other Novations in which they instance are the Book of Canons and the Liturgy which they say contain in them many dangerous Errours in Matter of Doctrine To these how dangerous soever they seem I shall give I hope a very sufficient and clear answer and shall ingenuously set down whatsoever I did either in or to the Book of Canons and the Liturgy and then leave the ingenuous Reader to judge how far the Prelate of Canterbury is the prime cause on Earth of these Things ART I. AND first that this Prelate was the Author and Vrger of some particular Things which made great disturbance amongst us we make manifest first by Fourteen Letters Subscribed W. Cant. in the space of two Years to one of our pretended Bishops Ballatine wherein he often enjoyns him and our other pretended Bishops to appear in the Chappel in their Whites contrary to the Custom of our Kirk and to his own Promise made to the pretended Bishop of Edinburgh at the Coronation That none of them after that Time should be more pressed to wear those Garments thereby moving him against his Will to put them on for that time Here begins the first Charge about the Particular Alterations And first they Charge me with Fourteen Letters written by me to Bishop Ballantyne He was then Bishop of Dunblain and Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal there He was a Learned and a Grave Man and I did write divers Letters to him as well as to some other Bishops and some by Command but whether just fourteen or no I know not But sure I am their Love to me is such that were any thing worse than other in any of these Letters I should be sure to hear of it First then They say I injoyned wearing of Whites c. surely I understand my self a great deal better than to injoyn where I have no Power Perhaps I might express that which His Majesty Commanded me when I was Dean of his Majesty's Chappel here as this Reverend Bishop was in Scotland And His Majesty's Express Command was that I should take that care upon me that the Chappel there and the Service should be kept answerable to this as much as might be And that the Dean should come to Prayers in his Form as likewise other Bishops when they came thither And let my Letters be shewed whether there be any Injoyning other than this and this way And I am confident His Majesty would never have laid this Task upon me had he known it to be either without Order or against Law Next I am Charged that concerning these Whites I brake my Promise to the Bishop of Edinburgh Truly to the uttermost of my Memory I cannot recall any such Passage or Promise made to that Reverend and Learned Prelate And I must have bin very ill advised had I made any such Promise having no Warrant from his Majesty to ingage for any such thing As for that which follows that he was moved against his will to put on those Garments Truly he expressed nothing at that time to me that might signifie it was against his Will And his Learning and Judgment were too great to stumble at such External Things Especially such having been the Ancient Habits of the most Reverend Bishops from the descent of many Hundred Years as may appear in the Life of St. Cyprian And therefore the Novation was in the Church of Scotland when her Bishops left them off not when they put them on In these Letters he the Prelate of Canterbury directs Bishop Ballantine to give Order for saying the English Service in the Chappel twice a day For his neglect shewing him that he was disappointed of the Bishoprick of Edinburgh promising him upon his greater care of these Novations advancement to a better Bishoprick For the direction for Reading the English Service it was no other than His Majesty Commanded me to give And I hope it is no Crime for a Bishop of England by His Majesties Command to signifie to a Bishop in Scotland what his pleasure is for Divine Service in his own Chappel Nor was the Reading of the English Liturgy any Novation at all in that place For in the Year 1617. I had the Honour as a Chaplain in Ordinary to wait upon King James of Blessed Memory into Scotland and then the English Service was Read in that Chappel and twice a Day And I had the Honour again to wait upon King Charles as Dean of His Majesties Chappel Royal here at his Coronation in Scotland in the Year 1633 And then also was the English Service Read twice a Day in that Chappel And a strict Command was given them by His Majesty that it should be so continued and Allowance was made for it And none of the Scots found any fault with it at that time or after till these Tumults began And for Bishop Ballantyn's missing the Bishoprick of Edinburgh and my promising him
Tyranical Power he went about to establish in the Hands of our Prelates over the Worship of God and the Souls and Goods of Men overturning from the Foundation the whole Order of our Kirk and how large an entry he did make for the grossest Novations afterward which hath been a main Cause of this Combustion This is the last Shot against these Canons and me for them And I conceive this is no great thing For Arbitrary Government is one thing And 't is quite another that wheresoever there is no Penalty expresly set down it is provided that it shall be Arbitrary as the Ordinary shall think fittest which are the words of the Canon For since no Law can meet with all particulars some things must of necessity be left Arbitrary in all Government though that be perfectest and happiest that leaves least Nor is it an unheard of thing to find something Arbitrary in some Canons of the Church which are very antient As in the Council of Eliberis the Punishment of him who was absent from the Church three Sundays was that he should be Abstentus and barred from the Church for some small time that his negligence in the Service of God may seem to be punished But this small Time being not limited is left to Arbitrary Discretion So likewise in the Council of Valence An. 374. The giving of the Sacrament to such as had vowed Virginity and did afterwards Marry was to be deferr'd as the Priest saw Reason and Cause for it and that sure is Arbitrary The like we find in the third Council of Carthage where the Time of Penance according to the quality of the Sin is left to the Discretion of the Bishop And these Councils were all within the fourth Century By all which it is apparent that in Church as well as in State some things may be left Arbitrary and have been in Better and Wiser Times than these of ours Nay 't is confest by one that Writes almost as well as Junius Brutus that there is an Arbitrary Power in every State somewhere and that no Inconvenience follows upon it And the Council of Ancyra inflicting Censures upon Presbyters first and then Deacons which had fallen in time of Persecution yet gives leave to the Bishop to mitigate the Penance at his Discretion Again 't is manifest by the care taken in the preceeding Canons that here 's little or nothing of moment left Arbitrary And then the Ordinary will fall into an Excess more dangerous to himself than his Arbitrary Punishment can be to him that suffers it if he offer to Tyrannize For this Clause wheresoever it is inserted in Canon or Statute as it is in the Statutes of very many Colledges stands but for a Proviso that Disorderly persons may not think they shall escape Punishment if they can cunningly keep off the Letter of the Law And yet so that the Arbitrary Punishment be Regulated by that which is expressed in the Canons or the Statutes for Omissions or Commissions of like nature And therefore that which is inferred upon all this Charge and the Particulars in it Namely That I went about to establish a Tyranical Power in the Hands of their Prelates either over the Worship of God or the Souls and Goods of Men is utterly false and cannot be proved to follow out of any of the Premises Not over the Goods of the People For no Prelate not invested with Temporal Power can meddle with them so that were there any Canon made for that it would be void of it self Nor over the Souls of Men for they are left free in all things save to commit Sin and Disorder which to repress by Canons is and hath been the Church way Much less over the Worship of God For these Canons have laboured nothing so much as to Honour and Establish that in Decency and Uniformity And as for that which follows That these Canons over-turn from the Foundation the whole Order of their Kirk 'T is more than I believe will be proved that they have over-turned any good Order in their Church much less Foundations Though it may be thought by some and perhaps justly that there is so little Order in their Church and that so weakly founded that it may be over-turned with no great stress And for the large Entry made for the Gross Novations afterwards you see what it is And when you have considered the Gross Novations which are said to come after I hope you will not find them very Gross nor any way fit to be alledged as a main Cause of this Combustion Now follows ART III. The third and great Novation which was the Book of Common-Prayer Administration of Sacraments and other parts of Divine Service brought in without Warrant from our Kirk to be Vniversally received as the only Form of Divine-Service under the highest pains both Civil and Ecclesiastical Now we are come to the Arraignment of the Liturgy and the Book of Common-Prayer and this they say was brought in without Warrant from their Kirk If this be true it was the fault of your own Prelates and theirs only for ought I know For though I like the Book exceeding well and hope I shall be able to maintain any thing that is in it and wish with all my Heart that it had been entertained there yet I did ever desire it might come to them with their own liking and approbation Nay I did ever upon all Occasions call upon the Scottish Bishops to do nothing in this Particular but by Warrant of Law And farther I professed unto them before His Majesty that though I had obeyed his Commands in helping to Order that Book yet since I was ignorant of the Laws of that Kingdom I would have nothing at all to do with the manner of introducing it but left that wholly to them who do or should understand both that Church and their Laws And I am sure they told me they would adventure it no way but that which was Legal But they go on And say this Book Is found by our National Assembly besides the Popish Frame and Forms in Divine Worship to contain many Popish Errors and Ceremonies and the Seeds of manifold and gross Superstitions and Idolatries and to be repugnant to the Doctrine Discipline and Order of our Reformation to the Confession of Faith Constitutions of General Assemblies and Acts of Parliament Establishing the true Religion That this was also Canterbury's Work we make manifest This is a great Charge upon the Service-Book indeed But it is in Generals and those only affirmed not proved And therefore may with the same case and as justly be denied by me as they are affirmed by them And this is all I shall say till they bring their Proofs And though this be no more Canterbury's Work than the Canons were yet by their good will I shall bear the burden of all And therefore before they go to prove this great Charge against the Service-Book
in that Law But how sufficient soever that Cause may be in Parliament if I had been in a Premunire there-while and lost my Liberty and all that I had beside for disobeying the Royal Assent I believe I should have had but cold Comfort when the next Parliament had been Summoned no Exception against the Man being known to me either for Life or Learning but only this Censure Nor is there any Exception which the Arch-Bishop is by that Law allowed to make if my Book be truly Printed Then followed the Charge of Dr. Heylin's Book against Mr. Burton out of which it was urged That an unlimited Power was pressed very far and out of p. 40. That a way was found to make the Subject free and the King a Subject that this Man was preferred by me that Dr. Heylin confessed to a Committee that I commanded him to Answer Mr. Burton's Book and that my Chaplain Dr. Braye Licensed it I Answer'd as follows I did not prefer Dr. Heylin to the King's Service it was the Earl of Danby who had taken Honourable Care of him before in the University His Preferments I did not procure For it appears by what hath been urged against me that the Lord Viscount Dorchester procured him his Parsonage and Mr. Secretary Coke his Prebend in Westminster For his Answer to the Committee that I commanded him to Write against Burton It was an Ingenuous and a True Answer and became him and his Calling well for I did so And neither I in Commanding nor he in Obeying did other than what we had good Precedent for in the Primitive Church of Christ. For when some Monks had troubled the Church at Carthage but not with half that danger which Mr. Burton's Book threatned to this Aurelius then Bishop commanded St. Aug. to Write against it and he did so His Words are Aurelius Scribere Jussit feci But though I did as by my Place I might Command him to Write and Answer yet I did neither Command nor Advise him to insert any thing unsound or unfit If any such thing be found in it he must Answer for himself and the Licenser for himself For as for Licensing of Books I held the same course which all my Predecessors had done And when any Chaplain came new into my House I gave him a strict Charge in that Particular And in all my Predecessors Times the Chaplains suffer'd for faults committed and not their Lords though now all is heaped on me As for the particular Words urged out of Dr. Heylin's Book p. 40. there is neither Expression by them nor Intention in them against either the Law or any Lawful Proceedings but they are directed to Mr. Burton and his Doctrine only The words are You have found out a way not the Law but you Mr. Burton to make the Subject free and the King a Subject Whereas it would well have beseem'd Mr. Burton to have carried his Pen even at the least and left the King his Freedom as well as the Subject his From this they proceeded to another Charge which was That I preferred Chaplains to be about the King and the Prince which were disaffected to the Publick Welfare of the Kingdom The Instance was in Dr Dove And a Passage Read out of his Book against Mr Burton And it was added that the declaring of such disaffection was the best Inducement or Bribe to procure them Preferment To this I then said and 't is true I did never knowingly prefer any Chaplain to the King or Prince that was ill-affected to the Publick And for Dr. Dove if he utter'd by Tongue or by Pen any such wild Speech concerning any Members of the Honourable House of Commons as is urged thereby to shew his disaffection to the Publick he is Living and I humbly desire he may answer it But whereas it was said That this was the best Inducement or Bribe to get Preferment This might have been spared had it so pleased the Gentleman which spake it But I know my Condition and where I am and will not lose my Patience for Language And whereas 't is urged That after this he was Named by me to be a Chaplain to the Prince his Highness the Thing was thus His Majesty had suit made to him that the Prince might have Sermons in his own Chappel for his Family Hereupon his Majesty approving the Motion commanded me to think upon the Names of some fit Men for that Service I did so But before any thing was done I acquainted the Right Honourable the Lord Chamberlain that then was with it my Lord knew most of the Men and approved the Note and delivered it to his Secretary Mr Oldsworth to Swear them This was the Fact And at this time when I put Dr Dove's Name into the List I did not know of any such Passage in his Book nor indeed ever heard of it till now For I had not Read his Book but here and there by snatches I am now come and 't is time to the last Particular of this day And this Charge was The giving of Subsidies to the King in the Convocation without consent in Parliament That the Penalties for not paying were strict and without Appeal as appears in the Act where it is farther said that we do this according to the Duty which by Scripture we are bound unto which reflects upon the Liberties of Parliaments in that behalf But it was added they would not meddle now with the late Canons for any thing else till they came to their due place 1. My Answer to this was That this was not my single Act but the Act of the whole Convocation and could not be appliable to me only 2. That this Grant was no other nor in any other way Mutatis Mutandis than was granted to Queen Elizabeth in Arch-Bishop Whitgift's time This Grant was also put in Execution as appeared by the Originals which we followed These Originals among many other Records were commanded away by the Honourable House of Commons and where they now are I know not But for want of them my Defence cannot be so full 3. For the Circumstances as that the Penalties are without Appeal and the like 't is usual in all such Grants And that we did it according to our Duty and the Rules of Scripture we conceived was a fitting Expression for our selves and Men of our Calling without giving Law to others or any intention to violate the Law in the least For thus I humbly conceive lyes the mutual Relation between the King and his People by Rules of Conscience The Subjects are to supply a full and Honourable Maintenance to the King And the King when Necessities call upon him is to ask of his People in such a way as is per pacta by Law and Covenant agreed upon between them which in this Kingdom is by Parliament yet the Clergy ever granting their own at all times And that this was my Judgment long before this
for Mr. Greece who hath laboured much against me in all this Business God forgive him and while he Inherits his Father's ill Affections to me God preserve him from his Father's End From Cambridge he went to the Cathedrals and first to Canterbury Here the Charge is Bowing versus Altare the two Witnesses two Prebendaries of that Church Dr Jackson and Dr Blechenden And first Dr Jackson says the Bowing was versus Altare So not to but toward the Altar and Dr Blechenden says it was the Adoration of the High Majesty of God to whom if no Altar were there I should Bow Dr Jackson says this Bowing was to his Grief Strange I avow to your Lordships and the World no Man did so much approve all my Proceedings in that Church as he And for this Particular he never found the least fault with it to me and if he conceal his Grief I cannot ease it He says this Bowing was not in use till within this Six or Seven Years Sure the Old Man's Memory fails him For Dr. Blechenden says the Communion-Table was railed about and Bowings before it when he came first to be a Member of that Church and saith upon his Oath that 's above Ten Years ago And that it was practised before their new Statutes were made and that in those Statutes no Punishment is infticted for the Breach or not Performance of this Reverence I could tell your Lordships how often Dr Jackson hath shifted his Opinions in Religion but that they tell me their Witnesses must not be Scandalized As for the Statutes my Secretary Mr Dell who copied them out testified here to the Lords that I left out divers Superstitions which were in the Old Book and Ordained many Sermons in their rooms The next Cathedral he instanced in was Winchester But there 's nothing but the old Objections Copes And the wearing of them is warranted by the Canon and Reverence at coming in and going out of the Church And that great Kings have not in better Ages thought much to do And they did well to instance in the College of Winchester as well as the Church for 't is confessed the Injunction sent thither requires that the Reverence used be such as is not dissonant from the Church of England So this may be a Comment to the other Injunctions But for the Copes in Cathedrals Mr. Brown in his last Reply was not satisfied For he said the Canon mentioned but the wearing of one Cope Be it so But they must have that before they can wear it And if the Canon enjoyn the wearing of one my Injunction might require the providing and using of one Besides if there be no Popery no introduction to Superstition in the having or using of one then certainly there can be none in the having of more for the same use The Superstition being lodged in the misuse not in the number From the Cathedrals Mr. Serjeant went to view some Parish-Churches And First 't is Charged That in a Parish-Church at Winchester two Seats were removed to make way for Rayling in of the Communion-Table But for ought I know this might have been concealed For it was liked so well that they to whom the Seats belonged removed them at their own Charges that the other might be done The next instance was in St Gregory's Church by S Pauls The Charge was the Placing of the Communion-Table Altar-wise To the Charge it self Answer is given before The Particulars which are new are these The Witness Mr Wyan He says the Order for such placing of the Table was from the Dean and Chapter of S Pauls And S Gregory's is in their peculiar Jurisdiction So the Holy-Table was there placed by the Ordinary not by me He says next That the Parishioners appealed to the Arches but received an Order to Command them and the Cause to the Council Board That it was a full Board when the Cause was heard and his Majesty present And that there I maintained the Queens Injunction about placing the Communion-Table In all this here 's nothing Charged upon me but maintenance of the Injunction And I had been much to blame if I should not have maintained it He says Sir Henry Martin came and saw it and said it would make a good Court Cupboard If Sir Henry did say so the Scorn ill became either his Age or Profession though a Court Cupboard be somewhat a better Phrase than a Dresser God forgive them who have in Print called it so He says That hereupon I did say that he which spake that had a Stigmatical Puritan in his Bosom This Man's Memory serves him long for Words This was many Years since and if I did speak any thing sounding this way 't is more like I should say Schismatical than Stigmatical Puritan But let him look to his Oath and which Word soever I used if Sir Henry used the one he might well hear the other For a prophane Speech it was and little becoming a Dean of the Arches He says that soon after this Sir Henry was put out of his Place Not very soon after this for I was at the time of this Business as far as I remember Bishop of London and had nothing to do with the disposing of his Place After when I came to be Arch-Bishop I found his Patent was void neither could Sir Henry himself deny it And being void and in my Gift I gave it to another He says farther That it was urged that this way of Placing the Communion Table was against the Word of God in Bishop Jewel and Mr Fox his Judgment and that I replied it were better they should not have these Books in Churches than so to abuse them First for ought I yet know and in these straights of time the Books I cannot come at their Judgment rightly understood is not so Secondly Though these two were very worthy Men in their Time yet every thing which they say is not by and by the Doctrine of the Church of England And I may upon good reason depart from their Judgment in some Particulars and yet not differ from the Church of England As in this very Particular the Injunction for placing of the Table so is the Act of the Queen and the Church of England And I concieve the Queen then upon the Act of Reformation would not have enjoyned it nor the Church obeyed it had it been against the Word of God Thirdly if I did say That if they could make no better use of Jewel and the Book of Martyrs it were better they had them not in the Churches They gave too great occasion for the Speech For they had picked divers things out of those Books which they could not master and with them distempered both themselves and their Neighbours And yet in hope other more Modest Men might make better use of them I never gave Counsel to have those Books removed nor is that so much as Charged but said only thus That if no better use
from the Press both Old and New and expunging some things out of them 1. The first Instance was about the English Bibles with the Geneva Notes The Bibles with those Notes were tolerated indeed both in Queen Elizabeths and King James his Time but allowed by Authority in neither And King James said plainly That he thought the Geneva Translation was the worst and many of the Notes very Partial Vntrue Seditious and savouring too much of Dangerous and Traiterous Conceits And gave Instance This passage I then read to the Lords And withal told them that now of late these Notes were more commonly used to ill purposes than formerly and that that was the Cause why the High-Commission was more careful and strict against them than before Here Michael Sparks the Elder came in as Witness and said he was called into the High Commission about these Books But he confesses it was not only for them He says the restraint of those Bibles was for the Notes But he adds as he supposes And his Supposal is no Proof Besides he might have added here also that the restraint was not for the Notes only For by the numerous coming over of Bibles both with and without Notes from Amsterdam there was a great and a just fear conceived that by little and little Printing would quite be carried out of the Kingdom For the Books which came thence were better Print better Bound better Paper and for all the Charges of bringing sold better Cheap And would any Man Buy a worse Bible Dearer that might have a better more Cheap And to preserve Printing here at home as well as the Notes was the Cause of stricter looking to those Bibles And this appears by a Letter of Sir William Boswell's his Majesty's Agent in the Low Countreys the Letter written to me and now produced against me But makes for me as I conceive For therein he sends me word of two Impressions of the Bible in English one with Notes and the other without And desires me to take care to regulate this business at home What should I do Should I sleep upon such Advertisements as these and from such a hand Especially since he sends word also that Dr. Amyes was then Printing of a Book wholly against the Church of England So my Care was against all underminings both at home and abroad of the Established Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England for which I am now like to suffer And I pray God that point of Arminianism Libertas Prophetandi do not more Mischief in short time than is expressible by me 2. The Second Instance was about the New Decree of the 〈◊〉 concerning Printing Four Articles of this Decree were read namely the 1 2 18 24. What these are may be seen in the Deecree And as I think that whole Decree made Anno 1637. useful and necessary So under your Lordships Favour I think those Four Articles as necessary as any Mr. Waly and Mr. Downes two Stationers Witnesses in this Particular say That they desired some Mitigation of the Decree and that Judge Bramston said he could not do it without me I saw my Lord Chief Justice Bramston here in the Court but the other Day why was not he examined but these Men only who oppose all Regulating of the Press that opposes their Profit And sure that grave Judge meant he could not do it alone without the consent of the Court. Or if he would have me Consulted it was out of his Judicious Care for the Peace of this Church almost Pressed to Death by the Liberty of Printing The Chief Grievance they Expressed against the new Licensing of Books was only for matter of Charges But that is provided for in the Eighteenth Article And Mr. Downes takes a fine Oath which was that he makes no doubt but that all was done by my Direction and yet adds that he cannot say it So he swears that which himself confesses he cannot say And manifest it is in the Preface that this Decree was Printed by Order of the Court and so by their Command sent to the Stationers Hall And the end of it was to suppress Seditious Schismatical and Mutinous Books as appears in the First Article 3. The Third Instance was That I used my Power to suppress Books in Holland This was drawn out of a Letter which John le Mare one of the Prime Preachers in Amsterdam writ to me expressing therein that since the Proclamation made by the States no Man durst meddle with Printing any Seditious Libels against either the State or Church of England Where 's the Fault For this Gentleman did a very good Office to this Kingdom and Church in procuring that Proclamation For till this was done every discontented Spirit could Print what he pleased at Amsterdam against either And if he had any Direction from me about it which is not proved I neither am nor can be sorry for it And the Fear which kept Men in from Printing proceeded from the Proclamation of the States not from any Power of mine 4. The Fourth Instance was in the Book of Martyrs But that was but named to Credit a base Business an Almanack made by one Mr. Genebrand In which he had left out all the Saints Apostles and all and put in those which are named in Mr. Fox And yet not all them neither for he had left out the Solemn Days which are in Fox as Feb. 2. Feb. 25. Mar. 25. And Cranmer Translated to Mar. 23. In this Particular Mr. Genebrand Brother to this Almanack-maker witnesseth that the Queen sent to me about this New Almanack If her Majesty did send to me about it as 't is probable she would disdain the Book is that any Crime in me Could I prevent her Majestys sending who could not know so much as that she would send He says his Brother was acquitted in the High-Commission but charged by me that he made a Faction in the Court If I did say so surely my Lords I saw some practising by him in this new-found way He says the Papists bought up a great number of these Almanacks and burnt them It seems he could not hinder that nor I neither unless it shall not be Lawful for a Papist to buy an Almanack For when he hath bought him he may burn him if he please But since the Book of Martyrs was named I shall tell your Lordships how careful I was of it It is well known how easily Abridgments by their Brevity and their Cheapness in short time work out the Authors themselves Mr. Young the Printer laboured me earnestly and often for an Abridgment of the Book of Martyrs But I still withstood it as my Secretary here present can Testifie upon these two Grounds The one lest it should bring the large Book it self into disuse And the other lest if any Material thing should be left out that should have been charged as done of purpose by me as now I see it is in other Books
which we differ from them And Mr. Wakerly confesses that the Words as alter'd are That they are Persecuted for their Religion and their Religion is the Protestant Religion and so is ours And therefore I could have no intention to make the Religions different but the Opinions under the same Religion For Mr Wakerly he is a Dutchman born and how far the Testimony of an Alien may be of force by the Law I know not And a bitter Enemy to me he hath ever shewed himself since I complained to the King and the Lords that a Stranger born and bred should be so near a Secretary of State and all his Papers and Cyphers as he was known to be to Mr. Secretary Coke A thing which few States would indure And how far the Testimony of such a Canker'd Enemy should be admitted let the World judge Admitted he was 2. The Second Witness was Mr 〈◊〉 He acknowledges my improvement of the Collection and my great readiness therein which doubtless I should not have shewed had I accounted them of another Religion He says there was no Alteration but in that Clause and that implies a manifest difference But that is but in his Judgment in which I have already shewed that Wakerly is mistaken and so is he Beside he comes here as a Witness of the Fact not as a Judge of my Intentions or Thoughts He adds That if he remember well the Alteration was drawn by me But if he do not remember well what then Surely here 's no Evidence to be grounded upon Ifs. Here upon the point of Antichrist Mr. Nicolas stiled me as before and was furious till he foamed again but I saw a necessity of Patience Mr. Brown also in his Summary Ch followed this Business close But I gave it the same Answer The Fifth Charge and the last under this Article was the calling in of a Book An. 1637. shewing the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church in the Palatinat but called in only because against Arminianism The single Witness Michael Sparks He says this Book was called in but he knows not by whom nor mentions he for what But he says The Pursevants which searched for it were mine He means such as belonged to the High-Commission for other than such I had none And there was cause enough for calling in the Book without thinking of Arminianism But what is the Reason why here 's nothing urged against me about Abrogating the Immunities and Priviledges of the French and Dutch Churches which fill the Body of this Article Why I conceive there may be two Reasons of it One because there was taken by Mr. Pryn among other Papers for my Defence a Letter under Queen Elizabeth's own Hand to the Lord Pawlet Marquess of Winchester then Lord Treasurer in which she expresses her willingness that those Strangers distressed in and for point of Conscience should have Succour and free Entertainment but should conform themselves to the English Liturgy and have that Translated into their own Language And they knew I would call to have this Letter produced proved and read And had this Letter been stood unto they had never been able to do the Church of England half the harm they have since done The other was because they found by their own search against me that all which I did concerning those Churches was with this Moderation that all those of their several Congregations in London Canterbury Sandwich Norwich or elsewhere which were of the second Descent and born in England should repair to their several Parish Churches and Conform themselves to the Doctrine Discipline and Liturgy of the Church of England and not live continually in an open Separation as if they were an Israel in AEgypt to the great distraction of the Natives of this Kingdom and the assisting of that Schism which is now broke forth And as this was with great Moderation so was it with the joint Approbation of his Majesty and the Lords of his Council upon the Reasons openly given and debated And all this before I proceeded to do any thing As appears apud Acta Then they went to the Thirteenth Original Article which here follows He hath Trayterously and Wickedly endeavoured to reconcile the Church of England with the Church of Rome and for the effecting thereof hath Consorted and Confederated with divers Popish Priests and Jesuits and hath kept secret Intelligence with the Pope of Rome and by himself his Agents or Instruments Treated with such as have from thence received Authority and Instruction He hath permitted and countenanced a Popish Hierarchy or Ecclesiastical Government to be Established in this Kingdom By all which Trayterous and Malicious Practices this Church and Kingdom have been exceedingly indangered and like to fall under the Tyranny of the Roman See The Seventh Additional Article That the said Arch-Bishop at several times within these Ten Years last past at Westminster and elsewhere within this Realm contrary to the known Laws of this Land hath endeavoured to advance Popery and Superstition within the Realm And for that End and Purpose hath wittingly and willingly received harboured and relieved divers Popish Priests and Jesuits namely one called Sancta Clara alias Damport a dangerous Person and Franciscan Friar who having written a Popish and Seditious Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia wherein the Thirty nine Articles of the Church of England established by Act of Parliament were much Traduced and Scandalized the said Arch-Bishop had divers Conferences with him while he was in writing the said Book and did also provide Maintenance and Entertainment for one Monsieur S. Giles a Popish Priest at Oxford knowing him to be a Popish Priest The First Charge they say was to be laid as a Foundation and it was That I was generally reputed a Papist in Heart both in Oxford and since I came thence 1. The first Witness for this was Dr. Featly He says There was such an Opinion of me Thirty Years since there But he says he never heard any Popish Opinion maintained by me So here 's nothing of Knowledge And if I should say that above Thirty Years ago there was an Opinion that Dr. Featly then in Oxford was a Puritan this could make no Proof against him nor can his saying that I was reputed a Papist make any Proof against me He says farther That one Mr. Russel who had been bred in S. John's College told him in Paris That I maintained some Catholick Opinions First Mr. Nicolas would have it that this Mr. Russel was my Scholar But that the whole College can witness it is not so nor had he ever any relation to me in the least Degree After his Father's Death he left the College and went beyond Sea where the Weak Man for such he was lost his Religion Secondly Dr. Featly says expresly that Mr. Russel said I was no Papist which for the Countenance of his own Change he would never have said had he thought me one Thirdly if he did say
Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to K William and Q Mary 4to Ten several occasional Sermons since 1690. The Jesuits Memorial for the intended 〈◊〉 of Ergland under their first Popish Prince Written by Father Parsons 1596. And prepared to be proposed in the first Parliament after the Restoration of Popery for the better Establishment and Preservation of that Religion Published from the very Manuscript Copy that was presented by the Jesuits to the 〈◊〉 K James the Second and found in his Closet With an Introduction and some Animadversions by Edward Gee Chaplain to their Majesties 8vo Dr Cumberland now Lord Bishop of 〈◊〉 his Essay towards the Recovery of the Jewish Measures and Weights comprehending their 〈◊〉 by help of Antient Standards compared with ours of England useful also to state many of those of the Greeks and Romans and the Eastern Nations 8vo Dr Patrick now Lord Bishop of Ely his Parable of the Pilgrim written to a Friend the sixth Edition 4to 1681. Hearts-Ease or a Remedy against all Troubles with a consolatory Discourse particularly directed to those who have lost their Friends and Relations To which is added two Papers printed in the time of the late Plague The sixth Edition corrected 12mo 1695. Answer to a Book spread abroad by the Romish Priests 〈◊〉 The Touch 〈◊〉 of the Reformed Gospel wherein the true Doctrine of the Church of England and many Texts of the Holy Scripture are faithfully explained 1692. 8vo Nine several occasional Sermons since the Revolution 4to Exposition of the Tea Commandments 8vo A Vindication of their Majesty's Authority to fill the Sees of the deprived Bishops in a Letter 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 B 's refusal of the Bishoprick of Bath and Wells 4to A Discourse concerning the unreasonableness of a new Separation on Account of the Oaths to the present Government With an Answer to the History of Passive Obedience so far as relates to them 4to A Vindication of the said Discourse concerning the Unreasonableness of a New Separation from the Exceptions made against it in a Tract called A brief Answer to the said 〈◊〉 c. 4to 〈◊〉 Or a Discourse concerning the Earth before the Deluge wherein the Form and Properties ascribed to it in a Book intituled The Theory of the Earth are excepted against and it is made appear That the Dissolution of that Earth was not the Cause of the Universal Flood Also a New Explication of that Flood is attempted By Erasmus Warren Rector of 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 4to The Present State of Germany By a Person of Quality 8vo Memoris 〈◊〉 to the Royal Navy of England for Ten Years determined December 1688 By 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 8vo 〈◊〉 of what 〈◊〉 in Christendom from the War begun 1672. to the Peace concluded 1679 8vo 〈◊〉 Historical Collections The Third Part in two Volumes Containing the Principal Matters which happened from the Meeting of the Parliament Nov 3 1640. to the end of the Year 1644. Wherein is a particular Account of the Rise and Progress of the Civil War to that Period Fol 1692. A Discourse of the Pastoral Care By Gilbert Burnet Lord Bishop of Sarum 1692 The Character of Queen Elizabeth Or A full and clear Account of her Policies and the Methods of her Government both in Church and State her Vertues and Defects Together with the Characters of her Principal Ministers of State and the greater part of the Affairs and Events that happened in her time By Edmund Bohun Esq 1693. 8vo The Letters of the Reverend Father Paul Councellor of State to the most Serene Republick of Venice and Author of the Excellent History of the Council of Trent 1693. An Impartial History of the Wars in Ireland In Two Parts From the time that Duke Schomberg landed with an Army in that Kingdom to the 23 d. of March 1691 2. when their Majesties Proclamation was published declaring the War to be ended Illustrated with Copper Sculptures describing the most important Places of Action By George Story an Eye-witness of the most remarkable Passages 4to 1693. Linguae Romanae Dictionarium 〈◊〉 Novum Or A New Dictionary in Five Alphabets 〈◊〉 English Words and Phrases before the Latin 2 Latin Classic 3 Latin Proper Names 4. Latin Barbarous 5. Law-Latin Cambridge 4to 1693. Dr John Conant's Sermons 1693. 8vo Of the Government of the Thoughts By Geo Tully 〈◊〉 of York 8vo 1694. Origo Legum Or A 〈◊〉 of the Origine of Laws and their Obliging Power as also of their great Variety and why some Laws are immutable and some not but may suffer change or cease to be or be suspended or abrogated In Seven Books By George Dawson Fol. 1694. Four Discourses delivered to the Clergy of the Diocess of Sarum 〈◊〉 I The Truth of the Christian Religion II The Divinity and the Death of Christ. III The Infallibility and Authority of the Church IV. The Obligations to continue in the Communion of the Church By Gilbert Lord Bishop of Sarum 8vo 1694. A brief Discourse concerning the Lawfulness of Worshipping God by the Common-Prayer In Answer to a Book intitused A brief Discourse of the 〈◊〉 of Common-Prayer-Worship By John Williams D D 4to 1694. A true Representation of the absurd and 〈◊〉 Principles of the Sect commonly known by the Name of the 〈◊〉 4to 1694. Memoirs of the most 〈◊〉 Thomas 〈◊〉 Archbishop of Canterbury Wherein the History of the Church and the Reformation of it during the Primacy of the said Archbishop are greatly illustrated and many singular Matters relating thereunto now first published In Three Books Collected 〈◊〉 from Records Registers Authentick Letters and other Original Manuscripts By John 〈◊〉 M. A. Fol. 1694. A Commentary on the First Book of Moses called Genesis By Simon Lord Bishop of Ely 4to 1695. Hacket's Life of Arch-Bishop Williams Par. 1. pag 64. Par. 2 pag. 115. Par. 2 pag. 65 66. 〈◊〉 2. pag. 85. Pag. 86. 115. c. Pag. 129. Pag. 131. Pag. 230. L. C. Baron Atkin's Speech to the Lord Mayor Octob 1693. pag 4 5. Epist Ded. Rushworth also promised to Publish such an exact History of the Trial of this Arch-Bishop as he had done of that of the Earl of Strafford Collect. Par. 3. vol. 2. pag. 833. but never did effect it 〈◊〉 Clause is 〈◊〉 omitted by Prynne Hence may be corrected an Error of Dr Heylin and 〈◊〉 who following him relate that Dr Laud held the Presidentship of St Johns in Commendam with the Bishoprick of St Davids All these Passages concerning his Conference with Fisher and setling the Marquess and Countess of Buckingham in Religion are omitted by Prynne * Livimus * al. 〈◊〉 * An Account of this Conference is in my hands but wrote very Partially in favour of Dr Preston and prejudice of Dr White H W These may be found in Heylin's Life of Laud. p 162. * These Words are most maliciously omitted by Prynne †Bargrave Pestis Fames * It is a very noble and fair Volum in Fol.
