a New Meeting of the States is called and Cassils is return'd to England with Commission to tell Henry That the Scottish Lords are content to Relinquish the French on Condition the Match with the Princess Mary were secured 'T is true nothing followed upon this Treaty but a Truce for three years for what reason I know not But from the Deduction I have briefly made it may sufficiently appear how weak the French and how strong the English interest was then in Scotland so very strong as clearly to overcome and almost quite extirpate the other Well! did Francis nothing to recover the Scottish amity Alas at that time he had greater matters to imploy his thoughts He lost his Liberty at the Battel of Pavia Anno 1525 and became the King of Spain's Prisoner and was not Restored to his Freedom till Henry interposed with a powerful Mediation For which He entered into another League with Henry 1527 without minding the Scots or being concern'd for their security This was a third slight put upon the Scots by the French in their Treaties with England 'T is true indeed Francis did not enter into this League with Henry over-awed by his Threats but constrain'd by his Kindness and Good Offices in his Liberation from his Spanish Captivity But it was all one to the Seâ—ts for what reason it was if they were Deserted 'T is true indeed When Iames came to full age he had strong inclinations for renewing the Old Amity with France and no wonder considering how much he was manag'd by the Clergy who abhorred Henry for shaking off the Popes Authority and thought themselves concern'd with all their Might to guard against Henry's contagious influences as they deem'd them But however the King and Clergy were inclined 't is evident the Body of the Nation continued constant in their so frequently provoked Coldness to the French interests and in their good Affection towards England so much that they would never thereafter at least all the time our Reformation was a carrying on follow either King or Regent to invade England Thus When Iames the Fifth Anno 1542. was very earnest for it the Nobility generally declined it and he was forced to dismiss them And when shortly after that his Earnestness that way it seems increasing he ordered ane Army to meet at Carlaverock intending therewith to enter England so soon as Oliver Sinclare was declared Chief Commander and the Kings intentions were made known all threw away their Arms and suffered themselves to be taken prisoners And When the Earl of Arran Regent Anno ..... went with a goodly Army to besiege the Church of Coldingham which the English for the time had fortified he was forced to run for it abruptly fearing as Buchanan says his friends pretended lest his Army should betray him into the hands of the English And Anno 1557 when the Queen Regent Mary of Lorrain was most earnest to have had England invaded thereby to have made a Diversion and eased France of the English Force which was assisting Philip the Second of Spain against Henry the Second of France the Nobility could by no means be gain'd to do it as all our Historians tell us I could have insisted on this Deduction far more largely but I think what I have said may be sufficient for my purpose which was to shew how much Scotland was disengaged of Foreign Influences and by consequence how much it was disposed to receive English impressions from the very Dawning of our Reformation till its Legal Establishment 1560. Let us next try if according to these Dispositions the English influences were Communicated and made suitable impressions And I think in the 1st place No man can reasonably doubt but that 't is fairly credible they did For no man can deny that the Reformation made a considerable figure in England more early than it did in Scotland When Light was thus arising in the Isle it was natural for it to overspread both Nations And it was as Natural that the more and sooner Enlightned Nation should be the fountain of Communication that is in plain terms that Scotland should derive it under God from England Especially considering how at that time they were mutually disposed towards one another Indeed 2. 'T is certain Books deserve to be reckoned amongst the prime Vehicles of such Light as we are now considering and 't is as certain That the first Books which enlightned Scotland were brought from England Tindal translated the New Testament into English Anno 1531. And Copies of it were dispersed here in considerable plenty and other useful Books were then written also in the Vulgar Language which was common to both Nations which coming from England had great success in Scotland as is evident even from Knox's History But this is not all The truth of all this will appear more fully if 3. We consider That King Henry had no sooner begun his Reformation such as it was in England than he Endeavoured to transmit it into Scotland He shook off the Popes Supremacy Anno 1534. And he sent the Bishop of St. Davids to his Nephew Iames of Scotland Anno 1535. with Books written in English containing the substance of Christian Religion Earnestly desiring him to read them and joyn with him in carrying on the Reformation And Herbert says Henry was vastly sollicitous To draw James on his side as knowing of what Consequence it was to keep his Kingdom safe on that part And therefore Laboured still to induce him to abrogate the Papal Iurisdiction in his Dominions And tho this Embassy of St. Davids had not success yet Henry gave not over but continued to write Letters to Iames insisting still upon the same Requests Petrie has transcribed one from Fox wherein Henry Premonishes requires and most heartily prays Iames to consider the Supremacy granted by the Holy Scriptures to Princes in Church matters To weigh what Gods word calleth a Church To consider what Superstitions Idolatries and blind abuses have crept into all Realms to the high Displeasure of God and what is to be understood by the Censures of the Church and Excommunication for the Pope had then Excommunicated Henry and how no such Censure can be in the power of the Bishop of Rome or of any other man against him or any other Prince having so iust ground to avoid from the Root and to abolish such ane execrable Authority as the Bishop of Rome hath usurped and usurps upon all Princes to their Great Damage Requesting him for these Reasons to ponder of what hazard it might be to Iames himself if he agreed to such Censures and by such example gave upper-hand over himself and other Princes to that Vsurper of Rome to scourge all who will not Kiss and Adore the foot of that Corrupt Holiness which desires nothing but Pride and the universal Thrall of Christendom c. Here was Earnestness for Reformation in Scotland with a witness And
the work was set a going Amongst the first things done in this Ass it was enacted That Bishops and all others bearing Ecclesiastical Function should be called by their own names or Brethren in all time coming No more Lord Bishops and it was but consequential to the great Argument which was then and ever since hath been in the mouths of all the party The Lords of the Gentiles c. Matt. 20.25 Luke 22.25 This was a step worthy of Mr. Andrew's Humility which was not like other mens Humility's consisting in Humbling themselves but of a new species of its own consisting in Humbling of his Superiours Indeed after this he still treated his own Ordinary the Archbishop of Glasgow in publick according to this Canon Tho' when he was at his Graces table where he got better entertainment than his own Commons for he was then in the College of Glasgow he could give him all his Titles of Dignity and Honour But Another more important Act was made by this Assembly Take it word for word from Calderwood who agrees exactly with both the MS. and Pet. Forasmuch as there is great corruption in the State of Bishops as they are presently set up in this Realm whereunto the Assembly would provide some stay in time coming so far as they may to the effect that farther corruption may be bridled The Assembly hath concluded that no Bishop shall be Elected or Admitted before the next General Assembly Discharging all Ministers and Chapters to proceed any ways to the Election of the said Bishops in the mean time under the pain of perpetual Deprivation And that this matter be proponed first in