to know more of the Secret History of the Transactions preceeding and accompanying the Grand Rebellion than the whole 〈◊〉 besides who hath confidently Related that when the Earl of Strafford enter'd into the Service of King Charles I. and began to be employed as Chief Minister of State he covenanted with him that no Session of Parliament should be called or held during his Ministry Now the 〈◊〉 of this Report appears from what the Arch-Bishop hath wrote in his Diary at Dec. 5. 1639. that the first movers for calling a Parliament at that time were the Earl of Strafford and himself Nothing also can reflect more Honour upon the Memory of any Person that what the Arch-Bishop in the following History cap. 9. relateth of the Earl's rejecting the unworthy Proposition made to him by Mr. Denzell Hollis in the Name of the Leading Men of the House of Commons a matter wholly unknown before But to proceed with Prynne soon after the Martyrdom of the Arch-Bishop whether prompted by his unwearied Malice or by his eternal itch of scribling or incited by the Order of the House of Commons made March 4. 1644 5. desiring him to Print and Publish all the Proceedings concerning the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury's Trial He immediately set himself to Defame the Arch-Bishop and justifie the Proceedings of the Rebel Parliament against him more at large To which purpose he Published in 1646. in 66 Sheets in Folio his Necessary Introduction to the History of the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial Which in the Preface he calleth A New Discovery of sundry Plots and hidden Works of Darkness Containing bitter Invectives and Accusations against the whole Proceedings of the Court from the time of the Treaty about the Spanish Match to that day and labouring to prove that both King James and Charles designed to overthrow the 〈◊〉 Religion and to introduce Popery using Arch-Bishop Laud as their chief Instrument in that bad Design An Accusation which neither himself nor any other Man in his Wits ever believed Soon after this in the same Year 1646. was Published by the same Author Canterbury's Doom or the First Part of a compleat History of the Trial of the Arch-Bishop in 145 Sheets in Folio containing as himself acknowledgeth only the History of the Preliminaries of the Trial till the commencement of it together with the Commons Evidence his Answers to it and their Replies upon him in maintenance of the first general Branch of their Charge of High Treason against him to wit his Trayterous endeavours to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established among us to introduce Popery and to reconcile the Church of England to the Church of Rome The remaining part of the Trial he engaged by Promise made both in the beginning and end of that Book to Compleat and Publish with all convenient speed but never made good his Vndertaking nor as I believe ever did intend it For he well knew that however what was urged against the Arch-Bishop at his Trial in this matter and was largely amplified in his History in proof of the Arch-Bishop's endeavour to subvert the Established Religion carried with it some shew of Truth in the Judgment of a then miserably deluded People who were cheated into a Belief cursed be the wilful Authors of that Cheat which in great measure yet continueth that good Works Building Repairing Consecrating and Adorning Churches bowing at the Name of Jesus prosiration to God in Prayer wearing Copes retaining the use of Canonical Hours in Prayer and such like Decent Vsages and Ceremonies were downright Popery for these and such like were the Proofs of that Accusation brought against the Arch-Bishop Yet that all which they did or could produce in confirmation of their other Heads of Accusation against the Arch-Bishop carried not with it the least appearance of proof For which Reason Prynne began the History of his Trial with the Charge and Proofs of Popery although that was not the first but the last Head of Accusation brought against him and canvassed in the course of his Trial. However the Godly Cheat once begun was by any means to be continued and therefore it was pretended by Prynne and other Adversaries of the Arch-Bishop that although to give him his due for such are Prynne's own words pag. 462. the Arch-Bishop made as full as gallant as pithy a Defence of so bad a Cause and spake as much for himself as was possible for the Wit of Man to invent and that with so much Art Sophistry Vivacity Oratory Audacity and Confidence without the least acknowledgment of Guilt in any thing c. yet that after all the Crimes objected being undeniably proved against him and himself thereupon despairing of being able to justifie and clear his Innocence either to the then present or to succeeding times did burn all the Notes of his Answers and Defence before his Death of purpose to prevent their publication after it Which Calumny Prynne hath twice in Epist. Dedic and pag. 461. repeated pretending to have received the knowledge of it from the Arch-Bishop's own Secretary Mr. Dell. The falsity of this base Report appears sufficiently from this History wrote by the Arch-Bishop and now Published He had begun to compose it before the end of the Year 1641. and continued it from time to time till the 3d of January 1644 5. which was the seventh day before his Execution For on the 4th of January being acquainted that Sentence had passed upon him in the House of Lords he conveyed the Original Copy of his History into safe hands and prepared himself for Death That he had begun it before the end of 1641. and augmented it from time to time appears evidently from several places of it And although in the Narration of his Trial many things said or alledged in the Recapitulation on the last days be interwoven with the History of every days Trial yet all those passages were added by him afterwards on the blank pages which he had for that purpose left over-against every written page in the Original Copy and from thence were according to his directions transcribed in the other Copy into one entire Narration Hence it comes to pass which the Reader will easily observe that the Arch-Bishop writing down the Transactions of every day as they happened hath left so many plain Indications of haste and sometimes of heat Some things seem to have been wrote while his Spirits had not yet recovered a sedate Temper many improprieties of Language committed and other defects admitted which the Arch-Bishop himself being sensible of had wrote in the first leaf of his Book Non apposui manum ultimam W. Cant. That the most Reverend Author wrote this History for the publick Vindication of himself cannot be doubted Nay himself more than once affirmeth that he intended it for the Vindication of himself to the whole Christian World and chiefly indeed for the defence of himself and the Church of England in Foreign parts where
wrong Notions are generally entertained of the Constitution of our Church as being for the most part taken from the Writings of some Puritanical Divines among us For this Reason the Arch-Bishop earnestly desired which desire is thrice in this Work expressed that it might be carefully and exactly Translated into Latin and Printed that he might thereby appeal to the Judgment of the Learned in all parts of Christendom To this end himself had procured the Liturgy which he had composed for the Church of Scotland to be turned into Latin that it might be Published with it To the end saith he that the Book may be extant and come to the view of the Christian World and their Judgment of it be known I have caused it to be exactly Translated into Latin and if right be done me it shall be Printed with this History This Latin Translation of the Scotch Liturgy as also the English Original Copy of the first draught of it are now in my Hands and shall one or both of them be hereafter God willing published in the Collection of Memorials It should seem that when the Arch-Bishop designed a Latin Edition of his History he despaired that the generality of this Nation then miserably distemper'd in Matter of Religion would ever so far regain the use of their Wits as to be able to pass an impartial Judgment upon his Cause But God be thanked the Church for which he suffered and which was ruined with him was in a short time after beyond hope Re-established and therewith Sobriety returning into the minds of Men no place is now so fit for the publication of this History as our own Island and no Language more proper for it than our own which is the Original wherein it was wrote It should seem that what was already wrote of this History in May 1643. when Prynne searched the Arch-Bishop's Chamber in the Tower and seized his Papers found there escaped his ravenous Hands Whether after the Arch-Bishop's death and the completion of it the Copy of it came into his hands I cannot certainly affirm the Reason of my uncertainty I shall relate presently but do believe that it did Which if it did I suppose he having got notice of it seized it by Vertue of an Order of the House of Commons March 4. 1644 5. empowering him to send for all Writings c. relating to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Trial. To proceed all the Arch-Bishop's Papers taken from him by Prynne either out of his Study at Lambeth soon after his Commitment or out of his Chamber and Pockets in the Tower or seized after his Martyrdom remained in Prynne's hands until his Death When Arch-Bishop Sheldon well knowing that the Papers of his Predecessor Arch-Bishop Laud had been unjustly seized and detained by him procured an Order of the King and Council deputing Sir William Dugdale and some others to view his Study and taking thence all the Books and Papers formerly belonging to Arch-Bishop Laud to deliver them into his hands This was accordingly done and the Books and Papers being seized brought to Arch-Bishop Sheldon although very much diminished in number and embezeled since they had come into Prynne's hands For he seems either to have Printed many of them from the Originals to save the labour of transcribing them or to have burned them or otherwise employed them to common uses when once Printed So that very few of those Papers which Prynne had published in the several Pamphlets and Books before named came into Arch-Bishop Sheldon's hands And not a few even of those which had not been Published were found wanting Particularly the Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud concerning the Conversion of his Godson Mr. William Chillingworth which the Arch-Bishop saith were taken away from him by Mr. Prynne and being by him produced at the Committee for drawing up his Charge were there Examined Whether the Copy of this History was seized at this time in Mr. Prynne's Study or came to Arch-Bishop Sheldon by other means I cannot certainly affirm But this I am assured of that Arch-Bishop Sheldon having about this time got into his Hands the Copy of this History and having now gained also the other Papers of Arch-Bishop Laud sent for the truly Reverend and Learned Dr. William Sancroft then Dean of St. Pauls and delivered both to him ordering him to Publish the History with such Papers as were necessary to it with all convenient speed This Dr. Sancroft willingly undertook but upon Reading of the History found the Copy to be so very vitious that it would not be sit to be Published till the Original might be recovered whereby the defects of it might be supplied and corrected Hereupon they set themselves to search after the Original which at last they found in St. John's Colledge in Oxford having been deposited there as I suppose by Dr. Richard Baily formerly President of that Colledge and Executor to the Author After this was done a new scruple was started concerning the Language wherein it should be Published Arch-Bishop Sheldon was desirous it might be Translated into and Published in Latin in complyance with the Desire and Intention of the Author The Dean of St. Pauls on the other side was of Opinion that it would be more useful to the Publick and serviceable to the Memory of the Author to Publish it in English This difference of Opinion protracted the Edition of it from time to time until at last Arch-Bishop Sheldon continuing resolved in his Opinion the Dean yielded to his Authority and only desiring that some Learned Civilian might be joyned with him who might render the Forms of Pleading in apt Latin Expressions prepared himself for the undertaking But in the interim Arch-Bishop Sheldon dying the Dean was most deservedly chosen to succeed him in the Arch-Bishoprick Whereby being involved in constant Publick Business both of Church and State he was forced to lay aside his design of publishing this History yet not without hopes of finding at some time or other opportunity to perform it for which Reason he devolved not the care of it upon any other but kept it by him and in the mean time endeavoured to get into his Hands all other Papers relating to Arch-Bishop Laud or his Cause But in vain did he hope to find so much leisure while the Administration of the chief Office in the Church took up his whole care and thoughts What he could not then do he hoped to accomplish after his Retirement into Suffolk in August 1691. Yet neither then did he set about it until the middle of the Year 1693. when opening his Papers he began to collate the Copy with the Original to divide the History into Chapters to examine the Citations to write down several Directions and Memoranda's for his own use in preparing the Edition to Note what places deserved to be amended or considered to write several Observations on the 〈◊〉 to draw up a Catalogue of the Memorials to be added as an Appendix to the
After they had continued at York till Octob. 28. the King and the Lords returned and the Parliament sate down Novemb. 3. Great Heats appear'd in the very beginning On Wednesday Novemb. 10. Tho. L. 〈◊〉 Earl of Strafford was accused by the House of Commons of High Treason and Committed by the Lords to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House And upon general Articles sent up He was upon Wednesday Novemb. 25. committed to the Tower It is thought and upon good Grounds that the Earl of Strafford had got Knowledge of the Treason of some Men and that he was preparing to accuse them And this Fear both hastned and heated the proceedings against him And upon Dec. 4. being Friday his Majesty at the great Importunity of some Lords of his Council gave way that his Council should be examined upon Oath in the Earl of Strafford's Case and I with others was examined that very Day There were great Thoughts of Heart upon this Business and somewhat vapoured out at Mens Tongues but the thing was done Now at and after the breaking up of the late Parliament Sir Hen. Vane at the private Committee concerning the Scotch Affairs before mentioned instead of setting down the Heads of the several Businesses then Treated of Writ down what every Man said at the Committee though it were but Matter of deliberation and debate Afterwards by a cunning conveyance between his Son who had been Governour in New-England and himself this Paper or a Copy of it was delivered to some Members of the House of Commons and in all probability was the Ground of that which was after done against the Lord Strafford my self and others and the Cause why the King was so hard pressed to have the Lords and others of his Council examined was that so Sir Henry Vane might upon Oath avow the Paper which his Son had seen and shewed and others be brought to witness as much had Truth and their Memories been able to say as much as his Paper After the examination of me and others concerning these Particulars there arose great and violent Debates in the House of Commons against the Bishops and particularly their Votes in Parliament After that Decemb. 16. 1640. they Voted against the late Canons as containing in them many Matters contrary to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm to the Rights of Parliaments to the Property and Liberty of the Subject and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous Consequences I was made the Author of all and presently a Committee put upon me to inquire into my Actions and prepare a Charge The same Morning in the Upper-House I was Named as an Incendiary in an Accusation put in by the Scottish Commissioners For now by this Time they were come to that Article of the Treaty which reflected upon me And this was done with great noise to bring me yet further into Hatred with the People especially the Londoners who approved too well the Proceedings of their Brethren the Scots and debased the Bishops and the Church Government in England The Articles which the Scots put into the Upper House by the Hands of their Lords Commissioners against me Decemb. 15. were read there Decemb. 16. I took out a true Copy as it follows here And though I was to make no answer then till the House of Commons had digested them and taken as much out of them as as they pleased to fill my intended Charge withall yet because I after found that the House of Commons insisted upon very few of these particulars if any I thought my self bound to vindicate my Innocency even in these Particulars which shall now appear in their full strength against me if they have any in Wise and Learned Mens Judgments CAP. III THe Novations in Religion which are universally acknowledged to be the main Cause of Commotions in Kingdoms and States and are known to be the true Cause of our present Troubles were many and great besides the Books of Ordination and Homilies First some particular alterations in matters of Religion pressed upon us without Order and against Law contrary to the Form established in our Kirk Secondly a new Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical Thirdly a Liturgy or Book of Common-Prayer which did also carry with them many dangerous Errours in matters of Doctrine Of all these we challenge the Prelate of Canterbury as the prime Cause on Earth I shall easily grant that Novations in Religion are a main Cause of Distempers in Commonwealths And I hope it will be as easily granted to me I am sure it should that when great Distempers fall into Kingdoms and Common-wealths the only way to ingage at home and get Credit abroad is to pretend Religion which in all Ages hath been a Cloak large enough to cover at least from the Eyes of the Many even Treasons themselves And For the present Troubles in Scotland Novations in Religion are so far from being known to be the true Cause as that it is manifest to any Man that will look upon it with a single Eye that Temporal Discontents and several Ambitions of the great Men which had been long a working were the true cause of these Troubles And that Religion was call'd in upon the bye to gain the Clergy and by them the Multitude For besides that which was openly spoken by the right Honourable James then Earl of Carlile that somewhat was a brewing in Scotland among some discontented there which wou'd break out to the Trouble of this Kingdom 't is most apparent there were many discontents among them Some whereof had no relation at all to Religion and were far antienter than the Troubles now began and were all Legally proved against the Lord Balmerino who was condemned of high Treason before any of these Stirs began For there were Grievances as they said propounded in the Convention Anno 1628. about Coyning and their black Money which they say were slighted again in the Parliament held 1633. Murmuring also there was as if the Articles and Parliament were not free Great Clamour likewise was there against the Bishops Power in choosing the Lords of the Articles though that Power belonged unto them by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom As much against the Act of Revocation and the Taxations which yet were voluntarily offer'd and miscalled on purpose to edge the People As also for Applying as they said these Taxations to wrong uses With all which and more Religion had nothing to do Nay this discontented Party grew so High and so Bold that a very Base and Dishonourable Libel was made and spread against the King Anno 1633. by these and the like Pretences to alienate the Hearts of the People from him Of this Libel if one Hagg were the Authour Balmerino was the Divulger and so prov'd And though it be true that then also some things were to be done against the Church-government yet their
was it from all suspition of being so much as built like an Antient Church Now since his Majesty took down these Galleries and the Stone-wall to make St. Giles's Church a Cathedral there certainly my Command took them not down to make way for Altars and Adoration towards the East which I never commanded in that or any other Church in Scotland The Charge goes on ART II. The second Novation which troubled our Peace was a Book of Canons and Constitutions Ecclesiastical obtruded upon our Kirk found by our General Assembly to be devised for Establishing a Tyrannical Power in the Persons of our Prelates over the Worship of God and over the Consciences Liberties and Goods of the People and for Abolishing the whole Discipline and Government of our Kirk by General and Provincial Assemblies Presbyteries and Kirk-Sessions which was setled by Law and in continual practice from the time of Reformation This Charge begins with a General and will come to Particulars after And first it seems they are angry with a Book of Canons Excellent Church-Government it seems they would have that will admit of no Canons to direct or controul their Liberty And if they mean by obtruding upon their Church that the Canons were unduly thrust upon them because that Book was Confirmed by the King's Anthority then 't is a bold Phrase to call it Obtruding For if His Majesty that now is did by his Sole Authority Command the present Book of Canons to the Church of Scotland he did but Exercise that Power which King James challenged did in the right of his Crown belong to him As appears manifestly by a Letter of his to the Prelates of Scotland then Assembled at Perth That Royal Letter is large but very worthy any Mans Reading and is to be seen in the Relation of those Proceedings But because they speak of my Novations if they mean that this Book of Canons was Obtruded upon their Church by me Or if it were found in a Just Synod and upon fair Proceedings to Establish a Tyrannical Power of the Prelates over the Worship of God or the Consciences Liberties or Goods of the People Or for Abolishing any thing that was setled by Laws they had Reason both to be troubled and to seek in a Dutiful manner first rightly to inform His Majesty and then to desire a Remedy from him But if the Book of Canons did really none of these things as for ought I yet know it did not and as I hope will appear when they come to Particulars then this will be no longer a Charge but a Slander And howsoever if any thing in those Canons were Ordered against their Laws it was by our invincible Ignorance and their Bishops fault that would not tell us wherein we went against their Laws if so we did And for my own part I did ever advise them to make sure in the whole Business that they attempted nothing against Law But if their late General Assembly in which they say these things were found to be against Law did proceed Unwarrantably or Factiously as the most Learned Men of that Kingdom avow it did the less heed must and will in future times be given to their Proceedings But before they come to Particulars they think fit to lay Load on me and say That Canterbury was Master of this Work is manifest by a Book of Canons sent to him written upon the one side only with the other side blank for Corrections Additions and putting all in better Order at his pleasure Which accordingly was done as may appear by the Interlinings Marginals and filling up of the Blank Pages with Directions sent to our Prelates I was no Master of this Work but a Servant to it and Commanded thereunto by His Sacred Majesty as I have to shew under his Hand And the Work it self was begun in His Majesties Blessed Fathers Time For the Bishops of Scotland were gathering their Canons then And this is most manifest by a Passage in the Sermon which my Lord the Arch-Bishop of S. Andrews Preached before the General Assembly at Perth An. 1618 when I was a private Man and had nothing to do with these things The words are these And when I least expected these Articles that is the five Articles of Perth were sent unto me not to be proponed to the Church but to be inserted amongst the Canons thereof which were then in gathering touching which Point I humbly excused my self c. So this Work was begun and known to that Church long before I had any thing to do with it And now when it came to be Perfected I did nothing but as I was Commanded and Warranted by His Majesty But indeed according to this Command I took a great deal more pains than I have thanks for as it too often falls out with the best Church-Men To this end 't is true a Book of Canons was not sent me but brought by my Lord the Bishop of Ross and delivered to me And if it were written on one side only and left Blank on the other for Corrections or Additions I hope there 's no sin in that to leave room and space for me to do that for which the Book was brought to me As for that which follows it hath less fault in it For they say it was for my putting all in better Order And I hope to put all in better Order is no Crime Censurable in this Court. And whatever they of Scotland think that Church did then need many things to be put in better Order and at this Day need many more Yea but they say this should not be done at my pleasure I say so too Neither was it For whatsoever I thought fit to correct or add in the Copy brought to me I did very humbly and fairly submit to the Church of Scotland And under those Terms delivered it back to the Bishop which brought it with all the Interlinings Marginals and fillings up of Blank Pages and the best Directions I was able to give them And all this was in me Obedience to His Majesty and no Wrong that I know to the Church of Scotland I am sure not intended by me Neither are these Interlinings or Additions so many as they are here insinuated to be for the Bishops of Scotland had been very careful in this Work All which would clearly appear were the Book produced Yet the Charge goes on against me still And that it was done by no other than Canterbury is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing and by a new Copy of these Canons all written with S. Andrews own hand precisely to a Letter according to the former Castigations and Directions sent back to procure the King's Warrant unto it which accordingly was obtained By no other Hand than Canterburies is very roundly affirmed How is it proved Why by two Reasons First they say 't is evident by his Magisterial way of Prescribing An Excellent Argument The Book of Canons was delivered to me
second Particular is an excellent one 'T is about the Adoration of the Bread in the Blessed Sacrament Cap. 6. 6. And 't is implyed as if this Superstition were condemned in the Copies sent by their Prelates but left out by me Good God! how shameless are these Church-Men for they drew up these Articles against me though the Lay-Commissioners delivered them And was there neither Clergy nor Lay-Man among them so careful as to compare the words of the Charge with the words of the Canon before they would venture to deliver them into so great a Court as the Parliament of England Would not Mr. Alexander Henderson who was the Prime Leader in these Church-Affairs be so careful for himself and his own Reputation as not publickly to deliver in a most Notorious Untruth For most manifest it is that these words As therefore the Adoration of the Bread is condemned c. stand still in the Copy Revised by me as is to be seen in the Printed Copy of those Canons and in the same place by them quoted and in a different Character that I wonder how any Man's Eye could miss them So here I am accused for putting that out which I left in The third Particular is That their Prelates call the Absoluteness of Baptism an Error of Popery Cap. 6. 2. Which is 〈◊〉 out too they say in my Edition as they will needs call the Printed Copy The Truth is this we did think fit to leave out Because the Absolute necessity of Baptism in the Ordinary way of the Church leaving God as he is most free to save with Baptism or without as himself pleases is no Popish Error but the true Tenet of the Catholick Church of Christ and was by their good leave an Error in your Prelates to call it so And I provided both for Truth and their Credit by keeping it from the view of Christendom Nor could you expect other from me in this Point being an Arch-Bishop of the Church of England which maintains the Necessity of Baptism such as is above mentioned As appears in the Rubrick before Publick Baptism in the service-Service-Book confirmed by Act of Parliament The Words are these Though it be fittest to Administer Baptism on Sundays and other Holy-days c. Nevertheless if Necessity so require Children may at all times be Baptised at Home And again in the Rubrick before private Baptism thus When great need shall compel them to Baptise their Children at Home it shall be Administred on this fashion And farther the Church of England takes care to have such Ministers Punished as shall defer Baptism if the Child be in Danger So that I could not let this Clause stand in the Scottish Canons but I must Charge my Mother the Church of England as guilty of maintaining an Error of Popery and the Parliament of England for confirming it 5. Our Prelates have not the boldness to trouble us in their Canons with Altars Fonts Chancels Reading of a long Liturgy before Sermons c. But Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory in all these When I met so often with this Phrase Our Prelates do not this and that in which Canterbury is Punctual and Peremptory It made me hope at first these Men had some good Opinion of their own Prelates But so soon as they had once gotten the Power into their own Hands they made it presently appear that though their Prelates had not the boldness to trouble them yet they had the Impudence to cast the Prelates out of all the Means they had and without any the least Mercy to themselves their Wives and Children And that in a most Ignorant and Barbarous manner calling them the Limbs and Members of Antichrist But what 's the Crime which your Prelates had not the boldness to trouble you with and in which Canterbury that strange Man is so Punctual and Peremptory O! Grave Crimen Caie Caesar 'T is a Charge indeed A mighty Charge A Novation of above Thirteen Hundred Years old For after the Church was once formally setled under the Christian Emperours nay and for some Years before I challenge these Men to shew any Church under Heaven without that which was promiscuously called The Holy Table or Altar Or without a Font or a Chancel or a formal set Liturgy before Sermon c. And therefore if I were punctual in these I did but my Duty But Peremptory I am sure I was not as well knowing the difference between things of Decency and Uniformity and things of Necessity to Salvation But the Charge must go on for all this 6. For although the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. be fair yet the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross may be seen in the point of Justification of a Sinner before God by comparing the Canon as it came from our Prelates and as it was returned from Canterbury and Printed Here 's a Confession that the words of the 10 Canon Cap. 3. are fair And so they are indeed The Canon runs thus It is manifest that the Superstition of former Ages is turned into great Prophaneness and that People for the most part are grown cold for doing any good esteeming that Good Works are not necessary Therefore shall all Presbyters as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works to their Hearers These words they say are fair and sure they are so What 's amiss then What Why the wicked Intentions of Canterbury and Ross. God bless us Wicked Intentions under such fair words Now God forbid I hope Ross had none I am sure Canterbury had not But how come they to be Judges of our Intentions How Why they say they may be seen in the point of the Justification of a Sinner before God That 's a high Point and a dangerous for any Man to have Wicked Intentions about it How then may our Wicked Intentions be seen Why by comparing the Canons so they say And I desire nothing more than that the Book which I perused may be produced And upon sight of it I will acknowledge and make good whatsoever I did or humbly crave Pardon for what I cannot make good And though I cannot get to see the Book yet you shall hear the Comparison Our Prelates say thus It is manifest that the Superstitions of former Ages are turned into a great Prophaneness and that People are grown cold for the most part in doing any good thinking there is no place for Good Works because they are excluded from Justification Therefore shall all Ministers as their Text gives occasion urge the necessity of Good Works as they would be Saved and remember that they are Via Regni the Way to the Kingdom of Heaven quamvis non sint Causa Regnandi howbeit they be not the Cause of our Salvation How the Canon goes now is manifest in the words preceeding How it went before in the Copy which their Prelates sent is now expressed And if it be fairly related here are two things Charged to
all the Envy they could upon me alone Thirdly Here 's the same Phrase used by my Lord of London that was used a little before by me Namely that these Canons would be for the good of the Kirk And yet here 's never a wise Observation upon it as was upon me that they would be for the good not of that Church but of the Church Now for the force of Mr. Henderson's Logick for these Arguments out of doubt are his Ross writ to the Prelate of London to have from Canterbury an Explanation of some passages of the service-Service-Book because the Press staid and he obtained them Therefore this Book was Canterbury's work as is before asserted Certainly if Mr. Henderson had any Learning in him he would be ashamed of this stuff Ross sent to me for the Explanation of some things which perhaps were my Additions or Alterations in that Book and used the Prelate of London for his means and the Press staid and I know not what As if any of this could make me Author of that Book Which yet if I were I would neither deny nor be ashamed of Howsoever he should do well to let Canterbury alone and answer the Learned Divines of Aberdeen who have laid him and all that Faction open enough to the Christian World to make the Memory of them and their Cause stink to all Posterity 5. But say they the Book it self as it standeth interlined margined and patched up is much more than all that is expressed in his Letters and the Changes and Supplements themselves taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals by which he makes it to vary from the Book of England are more pregnant Testimonies of his Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions which he would have put in Execution upon us than can be denyed In the next place the Book it self is brought in Evidence and that 's a greater Evidence than all that is expressed in my Letters A greater Evidence But of what Not that the Book was of my sole making which they have hitherto gone about to prove and which the former part of this Argument would seem to make good But now these Interlinings and Margins and Changes and Supplements are pregnant proofs of my Popish Spirit and Wicked Intentions First I Praise God for it I have no Popish Spirit And God bless me as to the utmost of my knowledge I had no Wicked Intentions in any thing which I did in or about that Service-Book For the other stuff which fills up this Argument That these Changes and Supplements are taken from the Mass-Book and other Romish Rituals and that by these the Book is made to vary from the Book of England I cannot hold it worth an Answer till I see some particulars named For in this I could retort many things could I think it fit to put but half so much Gall into my Ink as hath made theirs black In the mean time I would have them remember that we live in a Church Reformed not in one made New Now all Reformation that is good and orderly takes away nothing from the old but that which is Faulty and Erroneous If any thing be good it leaves that standing So that if these Changes from the Book of England be good 't is no matter whence they be taken For every line in the Mass-Book or other Popish Rituals are not all Evil and Corruptions There are many good Prayers in them nor is any thing Evil in them only because 't is there Nay the less alteration is made in the Publick Ancient Service of the Church the better it is provided that nothing Superstitious or Evil in it self be admitted or retained And this is enough till I see particulars charged Yet with this That these Variations were taken either from the first Book of Edw. 6. which was not Popery or from some Antient Liturgies which savour'd not of Popery The Large Declaration professeth that all the variation of our Book from the Book of England that ever the King understood was in such things as the Scottish Humours would better comply with than with that which stood in the English Service That which the Large Declaration professeth I leave the Author of it to make good Yet whosoever was the Author thus much I can say and truly That the Scottish Bishops some of them did often say to me that the People wou'd be better satisfied by much to have a Liturgy composed by their own Bishops as this was than to have the Service-Book of England put upon them But to what end is this added out of the Large Declaration Why 't is to cast more hatred upon me For thus they infer These Popish Innovations therefore have been surreptitiously inserted by him without the King's knowledge and against his Purpose This is as false as 't is bold For let them prove that any one particular be it the least was so added by me to that Book and let no Justice spare me In the mean time here I take it upon my Salvation that I inserted nothing without his Majesties Knowledge nor any thing against his Purpose Our Scottish Prelates do Petition that somewhat may be abated of the English Ceremonies as the Cross in Baptism the Ring in Marriage and some other Things But Canterbury will not only have those kept but a great many more and worse super added which was nothing else but the adding of Fuel unto the Fire I cannot remember that ever any such Petition was shewed to me This I remember well that when a deliberation was held whether it were better to keep close to the English Liturgy or venture upon some additions some of your Scottish Bishops were very earnest to have some Alterations and some Additions And they gave this for their Reason Because if they did not then make that Book as perfect as they could they should never be able to get it perfected after Canterbury therefore was not the Man that added this Fuel to your Fire And whereas to heap on farther hatred it is said That I did not only add more but worse Ceremonies I can say nothing to that Because I know no one Ceremony in the one Book or the other that is Bad. And when they give an Instance in the Ceremonies which they say are worse in their Book than in ours I shall give such answer as is fitting and such as I doubt not shall be sufficient And now it seems they 'll come to particulars For they say 1. This Book inverteth the Order of the Communion in the Book of England as may be seen by the numbers setting down the Order of this new Communion 1. 5. 2. 6. 7. 3. 4. 8. 9. 10. 11. Of the divers secret Reasons of this Change we mention one only injoyning the Spiritual Sacrifice and Thanksgiving which is in the Book of England pertinently after the Communion with the Prayer of Consecration before the Communion and that under the Name of Memorial or
St. Paul He that speaks in the Church in an unknown tongue speaks not unto Men for they understand him not yet he speaks to God and doubtless doth not mock him for he edifies himself and in the Spirit speaks Mysteries neither of which can stand with the mocking of God Now say they As there is no word of all this in the English Service so doth the Book in King Edward's Time give to every Presbyter his liberty of Gesture which yet gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book and even in Cassander his own Judgment a Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind that he calleth them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus and would have them to be abhorred because they confirm to the Simple and Superstitious ter-impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam As there is no word of all this in the English Service so neither is there in the Book for Scotland more or other or to other purpose than I have above expressed For the Book under Edw. 6. at the end of it there are some Rules concerning Ceremonies and it doth give liberty of Gesture to every Presbyter But it is only of some Gestures such as are there named Similes not of all But if any will extend it unto all then I humbly desire it may be Piously and Prudently considered whether this confusion which will follow upon every Presbyters Liberty and Choice be not like to prove worse than any Rule that is given in either Book for Decent Uniformity And yet say they these Gestures for all this Liberty given gave such offence to Bucer the Censurer of the Book that he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus the never sufficiently execrable Gestures of the Mass. First 't is true Bucer did make some Observations upon that Common-Prayer-Book under Edw. 6. And he did it at the intreaty of Arch-Bishop Cranmer And after he had made such Observations upon it as he thought fit he writ thus to the Arch-Bishop Being mindful how much I owe to your most Reverend Father-Hood and the English Churches that which is given me to see and discern in this business I will subscribe This done your most Reveverend Father-hood and the rest of your Order that is the rest of the Bishops may judge of what I write Where we see both the care of Bucer to do what was required of him and his Christian Humility to leave what he had done to the judgment of the then Governours of this Church By which it appears that he gave his Judgment upon that Book not as being the Censurer of it as these Men call him but as delivering up his Animadversions upon it to that Authority which required it of him Much less was it such a Censure as must bind all other Men to his Judgment which he very modestly submits to the Church Howsoever this has been the common Error as I humbly conceive of the English Nation to entertain and value Strangers in all Professions of Learning beyond their desert and to the contempt or passing by at least of Men of equal worth of their own Nation which I have observed ever since I was of ability to judge of these things But be this as it may These Men have Notoriously corrupted Bucer For they say he calls them Nunquam-satis-execrandos Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Ceremonial Gestures But Bucer's words are Nunquam-satis-execrandae Missae gestus referring the Execration to the Mass it self not to the Gestures in it of bowing the Knee or beating the Breast or the like which in themselves and undoubtedly in Bucer's Judgment also are far enough from being Execrable As for that which follows and which are Bucer's words indeed That These Gestures or any other which confirm to the simple ter impiam exitialem Missae fiduciam as he there calls it the thrice impious and deadly Confidence of the Mass are to be abhorred there 's no doubt to be made of that Unless as Cassander infers well out of Luther and Bucer both they be such Ceremonies as Impeach not the free Justification of a Sinner by Faith in Christ and that the People may be well instructed concerning the true use of them Now all this at the most is but Bucer's Speech against such Ceremonies and in such time and place must be understood too as are apt to confirm the simple People in their Opinion of the Mass. But such Ceremonies are neither maintained by me nor are any such Ordered or Established in that Book Therefore this Charge falls away quite from me and Bucer must make his own Speeches good For my own part I am in this point of Ceremonies of the same Mind with Cassander that Man of great Moderation in Matters of this kind as my Accusers here call him And he says plainly a little after in the same place concerning Luther's and Bucer's Judgment in these things Quanquam est quod in istis viris desiderem though I approve them in many things yet there is somewhat which I want in these Men. But the Charge goes on 3. The Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is also to be found here For the Words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Lyturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England and yet are taken in here Almighty God is in called that of his Almighty Goodness he may vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with his Word and his Spirit these gifts of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of Christ. The change here is made a work of God's Omnipotency The words of the Mass ut fiant nobis are Translated in King Edward's Book that they may be unto us which is again turned into Latin by Alesius ut fiant nobis They say the Corporal Presence of Christ's Body in the Sacrament is to be found in this Service-Book But they must pardon me I know it is not there I cannot be my self of a contrary Judgment and yet suffer that to pass But let 's see their proof The words of the Mass-Book serving to that purpose which are sharply censured by Bucer in King Edward's Liturgy and are not to be found in the Book of England yet are taken into this Service-Book I know no words tending to this purpose in King Edard's Liturgy fit for Bucer to censure sharply and therefore not tending to that purpose For did they tend to that they could not be censured too sharply The words it seems are these O Merciful Father of thy Almighty Goodness vouchsafe so to Bless and Sanctifie with thy Word and Holy Spirit these thy Gifts and Creatures of Bread and Wine that they may be unto us the Body and Blood of thy most dearly beloved Son Well if these be the words how will they squeeze Corporal Presence out of them Why first the Charge here is made a
work of God's Omnipotency Well and a work of Omnipotency it is what ever the Change be For less than Omnipotence cannot Change those Elements either in Nature or Vse to so high a Service as they are put in that great Sacrament And therefore the Invocating of God's Almighty Goodness to effect this by them is no proof at all of intending the Corporal Presence of Christ in this Sacrament 'T is true this passage is not in the Prayer of Consecration in the Service-Book of England but I wish with all my Heart it were For though the Consecration of the Elements may be without it yet is it much more solemn and full by that Invocation Secondly these words they say intend the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament because the Words in the Mass are ut fiant nobis that they may be unto us the Body and the Blood of Christ. Now for the good of Christendom I would with all my Heart that these words ut fiant nobis That these Elements might be To us worthy Receivers the blessed Body and Blood of our Saviour were the worst Error in the Mass. For then I would hope that this great Controversie which to all Men that are out of the Church is the shame and among all that are within the Church is the division of Christendom might have some good Accommodation For if it be only ut fiant nobis that they may be to us the Body and the Blood of Christ it implies clearly that they are to us but are not Transubstantiated in themselves into the Body and Blood of Christ nor that there is any Corporal Presence in or under the Elements And then nothing can more cross the Doctrine of the present Church of Rome than their own Service For as the Elements after the Benediction or Consecration are and may be called the Body and Blood of Christ without any addition in that real and true Sense in which they are so called in Scripture So when they are said to become the Body and the Blood of Christ nobis to us that Communicate as we ought there is by this addition fiant nobis an allay in the proper signification of the Body and Blood And the true Sense so well signified and expressed that the words cannot well be understood otherwise than to imply not the Corporal Substance but the Real and yet the Spiritual use of them And so the words ut fiant nobis import quite contrary to that which they are brought to prove And I hope that which follows will have no better success On the other side the Expressions of the Book of England at the delivery of the Elements of feeding on Christ by Faith and of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for thee are utterly deleted Before they went about to prove an intendment to establish the Doctrine of the Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament by some positive words And here they go about to prove the same by the omission of some other words of the Book of England For they say and 't is true that those words are expressed in the English Liturgy at the delivery of the Elements and are left out of the Book prepared for Scotland But it is altogether false either that this omission was intended to help to make good a Corporal Presence or that a Corporal Presence can by any good consequence be proved out of it For the first of feeding on Christ by Faith if that omission be thought to advantage any thing toward a Corporal Presence surely neither the Scottish Bishops nor my self were so simple to leave it out here and keep these words in immediately after that thou dost vouchsafe to feed us which have duly received those Holy Mysteries with the Spiritual food of the most precious Body and Blood of thy Son For the feeding on Christ by Faith and the Spiritual Food of the Body and Blood of Christ are all one and 't is hard that the asserting of a Spiritual Food should be made the proof a Corporal Presence or that the omitting of it in one place should be of greater force than the affirming it in another The like is to be said of the second omission of eating and drinking in remembrance that Christ died for us For that remembrance of his Death and Passion is expressed almost immediately before And would not this have been omitted as well as the other had there been an intention to forget this remembrance and to introduce a Corporal Presence Besides St. Paul himself in the 1 Cor. 11. adds this in remembrance of me But in the 1. Cor. 10. The Cup of blessing which we bless is it not the Communion of the Blood of Christ The Bread which we break is it not the Communion of the Body of Christ Which Interrogation there is a pressing Affirmation and these words in remembrance of Christ are omitted And what then will these my Learned Adversaries say that St. Paul omitted this to establish a Corporal Presence I hope they will not But whatsoever this omission may be thought to work it cannot reflect upon me For when I shall come to set down as I purpose God willing to do the brief Story what hand I had in this Liturgy for Scotland it shall then appear that I laboured to have the English Liturgy sent them without any Omission or Addition at all this or any other that so the Publick Divine Service might in all his Majesty's Dominions have been one and the same But some of the Scottish Bishops prevail'd herein against me and some Alterations they would have from the Book of England and this was one as I have to shew under the then Bishop of Dunblain's Hand Dr. Wetherborne whose Notes I have yet by me concerning the Alterations in that Service-Book And concerning this particular his words are these The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto Everlasting Life And so The Blood of c. whereunto every Receiver answer'd Amen There is no more in King Edw. 6. his first Book And if there be no more in ours the Action will be much the shorter Besides the words which are added since take eat in remembrance c. may seem to relish somewhat of the Zuinglian Tenet That the Sacrament is a bare Sign taken in remembrance of Christ's Passion So that for my part First I see no hurt in the omission of those latter words none at all And next if there be any it proceeded not from me That which follows is a meer flourish in the general For they say Many Evidences there be in this part of the Communion of the Bodily presence of Christ very agreeable to the Doctrine taught by his Sectaries which this Paper cannot contain They teach us that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé Corpus Christi est objectum quod recipitur at
Corpus nostrum est subjectum quo recipitur Many weak Collections and Inferences are made by these Men out of this part of the Communion of the Bodily Presence of Christ but not one Evidence is or can be shewed As for Sectaries I have none nor none can have in this Point For no Men can be Sectaries or Followers of me in that which I never held or maintained And 't is well known I have maintained the contrary and perhaps as strongly as any my Opposits and upon Grounds more agreeable to the Doctrine of the Primitive Church Among these Sectaries which they will needs call mine they say there are which teach them that Christ is received in the Sacrament Corporaliter both Objectivè Subjectivé For this Opinion be it whose it will I for my part do utterly condemn it as grosly Superstitious And for the Person that affirms it they should have done well to name him and the place where he delivers this Opinion Had this been done it had been fair And I would then have clearly acknowledged what Relation if any the Person had to me and more fully have spoken to the Opinion it self when I might have seen the full scope together of all that he delivered But I doubt there is some ill Cause or other why this Author is not named by them Yet the Charge goes on 4. The Book of England abolishes all that may import the Oblation of †an unbloody Sacrifice but here we have besides the preparatory Oblation of the Elements which is neither to be found in the Book of England now nor in King Edward's Book of old The Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ which Bellarmin calls Sacrificium Laudis quia Deus per illud magnoperè laudatur This also agrees well with their late Doctrine First I think no Man doubts but that there is and ought to be offered up to God at the Consecration and Reception of this Sacrament Sacrificium Laudis the Sacrifice of Praise And that this ought to be expressed in the Liturgy for the Instruction of the People And these Words We entirely desire thy Fatherly Goodness Mercifully to accept this our Sacrifice of Praise and Thanksgiving c. are both in the Book of England and in that which was prepared for Scotland And if Bellarmin do call the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ a Sacrifice of Praise sure he doth well in it for so it is if Bellarmin mean no more by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ than a Commemoration and a Representation of that great Sacrifice offered up by Christ himself As Bishop Jewel very Learnedly and fully acknowledges But if Bellarmin go farther than this and by the Oblation of the Body and the Blood of Christ mean that the Priest Offers up that which Christ himself did and not a Commemoration of it only he is Erroneous in that and can never make it good But what Bellarmin's Opinion and Meaning is when he calls it Sacrificium Laudis a Sacrifice of Praise I cannot tell till they be pleased to cite the place that I may see and consider of it In the mean time there is as little said in the Liturgy for Scotland which may import an Oblation of an unbloody Sacrifice as is in the Book of England As for the Oblation of the Elements that 's fit and proper And I am sorry for my part that it is not in the Book of England But they say farther We are ready when it shall be judged convenient and we shall be desired to discover much more of Matters in this kind as Grounds laid for Missa Sicca or the Half Mass for Private Mass without the People of Communicating in one kind of the Consumption by the Priest and Consummation of the Sacrifice of receiving the Sacrament in the Mouth and not in the Hand c. Here 's a Conclusion of this Charge against me concerning the Service-Book And these charitable Men which have sought no less than my Life now say they are ready when it shall be convenient and that they shall be desired to deliver much more in this kind Sure the time can never be more convenient for them than now when any thing they will say shall be believed even against apparent Evidence or most full Proof to the contrary And I do desire them that notwithstanding this is Hora vestra Potestas Tenebrarum their most convenient time that they will discover any thing which they have more to say But the Truth is here 's nothing in this threatned Heap but Cunning and Malice For they would seem to reckon up many things but divers of them are little different as Missa Sicca and Communicating in one kind And neither these nor any of the rest offered with any Proof nor indeed are they able to prove that any Grounds are laid for any one of them in that Service-Book And for my own part I have expressed my self as fully against these particulars as any Protestant that hath Written Yet they say Our Supplications were many against these Books But Canterbury procured them to be Answered with Horrible Proclamations We were constrained to use the Remedy of Protestation But for our Protestations and other Lawful Means which were used for our Deliverance Canterbury procured us to be declared Rebells and Traytors to all the Parish-Kirks of England where we were seeking to possess our Religion in Peace against those Devices and Novations Canterbury kindles War against us In all these it is known that he was although not thes ole yet the principal Agent and Adviser Their Supplications against these Books of the Canons and the Service were many indeed But how well qualified the matter duly considered I leave to them who shall take the pains to look into them And howsoever most untrue it is that I caused them to be answered with Horrible Proclamations Nor were they constrained by any thing that I know but their own wilfulness to use the Churlish Remedy of Protestation against their Sovereigns Lawful Power in Lawful Things They add that for their Protestations and other Lawful Means which they used for their Deliverance Canterbury procured them to be proclaimed Rebels Now truly I know no other Lawful means that they used but taking up of Arms professedly against the King And I for my part do not conceive that Lawful for Subjects to do in any Cause of Religion or otherwise and this I am sure was the Ancient Christian Doctrine And yet when they had taken up Arms I did not procure them to be declarered Rebels and Traytors The Proclamation for that went out by Common Advise of the Lords of the Council and their carriage at that time deserv'd it plentifully let them paint over that Action how they can And let the World and future Ages judge whether to take Arms against their Sovereign were a Christian and an orderly seeking to
of his and the King's Enemies Out of doubt this Petition proceeds from Devotion not from Malice And if the Scots when they Invaded England upon a Treacherous Plot and Conjuncture with the like Faction here that so both might have their Ends against the King and the Church were not God's Enemies and the Kings the Prayer meddles not with them If they were as for my part I must believe if I judge by their Actions they deserve all that can be prayed against them so long as they continue in that Disobedience And yet the Prayer was not as 't is said against their Nation by Name No God forbid their Nation hath I doubt not very many devout Servants to God and Loyal Subjects to their King But it was aginst that prevailing Faction among them which in that great Rebellious Action became Enemies both to God and the King Now follows the Conclusion Whosoever will Impartially Examin what hath proceeded from himself in these two Books of Canons and Common Prayer what Doctrine hath bin Published and Printed these Years past in England by his Disciples and Emissaries What gross Popery in the most material Points we have found and are ready to shew in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine his own Creatures his nearest Familiars and most willing Instruments to advance his Counsels and Projects shall perceive that his Intentions were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks and Reformation of Religion which in his Majesties Dominions was Panting and had by this time rendred up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented us The Conclusion is like the rest much said in it and nothing proved Where first I desire no favour but an Impartial Examination of a Discreet Pious and Judicious Reader of all things done by me in the one Book or the other Next for the Doctrine which hath been Printed these Years past though little or none hath been Published by any Disciple or Emissary of mine I perswade my self the Intelligent and Impartial Reader will find it to be as sound and Orthodox as any that hath been Printed in any so many Years since the Reformation And if they whom I was necessarily to trust in that Business have slipped any thing they are subject to answer the Laws in that behalf Thirdly what gross Popery they have found in the Posthume Writings of the Prelates of Edinburgh and Dunblaine I know not This I know 't is an Easie but a base thing to abuse the Dead who cannot answer for themselves And they which are so over-bold with the Living may easily and justly enough be suspected not to hold over-fair quarter with the Grave But whereas it is said that these worthy Men for such they were were my Creatures my nearest Familiars my willing Instruments and the like This I do here avow for truth I was a meer Stranger to Dr. Forbys late Prelate of Edinburgh The first time that ever I saw him was when I attended as a Chaplain in Ordinary upon King James of blessed Memory in the Year 1617. At which time I heard him Preach very learnedly before his Majesty After that time I never saw him till I attended his Majesty that now is as Dean of his Chappel into Scotland in the Year 1633. In the mean time I had contracted no Friendship no Letters had passed between us Then he Preached again very Learnedly and his Majesty resolved to make him Bishop of Edinburgh which was done accordingly and to my Remembrance he lived not above a Year after or very little more And this was all the near Familiarity that was between him and me With the Bp. of Dunblaine Dr. Wedderborne I confess I had more and longer Acquaintance for he lived some Years in England and was recommended unto me as a Man that had very good parts and Learning in him He lived long with Mr. Isaac Casaubon who was not like to teach him any Popery and who certainly would not have retained him so long or so near unto him had he not found him a deserver After I came acquainted with him I wished him very well for his worth sake and did what I could for him to enable him to live But sure if my Intentions were so deep as they are after said to be he could be no fit Instrument for me he being a meer Scholar and a Book-Man and as unfit for as unacquainted with such Counsels and Projects as these Men would make me Author of And if my Intentions were so deep out of doubt I had Brains enough to make a wiser Choice of Instruments to advance them This for the Men. But for the Matter if any posthume Papers of theirs be other than they ought their Credit must answer for them to the World as their Conscience hath already done to God And for my own part I protest I do not nor ever did know of any such Papers which they had or left behind nor do I believe they left any behind them but such as were worthy their Learning and Integrity But my Intentions they say were deep and large against all the Reformed Kirks Surely the deeper the worse if they were so ill But as I cannot be so vain to assume to my self any such depth So I humbly thank God for it I am free from all such wickedness The worst thought I had of any Reformed Church in Christendom was to wish it like the Church of England and so much better as it should please God to make it And the deepest intention I had concerning all or any of them was how they might not only be wished but made so As for the Reformation of Religion in his Majesties Dominions which they say was panting and had given up the Ghost if God had not in a wonderful way of Mercy prevented them First this is under Favour most untrue and a base and most undeserved Scandal put upon his Majesty's Government Secondly I shall take leave to Prophesy that unless after all this Tumbling the People can be 〈◊〉 that all stand for matters of Religion both Doctrine and Discipline and that rather with addition to the Churches Power than detracting from it as they then did when these Men say the Reformation was pantting and giving up the Ghost I much doubt that neither they nor their Childrens Children after shall see such Happy Days again for all things as these were which they so unthankfully to God and their King murmured against and as these Men yet snarl at And for the Spirit which prevented them in this Action in such a wonderful way of Mercy if ever they awake out of this Lethargy for better it is not they will then see whence he is and whither he tends They add to this That if the Pope himself had been in his place he could not have been more Popish nor could he more Zealously have Negotiated for Rome against the Reformed Kirks to