the next Assembly to be consulted what farther Order shall be taken therein Here was ground gain'd indeed However this was but preparatory still Nothing yet concluded concerning the Vnlawfulness of the Office It was consistent with this Act that Episcopacy should have continued its corruptions being removed Neither are we as yet told what these corruptions were It seems even the Presbyterians themselves tho' in a fair condition now to be the prevailing party had not yet agreed about them Indeed another Assembly must be over before we can come by them Leaving them therefore till we come at them proceed we with this present Assembly Another Fast was appointed by it The Nation it seems was not yet sufficiently diposed for Presbytery Rubs and difficulties were still cast in the way and the good cause was deplorably retarded So 't is fairly imported in the Act for this Fast The corruption of all Estates Coldness in a great part of the Professors That God would put it in the Kings heart and the hearts of the Estates of Parliament to Establish such a Policy and Discipline in the Kirk as is craved in the word of God c. These are amongst the prime Reasons in the narrative of this Act for Fasting Indeed all this time the Book of Discipline was only in forming It had not yet got the Assemblies Approbation The next General Assembly met at Stirling Iune 11. this same year about six weeks or so after the Dissolution of the former But the Parliament was to sit and it was needful the Assembly should sit before to order Ecclesiastick business for it And now it seems there was little struggling For the Assembly all in one voice as it is in MS. Calderwood and Petrie concluded That the Act of the last Assembly discharging the Election of Bishops c. should be extended to all time coming And here Petrie stops But the MS. and Calderwood add ay and while the corruptions of the Estate of Bishops be all utterly taken away And they ordained That all Bishops already Elected should submit themselves to the Gen. Ass. Concerning the Reformation of the Corruptions of that Estate of Bishops in their Persons Which if they refused to do after Admonition that they should be proceeded against to Excommunication This Ass. met as I said on the 11 th of Iune and indeed it seems the weather has been warm enough Yet neither now did they adventure again upon the Main Question nor ennumerate the Corruptions of the Estate of Bishops By this Assembly a Commission was also granted to certain Persons to attend the Parliament and Petition that the Book of Discipline might be Ratified Tho' all the Articles were not as yet agreed to A pretty Odd overture to desire the Parliament to Ratify what they themselves had not perfectly Concerted The next Assembly met at Edenburgh Octob. 24. of that same year 1578. And it was but reasonable to have three Assemblies in six Months when the Church was so big with Presbytery And now the Corruptions so frequently talk't of before were ennumerated and the Bishops were required to Reform them in their Persons They were required 1. To be Ministers or Pastors of one Flock 2. To usurp no Criminal Iurisdiction 3. Not to vote in Parliament in Name of the Kirk without Commission from the General Assembly 4. Not to take up for maintaining their Ambition and Riotousness the Emoluments of the Kirk which ought to sustain many Pastors the Schools and the Poor But to be content with reasonable livings according to their Office 5. Not to claim the Titles of Temporal Lords nor usurp Civil Iurisdiction whereby they might be Abstracted from their Office 6. Not to Empire it over particular Elderships but be subject to the same So the MS. Calderwood and Petrie have it tho' Spotswood has the word Presbyteries Which I take notice of because the unwary Reader when he reads Presbyteries in Spotswood may take them for these Ecclesiastical Judicatories which now are so denominated whereas there were none such as yet in the Nation 7. Not to usurp the Power of the Pastors says the MS. nor take upon them to visit any Bounds not committed to them by the Church 8. And lastly If any more Corruptions should afterward be found in the Estate of Bishops to consent to have them Reformed These were the Corruptions and particularly at that same very time the two Archbishops were required to Reform them in their Persons What Adamson Archbishop of St. Andrews did or said on this occasion I know not But it seems he submitted not For I find him again required to do it by the next Assembly And that it was particularly laid to his charge that he had opposed the Ratification of the Book in Parliament But Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow did certainly behave at this Assembly like a Person of great worth and a Man of Courage suitable to his Character giving a brave and resolute Answer You may see it in Spot Cald. and Pet. I have not leisure to transcribe it But it pleased not the now too much Presbyterian Assembly and no wonder for he spake truely like a Bishop The next Assembly was holden at Edenburgh in Iuly Anno 1579. The King sent a Letter to them whereby he signified his dislike of their
the year 1560 till the year 1616. Our Presbyterian Brethren may be ready to reject its Authority if it Militates against them I give My Reader therefore this brief account of it It was transcribed in the year 1638. when the National Covenant was in a flourishing state For I find at the end of it the Transcriber's Name and his Designation written with the same hand by which the whole M S. is written And he says He began to transcribe upon the 15th day of Ianuary 1638. and compleated his work on the 23d of April that same year He was such a Reader as we have commonly in Scotland in Country Parishes It is not to be imagined it was transcribed then for serving the Interests of Episcopacy For as Petrie and the Presbyterians generally affirm The Prelates and Prelatists dreaded nothing more in those days than that the Old Registers of the Kirk should come abroad And it was about that time that Mr. Petrie got his Copy from which he published so many Acts of our Old General Assemblies Nor is it to be doubted but that as several Copies then were so particularly that which I have perused was transcribed for the Ends of the Good Old Cause This I am sure of the Covenant as required then to be subscribed by the Green Tables is set down at full length in the Manuscript Besides The Stile and Language testify that there is no Reason to doubt That the Acts of Assemblies which it contains have been transcribed word for word at first from the Authentick Records And if Calderwood's or Petrie's Accounts of these Acts deserve any Credit My M S. cannot be rejected for it hath all they have published and for the most part in the same Terms except where these Authors have altered the Language sometimes to make it more fashionable and intelligible sometimes to serve their Cause and the Concerns of their Party It hath Chasms also and Defects where they say Leaves have been torn from the Original Registers And I have not adduced many Acts from it which either one or both these Authors have not likewise mentioned in their Histories Calderwood has indeed concealed very many having intended it seems to publish nothing but what made for him tho I think even in that his Iudgment hath not sufficiently kept pace with his Inclinations Nay His Supplement which he hath subjoyn'd to his History as well as the History it self is lame by his own Acknowledgment For these are the very first words of it I have in the preceeding History only inserted such Acts Articles and Answers to Questions as belonged to the Scope of the History and Form of Church Government Some few excepted touching Corruptions in the Worship of God or the Office and Calling of Ministers But because there are other Acts and Articles necessary to be known I have SELECTED such as are of greatest Vse passing by such as were TEMPORARY or concerned only TEMPORARY OFFICES c. Here is a clear Confession that he has not given us all the Acts of Assemblies Nay that he has not given all such as concerned Temporary Offices and amongst these we shall find him in the following Sheets more confidently than warrantably reckoning Superintendency and the Episcopacy which was agreed to at Leith Anno 1572. I have