reduce them to the Heresies in Doctrine the Superstition and Idolatry in Worship and the Tyranny in Government which are in that See and for which the Reformed Kirks did separate from it and came forth of Babel From him certainly hath issued all this Deluge which almost hath overturned all What not the Pope himself now surely he could do little then For as I told you in the very last Passage I never intended more to the Reformed Churches than to wish them in Doctrine and Discipline like the Church of England And I hope that was neither to Negotiate for Rome nor to reduce them to Heresie in Doctrine nor to Superstition and Idolatry in Worship no nor to Tyranny in Government All which are here most wrongfully imputed to me And this comparing of me with the Pope himself I could bear with more ease had I not Written more against Popish Superstition than any Presbyter in Scotland hath done And for my part I wou'd be contented to lay down my Life to Morrow upon Condition the Pope and Church of Rome would admit and confirm that service-Service-Book which hath been here so eagerly charged against me For were that done it would give a greater blow to Popery which is but the Corruption of the Church of Rome than any hath yet been given And that they know full well And whereas they say that for these things the Reformed Churches did separate from it and came forth of Babel That is true that they did separate and for these things But not till for the maintaining of the contrary to these things they were Excommunicated and Thrust out Then indeed they separated but not till they were forced by a double necessity of Truth from which they might not depart and of that Punishment which would not suffer them to enter And yet the Reformed Churches all and every of them had need look well to themselves For if they came out of Babel to run down into Egypt they 'll get little by the Bargain Now they end in Confidence We are therefore confident that your Lordships this they speak to the English Commissioners who were to deliver this their Charge against me into the Lords House will by your means deal effectually with the Parliament that this great Fire-brand may be presently removed from his Majesties Presence and that he may be put to Tryal and have his deserved Censure according to the Laws of the Kingdom Which shall be good Service to God Honour to the King and Parliament Terror to the Wicked and Comfort to all good Men and to us in special who by his means principally have been put to so many and grievous Afflictions wherein we had Perished if God had not been with us Decemb. 14. 1640. Ad. Blayer They were and they might well be confident upon their Lordships For all or some chief of that Committee were in league with them And some of them the principal Men which brought the Scots in to have their ends upon the King And they did deal effectually with the Parliament For as appears by the Date this Charge was delivered to the English Commissioners Decemb. 14. It was Read in the upper House and transmitted to the House of Commons and such haste made of it there that they though they had no Articles drawn yet came up in haste and accused me to the Lords of High Treason desiring my Commitment and Promising the bringing up of their Articles and Proof against me in convenient time So upon this Accusation only I was upon Decemb. 18. committed to Mr. James Maxwell the Officer of the House and so removed from his Majesty's Presence which was the great aim against me For they conceiv'd I wou'd speak my Conscience if I came near him And they could not with any Colour of Justice take me from him but by an Accusation of High Treason of which I would not for all the World be as Guilty as some of them are which Accused me This was their desire for my Commitment Their next desire was That I might be brought to Tryal and receive my Censure according to the Laws And this hath been and yet is my desire as well as theirs For I long for nothing more than a Tryal and I can fear no Censure that is according to Law and am as free from the Breach of any Law that can make me guilty of Treason as I was when my Mother bare me into the World And when I was thus far on upon my Answer I had remained at Mr. Maxwell's and in the Tower Eleven Months so many it was when I writ this But before I came to my Hearing I had been Thirteen Months in Prison and neither brought to Tryal no nor so much as a Particular Charge brought up against me that I might prepare for an Answer in so heavy a Business And I am somewhat farther of my Accusers Mind That to bring me to a just Tryal according to Law would be good Service to God Honour to the King and the Parliament who cannot but suffer in the Judgment of Moderate Men for laying a Man of my Place and Calling so long in Prison a thing without all Precedent and yet charging me with no particular Nay and I think in a good Sense too it would be a Terrour to the Wicked to see an Innocent Man brought to such a Tryal Yea and yet a Comfort to all Good Men too when they see that an Innocent Man shall not be let lye and languish to Death in Prison which may be my Case for ought I see but that in some time they may hope for Tryal Yea and to them the Scots in special For this Bold and most true Word I 'll speak The Scottish Nation in general the City of Edinburgh in special and very many particular Men of good Worth and some Men of Honour besides Clergy-men of all sorts during the time I had Interest in Court have been more beholding to me than to any ten English Subjects of what rank and condition soever And this his Majesty knows and I dare say will Witness And for their present Afflictions which they speak of the Current of this Discourse will shew to the indifferent Reader what a Principal means I have been of them In the mean time I little deserved from them the Name of This great Firebrand for many of them have warmed themselves at me but yet I never Fired any of them Nor can I make any doubt but that God will deliver me out of the midst of this Fire which he knows I kindled not Howsoever letthem take heed for as sure as they now make themselves in the Conjuncture of a great Party in which one Wave seconds and keeps up another yet though these Waves of the Sea are mighty and rage horribly the Lord that dwelleth on High is Mightier And under him I rest and I hope shall till their Waves be broken against some Rock or other
of the said pretended Canons enjoyned to be taken by all the Clergy and many of the Laity of this Kingdom I Composed no Book of Canons The whole Convocation did it with unanimous Consent So either I must be free or that whole Body must be guilty of High-Treason For in that Crime all are Principals that are guilty Accessory there is none Neither did I publish or put in Execution those Canons or any of them but by Lawful Authority And I do humbly conceive and verily believe there is nothing in those Canons contrary either to the King's Prerogative the Fundamental Laws of the Realm the Rights of Paliament the Propriety and Liberty of the Subjects or any matter tending to Sedition or of dangerous consequence or to the establishment of any vast or unlawful Power in my self and my Sucessors Neither was there any Canon in that Convocation surreptitiously passed by any practice of mine or without due Consideration and Debate Neither was there any thing in that Convocation but what was voted first and subscribed after without fear or compulsion in any kind And I am verily perswaded there never sate any Synod in Christendom wherein the Votes passed with more freedom or less practice than they did in this And for the Oath injoyned in the sixth Canon as it was never made to confirm any unlawful or exorbitant Power over his Majesty's Subjects so I do humbly conceive that it is no Wicked or Ungodly Oath in any respect And I hope I am able to make it good in any learned Assembly in Christendom that this Oath and all those Canons then made and here before recited and every Branch in them are Just and Orthodox and Moderate and most necessary for the present Condition of the Church of England how unwelcom soever to the present Distemper 6. He hath traiterously assumed to himself a Papal and Tyrannical Power both in Ecclesiastical and Temporal Matters over his Majesty's Subjects in this Realm of England and other places to the Disinherison of the Crown Dishonour of his Majesty and Derogation of his Supreme Authority in Ecclesiastical Matters And the said Arch-Bishop claims the King 's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to his Episcopal and Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom and doth deny the same to be derived from the Crown of England which he hath accordingly exercised to the high contempt of his Royal Majesty and to the destruction of divers of the King's Liege-People in their Persons and Estates I have not assumed Papal or Tyrannicl Power in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal to the least Disinherison Dishonour or Derogation of his Majesty's Supream Authority in matters Ecclesiastical or Temporal I never claimed the King's Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction as incident to my Episcopal or Archiepiscopal Office in this Kingdom Nor did I ever deny that the exercise of my Jurisdiction was derived from the Crown of England But that which I have said and do still say concerning my Office and Calling is this That my Order as a Bishop and my Power of Jurisdiction is by Divine Apostolical Right and unalterable for ought I know in the Church of Christ. But all the Power I or any other Bishop hath to exercise any the least Power either of Order or Jurisdiction within this Realm of England is derived wholly from the Crown And I conceive it were Treasonable to derive it from any other Power Foreign or Domestick And for the Exercise of this Power under his Majesty I have not used it to the Contempt but to the great Advantage of his Royal Person and to the Preservation not the Destruction of his People Both which appear already by the great Distractions Fears and Troubles which all Men are in since my Restraint and which for ought I yet see are like to increase if God be not exceeding Merciful above our Deserts 7. That he hath traiterously endeavoured to alter and subvert God's true Religion by Law established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry and to that end hath declared and maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrines and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion established by Law He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to conform thereto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of the Kingdom I never endeavoured to alter or subvert God's true Religion established by Law in this Kingdom or to bring in Romish Superstition Neither have I declared maintained or Printed any Popish Doctrine or Opinion contrary to the Articles of Religion established or any one of them either to the end mentioned in this Article or any other I have neither urged nor injoyned any Popish or Superstitious Ceremonies without warrant of Law nor have I cruelly persecuted any Opposers of them But all that I laboured for in this particular was that the external Worship of God in this Church might be kept up in Uniformity and Decency and in some Beauty of Holiness And this the rather because first I found that with the Contempt of the Outward Worship of God the Inward fell away apace and Profaneness began boldly to shew it self And secondly because I could speak with no conscientious Persons almost that were wavering in Religion but the great motive which wrought upon them to disaffect or think meanly of the Church of England was that the external Worship of God was so lost in the Church as they conceived it and the Churches themselves and all things in them suffered to lye in such a base and slovenly Fashion in most places of the Kingdom These and no other Considerations moved me to take so much care as I did of it which was with a single Eye and most free from any Romish Superstition in any thing As for Ceremonies all that I injoyned were according to Law And if any were Superstitious I injoyned them not As for those which are so called by some Men they are no Innovations but Restaurations of the ancient approved Ceremonies in and from the beginning of the Reformation and setled either by Law or Custom till the Faction of such as now openly and avowedly separate from the Church of England did oppose them and cry them down And for the Censures which I put upon any I presume they will to all indifferent Men which will Understandingly and Patiently hear the Cause appear to be Just Moderate and according to Law 8. That for the better advancing of his Traiterous Purpose and Designs he did abuse the great Power and Trust his Majesty reposed in him and did intrude upon the Places of divers great Officers and upon the Right of divers his Majesty's Subjects whereby he did procure to himself the Nomination of sundry
wanted any 3 The Third Stile is Summus Pontifex But this was in my Lord of London's Letters and he must answer if any thing be amiss But Pontifex and Summus too is no unusual Stile to and of the Chief Prelate in any Nation 4 The Fourth Stile is Archangelus ne quid nimis Yes sure the meanest of these Titles is Multum nimis far too much applied to my Person and unworthiness Yet a great sign it is that I deserved very well of that University in the place I then bare or else they would never have bestowed such Titles upon me And if they did offend in giving such an unworthy Man such high Language why are not they called in Question for their own Fault 5 The last which I remember is Quo rectior non stat Regula c. And this is no more than an absolute Hyperbole A high one I confess yet as high are found in all Rhetorical Authors And what should make that Blasphemy in an Vniversity Orator which is every where common and not only allowed but commendable I know not Especially since the Rule of the Interpretation of them is as well known as the Figure Where the Words are not to be understood in their Proper and Literal Sense but as St. Augustine speaks when that which is spoken Longè est amplius is far larger than that which is signified by it And if I had assumed any of these Titles to my self which I am and ever was far from doing yet 't is one thing to assume Papal Title and another to assume Papal Power which is the thing Charged though I thank God I did neither If I have here omitted any Title it is meer forgetfulness for one part or other of the Answers given will reach it what-e're it be And as I told Mr. Browne when he Charged this on me Dr. Strowd the University Orator who writ those Letters and gave those Titles was called up before a Committee of this Parliament examined about them Acquitted and Dismissed 6 These Titles from the Letters being past He quoted another which he called a Blasphemous Speech too out of my Book against Fisher where he said I approved of Anselme an Enemy to the Crown and took on me to be Patriarch of this other World Let any Man look into that place of my Book and he shall find that I make use of that Passage only to prove that the Pope could not be Appealed unto out of England according to their own Doctrine Which I hope is no Blasphemy And for St. Anselme howsoever he was swayed with the Corruptions of his time yet was he in other things worthy the Testimony which the Authors by me Cited give him And if any Man be angry that the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury is called the Patriarch of this other World he may be pleased to remember that St. Jerom gives St. Augustine who was Bishop of Hippo and no Arch-Bishop a greater Title than that For he writes Beatissimo Papae Augustino more than once and again as appears in his Epistles to St. Augustine 7 To these Sir Nathaniel Brent's Testimony is produced Who says that he over-heard me say to another that I would not so easily quit the Plenitude of my Power or to that Effect He confesses he was coming in and finding me speaking with another made stay and stood a-far off and knows not of what I spake for so he said but over-heard the Words I beseech your Lordships observe this Witness He confesses he knows not of what I spake and yet comes here upon his Oath to testifie of Plenitude of Power in Relation to my assuming Papal Power If he meant not this his Testimony is nothing for Plenitude of Power may Extend to many other things and I might justly say if I said it that I would not easily part with the Plenitude of my Power in Relation to other Bishops of my Province who by Law have not so full Power as I have But if he did mean this then his Testimony is worse than nothing Nothing in regard he confesses he knows not of what I was speaking And worse than nothing That not knowing he would give such a Testimony upon Oath As for the Statutes themselves there was scarce one urged against me but it was either a Statute or a Prescription of that University long before I was born into the World and could not therefore be of my new-making And this was my Answer to Mr. Browne in the House of Commons And such Bannition 〈◊〉 and the like are well known to be The next Charge of this Day was that I went about to Exempt the Clergy from the Civil Magistrate 1. The first Witness is Mr. Pincen He says he heard me say at the High-Commission That the Clergy were now debased that heretofore it was otherwise and I hope to see it so again Truly my Lords if I did say thus which is more than I can call to Memory I spake truth they were debased and I did hope to see it otherwise For the debasing of the Clergy will make their Office and their Doctrine base as well as their Persons But here is not a word of freeing them from Laws or the Temporal Magistrate It was replyed he did mention the Civil Magistrate If he did he mentions no time by which I might be inabled to make Counterproof He is single They are words and if within the Statute then triable by it within six Months And I desire this grave Gentleman to consider his Oath For if I spake of any such Exemption I must speak against my Conscience and Judgment which I humbly thank God I use not to do Nor is it altogether impossible for the Civil Magistrate sometimes to oppress poor Clergy-Men But a little will be thought too much of this And therefore to Mr. Browne's Summary Charge I gave the former Answer that I spake of Exemption from Oppression not from Law 2. The Second Witness was Alderman Railton about the carrying up of the Sword in the Church when he was Lord Mayor He says I once sent him word about it but knows not by whom and after heard no more of it but refers himself to Mr. Marsh. He says there was an Order of the Council-Table May 3. 1633. concerning the submitting of the Sword in time and place of Divine Service If an Order of Council then was it no Act of mine as I have often Pleaded and must as often as it comes He says farther that I spake these Words or to this Effect That the Church had been low for these Hundred Years but I hoped it would Flourish again in another Hundred But here 's no one word of Exemption from Civil Magistracy And I hope your Lordships will take Witnesses as they speak not as Men shall infer and descant upon them And then my Lords under Favour I see no harm in the Words Only I shall recall my hope For if I had then any hope to
from God and from Christ contrary to an Act of Parliament which says Bishops derive their Jurisdiction from the King This is Witnessed by all three and that Dr. Bastwick read the Statute That Statute speaks plainly of Jurisdiction in foro Contentioso and places of Judicature and no other And all this forinsecal Jurisdiction I and all Bishops in England derive from the Crown But my Order my Calling my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae that is from God and from Christ and by Divine and Apostolical Right And of this Jurisdiction it was that I then spake if I named Jurisdiction at all and not my Calling in general For I then sate in the High-Commission and did Exercise the former Jurisdiction under the Broad Seal and could not be so simple to deny the Power by which I then sate Beside the Canons of the Church of England to which I have Subscribed are plain for it Nay farther The Use and Exercise of my Jurisdiction in foro Conscientiae may not be but by the Leave and Power of the King within his Dominions And if Bishops and Presbyters be all one Order as these Men contend for then Bishops must be Jure Divino for so they maintain that Presbyters are This part of the Charge Mr. Browne pressed in his Report to the House of Commons And when I gave this same Answer he in his Reply said nothing but the same over and over again save that he said I fled to he knew not what inward Calling and Jurisdiction which point as I expressed it if he understood not he should not have undertaken to Judge me CAP. XXXII THE 16th of May I had an Order from the Lords for free access of four of my Servants to me On Friday May 17. I received a Note from the Committee that they intended to proceed upon part of the Sixth Original Article remaining and upon the Seventh which Seventh Article follows in haec Verba That he hath Trayterously indeavoured to alter and subvert God's True Religion by Law Established in this Realm and instead thereof to set up Popish Superstition and Idolatry And to that end hath Declared and Maintained in Speeches and Printed Books divers Popish Doctrins and Opinions contrary to the Articles of Religion Established He hath urged and injoyned divers Popish and Superstitious Ceremonies without any Warrant of Law and hath cruelly persecuted those who have opposed the same by Corporal Punishment and Imprisonment and most unjustly vexed others who refused to Conform thereunto by Ecclesiastical Censures of Excommunication Suspension Deprivation and Degradation contrary to the Law of this Kingdom The Tenth Day of my Hearing This day May 20. Mr. Serjeant Wild undertook the Business against me And at his Entrance he made a Speech being now to charge me with Matter of Religion In this Speech he spake of a Tide which came not in all at once And so he said it was in the intended alteration of Religion First a Connivence then a Toleration then a Subversion Nor this nor that But a Tide it seems he will have of Religion And I pray God his Truth the True Protestant Religion here Established sink not to so low an Ebb that Men may with ease wade over to that side which this Gentleman seems most to hate He fears both Ceremonies and Doctrine But in both he fears where no fear is which I hope shall appear He was pleased to begin with Ceremonies In this he Charged first my Chappel at Lambeth and Innovation in Ceremonies there 1. The First Witness for this was Dr. Featly he says there were Alterations since my Predecessor's time And I say so too or else my Chappel must lye more undecently than is fit to express He says I turned the Table North and South The Injunction says it shall be so And then the Innovation was theirs in going from not mine in returning to that way of placing it Here Mr. Browne in his last Reply in the House of Commons said that I cut the Injunction short because in the Words immediately following 't is Ordered That this Place of standing shall be altered when the Communion is Administred But first the Charge against me is only about the Place of it Of which that Injunction is so careful that it Commands That when the Communion is done it be placed where it stood before Secondly it was never Charged against me that I did not remove it at the Time of Communion nor doth the Reason expressed in the Injunction require it which is when the Number of Communicants is great and that the Minister may be the better heard of them Neither of which was necessary in my Chappel where my Number was not great and all might easily Hear 2 The second thing which Dr. Featly said was in down-right Terms That the Chappel lay nastily all the time he served in that House Was it one of my Faults too to cleanse it 3 Thirdly he says The Windows were not made up with Coloured Glass till my time The Truth is they were all shameful to look on all diversly patched like a Poor Beggars Coat Had they had all white Glass I had not stirred them And for the Crucifix he confesses it was standing in my Predecessors time though a little broken So I did but mend it I did not set it up as was urged against me And it was utterly mistaken by Mr. Brown that I did repair the Story of those Windows by their like in the Mass-Book No but I and my Secretary made out the Story as well as we could by the Remains that were unbroken Nor was any Proof at all offered that I did it by the Pictures in the Mass-Book but only Mr. Pryn Testified that such Pictures were there whereas this Argument is of no consequence There are such Pictures in the Missal therefore I repaired my Windows by them The Windows contain the whole Story from the Creation to the Day of Judgment Three Lights in a Window The two Side-Lights contain the Types in the Old Testament and the middle Light the Antitype and Verity of Christ in the New And I believe the Types are not in the Pictures in the Missal In the mean time I know no Crime or Superstition in this History And though Calvin do not approve Images in Churches yet he doth approve very well of them which contain a History and says plainly that these have their use in Docendo Admonendo in Teaching and Admonishing the People And if they have that use why they may not instruct in the Church as well as out I know not Nor do the Homilies in this particular differ much from Calvin But here the Statute of Ed. 6. was charged against me which requires the Destruction of all Images as well in Glass-Windows as elsewhere And this was also earnestly pressed by Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Charge against me in the House of Commons To
the Sacrament in my Chappel The Witnesses two The first was Dr. Haywood who had been my Chaplain in the House They had got from others the Ceremonies there used and then brought him upon Oath He confessed he Administred in a Cope And the Canon warranted it He confesses as it was urged that he fetched the Elements from the Credential a little Side-Table as they called it and set them Reverently upon the Communion Table Where 's the offence For first the Communion Table was little and there was hardly room for the Elements to stand conveniently there while the Service was in Administration And Secondly I did not this without Example for both Bishop Andrews and some other Bishops used it so all their time and no exception taken The Second Witness was Rob. Cornwall one of my Menial Servants A very forward Witness he shewed himself But said no more than is said and answered before Both of them confessing that I was sometimes present The Third Charge was about the Ceremonies at the Coronation of his Majesty And first out of my Diary Feb 2 1625. 'T is urged that I carried back the Regalia offer'd them on the Altar and then laid them up in their place of safety I bare the place at the Coronation of the Dean of Westminster and I was to look to all those things and their safe return into Custody by the place I then Executed And the offering of them could be no offence For the King himself offers upon solemn days And the Right Honourable the Knights of the Garter offer at their Solemnity And the Offertory is Established by Law in the Common Prayer Book of this Church And the Prebendaries assured me it was the Custom for the Dean so to do Secondly they charged a Marginal Note in the Book upon me That the Vnction was in formâ Crucis That Note doth not say that it ought so to be done but it only relates the Practice what was done And if any fault were in Anointing the King in that form it was my Predecessors fault not mine for he so Anointed him They say there was a Crucifix among the Regalia and that it stood upon the Altar at the Coronation and that I did not except against it My Predecessor Executed at that time And I believe would have excepted against the Crucifix had it stood there But I remember not any there Yet if there were if my Predecessor approved the standing of it or were content to connive at it it would have been made but a Scorn had I quarrell'd it They say one of the Prayers was taken out of the Pontifical And I say if it were it was not taken thence by me And the Prayers are the same that were used at King James his Coronation And so the Prayer be good and here 's no word in it that is excepted against 't is no matter whence 't is taken Then leaving the Ceremonies he charged me with two 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Body of the King's Oath One added namely these Words 〈◊〉 to the King's Prerogative The other omitted namely these words Quae Populus Elegerit which the People have chosen or shall choose For this latter the Clause omitted that suddenly vanished For it was omitted in the Oath of King James as is confessed by themselves in the Printed Votes of this present Parliament But the other highly insisted on as taking off the total assurance which the Subjects have by the Oath of their Prince for the performance of his Laws First I humbly conceive this Clause takes off none of the Peoples Assurance none at all For the King 's Just and Legal Prerogative and the Subjects Assurance for Liberty and Property may stand well together and have so stood for Hundreds of Years Secondly that Alteration what ever it be was not made by me nor is there any Interlining or Alteration so much as of a Letter found in that Book Thirdly if any thing be amiss therein my Predecessor gave that Oath to the King and not I. I was meerly Ministerial both in the Preparation and at the Coronation it self supplying the place of the Dean of Westminster After this days work was ended it instantly spread all over the City that I had altered the King's Oath at his Coronation and from thence into all parts of the Kingdom as if all must be true which was said at the Bar against me what Answer so-ever I made The People and some of the Synod now crying out that this one thing was enough to take away my Life And though this was all that was Charged this day concerning this Oath yet seeing how this fire took I thought fit the next day that I came to the Bar to desire that the Books of the Coronation of former Kings especially those of Queen Elizabeth and King James might be seen and compared and the Copies brought into the Court both from the Exchequer and such as were in my Study at Lambeth And a fuller Inquisition made into the Business In regard I was as Innocent from this Crime as when my Mother bare me into the World A Salvo was entred for me upon this And every day that I after came to the Bar I called upon this Business But somewhat or other was still pretended by them which managed the Evidence that I could not get the Books to be brought forth nor any thing to be done till almost the last day of my Hearing Then no Books could be found in the Exchequer nor in my Study but only that of King James whereas when the Keys were taken from me there were divers Books there as is confessed in the Printed Votes of this Parliament And one of them with a Watchet Sattin Cover now missing And whether this of King James had not my Secretary who knew the Book seen it drop out of Mr. Pryn's Bag would not have been concealed too I cannot tell At last the Book of King James his Coronation and the other urged against me concerning King Charles were seen and compared openly in the Lords House and found to be the same Oath in both and no Interlining or Alteration in the Book charged against me This Business was left by the Serjeant to Mr. Maynard who made the most that could be out of my Diary against me And so did Mr. Brown when he came to give the Summ of the Charge against me both before the Lords and after in the House of Commons And therefore for the avoiding of all tedious Repetition And for that the Arguments which both used are the same And because I hold it not fit to break a Charge of this moment into divers pieces or put them in different places I will 〈◊〉 set down the whole Business together and the Answer which I then gave Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge against me in the Commons-House when he came to this Article said he was now come to the Business so much
that Troubles him S Luc 22. Then they urged my Predecessor Arch-Bishop Parker That he found Fault with the Consecration of New Churches I answered then upon Memory that he did not find fault simply with Consecrations of Churches but only with the Superstitious Ceremonies used therein And this since upon perusal of the Place I find to be true For after he had in some sort Commended the Popes for taking away some gross and superstitious Purgations he adds that yet for want of Piety or Prudence their later Pontifical and Missal-Books did outgo the Ancient In Multitudine Ceremoniarum peragendi Difficultate Taedio 〈◊〉 amentiâ So these were the things he found fault with not the Consecration it self which he could not well do himself being then a Consecrated Bishop 2. The Second Witness was Mr. Hope He says That he agrees with the former Witness and saw all and the throwing up of the Dust c. Since he agrees with the former Witness I give him the same Answer Yet with this Observation upon him and his Oath The former Witness says that at the beginning of this Action I took Dust and threw it up This Man agrees with him and saw all and almost in the very next Words confesses he was not there at the beginning Not there Yet he saw it My Lords if you mark it this is a wholsom Oath He says That then the Church-Yard was Consecrated by it self It was ever so the one Act must follow the other though both done the same Day For the Places being different the Act could not pass upon them at the same time Then he said there were Fees required and a good Eye had to the Money This is a poor Objection against me If the Officers did exact any Money without Rule or beyond President let them answer for it But for that which was said to belong to me I presently gave it to the Poor of the Parish And this Mr. Dell my Secretary then present attested to the Lords Lastly he said they were not New Churches Let him look to his Oath again for 't is notoriously known they were both New Built from the Ground and St. Giles not wholly upon the Old Foundation The Third Charge was laid on me only by Mr. Nieolas and without any Witness It was That I out-went Popery it self for the Papists Consecrated Churches only but I had been so Ceremonious that I had Consecrated Chappels too My Lords the use of Chappels and of Churches in regard of God's Service is the same Therefore if Consecration be fit for the one it must needs be for the other And the Consecrations of Chappels was long before Popery came into the World For even Oratories Newly Built were Consecrated in or before Eusebius his Time And he Flourished about the Year of Christ 310. So ancient they are in the course of Christianity and for any Prohibition of them there is neither Law nor Canon in the State or Church of England that doth it The Chappels they instance in are Three First they say I Consecrated a Chappel of the Right Honourable the Lord Treasurer Weston's I did so and did no harm therein As for the touch given by the way upon that Honourable Person he is gone to God I have nothing to do with it Secondly they Instanced in a Chappel of Sir John Worstenham's Building 'T is true I Consecrated that too but that was a Parish-Church Built in the Place where he was born and it was in my Diocess and so the Work proper for me The Third Instance was in my own Chappel in my House at Aberguilly when I was Bishop of St. Davids the Room lay waste and out of Repair and I fitted it at my own Cost and Consecrated it into a Chappel that House having no Oratory before Here they farther aggravated many circumstances As First that I named it at the Dedication The Chappel of S. John the Baptist. I did so Name that Chappel in Memory of the College where I was Bred which bears the same Name but I dedicated it to God and his Service And to give the Names of Angels and Saints to Churches for distinction sake and for the Honour of their Memory is very Ancient and Usual in the Church as appears in S. Augustin and divers others of the Fathers but Dedicated only to God Which in the midst of Superstitious times the School it self confesses So yet no Offence Secondly That I did it upon the 29th of August And why might I not do it that Day as well as upon any other But resolving to Name the Chappel as I did I the rather made choice of that Day both because it was the Day of the Decollation of S John the Baptist and because as upon that Day God had wonderfully Blessed me in the Hearing of my Cause concerning the Presidentship of S. John's College in Oxford by King James of ever blessed Memory So yet no Offence Thirdly there was a Paper read and Avowed to be mine in which was a fair description of Chappel Furniture and Rich Plate and the Ceremonies in use in that Chappel and Wafers for the Communion At the reading of this Paper I was a little troubled I knew I was not then so Rich as to have such Plate or Furniture and therefore I humbly desired sight of the Paper So soon as I saw it I found there was nothing in it in my Hand but the Indorsement which told the Reader plainly that it was the Model of Reverend Bishop Andrews his Chappel with the Furniture Plate Ceremonies therein used and all Things else And this Copy was sent me by the Household Chaplain to that Famous Bishop This I laid open to the Lords and it would have made any Man ashamed but Mr. Pryn who had delivered upon Oath that it was a Paper of my Chappel Furniture at Aberguilly contrary to his Conscience and his own Eye-sight of the Paper And for 〈◊〉 I never either gave or received the Communion but in Ordinary Bread At Westminster I knew it was sometimes used but as a thing indifferent As for the Slur here given to that Reverend Dead Bishop of Winchester it might well have been spared he deserved far better usage for his Service to the Church of England and the Protestant Cause The Fourth Charge was the Publishing the Book of Recreations And it was ushered in with this Scorn upon me That I laboured to put a Badge of Holiness by my Breath upon Places and to take it away from Days But I did neither the King commanded the Printing of it as is therein attested and the Warrant which the King gave me they have And though at Consecrations I read the Prayers yet it was God's Blessing not my Breath that gave the Holyness And for the Day I ever laboured it might be kept Holy but yet free from a Superstitious Holyness And First it was said That this was done of
purpose to take away Preaching But First there is no Proof offered for this And Secondly 't is impossible For till the Afternoon Service and Sermon were done no Recreation is allowed by that Book nor then to any but such as have been at both Therefore it could not be done to take it away Thirdly the Book names none but Lawful Recreations Therefore if any unlawful be used the Book gives them no Warrant And that some are Lawful after the Publick Service of God is ended appears by the Practice of Geneva where after Evening Prayer the Elder Men Bowl and the Younger Train And Calvin says in express Terms That one Cause of the Institution of the Sabbath was that Servants might have a Day of rest and remission from their Labour And what time of the Day fit if not after Evening Prayer And what Rest is there for able Young Men if they may use no Recreation Then it was urged That there was great Ryot and Disorder at Wakes kept on the Lords Day That is a very sufficient Cause to regulate and order those Feasts but not quite to take them away I make no doubt for my part but that the Feast of the Dedication was abused by some among the Jews and yet Christ was so far from taking it away for that as that he honoured it with his own Presence S. John 10. As for the Paper which was read containing three Causes why that Book was Published that was a Note taken for my own Private Use and Memory Then came in Mr. Pryn who said that the Lord Chief Justice Richardson had made an Order in his Circuit against these Wakes and was forced to revoke it This was done by Authority as is before answered to which I refer my self Here 't is added to help fill up the Noise But Mr. Pryn says That all the Gentlemen in the Country Petitioned on the Judges behalf No there was a great Faction in Sommersetshire at that time and Sir Robert Philips and all his Party writ up against the Judge and the Order he made as was apparent by the Certificates which he returned And Sir Robert was well known in his time to be neither Popish nor Prophane He says farther That William then Earl of Pembrooke was out of Town and the Book Printed in the Interim by my Procurement But for this last here 's not one Word of Proof offered and so I leave it The Fifth Charge was that some Ministers were punished for not reading this Book Witnesses for this were produced 1. The First was Sir Nathaniel Brent who says he had Charge from me to call for an account of not reading this Book both in my Province at my Visitation and in my Diocess His Majesty having Commanded this I could do little if I had not so much as inquired what was done And he confesses that for my Province he gave time to them which had not read it and then never asked more after it So here was no eager Prosecution But then he says that three in my Diocess stood out and asked time And confesses that I granted it But adds that when he asked more time for them I denyed and that they were then suspended ab Officio only I thought I had reason to deny when I saw they did but dally by asking time And it was then evident that in the Diocess of other Bishops far more than Three were punished and their Punishment greater However this my proceeding was far from Rigour And this was the Answer that I gave Mr. Brown who in the Summ of his Charge instanced in this Particular against me 2. The Second witness was Mr. Culmer one of the Three Ministers that was suspended He says That he was suspended by Sir Nathaniel Brent and that when he came to me about it I said If you know not how to Obey I know not how to Grant your Petition Truly my Lords finding him both Wilful and Ignorant I cannot tell what I could say less He says that his Patron took away his Benefice Why my Lords he had none he was only a 〈◊〉 and God knows unfit for that So being Suspended from his Office this must needs be done He says he was not absolved till the Scots came in and that he was Conformable in all things else For the time of his Absolution I leave that to the Record But for his Conformity in other things 't is more than ever I heard of any This I can say for him he is good at Purchasing a Benefice For he offered a Servant of mine One Hundred and Fifty Pound so he could procure me but to Name him to the Parliament for Chartham in Kent Since I have heard he is as good at doing Reverence in the Church For he 〈◊〉 in the Body of the Cathedral at Canterbury at Noon-Day as will be Justified by Oath And for this very Particular the Book of Recreations he informed at the Council-Table against a Gentleman of Quality for saying it was unfit such Books should be sent for Ministers to read in the Church And was himself laid by the Heels for the Falshood of this Information So he is very good at the point of Conscience too that can refuse to read the Book as being unfit and complain to have another Punished for saying 't is so 3. The Third Witness is Mr. Wilson He says That I sent to Sir Nath. Brent to Suspend him That is true but it was when he would neither Obey nor keep in his Tongue He says his Living was Sequestred for almost Four Years But it was not for Not Reading this Book For himself confesses it was done in the High-Commission and that for Dilapidations in Not Repairing his House 4. The Fourth Witness was one Mr. Snelling a Minister in the Diocess of Rochester All that was done against this Man was openly in the High-Commission Court And there he was Censured for other things as well as for this Himself confesses his open refusing to Bow at the Name of Jesus though the Canon of the Church Command it I kept him off from being Sentenced a long time and when he was Sentenced he confesses I was not present He says somewhat was expunged out of his Brief If it were it was with the consent of his Councel which in that Court was ordinary Howsoever it cannot touch me For those things were done at Informations where I was not present He says that when I heard of the Nature of his Defence I said If any such Defence were put in it should be burnt This was upon just Complaint of the Judge then present at Informations affirming it was against all the course of that Court He says there is no Penalty mentioned in that Declaration And I say his Obedience and other Mens should have been the more free and chearful Well I pray God keep us in the mean in this business of the Sabbath as well as in other things that we run not
altered Which is absolute Nonsence Secondly he Charged me that the Word Antichristian was left out But that is visibly untrue for it is left in Thirdly that though it be in yet that the Alteration takes it off from the Papist as also their Rebellion Neither For the Change is this That Antichristian Sect altered into The Antichristian Sect of them which c. and whose Religion is Rebellion altered into who turn Religion into Rebellion By which it is manifest that the alteration takes off neither Imputation from the Papist but moderates both And for ought I yet know 't is necessary it should For if their Religion be Rebellion see what it will produce Is not this the Syllogism The Religion of the Papist is Rebellion But Christianity is the Religion of the Papist Therefore Christianity is Rebellion I may not inlarge but you may see more if you please in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And when Mr. Brown in the Summ of his Charge pressed these Alterations hard against me he did not so much as mention that I had the King 's both Warrant and Command to all that I did in that Particular And besides urged this as a great Innovation because the Prayers mentioned had continued unaltered for the space of above Thirty Years Not remembring therewhile that the Liturgy of the Church Established by Act of Parliament must be taken away or altered though it hath continued above Fourscore Nay and Episcopacy must be quite abolished though it have continued in the Church of Christ above Sixteen Hundred The Ninth Charge was from Sir Edward Hungerford who came to Lambeth to have a little Book Licensed to the 〈◊〉 The Author was Sir Anthony Hungerford whether Sir Edward's Grandfather or his Uncle I remember not the Relation He says he came to my Chaplain Dr Bray to License it And that Dr Bray told him there were some harsh Phrases in it which were better left out because we were upon a way of winning the Papists First I hope I shall not be made answerable for my Chaplains Words too And Secondly I hope there is no harm in winning the Papists to the Church of England Especially if so easie a Cure as avoiding harsh Language would do it He says my Chaplain expressed a dislike of Guicciardin's Censure of Pope Alexander the Sixth Sure if the Censure be false he had reason to except against it if true yet to Publish such an unsavoury Business to the Common-People ........ He says he came and complained to me and that I told him I was not at leisure but left it to my Chaplain So the Charge upon me was That my Chaplain was in an Errour concerning this Book and I would not Redress it To this I answerd First that my Chaplain was Dead and I not knowing the Reasons which moved him to refuse Licensing this Book can neither confess him to be in an Errour nor yet justifie him Secondly for my own refusing to meddle with it Sir Edward took me in a time of business when I could not attend it Thirdly if I had absolutely refused it and left it to my Chaplain I had done no more than all my Predecessors did before me And Dr. Featly then witnessed to the Lords that Arch-Bishop Abbot my immediate Predecessor and to whom the Doctor was Household Chaplain would never meddle with Licensing Books but ever referred them to his Chaplains And Dr. Mocket another of his Chaplains well known to Dr. Featly suffered for a Book sharply yet not one Word said to my Predecessor about it Fourthly as the Liberty of the Press is in England and of the Books which are tendred to the Press the Arch-Bishop had better Grind than take that Work to his own Hands especially considering his many and necessary Avocations Lastly no Man ever complained to me in this kind but this Gentleman only So it is one only single Offence if it be any But how this or the rest should be Treason against Sir Edward Hungerford I cannot yet see And so I answered Mr. Brown who in his Summary Charge forgot not this But Mr. Nicolas laid load upon me in his Reply in such Language as I am willing to forget The Tenth Charge was out of a Paper of Considerations to Dr. Potter about some few passages in his Answer to a Book Intituled Charity mistaken The Business this Dr Potter writ to me for my Advice I used not to be Peremptory but put some few things back to his farther consideration Of which three were now Charged upon me The first was he used this phrase Believe in the Pope I desired him to consider of In And in this I yet know not wherein I offend The Second was this Phrase The Idol of Rome I advised him to consider this Phrase too that Men might not be to seek what that Idol was And here Mr Nicolas cryed out with vehemency That every Boy in the Street could tell the Pope was the Idol I had not Dr Potter's Book now at hand and so could not be certain in what Sense the Doctor used it but else as many at least think the Mass the Idol of Rome as the Pope Unless Mr Nicolas his Boys in the Streets think otherwise and then I cannot blame him for following such mature Judgments The Third was That I bid him consider whether the Passage p. 27. as I remember did not give as much Power to the Parliament in matter of Doctrine as the Church But my Answer to this I shall put off to the Charge against me concerning Parliaments because there Mr. Brown began with this The two former he Charged also and I answered them as before But he omitted that I obtained of the Lords the reading of Dr. Potter's Letter to me by which he drew from me those Things which I determined not but only put to his Second Thoughts and Consideration In which way I humbly conceive I cannot be in Crime though I were in Errour Here ended the Business of this Day and I was Ordered to attend again June 27. CAP. XXXVIII The Sixteenth Day of my Hearing THis day I appeared again And the first Charge laid against me was my Chaplain Dr Bray's Expungings out of Dr Featly's Sermons The same Charge ad Verbum which was before and I give it the same Answer These Repetitions of the same things being only to increase Clamour and to fill more Mens Ears with it The Second Charge was certain Expunctions of some things against the Papists in Dr Clark's Sermons The Witness which Swore to the passages left out was one Mr White a Minister and it seems some near Acquaintance of Dr Clark's But First this Witness is single Secondly he brought only a Paper in which he had written down what was Expunged but Dr Clark's Sermons he brought not with it So 't is not impossible he might be mistaken Howsoever I not having the Book could not possibly make an
absolute and a perfect Answer Thirdly this Witness confesses that Dr Weeks then Chaplain to my Lord of London had the view of Dr Clark's Sermons and took Exceptions against some passages as well as my Chaplain Dr Haywood did So it seems there was cause for it Fourthly I Answer that for this and for all other of like Nature my Chaplain must Answer for his own Act and not I. He is Living and an Able Man I humbly desire he may be called to his Account For 't is not possible for me to tell your Lordships upon what grounds he did Expunge these many and different passages which are instanced against me Lastly in all the passages of Dr Clark's Sermons it is not any where distinguished which were Expunged by my Chaplain and which by Dr Weeks So that the Charge in that behalf is left very uncertain For the passages themselves as they are many so they are such as may easily be mistaken the most of them And whether Dr Clark handled them in such manner as was not justifiable either against Arminius or the Papists cannot possibly be known till each place in the Book be Examined for the Thing and my Chaplain Dr Haywood for the Meaning This made a great noise in Mr Brown's Summary Charge against me he alledging that two and twenty Passages about Points of Popery were dashed out of Dr Clark's Sermons To which I Answer'd that I conceived my Chaplain would be able to make it good there were two hundred left in for two and twenty left out And that they which were left out were not some way or other justifiable against the Papists as set down and expressed by him And if so they are better out than in For we gain nothing by urging that against the Papists which when it comes to the Touch cannot be made good against them One Passage is here added out of Dr. Featly's Sermons p. 225. Where he inveighs against too much imbellishing and beautifying the Church and not the Souls of Men c. First if there be not a care to beautifie the Soul let Men profess what Religion they will 't is a just Exception and I believe no fault found with that But Secondly for the over-much beautifying of the Church 't is a Point that might well be left out Little necessity God knows to Preach or Print against too much adorning of Churches among us where yet so many Churches lye very nastily in many places of the Kingdom and no one too much adorned to be found Nay the very Consecration of Churches cryed down as is before expressed And this Opinion that no Place is Holy but during the Service in it made Mr. Culmer though a Minister to piss in the Cathedral Church of Canterbury And divers others to do so and more against the Pillars in St Paul's nearer hand as may daily be both seen and smelt to the shame of that which is called Religion Here Mr Nicolas would fain have shovell'd it to the out-side of the Church which had been bad enough but it was the inside I spake of and the thing is known Then an Instance was made in a Book of Dr Jones The Witness that any thing was Expunged out of this was only Mr Chetwin And he confesses that this Book was Licensed by Dr Baker and he my Lord of London's Chaplain not mine Here my Friends at the Bar infer that Dr Baker was preferred by me First that 's not so he was preferred by his own Lord. Secondly if he had been preferred by me it could have made no Charge unless proof had been made that I preferred him for abusing Dr. Jones his Book And for the Docket which is the only Proof offer'd that I preferred him I have already shewed that that is no Proof Yea but they say Dr Baker was imployed by me as one of my Visitors And what then Must I be answerable for every fault that is committed by every Man that I employ in my Visitation though it be a fault committed at another time and place though I humbly desire Dr. Baker may Answer for himself before I acknowledge any fault committed by him And though I conceive this Answer abundantly satisfactory for any thing that may concern me yet Mr. Brown omitted not this Instance against me The Third Charge was personally against my self and taken out of my Speech in the Star-Chamber The words these The Altar is the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth greater than the Pulpit for there 't is Hoc est Corpus meum this is my Body but in the other it is at most but Hoc est Verbum meum this is my Word And a greater Reverence is due to the Body than the Word of the Lord. Out of this place Mr Nicolas would needs inforce that I maintained Transubstantiation because I say There 't is Hoc est Corpus meum First I perceive by him he confounds as too many else do Transubstantiation with the Real Presence whereas these have a wide difference And Calvin grants a Real and True Presence yea and he grants Realiter too and yet no Man a greater Enemy to Transubstantiation than he As I have proved at large in my Book against Fisher and had leave to Read the Passage therein to the Lords And Mr. Perkins avows as much And Secondly the Word There makes nothing against this For after the Words of Consecration are past be the Minister never so Unworthy yet 't is infallibly Hoc est Corpus meum to every worthy Receiver So is it not Hoc est Verbum meum from the Pulpit to the best of Hearers nor by the best of Preachers since the Apostles Time And as Preaching goes now scarce is any thing heard from many in two long Hours that savours of the Word of God And St. Paul tells us 1 Cor. 11. of a great Sin committed in his Time of not discerning the Lord's Body when Unworthy Communicants received it Where was this Why it was There at the Holy Table or Altar where they Received yet did not discern I hope for all this St. Paul did not maintain Transubstantiation Mr. Brown in his Summary Charge pressed this also upon me I answer'd as before and added that in all Ages of the Church the Touchstone of Religion was not to Hear the Word Preached but to Communicate And at this day many will come and hear Sermons who yet will not receive the Communion together And as I call the Holy Table the greatest place of God's Residence upon Earth so doth a late Learned Divine of this Church call the Celebration of the Eucharist the Crown of Publick Service and the most solemn and chief work of Christian Assemblies and he a Man known to be far from affecting Popery in the least And all Divines agree in this which our Saviour himself Teaches St. Mat. 26. That there is the same effect of the Passion of Christ and of this Blessed Sacrament
put in were Persons disaffected to the Discipline if not the Doctrine too of the Church of England 3. Thirdly because no small part was given to School-Masters to Season Youth ab Ovo for their Party And to Young Students in the Universities to purchase them and their Judgments to their side against their coming abroad into the Church 4. Fourthly because all this Power to breed and maintain a Faction was in the Hands of Twelve Men who were they never so Honest and free from Thoughts of abusing this Power to fill the Church with Schism yet who should be Successors and what use should be made of this Power was out of Humane reach to know 5. Because this Power was assumed by and to themselves without any Legal Authority as Mr. Attorney assured me He farther said that the Impropriation of Presteen in Radnorshire was specially given to St Antolins in London I say the more the pity considering the poorness of that Country and the little Preaching that was among that poor People and the plenty which is in London Yet because it was so given there was care taken after the Decree that they of St Antolins had consideration and I think to the full He says that indeed they did not give any thing to the present Incumbents till Good Men came to be in their Places Scarce one Incumbent was better'd by them And what then In so many places not one Good Man found Not one Factious enough against the Church for Mr White to account him Good Yet he thinks I disposed these things afterwards to Vnworthy Men. Truly had they been at my disposal I should not wittingly have given them to Mr. White 's Worthies But his Majesty laid his Command upon his Attorney and nothing was done or to be done in these things but by his direction For Dr. Heylin if he spake any thing amiss concerning this Feoffment in any Sermon of his he is Living to Answer it me it concerns not Mr. Brown in the Summ of the Charge omitted not this And I Answer'd as before And in his Reply he turned again upon it that it must be a Crime in me because I projected to overthrow it But under favour this follows not For to project though the word Projector sound ill in England is no more than to forecast and forelay any Business Now as 't is lawful for me by all good and fit Means to project the Settlement of any thing that is good so is it as lawful by good and Legal means to project the overthrow of any thing that is cunningly or apparently Evil. And such did this Feoffment appear to my Understanding and doth still As for reducing of Impropriations to their proper use they may see if they please in my Diary whence they had this another Project to buy them into the Churches use For given they will not be But Mr. Pryn would shew nothing nor Mr. Nicolas see any thing but what they thought would make against me Here this day ended and I was Commanded to Attend again July 15. But was then put off to July 17. which day held CAP. XL. The Eighteenth Day of my Hearing THis day they charged upon me the Twelfth Original Article which follows in these words He hath Trayterously endeavoured to cause Division and Discord between the Church of England and other Reformed Churches and to that end hath Suppressed and Abrogated the Priviledges and Immunities which have been by his Majesty and his Royal Ancestors granted to the French and Dutch Churches in this Kingdom and divers other ways hath expressed his Malice and Disaffection to those Churches that so by such dis-union the Papists might have more advantage for the overthrow and extirpation of both The First Charge is That I deny them to be a Church For they say that I say plainly in my Book against Fisher that No Bishop no Church Now 't is well known they have no Bishops and therefore no Church The Passage in my Book is an Inference of 〈◊〉 Jerom's Opinion no Declaration of my own And if they or any other be agrieved at St. Jerom for writing so they may Answer him Mr. Nicolas added that this was seconded by Bishop Mountague's Book which Mr. Pryn carefully witnessed was found in my Study and Licensed by Dr. Braye Is this Argument come again that Bishop Mountague's Book was in my Study Leave it for shame But they have now left me never a Book in my Study so I cannot make them any fuller Answer without viewing the place than themselves help me to by their own Confession Which is that he adds this Exception that none but a Bishop can Ordain but in Casu Necessitatis which is the Opinion of many Learned and Moderate Divines Yet this is very considerable in the Business whether an inevitable Necessity be cast upon them or they pluck a kind of Necessity upon themselves The Second Charge is out of a Letter of mine to Bishop Hall upon a Letter which he had formerly sent me In which it seems is something about the Case of Necessity in point of Ordination which they say I disliked And it seems I disliked upon good ground For he had given me power under his Hand to alter what I would in that which he sent unto me I would not take that power but writ back to him what passages I thought might be better expressed if it could agree with his Judgment also Hereupon he sent me another Letter of Jan. 18. 1639. In which he altered those things which I put to his farther Consideration Could any thing be more fairly carried And this Letter was read to the Lords Yea but they say I disliked the giving of this Title Antichrist to the Pope No I did not simply dislike it but I advised Bishop Hall if he thought it good not to affirm it so positively And the Reason I gave was this That King James being pressed upon a great occasion that he had maintained that the Pope was Antichrist which might much trouble if not quite cross some Proceedings much desired by that Prudent King His Majesty made Answer I maintain it not as a point of Faith but as a probable Opinion And for which I have more grounds than the Pope hath for his Challenge of Temporal Power over Princes Let him recall this Opinion and I 'll recall that This I writ to the Bishop but left him free to do what he pleased Here Mr. Nicolas fell extream foul upon me in so much that I could not but wonder at their patience which heard him Among other Titles bestowed upon me many and gross he called me over and over again Pander to the Whore of Babylon I was much moved and humbly desired the Lords that if my Crimes were such as that I might not be used like an Arch-Bishop yet I might be used like a Christian And that were it not for the Duty which I owe to God and my
own Innocency I would desert my Defence before I would indure such Language in such an Honourable Presence Hereupon some Lords shewed their dislike and wished him to leave and pursue the Evidence Mr. Brown in summing up the Charge made this a great matter The denial of the Pope to be Antichrist But I did not deny it nor declare any Opinion of my own And many Protestants and those very Learned are of Opinion that he is not 'T is true I did not I cannot approve foul Language in Controversies Nor do I think that the calling of the Pope Antichrist did ever yet Convert an Understanding Papist And sure I am Gabriel Powel's Peremptoriness to say no worse in this Point did the Church of England no Good no Honour in Foreign parts For there he affirms That he is as certain that the Pope is Antichrist as that Jesus Christ is the Son of God and Redeemer of the World As for the thing it self I left it free to all Men to think as their Judgment guided them As appears by the Licensing of Dr. Featly's Sermons where he proves the Pope in his Opinion to be Antichrist Where he calls him also the Whore of Babylon Which surely I should never have suffer'd to be Printed had I been her Pander And for Bishop Hall I only told him what King James had said and left him to make what use he pleased of it The Third Charge was out of a Paper which Bishop Hall about the time when he wrote his Book in defence of Episcopacy sent unto me containing divers Propositions concerning Episcopal Government In which either he or I or both say for that Circumstance I remember not That Church-Government by Bishops is not alterable by Humane Law To this I answer'd that Bishops might be regulated and limited by Human Laws in those things which are but Incidents to their Calling But their Calling so far as it is Jure Divino by Divine Right cannot be taken away They charge farther that I say this is the Doctrine of the Church of England And so I think it is For Bishop Bilson set out a Book in the Queen's time Intituled The Perpetual Government And if the Government by Bishops be Perpetual as he there very Learnedly proves thorough the whole Book it will be hard for any Christian Nation to out it Nor is this his Judgment alone but of the whole Church of England For in the Preface to the Book of Ordination are these words From the Apostles time there have been three Orders of Ministers in the Church of Christ Bishops Priests and Deacons Where 't is evident that in the Judgment of the Church of England Episcopacy is a different not Degree only but Order from Priesthood and so hath been reputed from the Apostles times And this was then Read to the Lords And the Law of England is as full for it as the Church For the Statute in the eighth of the Queen absolutely confirms all and every part of this Book of Ordination Where also the Law calls it The high Estate of Prelacy And Calvin if my old Memory do not fail me upon those words of St. John As my Father sent me so send I you c. says thus upon that place Eandem illis imponit Personam ac idem Juris assignat And if our Saviour Christ put the same Person upon the Apostles and assigned to them the same Right which his Father gave him it will prove a sour work to throw their Successors the Bishops out of the Church after Sixteen Hundred Years continuance And in the mean time cry out against Innovation For either Christ gave this Power to his Apostles only and that will make the Gospel a Thing Temporary and confined to the Apostles Times Or else he gave the same Power though not with such Eminent Gifts to their Successors also to propagate the same Gospel to the end of the World as St. Paul tells us he did Ephes. 4. Now all the Primitive Church all along gives Bishops to be the Apostles Successors and then it would be well thought on what Right any Christian State hath be their Absolute Power what it will to turn Bishops out of that Right in the Church which Christ hath given them The Fourth Charge was an Alteration made in a Brief for a third Collection for the distressed Ministers and others in the Palatinat The Queen of Bohemia was pleased to do me the Honour to write to me about this and because two Collections had been before her Majesty desired that this third might be only in London and some few Shires about it I out of my desire to relieve those distressed Protestants and to express my Duty to the Queen became an humble Suitor to his Majesty that this Collection also might go thorough England as the rest had done And 't is acknowledged by all that this I did Now the Witnesses which Accuse me for some Circumstances in this business are two 1. The First is Mr. Wakerly He says that Mr. Ruly who was employed by the Queen of Bohemia about this Collection was roughly used by me upon occasion of this Clause put into the Brief and which he says I caused to be altered This first is a bold Oath for Mr. Wakerly was not present but Swears upon Hearsay Secondly what kindness I shewed him and the Business is mentioned before and if for this kindness he had been practising with Mr. Wakerly about the Brief as I had probable Reason to suspect I cannot much be blamed if I altered my Countenance towards him and my Speech too which yet these Witnesses for the other agrees in this have no Reason to call rough Carriage only upon Mr. Ruly's unthankful Report He says That these words the Antichristian Yoak were 〈◊〉 out First this is more than I remember and the Briefs I had not to compare nor is there any necessity that two Briefs coming for the same thing with some Years distance between should agree in every Phrase or Circumstance Secondly if I did except against this passage it was partly because of the fore-recited Judgment of King James of which I thought his Son King Charles ought to be tender And partly because it could move nothing but Scorn in the common Adversary that we should offer to determine such a Controversie by a Broad Seal I remember well since I had the Honour to sit in this House the naming of Tithes to be due Jure Divino cast out the Bill A Prudent Lord asking the Peers whether they meant to determine that question by an Act of Parliament The other part of the Clause which they say was altered was the Religion which we with them profess Whence they infer because with them was left out that I would not acknowledge them of the same Religion which follows not For we may be and are of the same Religion and yet agree not with them in those Opinions in