mentioned these things that the World may see it cannot be reasonable for our Presbyterian Brethren to insist on either Calderwood's Authority or Ingenuity against my Mss. How ingenuous or impartial he has been you may have opportunity to guess before you have got through the ensuing Papers Petrie hath indeed given us a great many more of the Acts of General Assemblies than Calderwood hath done as may appear to any who attends to the Margin of my Book But he also had the Good Cause to serve and therefore has corrupted some things and concealed other things as I have made appear However he has the far greater part of what I have transcribed from the Mss. Spotswood hath fewer than either of the two Presbyterian Historians yet some he hath which I find also in the MS. and which they have both omitted In short I have taken but very few from it which are not to be found in some One or More of these Historians Neither have I adduced so much as One from it nor is One in it which is not highly agreeable to the State and Circumstances of the Church and the Genius of the times for which it mentions them So that Upon the whole matter I see no reason to doubt of its being a faithful Transcript And I think I may justly say of it as Optatus said of another MS. upon the like occasion Vetustas Membranarum testimonium perhibet c. optat Milev lib. 1. f. 7. edit Paris 1569 It hath all the Marks of Antiquity and Integrity that it pretends to and there 's nothing about it that renders it suspicious The other Book which I said required some farther consideration is The History of the Reformation of the Church of Scotland containing five Books c. Commmonly attributed to Iohn Knox by our Presbyterian Brethren That which I have to say about it is chiefly That Mr. Knox was not the Author of it A. B. Spotswood hath proven this by Demonstration in his History pag. 267. his Demonstration is That the Author whoever he was talking of one of our Martyrs remitteth the Reader for a farther Declaration of his Sufferings to the Acts and Monuments of Mr. Fox which came not to light till some twelve years after Knox's Death Mr. Patrick Hamilton was the Martyr and the Reference is to be seen pag. 4. of that History I am now considering Besides this I have observed a great many more infallible proofs that Knox was not the Author I shall only instance in some 3 or 4. Thus Pag. 447. The Author having set down a Copy of the Letter sent by the Church of Scotland to the Church of England of which more by and by Tells how the English Nonconformists wrote to Beza and Beza to Grindal Bishop of London which Letter of Beza's to Grindal he says is the Eight in order amongst Beza's Epistles And in that same page he mentions another of Beza's Letters to Grindal calling it the Twelfth in Number Now 't is certain Beza's Epistles were not published till the year 1573. i. e. after Knox's Death It may be observed also that he adds farther in that same page That The sincerer sort of the Ministery in England had not yet assaulted the Iurisdiction and Church Government which they did not till the year 1572. at which time they published their first and second Admonitions to the Parliament but only had excepted against Superstitious Apparel and some other faults in the Service Book From which besides that 't is Evident Knox could not be the Author we may Learn from the Authors Confession whoever he was That the Controversies about Parity and Imparity c. were not so early in
Coronations For I think none other can do it but the King and if so he must do it as King otherwise another might do it But then Tho' I have granted our Author this much that the Rightful Successor is King before he takes the Oath I think no Reason can oblige me to grant what followeth viz. That the same may be said of ONE CHOSEN and Proclaimed by the Supreme Authority of the Nation which is the CASE NOW IN HAND For not to insist on the Liberty our Author hath taken here to call their Majesties Elective Soveraigns in opposition to such as are Hereditary tho' I think it was pretty bold in him to talk so I think this is one of the most notable differences between ane Hereditary and ane Elective Monarchy that in the Hereditary the King never dies i. e. In that same instant that the Regnant Kings breath goeth out the Rightful Successor is King Whereas in the Elective Monarchy the King dies with the Man and there is no King till there is a New Creation This I think makes the Cases pretty wide And I think they are wider yet when he that is to be the Elected King is not to be King at all till he Agrees to such and such Conditions Who sees not a vast difference between the Hereditary and the Elective King in this Case But not to press our Author farther and once for all to end this Controversie about Strachan's Defence take what follows for undoubted Truth Upon that same very eleventh of April 1689 on which the Estates gave out their Proclamation importing that they had Resolved that W. and M. should be K. and Q. of Scotland they enacted their Declaration containing the Claim of Right and their Resolution to Offer the Crown only on the Terms of that Claim and not only so but they made this following Act word for word Forasmuch as the Estates of this Kingdom by their former Acts Declared that they would continue undissolved until the Government Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom should be settled and secured and they having now proceeded to Resolve that W. and M. K. and Q. of England be and be Declared K. and Q. of Scotland And considering that the Nation cannot be without Government until the said K. and Q. of England accept the Offer of the Crown according to the Instrument of Government and take the Oath required before they enter to the Exercise of the Regal Power Therefore the said Estates do hereby Declare and Enact that they will continue in the Government as formerly until their Majesties acceptance of the Crown and their taking of the said Oath be made known to them If this Act doth not make it evident that there was no Material Mistake of the words of the Claim of Right in Dr. Strachan's Defence But that the Doctor pleaded and Reason'd upon the Manifest Principles of the Meeting of Estates If it doth not Demonstrate that the Doctors Plea was Solid and Irrefragable and if it follows not by necessary consequence that it was ane unaccoutable proceeding of the Committee of Estates to deprive the Doctor and near to thirty more for not praying for W. and M. as K. and Q. of Scotland before they were or could be K and Q. of Scotland let the intelligent Reader judge But if these inferences are notoriously just then let him judge again if G. R. by offering to invalidate the Dr. 's Defence was not guilty of a palpable indiscretion in refreshing the memory of such an unaccountable proceeding of the Meeting of the Committee of Estates which had been far better buried in perpetual oblivion and lastly let him judge if it argued not more than ane ordinary Impudence in G. R. to have attempted the Defence of that Procedure And if such ane attempt was not with a Fetch of his Talent peculiar to himself to offer violence to Reason and Law to Iustice and Equity to the Light of Nature and the Common sense of Mankind One would think 't was Impudence enough in all Conscience to have made so bold with common Humanity and particularly with the Universal Convictions of ones Native Country as to a plain Matter of Fact But such is our Authors share of that Daring Talent that assisted by it he could even flee in the face of his Dearer Relations and leave them in the Lurch rather than appear to have been worsted in his Argument Thus e. g. 8. When he was put to it and could not otherwise make his escape he never made scruple to flee in the face of the present Civil Government He tells you indeed in his Preface to 2 Vind. § 6. That one of his Designs in writing his Book was to Vindicate and Justify the Actings of the Civil Government Believe him on many occasions and he is a most dutiful Subject there cannot be a greater Reverencer of Authority He tells you 'T is a sawcy boldness for private persons to meddle with the Designs of Legislators 2 Vind. p. 112 And God knows how frequently he exposes his Adversaries to the Resentments of the Civil Government How zealous is he for