thus That God would preserve the Prince in the true Religion of which there was cause to fear Could this Prayer have any other Operation upon the People than to make them think his Majesty was careless in the Education of the Prince especially in point of Religion And this was so Grievous and Graceless a Scandal cast upon a Religious King as nothing could be greater Upon the matter it was the shew of a Prayer for the Prince but was indeed to destroy the King in the Hearts of his People And had I not there consented to his Punishment I had deserved to be punished my self Mr. Brown when he repeated the Summ of the Evidence laid this Charge upon me but spake not one Word to my Remembrance of this Answer given to it The Ninth Charge That I did Extol Queen Mary's Days The Proof for it was taken out of the Preface to the Statutes of the Vniversity of Oxford I took a great deal of pains about those Statutes and might justly have expected Thanks for it not such an Accusation But as for the Preface it was made and Printed at Oxford I medled not with it I could trust the University with little if not with the making of a Preface If they have done any thing amiss in it let them answer it The Passage was about certain Offers made to amend those Confused Old Statutes both in Ed. 6. and Queen Mary's Days but no Effect came of the pains then taken Recruduit Labor says the Preface So that this I can answer for them There 's not a Word spoken of Religion but of Manners only and that as much in relation to the Times of Princes following as Hers. For the Words to my remembrance are Interim optandâ Temporum Foelicitate c. And that Interim cannot be restrained to Queen Mary's Days only but must include the whole Interim or middle distance of Time to that present in which I setled the Body of their Statutes that is all Queen Elizabeth's and King James his Days which I think no Man can deny was Optanda Temporum Foelicitas Here Mr. Nicolas confessed there was no down-right Proof against me That was his Phrase But he added that was not to be expected in such a Work of Darkness Then he produced a Paper found in my Study Printed at Rome So were divers of my Books Printed there What of this They may Print what they will at Rome I cannot hinder it And I may have and keep whatever they Print no Law forbidding it Then he shewed a Letter sent unto me from Mr. Graves The Gentleman is at this present Fellow of Merton College in Oxford a great Traveller and a Man of great Worth As far as I remember his Letter came to me from Alexandria It was fit to be sent and kindly received as by me it was I desired it might be read Then were mentioned Sir William Boswell's Letters and the Papers sent by Andreas ab Habernfeld about a great Plot to destroy the King and Religion and that I concealed these Papers I might have been amazed at the Impudence of this Charge above all the rest Diaboli Impudentia the Devils Impudence and no less as S. Augustin speaks in another Case Did I conceal these Papers First the same Day that I received them I sent them by an Express to his Majesty I had a speedy Answer from his Majesty and that I returned with equal speed to his Majesty's Agent Sir William Boswell as I was commanded And this Mr. Pryn and Mr. Nicolas knew For Mr. Pryn took all these Letters and Papers from me when he searched me at the Tower and out of them made his Book called Rome's Masterpiece Excepting the Slanders which he hath Jugled in of his own So soon as his Majesty came home I humbly besought him that he would be pleased to appoint a time and call some Lords to him to hear and examine the Business and this Examination continued till I was Committed What was after done I cannot account for Besides my Lords it appears by those Paprs that my Life was sought for because I would not give way to the Change of Religion and Mr. Pryn himself hath Printed this and yet now Mr. Nicolas from his Testimony presses these Papers against me But the King and the Lords and both Secretaries of State then present can witness that I took all the Care and Pains above-mentioned to have it sifted to the Bottom Notwithstanding all this Mr. Nicolas falls upon this Plot again upon the next Day of my Hearing as if nothing had been said unto it And was so shameless as to say that I followed this Business so long as I thought the Plot was against the Puritans But so soon as I found it was against the Papists I kept it secret till Mr. Pryn discovered it in his search of my Papers Where First there 's no one Word in all the Papers to make me or any Man think the Puritans were concerned in it And Secondly I did not sleep upon the Receipt of these Papers till I had sent them to his Majesty But I had reason to keep the Papers as safe as I could considering how much they justifie me against these foul Calumnies put upon me Then followed the Charge of Sancta Clara's Book alias Monsieur St Giles So they expressed it and I must follow the way they lead me First then they Charge that I had often Conference with him while he was writing his Book Intituled Deus Natura Gratia No he never came to me till he was ready to Print that Book Then some Friends of his brought him to me His Suit then was That he might Print that Book here Upon Speech with him I found the Scope of his Book to be such as that the Church of England would have little Cause to thank him for it And so absolutely denyed it Nor did he ever come more at me after this but twice or thrice at most when he made great Friends to me that he might Print another Book to prove that Bishops are by Divine Right My Answer then was that I did not like the way which the Church of Rome went in the Case of Episcopacy And howsoever that I would never give way that any such Book should be Printed here from the Pen of a Romanist and that the Bishops of England were able to defend their own Cause and Calling without calling in Aid from Rome and would in due time Maintenance he never had any from me nor did I then know him to be a Priest Nor was there any Proof so much as offered in contrary to any of this 2. Secondly they did specially except against a Passage in the Licenser and another at the end of the Book The Book was Printed at Lions where I could not hinder the Printing either of the whole or any part This might have been something had I Licensed it here But that I constantly denyed 3. Thirdly
in those places which are cited do make the Pope the great Antichrist For in the first place the Words are To the beating down of Sin Death the Pope the Devil and all the Kingdom of Antichrist Which Words cannot possibly imply that the Pope is that Antichrist In the second place he is only called the Babylonical Beast of Rome which Phrase doth not necessarily signifie The Great Antichrist For the Beast so often mentioned in the Revelation is no where called the Babylonical Beast of Rome And if that Beast do stand for the Great Antichrist I say If because those Scriptures are very dark then the Beast is primarily the Roman Empire in the Judgment of the Geneva Noters And that there should be two great Antichrists is more than any man hath yet said Here Mr. Nicolas was up again with Pander to the Whore of Babylon and his other foul Language not remembring all this while which yet I was loath to mind him of that one of his zealous Witnesses against the Whore of Babylon and all her Superstitions got all his Means which are great by being a Pander to other lewd Women and loved the business it self so well as that he was not long since men say taken in Bed with one of his Wife's Maids Good Mr. Nicolas do not dispense with all Whores save the Whore of Babylon 6. The Sixth Particular was the Articles of Ireland which call the Pope the Man of Sin But the Articles of Ireland bind neither this Church nor me And some Learned Protestants do not understand that noted place of the Apostle 2 Thess. 2. as meant of Antichrist or the Pope 7. The Seventh and Last Particular is a Repetition of Sancta Clara and Mr. S. Giles and the Letter of News which were News indeed to make them one Man though this were Answered at large but the last Day and Sir Ed. Hungerford's Testimony brought up again It 's a sign Mr. Nicolas hath indeed no down-right right Proof as he said before that so tumbles up and down in repeating the same things The Third Charge is that I say in my Book That the Religion of the Church of Rome and ours is all one This is spoken only in opposition to other Religions in regard of Christianity The Words are Nor do the Church of Rome and the Protestants set up a different Religion for the Christian Religion is the same to both c. And the like passage to this is in my Speech in the Star-Chamber And these Passages were read to the Lords So that either Papists must be denied to be Christians or else this Charge can work nothing against me The Fourth Charge is out of Chouneus his Book p. 45 46. Licensed by my Chaplain Dr. Braye where they say 't is said That Rome is a True Church and differs not in Fundamentals And that at the High Commission when this Book was question'd by some I did say that the Church of Rome and the Protestants did not differ in Fundamentals but in Circumstances And this latter part was testified by Mr. Burton and one Mr. Lane who said they were present First Suppose this be false and that they do differ in Fundamentals yet this then is but my Errour in Divinity no Practice to overthrow Religion Secondly I suppose if I did so say I did not Err For the Foundations of Christian Religion are the Articles of the Creed and the Church of Rome denies no one of them Therefore there is no difference in the Fundamentals If they of Rome differ in Exposition of some of these that must needs be a Superstructure upon or beside the Article not the Article or Foundation it self Nor did I follow my own Judgment herein but Calvin's who says expresly That in despight of Antichrist the Foundations of the Church remain'd in the Papacy it self that the Church might not wholly perish And this Passage was then read to the Lords Thirdly These two Learned Witnesses as they would be reputed are quite mistaken in their very Terms For they report me as if I said Not in Fundamentals but in Circumstantials whereas these are not Membra opposita but Fundamentals and Superstructures which may sway quite beside the Foundation And this though not the only yet is a main Failing in the Roman Fabrick in which many things are built upon unwarrantable Tradition as is expressed in my Book at large and their many Superstitions named and that Passage read also to the Lords For though they differ not in the prime Foundations yet they in many things grate close upon them and in some things fall beside them to no small Hazard of their own Souls As for Circumstantials it seems these Men have forgotten or never knew that many times Circumstantials in Religion do quite destroy the Foundation For Example The Circumstances are these Quis Quid Vbi Quibus Auxiliis Quomodo Quando 1. Quid What a Man believes And that contains Fundamentals and in the first place 2. Vbi Place a meer Circumstance yet to deny that Christ took our Flesh of the B. Virgin and that in Judaea denies the Foundation and is flat Judaism 3. Quibus Auxiliis By what Helps a Man believes and in some measure obeys as he is commanded For to believe that a Man doth this by the strength of Nature only and not by Aid and Assistance of Grace is with the Pelagian to deny the Foundation and to overthrow the Grace of Christ. 4. Quando When That 's Time a meer Circumstance Yet to deny that Christ is already come in the Flesh denies the Foundation utterly and is flat Judaism and an inseparable Badge of the great Antichrist 1 John 4. And in the Case of the Resurrection to say 't is past already which is Time St. Paul tells us 2 Tim. 2. is no less than the Overthrow of the Faith And the Rule is general That some Circumstances Dant Speciem give the very Kind and Form to a Moral Action This for their Ignorance but for the Malice of their Oath I leave them to God's Mercy Here Mr. Brown when he summed up the Evidence against me fell upon this and said that when I gave divers Instances what dangerous Errors Circumstances did sometimes breed in Religion I gave no Instance in any point of Popery But to this I Answered First That it was not material what Instances I made so I was able to make some Secondly That it was not possible for me or perhaps a readier Man to have all Instances so present with his Memory Thirdly If an Instance in Popery rank Popery will serve the turn you may take it in Transubstantiation That is either a Fundamental Point or it is not If it be not Fundamental why did the Papist put the Protestant to Death for it And why did the Protestant suffer Death If it be Fundamental as it seems by both sides it was accounted it
was nothing done against Law any Friend may privately assist another in his Difficulties And I am perswaded many Friends in either House do what they justly may when such sad Occasions happen And this Answer I gave to Mr. Brown when he Summed up my Charge in the House of Commons But Mr. Brown did not begin with this but with another here omitted by Mr. Nicolas though he had pressed it before in the Fifteenth day of my Hearing Dr. Potter writ unto me for my advice in some Passages of a Book writ by him as I remember against a Book Intituled Charity mistaken I did not think it fit to amend any thing with my own Pen but put some few things back to his Second Thoughts of which this was one That if he express himself so he will give as much Power to the Parliament in Matters of Doctrine as to the Church This Mr. Brown said took away all Authority from Parliaments in that kind But under Favour this takes away nor all nor any that is due unto them Not all for my Words are about giving so much Power Now he that would not have so much given to the one as the other doth not take away all from either Not any that is due to them For my Words not medling simply with Parliamentary Power as appears by the Comparative Words so much my Intention must needs be to have Dr. Potter so to consider of his Words as that that which is proper to the Church might not be ascribed to Parliaments And this I conceive is plain in the very Letter of the Law The Words of the Statute are Or such as shall hereafter be Ordered Judged or determined to be Heresy by the High Court of Parliament in this Realm with the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation Where 't is manifest that the Judging and Determining Part for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrin is in the Church For the Assent of the Church or Clergy cannot be given but in Convocation and so the Law requires it Now Assent in Convocation cannot be given but there must preceed a Debate a Judging a Voting and a Determining Therefore the Determining Power for the Truth or Falshood of the Doctrine Heresie or no Heresie is in the Church But the Judging and determining Power for binding to Obedience and for Punishment is in the Parliament with this Assent of the Clergy Therefore I humbly conceive the Parliament cannot by Law that is till this Law be first altered Determine the Truth of Doctrine without this Assent of the Church in Convocation And that such a Synod and Convocation as is Chosen and Assembled as the Laws and Customs of this Realm require To this Mr. Brown in his Reply upon me in the House of Commons said Two Things The one that this Branch of the Statute of one Eliz. was for Heresie only and the Adjudging of that but medled not with the Parliaments Power in other matters of Religion If it be for Heresie only that the Church alone shall not so Determine Heresie as to bring those grievous Punishments which the Law lays upon it upon the Neck of any Subject without Determination in Parliament then is the Church in Convocation left free also in other matters of Religion according to the First Clause in Magna Charta which establishes the Church in all her Rights And her main and constant Right when that Charter was made and confirmed was Power of Determining in matters of Doctrine and Discipline of the Church And this Right of the Clergy is not bounded or limited by any Law but this Clause of 1. Eliz. that ever I heard of The other was that if this were so that the Parliament might not meddle with Religion but with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation we should have had no Reformation For the Bishops and the Clergy dissented First it is not as I conceive to be denyed that the King and his High Court of Parliament may make any Law what they please and by their Absolute Power may change Religion Christianity into Turcism if they please which God forbid And the Subjects whose Consciences cannot obey must flye or indure the Penalty of the Law But both King and Parliament are sub graviori Regno and must Answer God for all such abuse of Power But beside this Absolute there is a Limited Power Limited I say by Natural Justice and Equity by which no Man no Court can do more than what he can by Right And according to this Power the Church's Interest must be considered and that indifferently as well as the Parliaments To apply this to the Particular of the Reformation The Parliament in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth would not indure Popish Superstition and by Absolute Power Abolished it without any Assent of the Clergy in Convocation And then in her first Year An. 1559. She had a Visitation and set out her Injunctions to direct and order such of the Clergy as could conform their Judgments to the Reformation But then so soon as the Clergy was settled and that a Form of Doctrine was to be agreed upon to shew the difference from the Roman Superstition a Synod was called and in the Year 1562. the Articles of Religion were agreed upon and they were determined and confirmed by Parliament with the Assent of the Clergy in Convocation and that by a just and orderly Power Nor is the Absolute Power of King and Parliament any way unjust in it self but may many ways be made such by Misinformation or otherwise And this gives the King and the Parliament their full Power and yet preserves this Church in her just Right Just and acknowledged by some that loved her not over well For the Lord Brook tells us That what a Church will take for true Doctrine lies only in that Church Nay the very Heathen saw clearly the Justice of this For M. Lucullus was able to say in Tully That the Priests were Judges of Religion and the Senate of Law The Second Proof is That I made two Speeches for the King to be spoken or sent to the Parliament that then was and that they had some sour and ill Passages in them These Speeches were read to the Lords and had I now the Copies I would insert them here and make the World Judge of them First I might shuffle here and deny the making of them For no Proof is offer'd but that they are in my Hand and that is no necessary Proof For I had then many Papers by me written in my own Hand which were not my making though I transcribed them as not thinking it fit to trust them in other Hands But Secondly I did make them and I followed the Instructions which were given me as close as I could to the very Phrases and being commanded to the Service I hope it shall not now be made my Crime that I was trusted by my Soveraign Thirdly As I did never
Reader And if they do not make themselves of another Religion I shall never endeavour to make them 13. By a Pack of such Witnesses as were never produced against any Man of my Place and Calling Messengers and Pursevants and such as have shifted their Religion to and again Pillory-men and Bawds And these the Men that must prove my Correspondence with Priests 12. In the midst of these upon occasion of the Ceremonies at the Coronation it was pressed against me That I had altered the King's Oath 14. And last of all That I had shewed my felf an Enemy to Parliaments Upon both these I did very much enlarge my self But here also that I may not be a burden in repeating the same thing I desire the Reader to look upon them in their proper places where I doubt not but my Answer will give him full satisfaction that I did not the one nor am the other But my Lords there are other strange Arguments produced against me to prove my Compliance with Rome which I most humbly desire your Lordships may not be forgotten 1. As first my Lords it hath been Charged upon me That I made the Oath recited in the first of the late Canons one Clause whereof is this That I will never give my Consent to subject this Church to the Vsurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome Whence the Argument drawn against me must be this and can be no other That I did endeavour to bring in Popery because I made and took a solemn Oath never to give my Consent to subject this Church of England to the Usurpations and Superstitions of the Church of Rome I beseech your Lordships mark the force of this Argument And they which follow are as pregnant against me 2. Secondly My Book against Fisher hath been charged against me where the Argument must lie thus I have endeavoured to advance Popery because I have written against it And with what strength I have written I leave to Posterity to judge when the Envy which now over-loads me shall be buried with me This I will say with St. Gregory Nazianzen whose Success at Constantinople was not much unlike mine here save that his Life was not sought I never laboured for Peace to the Wrong and Detriment of Christian Verity nor I hope ever shall And let the Church of England look to it for in great Humility I crave to write this though then was no time to speak it That the Church of England must leave the way it 's now going and come back to that way of Defence which I have followed in my Book or She shall never be able to justifie Her Separation from the Church of Rome 3. Thirdly All the late Canons have been charged against me and the Argument which is drawn from thence must lie thus The Third of these Canons for suppressing the Growth of Popery is the most full and strict Canon that ever was made against it in the Church of England Therefore I that made this Canon to keep it out am guilty of endeavouring to bring it in 4. Fourthly I have by my Industry and God's great Blessing upon my Labours stayed as many from going and reduced to the Church of England as many that were gone to Rome as I believe any Minister in England can truly say he hath done I named them before and had Scorn enough put upon me for it as your Lordships could not but both see and hear where the Argument lies thus I converted many from Popery and setled them in the Religion established in England Therefore I laboured to bring in Popery which out of all doubt can be no sober Man's way 5. Fifthly The Plot discovered to Sir William Boswell and my self by Andreas ab Habernfield hath been charged against me That Plot for altering of Religion and by what ways your Lordships have heard already and is to be seen at full in Rome's Master-piece Now if this Plot in the Issue proved nothing but a confused Information and no Proof of any Particular as indeed it did What 's become of Rome's Master-piece But if it had any reality in it as it appeared to be a sad Plot not only to me but to all Men that saw the short Propositions which were first sent with an absolute Undertaking to prove them then it appears expresly that I was in danger of my Life for stiffly opposing the bringing in of Popery and that there was no hope to alter Religion in England 'till I was taken out of the way And though in conclusion the Proofs failed yet what was consulted and it seems resolved concerning me is plain enough And then the Argument against me lies thus There 's no hope to bring in Popery 'till I am taken out of the way therefore I did labour to bring it in Do not these things my Lords hang handsomly together 6. Lastly There have been above Threescore Letters and other Papers brought out of my Study into this Honourable House they are all about composing the Differences between the Lutherans and the Calvinists in Germany Why they should be brought hither but in hope to charge them upon me I know not and then the Argument will be this I laboured to reconcile the Protestants in Germany that they might unanimously set themselves against the Papists therefore I laboured to bring Popery into England Now that your Lordships have heard the Arguments and what Proof they make against me I must be bold to put you in Mind of that which was said here at the Barr April 16. 1644. That they did not urge any of these particular Actions as Treason against me but the Result of them all together amounted to Treason For answer to which I must be bold to tell your Lordships That if no Particular which is charged upon me be Treason the Result from them cannot be Treason which will appear by these Reasons following 1. First The Result must be of the same Nature and Species with the Particulars from which it rises But 't is confessed no one of the Particulars are Treason Therefore neither is the Result that rises from them And this holds in Nature in Morality and in Law In Nature and that both for Integral and Essential Parts for neither can the Body of a Bear and the Soul of a Lion result into a Fox nor the Legs of a Bull the Body of a Horse and the Head of an Ass result into a Man In Morality and that is seen both in Vertues and Vices For neither can many Actions of Liberality Meekness and Sobriety rise up into a Result of Fortitude neither can many Actions of Malice Drunkenness and Covetousness result into Treason In Law 't is so too For be there never so many particular Crimes yet there is no Law in this Kingdom nor any where else that I know that makes a Result of different Crimes to be Treason where none of the Particulars are Treason by Law So this imaginary Result is
was my Complaint general that my Papers were Seized but that the Papers prepared for my Defence were taken from me and not restored when I needed them and Petitioned for them He said my Third Complaint was That many of the Witnesses produced against me were Separatists I did indeed complain of this and I had abundant Cause so to do For there was scarce an active Separatist in England but some way or other his Influence was into this Business against me And whereas the Gentleman said the Witnesses were some Aldermen and some Gentlemen and Men of Quality That 's nothing for both Gentlemen and Aldermen and Men of all Conditions the more 's the pity as the Times now go are Separatists from the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England Established by Law And I would to God some of my Judges were not My Fourth Complaint he said was of the excessive Number of the Witnesses And he added that if I would not have so many Witnesses I should not have given occasion for it by Committing so many Crimes But First whether I have committed so many Crimes as are urged against me is yet in Question And Secondly 't is one thing to give Cause and another thing to give Occasion For an Occasion may be taken when 't is pretended as given And so I hope it will be found in my Case But the thing here mistaken is That these are all said to be Legal Witnesses whereas almost all of them have at some time or other been before me as their Judge either at Star-Chamber or Council-Table or High-Commission or as Referee And then I humbly desire it may be considered First how impossible it is for a Judge to please all Men. Secondly how improbable it is that Witnesses displeased should be indifferent in their Testimony And Thirdly how hard it is to convince a Man by such interessed Witnesses now upon the matter becoming Judges of him that Judged them And as S. Augustin speaks Quomodo potest how is it possible for one that is Contentious and Evil to speak well of his Judge From these Generals the Gentleman passed to the Particulars of the Charge and he caused the 7 8 9 10 11. Original Articles and the 7. Additional to be read That done he divided the Charge into two main Heads The one an Endeavour in me to subvert the Laws of the Kingdom And the other a like Endeavour to alter the true Protestant Religion into Popery The Evidence given in the Lords House began at the Laws and ended in Religion but this Gentleman in his Summ both there and here began with Religion and ended with the Laws The Charge concerning Religion he said would bear two Parts the Ceremonial and the Substantial part of Religion 1 And he professed he would begin at the Ceremonial where having First charged in general the Statute of the 3 and 4 of Ed. 6. 6. 10. for the destruction of Images he gave these particular Instances following to shew my Intention to alter Religion 1. The setting up of Coloured Glass with Pictures in the Windows of my Chappel the Communion-Table Altar-wise Candlesticks thereon with Reverence and Bowings 2. A Bible in my Study with the Five Wounds of Christ wrought upon the Cover in Needle-Work 3. Three Pictures in my Gallery The Ecce Homo the Four Latin Fathers and the History S John 10. of the True Shepherd entring in by the Door and the Thief by the Window 4. The Crucifix hung up in the Chappel at White-Hall on Good-Friday And what happened there upon Dr Brown's coming in and doing Reverence 5. The Copes and Bowings used in Cathedral Churches since my time 6. The Ceremonies used at his Majesty's Coronation 7. The Abuses in the Universities especially Oxford 1. The Titles given me from thence 2. Divers Particulars in the new Statutes 3. Images countenanced there by me in divers Chappels 4. The Picture of the Virgin Mary at S Mary's Church-Door 5. Nothing to be done without me in Congregations 8. The Ceremonies in some parish-Parish-Churches and some punished for neglect of them Instances in some of Beckinton some of Lewis and in Mr Chancy of Ware 9. That I preferred no Men but such as were active for the Ceremonies 10. Passages expunged out of Books if contrary to these Courses as that in Dr. Featly's Sermons concerning Images 11. Bibles with Pictures in them 12. The severe Punishment of Mr. Workman of Gloucester only for a Sermon against Images 13. Words spoken to take Bishop Jewell's Works and the Book of Martyrs out of some Parish-Churches 14. The Consecration of Cree-Church and S. Giles in the Fields In all which as I humbly conceive here 's nothing especially my Answers being taken to them that can co-operate to any alteration of Religion Nor is there any Treason were all that is urged true 2 From hence Mr. Speaker this worthy Gentleman passed over from the Ceremonies to those things which he said concerned the Substance of Religion In which the Particulars which he Charged were these 1. A doubtfulness if not a denyal of the Pope's being Antichrist 2. Dislike of the Name the Idol of Rome 3. The alteration of some passages in the Publick Prayers appointed for Novemb. 5. and the Coronation Day 4. The Antichristian Yoak left out of the Brief for the Palatinat with an expression as if we and those Reformed Churches were not of the same Religion 5. That Men were punished for Praying for the Queen and the Prince 6. That the Church of Rome is a true Church 7. That the Communion-Table or Altar is the Chief Place For there 's Hoc est Corpus meum 8. Restraint of all Books against Popery Instances in a Book of Bishop Carleton's One tendred by Sir Edward Hungerford Dr. Clarke's Sermons Dr. Jones None called in but Sales That I my self did expunge some Passages out of a Sermon of Dr. Sibthorp's Popish Books seized re-delivered to the Owners That for these I must answer for my Chaplains since John Arch-Bishop of York was fined for his Commissary's Act against the Bishop of Durham who having a Patent could not so easily be put out of his Place as I might change my Chaplains 9. Three Ministers in my Diocess suspended for not reading the Book of Recreations on the Lord's Day 10. The Feoffment for buying in of Impropriations overthrown to the hindrance of Preaching and Scandal to Religion 11. Incroachment upon the Lord Chamberlain for naming of Chaplains to the King and upon the Master of the Wards for giving of Benefices 12 Familiarity with Priests and Jesuits S. Clara and Monsieur S. Giles 13. The Testimonies of Mr. Challonor Sir Henry Mildmay and his Brother Mr. Anthony what Opinion was held of me beyond the Seas for my cunning introducing of Popery 14. That an Offer was made unto me to be a Cardinal And thus far this Gentleman proceeded in points of Religion But because there hath passed divers things done at