stretching necks c. And yet for all this as much as he is obliged to it as great a veneration as he pretends for it it must not only shift for it self but he must run through its sides if he has not another hole to escape by I shall only take notice of two instances of his behaviour this way The first is in his 2 Vind. p. 22 His Adversary had laught at the Presbyterian Address and their protestation of Loyalty to K J. But I would fain know says G. R. by what Topick either of these can be Condemned I think I have hinted at least at Topick enough about that Go we on now with our Author They gave thanks for restoring them to their just Right Neither is this the Matter They Professed and practised Loyalty towards their LAWFUL Soveraign tho' of a different Religion from them Here it is For don't you hear him plainly affirming that K. I. was a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN Now what was this less than striking at the very root of the present Establishment Is it not a direct Contradicting of the Claim of Right which Declares that K. J. had forfeited the Right to the Crown by assuming the Regal Power and Acting as King without ever taking the Oath required by Law i. e. Manifestly for not being a LAWFUL SOVERAIGN If thus to Contradict its very foundation strikes not at the root of the present Constitution let the world judge But so it was that our Author could not otherwise justify the Presbyterian Address c. Again One of his Adversaries had Argued that Episcopacy was abolished by the Parliament as being contrary to the Inclinations of the People and therefore if the People should alter their Inclinations it might be restored by another Parliament One would think there was Reason here and it seems G. R. was sensible of it And
Four Letters The Case of the Afflicted Clergy and the Late Letter For he hath engraven on it such indelible Characters of Disingenuity Partiality Injustice Unfair Dealing Effrontery Ridiculousness c. as perhaps never Book was injur'd or bespattered with since writing of Books was in fashion The Reader may think this is a very strange Charge But I can make it good to a Demonstration by a very plain and obvious Deduction Thus Some of the Episcopal Clergy thought themselves obliged for their own Vindication to give some short Representations of their Circumstances and the Unkindly Treatment they had met with from the Presbyterian Party An. 1688 1689 c. The whole Nation knows they were so far from feigning instances or aggravating the circumstances of their Sufferings that they told not the twentieth part of what they suffered nor represented what they told in all its proper Blacknesses However so much was told as was enough to represent the Presbyterian Temper in no very Lovely Colours The Party were sensible of this And therefore it was necessary to try if there was a possibiltty of Collecting and Connecting some Rags to cover their Shame and Nakedness The Expedient they agreed to was that the Accounts given by the Episcopal Clergy should be Answered and Refuted But then the Difficulty was to find ane Author who had Talents proper for such a Task It was committed first to Mr. Alexander Pitcairn But after he had thought some time about it it seems It stood with his Stomach He had not so far abandoned all Principles of Truth and Honesty and Ingenuity as was necessary for such ane Undertaking he resign'd the imployment therefore into the hands of another General Meeting of the Party and told them He would have nothing to do with it This no doubt was a Discouragement to all others of any Wit or Probity to undertake it For if it was to be done to any good purpose at all Pitcairn was as fit for doing of it as any of the Sect And if he gave it over after so much Deliberation about it it was to be presumed there was Frost in it it was not safe to meddle with it Thus it fell to the share of G. R. as he tells himself both in his Preface and in the Beginning of his Book Such ane Odd Undertaking did indeed require a suitable Undertaker and now it had one as oddly qualified for it as the world has heard of For if we may believe himself in his Preface to his Anim. on D. Stillingfleet's Irenicum for who but himself would have been at pains to write Prefaces to his Books He died a worthy and much lamented Author Anno 1662. And so far as I can learn he continued thus in the state of the dead till towards the end of the year 1688. i. e. about 26 years Then indeed he return'd to Life Now it is not to be imagin'd his Soul all this while was either in the Regions of Eternal Rewards or Eternal Punishments for then how should it have returned Doubtless therefore it was in some Purgatory But what Purgatory is not easy to determine I am confident it was not the Ordinary Purgatory in which People are purg'd from the Dregs of Corruption they carry out of this world with them for he came alive again more corrupted and vicious than ever Possibly he has been in some New Purgatory which the Pope built lately for keeping a Seminary of such as he lets out upon Occasion for Plagues to the Protestant Churches Whatever Purgatory it was Our Author came out of it purged pretty clean of all principles of Sense or Shame or Honesty And now who fitter than he to be the Vindicator of the Kirk of Scotland Before his Death he wrote only such Books as were little in their own Eyes Pref. to Anim. on Irenicum but he ventured on writing such Books as his Second Vindication after his Resurrection I have given this Account of our Author and the Occasion of his writing the Book for fixing the Readers attention that he may consider it with the greater Application Now in this Book His Second Vindication I mean he rejected by the Bulk all the Matters of Fact which were contain'd in the Four Letters because they were not Attested as if forsooth the Writers of the Letters had had opportunity to have had all the particular Cases Tried in formal Courts before Indifferent Judges and with all the Usual Solemnities of Process As if it had been their Intention by their Letters to have made formal Pursuits for the Injuries had been done the Clergy As if the World could not have easily Discerned That all their purpose in writing these Letters was not to sue Legally for Redress but to represent to their Friends Matter of Fact in the common way of History Well! To mend this however The Case of the afflicted Clergy gave him Attestations enough in all Conscience But did that satisfy him No more than if he had got none at all for they were not worth a Button they were not probative they were but partial he had reason to reject every one of them Thus When the Author of the Case c. cited D. Burnet G. R. reply'd in these words He farther proveth our Persecution by citing some passages out of Doctor Burnet whom being a party we are not to admit as a Witness against us 85 What No not D. Burnet No not the Son of such a Mother No not the Nephew of such ane Vncle No not the Brother of such a Brother No not the Cousin German of such a Cousin German No not the Man who has all alongst advised the Scottish Prelatists particularly Mr. Malcome one of the Ministers of Edenburgh to return to their Native Country and submit to the Ecclesiastical Government Now Established Do you reject even him as a party But to proceed If the person who was barbarously used by the Rabble gave an Account of his own Usage and who could do it better and subscribed his name to it This was such ane Attestation as G. R. thought fit to reject with a Fie upon it It was Teste Meipso p. 88. and so not worth ane half-penny As if it had been possible for a Minister when the Rabble surprized him and came upon him unawares still to have had witnesses at hand for Attesting all their Rudenesses as if it had not been enough for all the design of such Accounts that a Man of known Probity and Reputation subscribed his own Narration of a Matter of Fact which so nearly concerned himself and thereby declared his Readiness to make the Matter appear as far as he was capable If the Rabbled Minister adduced Witnesses as was done in the Case c. in several Instances And they subscribed the Account was he then satisfied Never ane Ace more than before All of his Witnesses are the sworn Enemies of Presbyterians and in a Combination to defame them p. 88. And again p.