share therein as he could desire his Body being accompanied to the Earth with great Multitudes of People whom Love or Curiosity or remorse of Conscience had drawn together purposely to perform that Office and decently Interred in the Church of Alhallow Barking a Church of his own Patronage and Jurisdiction according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England In which it may be noted as a thing remarkable That being whilst he Lived the greatest Champion of the common-prayer-Common-Prayer-Book here by Law Established he had the Honour being Dead to be Buried by the Form therein prescribed after it had been long disused and almost reprobated in most Churches of London Hitherto Dr. Heylin The same day that the House of Lords passed the Ordinance of Attainder against the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury viz. Jan. 4. they likewise passed an Ordinance that the Book of Common-Prayer should be laid aside and for Establishing the Directory for Publick Worship which had been framed by the Assembly of Divines Rushworth par 3. vol. 2. pag. 839. H. W. On the Arch-Bishop's Coffin was nailed a little Brass-Plate with his Arms and this Inscription Engraven thereon In hac Cistuli conduntur Exuviae Gulielmi Laud Archiepiscopi Cantuariensis qui Securi percussus Immortalitatem adiit Die X. Januarij AEtatis suae LXXII Archiepiscopatûs XII In the Year 1663 his Body was removed from All-Hallows Church in London and being carried to Oxford was there Solemnly deposited July 24. in a little brick Vault near to the Altar of the Chappel in St. John Baptist's College The Arch-Bishop's Last Will and Testament In Dei Nomine Amen I William Laud by God's great Mercy and Goodness Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury being in perfect Health tho' at this time a Prisoner in the Tower of London God knows for what in due and serious Consideration of Humane Frailty do hereby Make Ordain and Declare this my Last Will and Testament in Manner and Form following And First in all Humility and Devotion of a contrite Heart I 〈◊〉 beg of God Pardon and Remission of all my Sins for and through the Merits and Mediation of Jesus Christ my alone Saviour And though I have been a most Prodigal Son yet my hope is in Christ that for his sake God my most merciful Creator will not cast off the Bowels of Compassion of a Father Amen Lord Jesus In this Hope and Confidence I render up my Soul with Comfort into the Mercies of God the Father through the Merits of God the Son in the Love of God the Holy Ghost And I humbly pray that most Blessed and Glorious Trinity One God to prepare me in that Hour of Dissolution and to make me wait every Moment when my Changing shall come and in my Change to receive me to that Rest which he prepared for all them that Love and Fear his Name So Amen Lord Jesu Amen Whomsoever I have in the least degree Offended I heartily ask God and him Forgiveness And whosoever hath Offended me I pray God forgive them and I do And I hope and pray that God will forgive me my many Great and Grievous Transgressions against him Amen For my Faith I Die as I have Lived in the True Orthodox Profession of the Catholick Faith of Christ foreshewed by the Prophets and Preached to the World by Christ himself his Blessed Apostles and their Successors and a True Member of his Catholick Church within the Communion of a Living part thereof the present Church of England as it stands Established by Law Secondly I leave my Body to the Earth whence it was taken in full assurance of the Resurrection of it from the Grave at the last day This Resurrection I constantly believe my Dear Saviour Jesus Christ will make happy unto me his poor and weary Servant And for my Burial tho' I stand not much upon the place yet if it conveniently may be I desire to be Buried in the Chappel of St. John Baptist's College in Oxford underneath the Altar or Communion-Table there And should I be so unhappy as to die a Prisoner yet my earnest desire is I may not be buried in the Tower But wheresoever my Burial shall be I will have it private that it may not waste any of the poor Means which I leave behind me to better Uses Thirdly For my Worldly Estate I Will that my Debts be presently paid which at this time I praise God are very small Then for St Paul's Church it grieves me to see it at such a stand And tho' I have besides my pains given largely towards it and the Repairs thereof yet I leave it a Blessing of 800 l. which will be truly paid in for that Work if ever it go on while the Party trusted with it lives But my Executors are not charged with this 't is in safe but other Hands Item I take the boldness to give to my Dread and Dear Soveraign King Charles whom God bless 1000 l. and I do forgive him the Debt which he owes me being 2000 l. and require that the Tallies for it be delivered up Item I give to St John's College in Oxford where I was bred all my Chappel-Plate gilt or party-gilt All my Chappel-Furniture all such Books as I have in my Study at the time of my Death which they have not in their Library and 500 l. in Money to be laid out upon Lands And I Will that the Rent of it shall be equally divided to every Fellow and Scholar alike upon the 17th day of October every fourth Year Something else I have done for them already according to my Ability And God's everlasting Blessing be upon that Place and that Society for ever I give to the Right Honourable George Lord Duke of Buckingham his Grace my Chalice and Patin of Gold and these I desire the young Duke to accept and use in his Chappel as the Memorial of him who had a Faithful Heart to love and the Honour to be beloved of his Father So God bless him with wise and good Counsels and a Heart to follow them By Father and Mother I never had Brother nor Sister but by my Mother many They were all Ancient to me and are Dead but I give to their Children as followeth Legacies To his Brother Dr Robinson's Children Scil Henry and John and Lucie and Elizabeth Wife to Dr Baily To Dr Cotsford Son of his Sister Amie To Dr Edward Layfield Son of his Sister Bridget To Eliz Holt Daughter of his Sister Bennet To William Bole Son of his Sister Elizabeth To his Sister Briget's Daughter Wife to Mr Snow To his Chaplains Rings rich or Watches To the Poor of several places he had reference to 5 l. each To Canterbury Lambeth and Croydon 10 l. each To the University of Oxford where I was Bred and to the Town of Reading where I was Born I have already in perpetuity as God hath made me able Item I give to so many of my Servants as did continue my Servants
antè obijt cum Henrico Sexto Rege de rescindendis illis juribus actionibus egisse illa statuta quae contrà Papae Provisiones lata sunt à poenis provisis praemonitis nuncupata esse scribat Sed ut omisso 〈◊〉 peregrino à nostrae historiae sensu veritateque aliena ad hanc Praesulum atque Praelatorum supplicationem revertamur Si tum cum Papa authoritatem regiam in omni jurisdictione exerceret cumquè vis ejus etiam Regibus esset formidabilis tamen contra tam immanem violentam juris regni peritorum interpretationem deprecari Praelati coacti sunt quid nunc facient cum Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis gubernaculis Principi delatis Papali usurpatione exclusâ nec illa Causidicorum turba neque quisquam 〈◊〉 hominum ordo majore fide religione doctrinâ prudentiâ facundiâ Papalem oppugnent Principis jurisdictionem tueantur quà m Praelati Vt graviori supplicio digni sint hi qui Ecclesiastica judicia jam contrà Papam eaquè Principis nomine exercitata obsoletis illorum Statuorum calumnijs nunc impediant Praelatos à munere suo piè recteque gerendo deterreant quà m qui priscis illis temporibus Papales Provisiones Romae vel alibi impetrarent Quod si tam iniqui calumniatores duriores esse volunt vetera ob alias causas lata jura non ad Principis aut Reipublicae sed ad suam utilitatem atque quaestum ad integerrimi religiosissimique Praelatorum ordinis perniciem refricare volunt saltem ipsi simili Lege latâ patiantur legem talionis eademque poena plectantur si in Ecclesiasticae jurisdictionis limites incurrant quâ Praelatos si suas causas vel minimo digito attigerint affici volunt XIV A Passage out of Arch-Bishop Parker's Antiquitates Britannicae concerning Ceremonies used in Consecration of Churches referred to in the Preceding History Pag. 85. Etsi enim assentior rectè ac secundum Deum egisse Pontifices Romanos quòd hujusmodi nugis ac praestigijs quae multis ante eos saeculis in summo usu existimatione à veteribus culta observata fuerunt fidem omnem ac authoritatem detraxerint in hoc tamen desidero illorum 〈◊〉 Pietatem sive Prudentiam quod quae in eo genere corrigere volebant in alio deteriora effecerunt ut immutata magis ad novas superstitiones traducta quà m penitus deleta extincta cernantur Legat enim qui volet recentiores nostro praesertim aevo editos Pontificales ac Missales Libros reperiet eos Ceremoniarum multitudine peragendi difficultate atque taedio exorcisationis amentiâ priores illos longè superare Quibus enim non dicam verbis sed portentes haec hujusmodi à Pontificijs adhuc adjurantur Primarius Lapis Caementum pro Ecclesiâ aedificandâ Sal Aqua Panis Benedictus Dedicatio recentis Ecclesiae Altaria Vasa Indumenta Linteamina Ornamenta Ecclesiastica Altare Portatile Calix cum Patenâ Crux Nova Sanctorum Imagines Campane atque Signa Cineres Incensus tum in Militum ut vocant Règularium erectione Arma Enses Vexilla Beilica Haec omnia quà m solenni ritu Sanctarum Scripturarum Sententijs ad suas Decantationes perperam adhibitis Pontificij peragunt paucis videamus c. Sed quid hujus generis infinita exempla persequar Cui enim dubium est hujusmodi Exorcismis Papales Ritus Ceremonias abundare qui ab his quos in ordinatione Ordalii vulgarisque purgationis antiquitus secuta est quam serò damnabant aut nihil differunt aut pluribus magisque stupendis praestigijs referti sunt At Sanctus Augustinus qui suo tempore de Caeremoniarum multitudine quaestus est si jam viveret quid de hoc immenso numero prolixo earum celebrandarum modo existimare poterat XV. A Passage out of a Pamphlet entituled Antidotum Culmerianum Printed at Oxford 1644. 〈◊〉 referred to in the preceding History Pag. 11. Who but he Richard Culmer then demolishing the painted Glass and other Ornaments of the Cathedral Church of Canterbury made the place his Refectory his Dining Room the place of his Repast at that time Being so sedulous hot and intent upon the Work that to lose no time in following it he took his Bottle and Bag with him to victual himself upon the place If all this amount not to Impudence as perhaps with too many Judges in these Days it will not I shall tell you now of Impudence with a Witness And I term it so because I have it from an Eye-Witness of good Credit that not without just Scandal saw the deed done and will be ready if lawfully required to attest and justifie the Report with his Corporal Oath What do you think then of Pissing in the open Church and at Noon-Day in Publick view This is he that did the deed in the Body of that Cathedral c. XVI A Passage out of the same Pamphlet referred to in the preceding History being part of Richard Culmer's Information against Mr. E. B. a Gentleman of Quality of Goodneston in Kent his Parishioner Exhibited at the Council-Table Pag. 35. And I heard the said Mr. B. say having read over the Book of Sabbath-Recreations and delivering it to me before Evensong in the Church I asked him if he had read it he replyed yes it will make a good Privy Seal And my Wife and I heard him in our own House say of the said Book that it was as if a School-Master should say it is a good Boy ply thy Book and thou shalt go to play in the Afternoon And I and my Servant heard him say that it was unfit such Books should be sent for Ministers to read in the Church Yet after he had a Project to get my Benefice he to collogue for it said in my Hearing that it was a good Book and if it were read the Sabbath would be better kept than ever it was Dated July 31. 1635. Per me Rich. Culmer XVII A third Passage out of the same Pamphlet referred to in the preceding History being the Order of Council-Table made against Richard Culmer after he had Exhibited the said Information Pag. 19. At White-Hall Octob. 9. 1635. Present Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury his Grace Lord Keeper Lord Privy-Seal Earl Marshal Lord Cottington Mr. Secretary Windebank Whereas upon an Information given by R. C. Clerk against E. B. of B. in the County of Kent Gent. the said E. B. was sent for by Warrant and bound to Appear and Answer the same before their Lordships Friday the 9th of this present this day both the said Parties having been called and heard before the Board Their Lordships finding the said Information and Complaint against Mr. B. to have been Causeless and Unjust did think fit and order that he should be forthwith discharged from any further Attendance concerning the same and that the Bonds by him
those Times had the Grace and the Gift of Prayer as well as other Graces And there was then as peculiar a Gift by Inspiration to pray as to foretell things to come or to do Miracles As is evident in St. Chrysostom who says that these Men made use of this Gift and Prayed publickly in their Assemblies But so soon as this Gift with others ceased there was a set Form from the beginning Neither is it hard to prove that some parts of our Liturgy hath been as Ancient as the Church hath any Records to shew and some both practised and prescribed by the Apostle St. Paul for the substance of them And the true Reason why we cannot shew the exact Primitive Forms then in use is because they were continually subject to Alterations both in times and places Now if this Lord can furnish us with such Men as shall be inabled to pray by the immediate Inspiration of God's Spirit we will bind them up to no Form But 'till he can I hope we shall be so happy as to retain the set Prayers of the Church Fifthly because this enjoyning turns such Forms instead of being Directions into Superstition This is so wild a Conceit that I wonder how it fell into the Thought of so Wise a Man as my Lord is taken to be For can a Command or an Injunction alter the very Nature of a Thing so far as to turn that which is a Direction into a Superstition Then belike it is Superstition for any Christian to obey the Decrees and Injunctions whether for Belief or Practice made by any the four first General Councils And my Lord knows well that 't is Heretical for any Man to profess against any of these Councils And this not only by the Church Law which his Lordship so much slights but by the Laws of England So by this Reason of my Lord's it shall be Heretical to deny the Injunction and Superstition to obey it If this will not serve my Lord may be pleased to remember that in the Council held at Jerusalem by the Apostles themselves they gave a Command though no such Command as might trouble the believing Gentiles And therefore Decreed that they would lay no greater burthen on them No more grievous Injunction than that they abstain from things offered unto Idols and from Blood and from things strangled and from Fornication where first it is most evident that the Apostles did assume this power of enjoyning and exercise it too And I hope my Lord for very Reverence to the Scripture for as for the Church he valueth it not will not say this wholesom Direction to avoid Fornication is made Superstition by the Apostle's Injunction If this Doctrine may hold I doubt very few will be Superstitious in this point And many Men that are very strict and hate Superstition perfectly will rather not abstain from Fornication than be Superstitious by abstaining And no question can be made by a Reasonable Man but that the Church of Christ had and hath still as much Power to enjoyn a set Form of Prayers as any of these things But my Lord hath more Reasons than these and truly they had need be better too But such as they are they follow This sets aside the Gifts and Graces which Christ hath given and thrusts out the Exercise of them to substitute in their places and introduce a Device of Man Sixthly then this Injunction of a set Form is unlawful because it sets aside the Gifts and Graces c. This is upon the Matter all one with my Lord's second Reason and there 't is answered Yet truly I know no Gifts or Graces set aside much less thruss out but such as are neither Gifts nor Graces of Christ but the Bold and Impudent Attempts of Weavers Coblers and Felt-Makers taking on them to Preach without Knowledge Warrant or Calling Much like the Gifts which Alexander the Copper-Smith had in St. Paul's Time And such Gifts and Graces as these cannot be said to be thrust out But my Lord and his Adherents thrust them into the Church to help cry down all Truth and Order Much less can they be said to be thrust out to make room for a Device of Man meaning the set Form of Common-Prayer Now surely I think and upon very good grounds that they which Composed the common-prayer-Common-Prayer-Book had as good Gifts and Graces of Christ as these Men have And that the conceived and often-times Senseless Prayers of these Men are as much or more the Device of Man than the set Form of Common-Prayer is Yea but for all that my Lord says This Injunction of such Forms upon all Men turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency to be now the continuance and maintenance of Insufficiency and a bar to the Exercise of able and sufficient Gifts and Graces As if because some Men had need to make use of Crutches all Men should be prohibited the use of their Legs and enjoyned to take up such Crutches as have been prepared for those who had no Legs In the Seventh and last place my Lord is pleased to tell us this Injunction of such Forms upon all Men turns that which in the beginning Necessity brought in for the help of Insufficiency to the Maintenance of it My Lord told us a little before of a turning into Superstition Now here 's another turning into the Maintenance of Insufficiency two very bad turnings were either of them true But God be thanked neither is In the mean time my Lord confesses that Necessity brought in this Injunction of set Forms And I believe there now is and ever will be to the end of the World as great a Necessity to continue them But I cannot agree with my Lord in this that it was a Necessity for the help of Insufficiency that brought them in For when these were first enjoyned in the Church of Christ Men were endued with as great Gifts and Graces as any now are and perhaps greater But Necessity brought them in when Christianity multiplyed to preserve Unity and Order and to avoid Confusion and Sects and Schisms in the Church And that all sorts of Men might be acquainted with that which was used in the Publick Worship and Service of God Now that which follows is an unjust and foul Scandal upon the Church Namely that this Injunction is made the Continuance and Maintenance of Insufficiency For I believe few Churches in many Ages have had more sufficient Preachers than this of late hath had And therefore 't is evident this Injunction here hath neither been the maintenance nor continuance of Insufficiency This ground failing my Lord 's fine Simile hath neither Crutch nor Leg to stand on but it is as all such fine fetches are when they have no Ground to rest on Nor is any thing more Poor in Learning than a fine handsom Similitude such as this when it hath no truth upon which to rest For the
Sermons and Homilies and in such Cases they might very lawfully be heard But if some Men upon pretence to prevent Extravagant Preaching should take upon them to set forth a Book of Publick Common Sermons fit for all Times and Occasions and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of those Common Sermons or Homilies so devised for Publick Worship this would make it utterly Vnlawful and to be Professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device and Injunction in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof As the Pharisees to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God I hope my Lord will have no better success with this Instance under the Gospel than he had with that under the Law And yet whatsoever is Truth in his Instance I shall most willingly grant And therefore I do acknowledge that in the time of the Gospel God appointed the foolishness of Preaching 1 Cor. 1. to be a Means but not to be The Means if it be meant the only Means by which he will save those that believe I likewise confess that in the World's Account 't is made the Foolishness of Preaching And I would to God some Men much magnified in these Times did not give too often very just Cause to the World to account it not only the Foolishness but the Madness of Preaching such Preaching as is far from being a Means of Salvation I conceive also as well as my Lord that where there are no Gifts enabling Men to Preach as it falls out in too many Parishes in England and the true Cause is the smallness of the Living unable to Feed and Cloath Men and therefore cannot expect Men of Parts there not only might be but is a lawful and profitable use of Reading of Printed Sermons and Homilies and that in such Cases yes and in other Cases too they may very lawfully be heard And I think farther that if some Men not upon their own private Authority but lawfully meeting in a Synod or Convocation shall not upon pretence but truly to prevent Extravagant Preaching such as of late hath been and is too common in England should take upon them to set forth a Book of common Sermons such as might be fit for all Times and all Occasions which is not impossible to be done and should enjoyn Ministers to conform to these and use no other Preaching at all but the Reading of these common Sermons or Homilies so devised for publick Worship I must needs say it were a Cure not to be used but in Extremity to bar all other Preaching for the Abuse of some be it never so gross Yet if the Distempers of the Pulpit should grow in any National Church so high so Seditious so Heretical and Blasphemous so Schismatical and Outragious as many of them have been of late in this distracted Church of ours I say if such a Book of Sermons should be so set out by the Church direction and published by the Authority of King and Parliament as the Book of Common Prayer is When the Comparison is made thus even and my Lords Instance so brought home I do then think such a Book not devised for publick Worship but for publick Instruction for Sermons are not properly the Worship of God but as to teach us Faith and Obedience and how we are to pray and give Worship to him might be used with great profit yea and with far more than many Sermons of the present time which do in a manner teach nothing but Disobedience to Princes and all Authority under a false pretence of Obedience to God And for the Injunction which sticks so much with my Lord certainly in Cases of such Extremity as is above-mentioned and when nothing else will serve I conceive it might well and profitably be laid upon the Ministers and yet that such an Imposition would be far from making it utterly unlawful and to be professed against as that which were the bringing in of a Humane Device in the place and instead of God's Ordinance to the Exclusion thereof For 't is probable these Sermons my Lord speaks of would be Preached before they were Printed And the end of their being Preached was to publish Christ and his Gospel to the World And that also was or ought to be the end of Publishing the same Sermons in Print that the benefit of them might reach the farther and be of longer continuance So that upon the Matter the Printing of Sermons is but a large and more open Preaching of them still And then if Preaching be God's Ordinance Printing of Sermons is the publishing of God's Ordinance And therefore if there were an Injunction for a Book of Sermons as is mentioned it were but a more publick and durable divulging of God's Ordinance and not the bringing in of a Humane Device instead of it and to the Exclusion thereof As for that which follows that this is like the Pharisees who to establish Traditions of their own made void the Commandments of God This is but a Simile and is Answered in the former And you see that should any Necessity force the making of such an Injunction which God forbid it did help to publish God's Ordinance and not make void his Commandments Howsoever my Lord may take this along with him That that Party which he governs in this Kingdom are as well seen in this Art of the Pharisees as any Men in Christendom and will if they be let alone make void all the Service of God to bring in their Dreams against all Reason Religion and lawful Authority And this is most true whatever they think of themselves But my Lord desires farther consideration of his Instance Let it be considered what difference can be found between these but only this Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer not so in this of Preaching and therefore the Evil of it would easily appear unto us if so enjoined It is fit my Lord should have his desire in this that it be considered what difference can be found between these And out of all doubt my Lord acknowledges that some difference there is And were it this only as his Lordship would have it That Vse and Custom hath inured us to that of Prayer and not so in this of Preaching that might be Reason enough to continue our publick set Form of Prayer For if the Service have not fault in it but that 't is enjoyned And if the enjoyning of a good Service of God Almighty in which Christian People may consent and unanimously and uniformly worship him be no fault at all as most certain it is not 'T is neither wisdom nor safety to cast off such a Custom or Vsage and leave every Minister and perhaps other Men too to make what Prayers they please in the Congregation which doubtless would be many times such as no good understanding Christian could
in their Cause and medled in decernendo in determining and that before-hand what the Prelats should do and sometimes in Commanding the Orthodox Prelats to Communicate with the Arrians This they refused to do as being against the Canons of the Council of Nice And then his Answer was Yea but that which I will shall go for Canon But then we must know withal that Athanasius reckn'd him for this as that Antichrist which Daniel Prophesied of Hosius also the Famous Confessor of those Times condemned in him that kind of medling in and with Religion And so doth St. Hilary of Poictiers Valentinian also the Younger took upon him to judge of Religion at the like presuasion of Auxentius the Arrian but he likewise was sharply reproved for it by St. Ambrose In like manner Maximus the Tyrant took upon him to judge in Matters of Religion as in the Case of Priscillian and his Associates But this also was checkt by St. Martin Bishop of Tours Where it is again to be observed that though these Emperours were too busie in venturing upon the determination of Points of Faith yet no one of them went so far as to take Power from the Synods and give it to the Senate And the Orthodox and Understanding Emperours did neither the one nor the other For Valentinian the Elder left this great Church-work to be done by Church-Men And though the Power to call Councils was in the Emperour And though the Emperours were sometimes personally present in the Councils and sometimes by their Deputies both to see Order kept and to inform themselves yet the decisive Voices were in the Clergy only And this will plainly appear in the Instructions given by the Emperor Theodosius to Condidianus whom he sent to supply his place in the Council of Ephesus which were That he should not meddle with Matters of Faith if any came to be debated And gives this Reason for it Because it is unlawful for any but Bishops to mingle himself with them in those Consultations And Basilius the Emperour long after this in the Eighth General Council held at Constantinople 〈◊〉 870. affirms it of the Laity in general That it is no way lawful for them to meddle with these things But that it is proper for the Patriarchs Bishops and Priests which have the Office of Government in the Church to enquire into these Things And more of this Argument might easily be added were that needful or I among my Books and my Thoughts at liberty And yet this crosses not the Supremacy which the King of England hath in Causes Ecclesiastical as it is acknowledged both by the Church and Law For that reaches not to the giving of him Power to determine Points of Faith either in Parliament or out or to the acknowledgment of any such Power residing in him or to give him Power to make Liturgies and publick Forms of Prayer or to Preach or Administer Sacraments or to do any thing which is meerly Spiritual But in all things which are of a mixed Cognizance such as are all those which are properly called Ecclesiastical and belong to the Bishops External Jurisdiction the Supremacy there and in all things of like Nature is the Kings And if at any time the Emperour or his Deputy sit Judge in a Point of Faith it is not because he hath any right to judge it or that the Church hath not Right but meerly in case of Contumacy where the Heretick is wilful and will not submit to the Church's Power And this the Hereticks sometimes did and then the Bishops were forced to Appeal thither also but not for any Resolution in the point of Faith but for Aid and Assistance to the just Power of the Church I cannot but remember a very Prudent Speech utter'd in the beginning of the late preceding Parliament and by that Lord who now made this The occasion was A Lord offer'd to deliver a Message from the King before he was formally brought into the House and his Patent shew'd This Lord who thinks Church-Ceremonies may so easily be alter'd stood up and said He would not be against the delivery of the Message he knew not how urgent it might be but desired withal that it might be enter'd that this was yielded unto by Special leave of the House For that saith he though this be but a Ceremony yet the Honour and Safety of the Priviledges of this Great House is preserved by nothing more than by keeping the Ancient Rights and Ceremonies thereof intire And this I think was very wisely spoken and with great Judgment And could my Lord see this in the Parliament and can he not see it in the Church Are Ancient Ceremonies the chief Props of Parliamentary Rights and have they no use in Religion to keep up her Dignity yea perhaps and Truth too The House of Parliament is I confess a Great and Honourable House But the whole Church of Christ is greater And it will not well beseem a Parliament to maintain their own Ceremonies and to kick down the Ceremonies of the National Church which under God made all their Members Christians Most sure I am they cannot do it without ossence both to State and Church and making both a Scorn to Neighbouring Nations Now in the close of all my Lord tells his Fellow Peers and all others in them That if they shall thus wound the Consciences of their Brethren the Separatists they will certainly offend and sin against Christ. Soft and fair But what shall these Lords do if to Humour the Consciences of those Brethren some weak and many wilful and the cunning misleading the simple they shall disgrace and weaken and perhaps overthrow the Religion they profess Shall they not then both wound their own Consciences and most certainly sin against Christ Yes out of all doubt they shall do both Now where it comes to the wounding of Consciences no question can be made but that every Man ought first to look to his own to his Brethrens after A Man must not do that which shall justly wound his Brother's Conscience though he be his Brother in a Separation and stand never so much a-loof from him But he must not wound his own to preserve his Brother from a wound especially such a one as happily may cure him and by a timely pinch make him sensible of the ill Condition in which he is As for these Men God of his Mercy give them that Light of his Truth which they want and forgive them the boasting of that Light which they presume they have And give them true Repentance and in that Sense a wounded Conscience for their breaking the Peace of this Church And forgive them all their Sins by which they still go on with more and more violence to distract this Church And God of his Infinite Goodness preserve this Church at all times and especially at this time while the Waves of this Sea of Separation