was such a Fool as to stumble upon the same Methods himself condemn'd most in his Adversaries when he had any Matter of Fact to Attest He was very careful as he tells frequently to have his particular informations from all Corners concerning all the Instances of Rabbling which were represented in the Prelatick Pamphlets But from whom had he these Informations mostly From the very Rabblers themselves It were both tedious and unprofitable to trace him through all instances One may be sufficient for ane example And I shall choose the very first that is to be found in his Book viz. That of Master Gabriel Russel Minister at Govean The Author of the Second Letter had given a brief and a just Account of the Treatment that poor Gentleman had met with And G. R. convels it thus To this I oppose says he The Truth of the Story as it is attested by the Subscriptions of Nine Persons who were present i. e. Nine of the Rabblers for so Mr. Russel himself assured me repeating over these very names which G. R. has in his Book And is not this a pleasant Attestation Is it not pleasant I say to rely upon the Testimony of such barbarous Villains and take their own word for their own Vindication Yet there 's one thing a great deal more pleasant yet in the Story The Author of the Second Letter had affirmed that Mr. Russel was beaten by the Rabble But they the nine whom he adduces utterly deny That any of them did beat him And 't is true indeed none of these nine did beat him but 't is as true that he was beaten And one Iames Colâ—uhoun was the person who did it and therefore his Name was concealed and not set down with the other nine And now I refer it to the Reader if it is not probable that he has got a parcel of sweet History from G. R. in his Second Vindication But I go on As he thus adduced the Rabble witnessing for themselves so when he was put to it he never stood on adducing the Testimonies of single Presbyterian Ministers witnessing for the Honesty and Integrity of the Rabblers or in opposition to the Prelatical Relations Thus In White 's Case p. 32. he adduces five Men testifying that the Accounts of White 's Sufferings were false c. And for the Honesty of these five he tells us They have all their Testimony from their Minister that they are credible and famous Witnesses And P. 105. He rejects Bullo's account who was Episcopal Minister at Stobo in one word thus In this Narrative are many Lies which is attested by Mr. William Russel Presbyterian Minister at Stobo But the best is After he had run down all the Prelatical Accounts by this Upright Dealing of his and concluded them all most horrid Liers and Calumniators and all their Relations most horrid Lies and Calumnies He tells you gravely in his Preface § 6. That the Truth of Matters of Fact asserted in his Book is not to be taken from him but from his Informers That he pretends to personal Knowledge of few of them That therefore not his Veracity but theirs is pledged for the Truth of the Accounts he has published That if they have deceived him or been deceived themselves he is not to Answer for it Let the World judge if this was not a sure foot for supporting such Superstructures as he rais'd upon it and if his Second Vindication is not a pleasant Book Was it possible for him to have Farced it with more bare-faced Iniquities What picqu'd the Man so at his own Book as to publish it with so many fair Evidences of Disingenuity Partiality Effrontery and Downright Ridiculousness about it What could move him to treat his own Brat with so little compassion Was not this even in a Literal sense Male Natum exponere foetum Or rather what meant he by treating himself so unmercifully For who sees not that all the Infamy terminates on the Author in the Rebound But perchance now that he is a profound Philosophick Head of a Colledge he may fall on a way to distinguish between his own and his Books Credit Perchance he may think his own Credit secure enough whatever hazard his Books may run Well! He may try it if he will but I would advise him not to be rash in falling out so with the Book For as sorry a Book as it is yet I perceive that with the assistance of a Neighbour Book it can serve him a Trick that may be sufficient to put even his impudent self a little out of Countenance I 'll be so kind to him as to let him see where the Danger lies He may remember That the Author of the Second Letter which by the most probable Calculation I can make was written in December 1689 or Ianuary 1690. endeavoured to make it appear as probable That the Leading Men in Government were then very much inclined to Iustify the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble and sustain their Churches vacuated by that Expulsion and thereby cut off these poor Men from all hopes of being restored to their Churches or Livings tho they had neither been Convicted of any Crime nor Deprived by any Sentence Now There 's another Book called Ane Account of the Late Establishment of Presbyterian Government by the Parliament Anno 1690. which gives a full and fair Account how the thing was actually Done how the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble was actually Iustified by that same Act of Parliament which established Presbyterian Government If G. R. has not seen that Book or is resolved to reject its Testimony because probably written by a Party I can refer him to the Universal Conviction of the whole Nation that such a thing was Done by that Act of Parliament Nay I can refer him to the Act of Parliament it self That Book tells also a shrewd story concerning a Presbyterian Minister called Mr. Gilbert Rule who preached a Sermon before the Parliament on the 25 of May being the Sunday before the Act was Voted in the House And before he published it wrote a Preface to it after the Act was Voted in which he thanked the House very heartily for Voting such ane Act And if G. R. distrusts that Book I refer him to Mr. Rule s printed Preface to his Sermon where I am confident he may find satisfaction Nay I dare appeal to G. R. himself if he knew not all these things to be true before he wrote one Syllable of his Second Vindication For these things were transacted every one of them before the middle of Iune 1690 and his Second Vindication came not abroad till more than a year after Well! But what of all this how can this assist G. R.'s Book against himself if it should be irritated to serve him a Trick Why turn over to p. 43 44 c. and consider how it discovers in him such a Brawny Impudence as never Ghost appearing in humane shape was guilty
of before him For Tho the Letter-man was fully justified by the Event tho what he said seem'd to be intended by the Government appear'd undeniably to have been intended by them in the Execution tho they Iustified the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble as plainly and positively as ane Act of Parliament could do it So plainly and positively that the whole Nation was sensible of it and cried shame upon it That some Members in the very time resented it highly calling it ane indelible Reproach upon the Justice of the Nation That many Members to this very minute will frankly acknowledge there was never greater or more notorious iniquity established by a Law Tho G. R. knew it so well and was so much pleased with it that he thanked the Parliament with all his Soul for it telling them He and his Party were filled with Ioy while they beheld the Religious Regard which the High and Honourable Court of Parliament had shewed to the Mountain of the Lords House above other Mountains in the Great Step towards the Establishing thereof that they had made by their Vote Whereof that Justification of the Rabble was a great part Tho he prayed That the Lord would reward them for their good Deeds whereof this was one towards his House Tho all these things were and are clear as the Light and uncontroulable as Matter of Fact can be yet G. R. lasht the Letter-man till he had almost flea'd him made him a Railer one who Vnderstood no Logick a Strainer at Silly Quibbles one who had ane Extraordinary Dose of Brow and whose Wit was a Wool gathering c. And all this for telling this plain Truth That the Government had a design to Justify the Expulsion of the Clergy by the Rabble Thus I think I have made it appear how little tender G. R. was even of his own beloved self when he was straitned in his Argument I might have easily adduced more Instances but the Truth is I am now very weary of him and he himself has done himself the Justice to represent himself to any Mans Satisfaction who shall not be satisfied with the Representation I have given of him For he hath fairly own'd that he sets himself in opposition to those whom he acknowledges to be the Soberest and Wisest of his party I don't love to be unjust to him I 'le give it you in his own words as I find them 1 Vind. Ans. to Quest. 5. § 6. He was complaining of the Persecutions his Party had met with for keeping Conventicles c. And amongst other things he discourses thus There might have been some shadow for such severity against Meeting at Field-Conventicles with Arms tho even that was in some Cases necessary but that was always disallowed by the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians Now t is plain there are here these two Affirmatives 1. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles was in some Cases necessary This is our Authors sentiment 2. That Meeting with Arms at Field Conventicles was always disallowed by the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians This I say he plainly affirms to have been always the sentiment of the Soberest and Wisest By Consequence are not both these Affirmatives joyned together Eâ—â—â—pollent to this Complexe Proposition Tho the Soberest and Wisest Presbyterians did always disallow of Meeting with Arms c. Yet in my Iudgment it was sometimes necessary And now have you not from his own Friendly self a Fair Demonstration of his own Folly and Futility For who but a Futile Fool would have said that he differed in his Sentiments from the Soberest and Wisest And now to bring all home to my Original purpose By this time I think I have given Reason enough for my refusing to accept of him for ane Answerer of my Book No Man on Earth I think would willingly enter the Lists with one who is so singular for four such Cardinal Talents Tho Incureable Ignorance and Incorrigible Nonsence may be something pitiable as being the Vices of Nature rather than Choice yet 't is no small Persecution for one to be obliged to grapple with them What must it be then to be committed with the other two Rank Ill-nature I mean and the most stubborn Impudence Some Ill Natures may be cured Men may be either cajol'd or cudgel'd out of them Agelastus himself laught once so did Duke D Alva But what hopes can there be of one whose Common Sense is so intrinsecally vitiated that he can avouch the coursest and most Scurrilous Scolding to be Excessive Civility But this is not the worst of it If there had been any thing Venust or Lepid any shadow of Concinnity or Festivity of Iollity or Good Humor any thing like Art or Life or Wit or Salt in any One of Fifty of his Excessive Civilities if they had had the least Tincture of the Satyre nay if their Mein had resembled so much as the Murgeons of ane Ape I could have pardonâ—d him and let his Talent pass for Tolerable There is something delightful in Marvelism in well humor'd wantonness in lively and judicious Drollery There may be some Enormous Strokes of Beauty in a surprizing Banter some irregular Sweetness in a well cook't Bitterness But who can think on drinking nothing but Corrupted Vinegar What humane patience can be hardy enough for entering the Lists with pure Barking and Whining with Original â—ullness who can think on Arming himself against the Horns of a Snaiâ— or setting a Match for Mewing with a Melancholy Cat But What can be said of his Impudence his Master-Talent Why to tell Truth of it I am not able to define it and so I must let it alone I know nothing in Nature like it 'T is too hard for all the Idea's or words I am Master of Were I to talk any more of it I should design it his Vndefineable Attribute And now I think our Author may be sensible that it is not a good thing to cast a bad Copy to the world lest some for Curiosity try if they can imitate it For my part I do acknowledge that I have crossed my temper to make an Experiment if it was possible to be Even with him To let him see that others as well as he if they set themselves for it may aim at least at Arguing the Case Cuttingly as he phrases it Pref. to 2 Vind. § 6. One thing I am sure of I have been faithful in my Citations from his Books And I am not conscious that I have so much as once forced ane Vnnatural sense on his words For this I am satisfied that what I have said be tried with the greatest and most impartial Accuracy But if he is such ane Author as I have truly represented him to be I hope the world will allow that I had and still have Reason to refuse to have any Dealing with him Nay farther I think 't is nothing for the Honour or Reputation of his Party that he was ever imployed to
be the Vindicator of their Kirk If they can imploy any civil discreet ingenuous person to write for them I shall be heartily satisfied and for his Encouragement I do promise if he falls to my share I shall treat him suitably Nay After all if even G. R. himself will lay aside such Qualities as I have demonstrated adhere to him if he will undertake to write with that Gravity and Civility that Charity and Modesty that Honesty and Ingenuity which may be thought to become One of his Age and Character I can as yet admit of him for my Adversary for I think the Party cannot assign me a weaker one And I do hereby promise him ane Equitable Meeting FINIS ADVERTISEMENT THis Book was designed for the Press December 1693. The Article That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters is and hath been a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the people ever since the Reformation they having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters And therefore ought to be Abolished THis Article was Established in our Claim of Right April 11 1689. By vertue of this Article Prelacy was actually Abolished by Act of Parliament Iuly 22. 1689. Upon the foot of this Article Presbyterian Government was Established Iune 7. Anno 1690. This Act Establishing Presbyterian Government was Ratified in the whole Heads Articles and Clauses thereof Iune 12. 1693. It is indisputable then That This Article is the Great Foundation of that Great Alteration which hath been made in the Government of the Church of Scotland since the Beginning of the Late Revolution Whether therefore This is a Solid or a Sandy Foundation cannot but be deem'd a Material Question And I think I shall bid fair for the Determination of this Question if I can give clear and distinct Satisfaction to these following Enquiries I. Whether the Church of Scotland was Reform'd solely by persons cloath'd with the Character of Presbyters II. Whether our Scottish Reformers whatever their Characters were were of the present Presbyterian Principles Whether they were for the Divine institution of Parity and the unlawfulness of Prelacy amongst the Pastors of the Church III. Whether Prelacy and the superiority of any Office in the Church above Presbyters was a great and insupportable Grievance and trouble to this Nation and contrary to the inclinations of the generality of the people ever since the Reformation IV. Whether it was Such when this Article was Established in the Claim of Right V. Whether supposing the premisses in the Article were True They would be of sufficient Force to infer the Conclusion viz. That Prelacy and the Superiority of any Office in the Church ought to be abolished The Determination of the main Question I say may competently result from a perspicuous discussion of these five Enquiries And therefore I shall attempt it as fairly as I can leaving to the world to judge equitably of my performance And without further prefacing I come to The First Enquiry Whether the Church of Scotland was Reformed solely by persons cloath'd with the Character of Presbyters IF the Framers of the Article meant that it was in these words They having Reformed from Popery by Presbyters I think I am pretty sure they meant amiss For there is nothing more obvious to one who reads and compares our Histories than That persons standing in other stations and cloath'd with other Characters had a very great hand and were very considerable Instruments in carrying on our Reformation Particularly 1. There were Prelates who concurred in that work as well as Presbyters Knox says there were present in the Parliament holden in August 1560. which Parliament gave the first National Establishment to our Reformation The Bishop of Galloway the Abbots of Lundoris Culross St. Colmes-inih Coldingham Saint Mary-isle and the Subprior of St. Andrews with diverse others And of all these he says That they had Renounced Papistrie and openly professed Jesus Christ. Spotswood reckons up no fewer than Eight of the Spiritual Estate all Protestants chosen at that time to be Lords of the Articles Namely the Bishops of Galloway and Argyle the Prior of St. Andrews the Abbots of Aberbrothoik Kilwinning Lundors Newbottle and Culross Lay these two Accounts together and you shall have at least a Round Dozen of Reforming Prelates 'T is True Spotswood says The Popish Prelates stormed mightily at such a Nomination for the Articles alledging that some of them were meer Laicks But what if it was so I am apt to think our Presbyterian Brethren will not be fond to make much advantage of this I am apt to think they will not say That all those whom they allow to have been Reforming