his Province to the King for the Year 1637. In Dei Nomine Amen May it please Your most Gracious Majesty ACcording to your Commands in your Instructions Published for the good of the Clergy and my bounden Duty I here present my Annual Account for the Province of Canterbury for the Year last past 1637. And First to begin with mine own Diocess I must give your Majesty to understand that at and about Ashford in Kent the Separatists continue to hold their Conventicles notwithstanding the Excommunication of so many of them as have been discovered They are all of the poorer sort and very simple so that I am utterly to seek what to do with them Two or three of their principal Ringleaders Brewer Fenner and Turner have long been in Prison and it was once thought fit to proceed against them by the Statute for Abjuration But I do much doubt they are so ignorantly wilful that they will return into the Kingdom and do a great deal more hurt before they will again be taken And not long since Brewer slipt out of Prison and went to Rochester and other parts of Kent and held Conventicles and put a great many simple People especially Women into great Distempers against the Church He is taken again and was called before the High Commission where he stood silent but in such a jeering scornful manner as I scarce ever saw the like So in Prison he remains In the Churchyard of the same Town a Butcher's Slaughter-House opened to the great Annoyance of that place which I have commanded should be remedied and the Door shut up At Biddenden I have Suspended Richard Warren the School-Master for refusing the Oath of Allegiance of Canonical Obedience and to Subscribe to the Articles Besides this precise Man will read nothing but Divinity to his Scholars No not so much as the Grammar Rules unless Mars Bacchus Apollo and Pol AEdepol may be blotted out The Strangers in Canterbury do not so much resort to their Parish-Churches as formerly they did at my first giving of my Injunctions But Visiting this Year I have given a publick and strict Charge that the Delinquents be presented and punished if they do not their Duty in that behalf There is one dwelling in Addisham a Married Man called by the Name of Thomas Jordan He was formerly called Thomas Mounton because he was found in the Church Porch of Mounton in Swadling Clothes left there in all likelyhood by his Mother who was some Beggar or Strumpet It is believed he was never Christned I have therefore given Order that he shall be Christned with that Caution which is prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer where the Baptism is doubtful About Sittingborn there are more Recusants than in any other part of my Diocess And the Lady Roper Dowager is thought to be a great means of the increase of them But I have given strict charge that they be carefully presented according to Law There is still a remainder of Schismaticks in Egerton and the Parishes adjacent But they are as mean People as those about Ashford and I am as much to seek what to do with them My Lord Treasurer complains that he hath little assistance of his Archdeacons and I believe it to be true and shall therefore if your Majesty think fit cause Letters to be written to them to awake them to their Duties His Lordship likewise complains of some inconformable Men which his Chancellor hath met with in this his last Visitation but they have received such Censure as their Faults deserved or else submitted themselves Only Mr. John Knolles a Lecturer at Colchester had forborn to receive the Holy Communion for two Years since he came to be Lecturer And being enjoyned to perform that Duty within a Month he was so zealous as that he forsook Lecture and Town and all rather than he would receive the Communion I find likewise in this Account 28 Ministers Convented before the Chancellor for some Inconformities And five for excess in Drinking But there is as good Order taken with them as could be The Lectures in this Diocess continue many But there is great care taken to keep them in order I find in the Diocess of Winchester divers Recusants newly pretended But whether they be newly perverted doth not appear by my Lord the Bishops Account to me There are some five complained of for not Catechising which I shall require of the Bishop to see remedied Here my Lord the Bishop Certifies that he is very careful and sees all things done according to your Majesty's Instructions My Lord the Bishop of this Diocess dyed before the time came that he was to give up his Accounts so that I can relate nothing upon certainty but shall give the succeeding Bishop Charge to be very careful because his Predecessor lay languishing and was able to look to little for three whole Years before his Death The Account from hence is very brief But my Lord is confident that his Diocess is clean through in good Order and I will hope it is so My Lord of Peterburgh hath taken a great deal of pains and brought his Diocess into very good order Only he saith there are three Lecturers in the same one at Northampton but that is read by the Vicar of the place one at Rowel which hath Maintenance allowed and a third at Daventree maintained by the Contribution of the Town And this last I think the Bishop had need take care of This Diocess appears by my Lord's Certificate to be in marvelous good order for all things and a great Reformation hath been wrought there by his Care and Industry For Popish Recusants the number of them is there much decreased neither are any newly presented for Recusancy My Lord the Bishop of Lincoln is not as your Majesty knows in case to make any Return for his Diocess And since the Jurisdiction thereof came by his Suspension into my Hands I have neither had time nor leisure to make any great Inquiry how conformable in Doctrine or Discipline Men in those parts are Yet this I find that both in Buckinghamshire and in Bedfordshire there are many too refractory to all good Order And there are a great number of very poor and miserable Vicarages and Curatships in many parts of this large Diocess and which are almost past all cure and hope of help unless by your Majesties Grace and Favour some may be had My Lord of Norwich hath been very careful of all your Majesty's Instructions And upon the 24th of September last being then in his Diocess and giving Orders he refused to admit five well Learned and well Mannered Men because they wanted a sufficient Title according to the Canon of the Church I find that there are in this Diocess six Lectures namely at Wimondham North-walsham East-Earling Norwich Linn and Bungay But they are all performed by Conformable and Neighbouring Divines and under
In this Particular the Bishop craves to receive Direction whether he shall command them to Catechise only and not Preach because your Majesty's Instructions seem to be strict in this point I think your Majesty may be pleased to have the Ministers to preach if they will so that they do first Catechise orderly by Question and Answer and afterwards preach upon the same Heads to the People for their better understanding of those Questions Besides some Knights and Esquires keep Schoolmasters in their Houses or Scholars to converse with or dyet the Vicar where his Maintenance is little And this they say is not to keep a Chaplain which your Majesty's Instructions forbid Yet most of these read or say Service in their Houses which is the Office of a Chaplain But they read not the Prayers of the Church according to the Liturgy Established The Bishop craves direction in this also And I think it be very necessary that the Bishop proceed strictly and keep all such that they read or say no Prayers but those which are allowed and established by the Church in the Book of Common Prayers There are not observed more than Seven or Eight throughout the whole Diocess which seem refractory to the Church and they have made large professions of their Conformities which the Bishop will settle so soon as he can But this he saith he finds plainly that there are few of the Laity Factious but where the Clergy misleads them And this I doubt is too true in most parts of the Kingdom They have in this Diocess come to him very thick to receive Confirmation to the number of some Thousands There were two Lectures held this last Year the one at Wainfleet and the other at Kirton in Lindsey where some two or three of the Ministers which read the Lecture were disorderly Among the rest one Mr. Show preached very Factiously just at the time when your Majesty was at Barwicke and his Fellow Lecturers complained not of him Hereupon the Chancellor having notice of it called him in question and the business was so foul and so fully proved that the party fled the Country and is thought to be gone for New-England Some other small Exorbitances there are which the Chancellor complains of But there is hope that this Example will do some good among them In this Diocess one Mr. Coxe upon Hosea 4. 4. preached a Sermon to prove that the Church of England did not maintain the Calling of Bishops to be Jure Divino which Sermon troubled those Parts not a little My Lord the Bishop after he had had Speech with him sent him to me When he came it pleased God so to bless me that I gave him satisfaction and he went home very well contented and made a handsome Retractation voluntarily of himself and satisfied the People In the skirts of this Diocess in Shropshire there was a Conventicle St. of mean Persons laid hold on and Complaint was made to the Council of the Marches And the Lord President of Wales very Honourably gave notice of it both to the Lords and my self and they were remitted to receive such Censure as the Laws Ecclesiastical impose upon them These Bishops do all Certifie that every thing is well in their several Diocesses concerning the Particulars contained in your Majesty's Instructions and otherwise The like is Certified by the Lord Bishop of Chichester saving that of late there hath hapned some little disorder in the East parts of that Diocess about Lewis which we are taking care to settle as well as we can And for Non-Conformists he saith that Diocess is not so much troubled with Puritan Ministers as with Puritan Justices of the Peace of which latter there are store And so with my Prayers for your Majesty's long and happy Reign I humbly submit this my Account January 2. 1639. W. Cant. H. W. WHen I wrote the Preface to this first Volume I had intended to reserve what follows as well as the immediately preceding Papers viz the Arch-Bishop's Annual Accounts of his Province for the Second Volume as not believing there would be any room for them in this But the Book having now fallen much short of the number of Sheets by me at first computed I have thought fit to cause these Memorials to be here adjoyned that so this Volume might be thereby increased to a convenient Bulk I made choice of these rather than any other Papers for this purpose because they contribute very much to the more perfect knowledge of the great Transactions of those Times both in Church and State and do indeed constitute a part of the History of the Life and Actions of the Arch-Bishop and are often referred to by him in the preceding History The Original Accounts of the Arch-Bishop to the King concerning his Province Apostilled in the Margin with the King 's own Hand are now in my Custody The Accounts indeed are not wrote in the Arch-Bishop's own Hand that being not thought fair enough by himself to be presented to the King's view upon that occasion but very fairly wrote by his Secretary or some other employed by him But the Notes or Apostils added by the King to them and therewith remitted to the Arch-Bishop are wrote in the King 's own Hand which is fair enough although the Orthography be vitious a matter common to many Learned Men of that time and even to the Arch-Bishop himself which yet however I have caused to be retained as having observed that the Arch-Bishop had caused the King's Orthography to be Literally followed in those Transcripts which he ordered his Secretary and Registrary to make of them either to be kept for his own use or to be inserted in his Publick Register ROME's MASTER-PIECE OR THE Grand Conspiracy of the POPE AND HIS JESUITED INSTRUMENTS TO Extirpate the Protestant Religion Re-establish Popery Subvert Laws Liberties Peace Parliaments BY Kindling a Civil War in Scotland and all his Majesty's Realms and to Poison the King himself in case he Comply not with them in these their execrable Designs Revealed out of Conscience to Andreas ab Habernfield by an Agent sent from Rome into England by Cardinal Barbarino as an Assistant to Con the Pope's late Nuncio to prosecute this most Execrable Plot in which he persisted a principal Actor several Years who discovered it to Sir William Boswell his Majesty's Agent at the Hague 6 Sept 1640. He under an Oath of Secresie to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury among whose Papers it was casually found by Mr Prynn May 31 1643. who Communicated it to the King As the greatest Business that ever was put to him Together with The ARCH-BISHOP's NOTES The Lord both will bring to Light the hidden things of Darkness and will make manifest the Counsels of the Hearts and then shall every man have Praise of God 1 Cor IV 5. It is Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning Printing this first
such Proceeding in this Case The very Parties that tendred this Cap presuming some good Inclination in him to accept it and to the Romish Church which he maintains to be a True Church wherein Men are and may be saved And the Second Proffer following so soon at the Heels of the First intimates That the First was in such sort entertained by him as rather encouraged than discouraged the Party to make the Second And his Second Consultation with the King concerning it insinuates That the King rather enclined to than against it or at leastwise left it arbitrary to him to accept or reject it as he best liked As for his Severity in prosecuting Papists it appears by his Epistle to the King before his Conference with the Jesuit Fisher where he useth these Speeches of his Carriage towards them God forbid that I should perswade a Persecution in any kind or practise it in the least against Priests and Jesuits For to my remembrance I have not given him or his so much as cross Language Therefore he is no great Enemy to them The Second thing which may seem strange to others is this That the Pope's Legat and Jesuits should ever hate or conspire his Death unless he were an utter Enemy to all Popery Papists and the Church of Rome which admits an easie Answer The Truth is the Bishop being very pragmatical and wilful in his Courses could not well brook pragmatical peremptory Jesuits who in Popish Kingdoms are in perpetual Enmity with all other Orders and they with them they having been oft banished out of France and other Realms by the Sorbonists Dominicans and other Orders no Protestants writing so bitterly against these Popish Orders as themselves do one against the other yea the Priests and Jesuits in England were lately at great Variance and persecuted one another with much Violence This is no good Argument then that the Arch-Bishop held no Correspondence with Priests and other Orders and bare no good Affection to the Church of Rome in whose Superstitious Ceremonies he outstripped many Priests themselves What Correspondency he held with Franciscus de Sancta Clara with other Priests and Dr Smith Bishop of Calcedon whom the Jesuits persecuted and got Excommunicated though of their own Church and Religion is at large discovered in a Book entituled The English Pope and by the Scottish Common-Prayer Book found in the Arch-Bishop's Chamber with all those Alterations wherein it differs from the English written with his own Hand some of which smell very strongly of Popery As namely his blotting out of these Words at the Delivery of the Bread and Wine in the Sacrament Take and eat this in remembrance that Christ died for thee and feed on him in thy Heart by Faith with Thanksgiving Take and drink this in remembrance that Christ's Blood was shed for thee c. and leaving only this former Clause the better to justifie and imply a Corporal Presence of Christ in the Sacrament The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee The Blood of our Lord Jesus Christ which was shed for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life And this Popish Rubrick written with his own Hand The Presbyter during the time of Consecration shall stand AT THE MIDDLE OF THE ALTAR where he may with more Ease and Decency USE BOTH HIS HANDS than he can do if he stand at the North-end With other Particulars of this kind Moreover in his Book of Private Devotions written with his own Hand he hath after the Romish Form reduced all his Prayers to Canonical Hours And in the Memorials of his Life written with his own Hand there are these suspicious Passages among others besides the Offer of the Cardinal's Cap Anno 1631. Jun. 21. 26. My nearer Acquaintance began to settle with Dr. S. God bless us in it Junii 25. Dr. S. with me at Fulham cum Ma. c. meant of Dr. Smith the Popish Bishop of Calcedon as is conceived Jun. 25. Mr. Fr. Windebank my old Friend was Sworn Secretary of State which Place I OBTAINED FOR HIM of my Gracious Master King Charles What an Arch-Papist and Conspirator he was the Plot relates and his Flight into France for releasing Papists and Jesuits out of Prison and from Executions by his own Warrants and imprisoning those Officers who apprehended them confirms About this time Dr Theodore Price Sub-dean of Westminster a Man very intimate with the Arch-Bishop and recommended specially to the King by him to be a Welch Bishop in Opposition to the Earl of Pembrook and his Chaplain Griffith Williams soon after died a Reconciled Papist and received Extream Vnction from a Priest Noscitur ex comite August 30. 1634. he hath this Memorial Saturday at Oatlands the Queen sent for me and gave me Thanks for a Business with which she trusted me her Promise then that she would be my Friend and that I should have immediate Address to her when I had occasion All which considered together with his Chaplains Licensing divers Popish Books with their expunging most Passages against Popery out of Books brought to the Press with other Particulars commonly known will give a true Character of his Temper that he is another Cassander or middle Man between an Absolute Papist and a real Protestant who will far sooner hug a Popish Priest in his Bosom than take a Puritan by the Little Finger An absolute Papist in all matters of Ceremony Pomp and external Worship in which he was over-zealous even to an open 〈◊〉 Persecution of all Conscientious Ministers who made Scruple of them if not half an one at least in Doctrinal Tenets How far he was guilty of a Conditional Voting the breaking up the last Parliament before this was called and for what end it was summoned this other Memorial under his own Hand will attest Decemb 5. 1639. Thursday the King declared his Resolution for a Parliament in case of the Scottish Rebellion The first Movers to it were my Lord Deputy of Ireland my Lord Marquess Hamilton and my self And A RESOLUTION VOTED AT THE BOARD TO AS-SIST THE KING IN EXTRAORDINARY WAYS IF THE PARLIAMENT SHOULD PROVE PEEVISH AND REFUSE c. But of him sufficient till his Charge now in preparation shall come in Observations on and from the Relation of this PLOT FRom the Relation of the former Plot by so good a Hand our own Three Realms and all Foreign Protestant States may receive full Satisfaction First That there hath been a most cunning strong execrable Conspiracy long since contrived at Rome and for divers Years together most vigorously pursued in England with all Industry Policy Subtilty Engines by many active potent Confederates of all sorts all Sexes to undermine the Protestant Religion re-establish Popery and alter the very Frame of Civil Government in all the King's Dominions wherein a most dangerous visible Progress hath
of the Arch-Bishop passed in the House of Commons November 13. 1644. But yet the Business was not done for the Lords stuck at it Some of which having not extinguished all the Sparks of Humanity began to find themselves Compassionate of his Condition not knowing how soon it should or might be made their own if once disfavoured by the Grandees of that Potent Faction For the Ordinance having been Transmitted to the House of Peers and the House of Peers deliberating somewhat long upon it it was Voted on December 4. That all Books Writings and Evidences which concerned the Tryal should be brought before the Lords in Parliament to the end that they might seriously and distinctly consider of all Particulars amongst themselves as they came before them But meaning to make sure work of it they had in the mean time after no small Evaporations of Heat and Passion prepared an Ordinance which they sent up unto the Lords importing the displacing of them from all those Places of Power and Command which they had in the Army Which being found too weak to hold they fall upon another and a likelier Project which was to bring the Lords to sit in the Commons House where they were sure they should be inconsiderable both for Power and Number And to effect the same with more speed and certainty they had recourse to their Old Arts drawing down Watkins with his General Muster of Subscriptions and putting a Petition into his Hands to be tendred by him to the Houses that is themselves Wherein it was required amongst other things That they should vigorously proceed unto the Punishment of all Delinquents and that for the more quick dispatch of Publick Business of State the Lords would please to Vote and Sit together with the Commons On such uncertain Terms such a ticklish Tenure did they then hold their Place and Power in Parliament who so officiously complied with the House of Commons in depriving the Bishops of their Vote and the Church's Birth-Right And this was it which helped them in that time of need And yet not thinking this device sufficient to fright their Lordships to a present compliance Strowd was sent up with a Message from the House of Commons to let them know That the Londoners would shortly bring a Petition with 20000 Hands to obtain that Ordinance By which stale and common Stratagem they wrought so far on some weak Spirits the rest withdrawing themselves as formerly in the Case of the Earl of Strafford that in a thin and slender House not above six or seven in number it was pass'd at last The day before they pass'd the Ordinance for Establishing their New Directory which in effect was nothing but a total Abolition of the Common-Prayer-Book and thereby shewed unto the World how little hopes they had of setling their new Form of Worship if the Foundation of it were not laid in the Blood of this Famous Prelate who had so stoutly stood up for it against all Novellism and Faction in the whole course of his Life It was certified by some Letters to Oxon and so reported in the Mercurius Aulicus of the following Week That the Lord Bruce but better known by the Name of the Earl of Elgin was one of the Number of those few Lords which had Voted to the Sentence of his Condemnation The others which concurred in that fatal Sentence being the Earls of Kent Pembroke Salisbury and Bullingbrook together with the Lord North and the Lord Gray of Wark But whatsoever may be said of the other six I have been advertised lately from a very good Hand that the said Lord Bruce hath frequently disclaimed that Action and solemnly professed his detestation of the whole Proceedings as most abhorrent from his Nature and contrary to his known Affections as well unto his Majesty's Service as the Peace and Preservation of the Church of England This Ordinance was no sooner passed but it revived many of those Discourses which had before been made on the like occasion in the Business of the Earl of Strafford Here we have a new-found Treason never known before nor declared such by any of his Majesty's Justices nor ever brought to be considered of by the King and his Parliament but only Voted to be such by some of those Members which sate at Westminster who were resolved to have it so for their private Ends. The first Example of this kind the first that ever suffered Death by the Shot of an Ordinance as himself very well observed in his Dying Speech upon the Scaffold though purposely omitted in Hind's Printed Copy to which now he hastneth For the passing of the Ordinance being signified to him by the then Lieutenant of the Tower he neither entertained the News with a Stoical Apathy nor wailed his Fate with weak and Womanish Lamentations to which Extreams most Men are carried in this Case but heard it with so even and so smooth a Temper as shewed he neither was ashamed to Live nor afraid to Die The time between the Sentence and Execution he spent in Prayers and Applications to the Lord his God having obtained though not without some difficulty a Chaplain of his own to Attend upon him and to assist him in the work of his Preparation though little Preparation needed to receive that Blow which could not but be welcome because long expected On the Evening before his Passover the Night before the dismal Combat betwixt him and Death after he had refreshed his Spirits with a moderate Supper he betook himself unto his Rest and Slept very soundly till the time came in which his Servants were appointed to Attend his Rising A most assured sign of a Soul prepared The fatal Morning being come he first applied himself to his private Prayers and so continued till Pennington and others of their Publick Officers came to conduct him to the Scaffold which he ascended with so brave a Courage such a chearful Countenance as if he had mounted rather to behold a Triumph than be made a Sacrifice and came not there to Die but to be Translated And though some Rude and Uncivil People Reviled him as he pass'd along with opprobrious Language as loth to let him go to the Grave in Peace yet it never discomposed his Thoughts nor disturb'd his Patience For he had profited so well in the School of Christ that when he was reviled he reviled not again when he suffered he threatned not but committed his Cause to him that Judgeth Righteously And as he did not fear the Frowns so neither did he covet the Applause of the Vulgar Herd and therefore rather chose to read what he had to speak unto the People than to affect the ostentation either of Memory or Wit in that dreadful Agony Whether with greater Magnanimity than Prudence I can hardly say As for the matter of his Speech besides what did concern himself and his own Purgation his great care was to clear his Majesty and the Church of England from
any inclination to Popery with a perswasion of the which the Authors of the then present Miseries had abused the People and made them take up Arms against their Soveraign A Faithful Servant to the last By means whereof as it is said of Sampson in the Book of Judges That the Men which he slew at his Death were more than they which he slew in his Life So may it be affirmed of this Famous Prelate That he gave a greater Blow unto the Enemies of the Church and the King at the Hour of his Death than he had given them in his whole Life before But this you will more clearly see by the Speech it self which followeth here according to the best and most perfect Copy delivered by his own Hands unto one of his Chaplains and in his Name presented to the King by the Lord John Bellasis at the Court in Oxon. The Speech of the Lord Arch-Bishop of Canterbury spoken at his Death upon the Scaffold on the Tower-Hill Jan. 10. 1644. Good People THIS is an uncomfortable Time to Preach yet I shall begin with a Text of Scripture Heb. 12. 2. Let us run with Patience the Race which is set before us looking unto Jesus the Author and Finisher of our Faith who for the Joy that was set before him endured the Cross despising the Shame and is set down at the right Hand of the Throne of God I have been long in my Race and how I have looked to Jesus the Author and Finisher of my Faith he best knows I am now come to the End of my Race and here I find the Cross a Death of Shame But the Shame must be despised or no coming to the Right Hand of God Jesus despised the Shame for me and God forbid but that I should despise the Shame for him I am going apace as you see towards the Red-Sea and my Feet are now upon the very Brink of it an Argument I hope that God is bringing me into the Land of Promise for that was the way through which he led his People But before they came to it he instituted a Passover for them a Lamb it was but it must be eaten with Sour Herbs I shall obey and labour to digest the Sour Herbs as well as the Lamb. And I shall remember it is the Lord 's Passover I shall not think of the Herbs nor be angry with the Hand that gathereth them but look up only unto him who instituted that and governs these For Men can have no more Power over me than what is given them from above I am not in Love with this Passage through the Red-Sea for I have the Weakness and Infirmities of Flesh and Blood plentifully in me and I have prayed with my Saviour Vt transiret Calix iste That this Cup of Red Wine might pass from me but if not God's Will not mine be done And I shall most willingly drink of this Cup as deep as he pleases and enter into this Sea yea and pass through it in the way that he shall lead me But I would have it remembred Good People that when God's Servants were in this Boisterous Sea and Aaron amongst them the Egyptians which persecuted them and did in a manner drive them into the Sea were Drowned in the same Waters while they were in pursuit of them I know my God whom I serve is as able to deliver me from the Sea of Blood as he was to deliver the Three Children from the Furnace and I humbly thank my Saviour for it my Resolution is now as theirs was then they would not Worship the Image the King had set up nor will I the Imaginations which the People are setting up nor will I forsake the Temple and the Truth of God to follow the Bleating of Jeroboam's Calves in Dan and Bethel And as for this People they are at this Day miserably misled God of his Mercy open their Eyes that they may see the right way for at this Day the Blind lead the Blind and if they go on both will certainly fall into the Ditch For my self I am and I acknowledge it in all Humility a most grievous Sinner many ways by Thought Word and Deed I cannot doubt but God hath Mercy in store for me a poor Penitent as well as for other Sinners I have now and upon this sad Occasion ransacked every corner of my Heart and yet I thank God I have not found among the many any one Sin which deserves Death by any known Law of this Kingdom And yet hereby I charge nothing upon my Judges for if they proceed upon Proof by valuable Witnesses I or any other Innocent may be justly Condemned And I thank God though the weight of my Sentence be heavy upon me I am as quiet within as ever I was in my Life And though I am not only the First Arch-Bishop but the First Man that ever died by an Ordinance in Parliament yet some of my Predecessors have gone this way though not by this means For Elphegus was hurried away and lost his Head by the Danes and Simon Sudbury in the Fury of Wat Tiler and his Fellows Before these St. John Baptist had his Head Danced off by a lewd Woman and St. Cyprian Arch-Bishop of Carthage submitted his Head to a persecuting Sword Many Examples Great and Good and they teach me Patience for I hope my Cause in Heaven will look of another Dye than the Colour that is put upon it here And some Comfort it is to me not only that I go the way of these Great Men in their several Generations but also that my Charge as foul as it is made looks like that of the Jews against St. Paul Act. 25. 8. for he was Accused for the Law and the Temple i. e. Religion And like that of S. Stephen Act. 6. 14. for breaking the Ordinances which Moses gave i. e. Law and Religion the Holy Place and the Temple ver 13. But you will then say Do I then compare my self with the Integrity of St. Paul and St. Stephen No far be that from me I only raise a Comfort to my self that these great Saints and Servants of God were laid at in their Time as I am now And it is memorable that St. Paul who helped on this Accusation against St. Stephen did after fall under the very same himself Yea but here is a great Clamour that I would have brought in Popery I shall answer that more fully by and by In the mean time you know what the Pharisees said against Christ himself if we let him alone all men will believe in him venient Romani and the Romans will come and take away both our Place and Nation Here was a causeless cry against Christ that the Romans would come And see how just the Judgment was they Crucified Christ for fear lest the Romans should come and his Death was it which brought in the Romans upon them God punishing them