Presbyters were Duely and Canonically Ordained That they were solemnly seperated for the Ministery by such as had Commission and Power to Separate them and in such Manner as had Universally obtained from the Apostles times in the Separation of Presbyters for their holy Function The plain truth is 2. Our Reformation was principally carried on by such as neither Did nor Could pretend to be Canonically promoted to Holy Orders Knox himself tells us that when the Reformation began to make its more publick Advances which was in the Year 1558. there was a great Scarcety of Preachers At that time says he we had no publick Ministers of the word Only did certain Zealous Men among whom were the Laird of Dun David Forress Mr. Robert Lockhart Mr. Robert Hamilton William Harlaw and others Exhort their Brethren according to the Gifts and Graces granted to them But shortly after did God stir up his Servant Paul Methven c. Here we have but a very Diminutive account of them as to Number And such an Account as in its very Air and Countenance seems to own they were generally but Lay-Brethren They were but Zealous Men not Canonically ordained Presbyters And if we may believe Lesly Paul Methven was by Occupation a Baker and William Harlaw a Taylor The Laird of Dun that same very year was Provost of Montrose and as such sent to France as one representing not the First or the Spiritual but the Third Estate of Parliament the Burrows to attend at the Celebration of the Queens Marriage with the Dauphine of France He was indeed a Gentleman of good Esteem and Quality and he was afterwards as Superintendent but it no where appears that he was ever Received into Holy Orders Nay 3. After the pacification at Leith which was concluded in Iuly 1560 when the Ministers were distributed amongst the several Towns we find but a very small Number of them Iohn Knox was appointed for Edenburgh Christopher Goodman for St. Andrews Adam Herriot for Aberdeen Iohn Row for Perth William Chrystison for Dundee David Ferguson for Dunfermline Paul Methven for Iedburgh and Mr. David Lindesay for Leith Beside these Five were nominated to be Superintendents Spotswood for Lothian and
Trusts and Offices as the Clergy did then and they are satisfied And now if these Reformers who thus petitioned and in their Petition thus reasoned and agreed to such a Rule of Reformation were for the divine institution of Parity and the sacred Rights of Presbytery nay if they were not not only for the Lawfulness but the Continuance of Prelacy I must confess my ignorance to be very gross and so I refuse not Correction For this Evidence as I said we are beholden to Knox and to Knox only 'T is true indeed Calderwood gives us the Abstract of this Petition but he conceals and suppresses the whole pith and marrow of this Article summing it up in these few ill-complexion'd words That the slanderous and detestable life of the Prelates and the State Ecclesiastical may be reformed which at first view one would imagin lookt kindly towards Presbytery but I am not surprized to find him thus at his Tricks 't is but according to his Custom To have set down the full Article or to have abridged it so as that its force and purpose might have been seen had been to disserve his Cause and do ane ill Office to his Idol Parity And Petrie as I have said was so wise as not to touch it at all lest it had burnt his Fingers but that Archbishop Spotswood should have overlookt it both in his History and in his Refutatio Libelli c. seems very strange For my part I should rather think we have not his History intire and as he design'd it for the Press for which I have heard other very pregnant presumptions than that so great a man was guilty of so great ane Oscitancy But whatever be of this Knox has it and that is enough and Calderwood has abridged it and that 's more than enough for my Presbyterian Brethren The Third Petition which I promised to adduce is that which was presented to the Parliament which established the Reformation Anno 1560. for which we are obliged to Knox alone also at least so far as the present Argument is concerned For tho both Spotswood and Petrie make mention of the Petition or Supplication yet neither of them has recorded that which I take notice of and Calderwood is so accurate ane Historian as to take no notice of the Petition That which I take notice of in it as it is in Knox is That when our Reformers came to crave the Reformation of the Ecclesiastical State they bespoke the Parliament thus And lest that your Honours should doubt in any of the premisses they had affirmed before That the Doctrine of the Roman Church contained many pestiferous errors that the Sacraments of Jesus Christ were most shamefully abused and profaned by the Roman Harlot that the true Discipline of the antient Church amongst that Sect was utterly extinguisht and that the Clergy of all men within the Realm were most corrupt in life and manners c. we offer our selves evidently to prove that in all the Rabble of the Clergy there is not one Lawful Minister IF GODS WORD THE PRACTICES OF THE APOSTLES THE SINCERITY OF THE PRIMITIVE CHVRCH AND THEIR OWN ANCIENT LAWS SHALL IVDGE OF THE ELECTION Here I say our Reformers insist on that same very Rule for finding if there be Corruptions in and by consequence for reforming of the Church on which they insisted in the aforementioned Petition from which 't is evident they persisted of the same sentiments and 't is easy to draw the same inferences Such were the sentiments of our Scottish Reformers before the Reformed Religion had the countenance of the Civil Government and Acts of Parliament on its side and was made the National Religion Let us try next what kind of Government they did establish when they had got Law for them Whither they established a Government that was to be managed by Ministers acting in Parity or in Imparity And here I think the Controversy might very soon be brought to a very fair issue The First Book of Discipline the Acts of many General Assemblies the Acts of many Parliaments Both without interruption the unanimous Consent of Historians and the uncontroverted Practice of the Church for many years all concurring to this Assertion That the first Establishment was of a Government which was to be managed by Superintendents and Parochial Ministers Elders and Deacons acting in Subordination not in a State of Parity with but in a State of inferiority in Power and Iurisdiction to these Superintendents This Establishment I say is so clear and undoubted from all these fountains That no more needed be said upon the whole Argument But because our Presbyterian Historians and Antiquaries tho they cannot deny the thing do yet endeavor with all their Might and Cunning to intricate it and obscure it I shall further undertake two things I. I shall give the world a fair prospect of the power of Superintendents as they were then established and of the Disparities betwixt them and Parish Ministers II. I shall endeavour to dissipate these Mists whereby our Presbyterian Brethren are so very earnest to involve and darken this Matter As for the I. The world may competently see that Superintendents as established in Scotland at the Reformation had a considerable stock of Prerogatives or Preheminencies call them as ye will which raised them far above other Churchmen far above the allowances of that Parity our Presbyterian Brethren contend for so eagerly from the following Enumeration 1. They had Districts or Diocesses of far larger extent than other Churchmen Private Ministers had only their private Parishes and might have been as many as there were Churches in the Kingdom But according to the Scheme laid down by our Reformers in the First Book of Discipline Head 5. only ten or twelve Superintendents were design'd to have the Chief Care as it is worded in the Prayer at the Admission of a Superintendent of all the Churches within the Kingdom Indeed ten are only there design'd but it was because of the scarcity of qualified men as we shall learn hereafter 2. As they had larger Districts than Parish Ministers so there were correspondent Specialities in their Election Parish Ministers were to enter to such Churches as had Benefices by presentation from the Patron and Collation from the Superintendent as is evident from Act 7. Parl. 1. Iam. 6. and many Acts of Assemblies as shall be fully proven afterward If they were to serve where the Benefice was actually possessed by a Papist they were to be chosen by the People of the Congregation by the appointment of the First Book of Discipline Head 4. But the Election of Superintendents was quite different they were to be nominated by the Council and elected by the Nobility and Gentry c. within their Dioceses as hath been already considered 3. There was as great a difference in the matter of Deposition if they deserved it Parish Ministers by the First Book of Discipline Head 8.
have once transcribed already from his Exhortation to England for the speedy embracing of Christs Gospel Let no man be charged in preaching of Christ Iesus says he above that which a man may do I mean that your Bishopricks be so divided that of every one as they are now for the most part may be made ten and so in every City and great Town there may be placed a godly learned Man with so many joyned with him for preaching and instruction as shall be thought sufficient for the bounds commited to their Charge Than which testimony it is not possible to find a better Comment upon that period of the First Book of Discipline penned also by Knox himself which is the subject of our present Controversie and it agrees exactly with my Gloss For from this Testimony it is clear that he was for a great number of Bishops and little Diocesses and that in a Church sufficiently provided with Ministers the Bishop should not be obliged to travel from place to place for preaching but might stay at the Chief City or Town of his Diocess What I have said might be sufficient for preferring Mine to the Presbyterian Gloss But I have more to say For 3. This sense of the period accords exactly with the whole tenour of the First Book of Discipline in which there 's not another syllable the most partial Reader can say favours the mistaken Conceipt about the Temporariness of Superintendency but much to the contrary Thus In the Head of the Election of Superintendents the very first words are Such is the present Necessity that the Examination and Admission of Superintendents cannot be so strict as afterwards it must Clearly importing that as Necessity forced them to establish a small number at first so also to take them as they could have them but that a stricter accuracy in their tryal would be needful when the number of qualified men should increase which runs quite counter to the whole design of the Presbyterian Gloss. Again If so many able men cannot be found at present as Necessity requireth it is better that these Provinces wait till God provide than that men unable to edify and govern the Church be suddenly placed in the Charge c. Another Demonstration why at that time they established so few Superintendents Again If any Superintendent shall depart this life or happen to be deposed Rules are laid down for supplying the Vacancy But to what purpose if Superintendency was to be of so short continuance Farther yet After the Church shall be established and three years are past no man shall be called to the Office of a Superintendent who hath not two years at least given a proof of his faithful Labours in the Ministery of some Church What could more plainly import that the Office was to be durable Once more When this Book of Discipline comes to the business of the Vniversities it supposes that Superintendents and Colleges were to be of equal continuance for the Superintendent was still to be at the choosing and installment of Principals and Rectors and the Moneys collected for upholding the Fabrick were to be counted yearly upon the 15th day of November in the presence of the Superintendent of the bounds and imployed with his advice c. Neither is this all yet For 4. The Form and Order of the Election of the Superintendent to be found both in Knox's History and the Old Scottish Liturgy is every way as patt for the continuance of the Office as the First Book of Discipline For the first thing we meet with there as I have already observed is The Necssity of Ministers and Superintendents oâ— Oversecrs without any Exception or Speciality about the one more than the other And as our Reformers had petitioned the Government for the Establishment of a Method to be observed in the Election of Bishops and Presbyters without any intimations of the Temporariness of either Office as we have shewed before so here we find it put in practice as hath likewise before been observed without so much as one syllable favouring the Presbyterian side of the present Controversie but on the contrary all alongst for mine Thus The People are asked If they will obey and honour him as Christs Minister and comfort and assist him in every thing pertaining to his Charge And their Answer is They will and they promise him such Obedience as becometh Sheep to give unto their Pastor not so long as the present Necessity forceth or the present Exigence requireth but so long as he remaineth faithful in his Charge In short the Order or Form for admitting a Superintendent and a Parish Minister was all one and there was nothing in it importing the one Office to be temporary more than the other And however Calderwood thought fit to affirm That Superintendents were not then established as of Divine Institution yet in all this Form the divine Institution of their Office is as much to be found as the divine Institution of Ordinary Ministers The People as we had it just now were asked if they would obey him as Christs Minister And he himself was asked If he knew that the Excellency of this Office to the which GOD CALLED HIM did require that his Conversation should be irreprehensible And again it was asked the People Will ye not acknowledge this your Brother for the Minister of Christ Jesus Your Overseer and Pastor Will ye not maintain and comfort him in his Ministry and Watching over you against all such as wickedly would rebel against God and HIS HOLY ORDINANCE And in the Prayer after his Instalment we have this petition Send unto this our Brother whom IN THY NAME we have charged with THE CHIEF CARE of thy Church within the bounds of Lothian c. Thus our Reformers thought of Superintendency when they composed this Form Now if they lookt upon it as Gods Ordinance c. with what reason can it be said they design'd it meerly to be temporary and for the then Necessities of the Church I think it will be hard to prove that it was the Divinity of these times that men might dispense with divine Institutions but of this more afterwards In the mean time proceed we to a further and indeed ane irrefragable Topick for confirming my side of the present Controversie and that is 5. That as the First Book of Discipline and the Form of admitting Superintendents do both fairly import that our Reformers intended nothing less than the Temporariness of Superintendents so 't is as clear from a vast number of Acts of General Assemblies Most of these Acts I have already adduced for shewing the Disparities between Superintendents and Ordinary Ministers when they are seriously considered will be found uncontrovertibly to this purpose But there are many more for example consider these following The Assembly May 27 1561. addressed to the Council That special and certain provision might be made for the Maintenance of the
Policy and Government Indeed to make Governours subject to the Censures and Sentences of their Subjects what is it else than to subvert Government to confound Relations to sap the Foundations of all Order and politick Establishment It is as King Iames the sixth has it in his Discourse about the true Law of Free Monarchies and I cannot give it better to invert the Order of all Law and Reason to make the commanded command the Commander the judged judge their Iudge and them who are governed to govern their time about their Lord and Governour In short to give a just account of such a Constitution it is very near of Kin to that bantering Question I have sometimes heard proposed to Children or Ideots If you were above me and I above you which of us should be uppermost I add further 2. That as I take it our Reformers put this in the Constitution that they might appear consequential to a principle then espoused and put in practice by them about Civil Government which was that the King was superior to his Subjects in their distributive but inferior to them in their collective Capacity This principle I say in those days was in great Credit Knox had learned it from the Democratians at Geneva his Authority was great and he was very fond of this principle and disseminated it with a singular zeal and confidence Besides our Reformers were then obnoxious to the civil Government the standing Laws were against them and the Soveraigns perswasion in matters of Religion jumpt with the Laws This Principle therefore had it been a good one came to them most seasonably and coming to them in such a nick and withal meeting in them with Scotch Mettal they put it in practice and being put in practice God suffered it to be successful and the success was a new Endearment and so it came to be a Principle of Credit and Reputation Indeed they had been very unthankful to it and inconsequential to boot if they had not adopted it into their Ecclesiastical as well as their Civil Systeme and the Superintendents having had a main hand in reducing it to practice against the Prince could not take it ill if it was made a Law to themselves it was but their own measure This I say I take to be the natural History of this part of the Constitution Nay 3. So fond it seems they were of this principle that they extended it further so far as even to make Ministers accountable to their own Elderships So 't is expresly established by the First Book of Discipline Head 8. The Elders ought also to take heed to the Life Manners Diligence and Study of their Minister And if he be worthy of Admonition they must admonish him if of Correction they must correct him and if he be worthy of Deposition they with the Consent of the Church and Superintendent may depose him Here was a pitch of Democracy which I think our Presbyterian Brethren themselves as self denied as they are would not take with so very kindly And yet I am apt to believe the Compilers of the Book never thought on putting these Elders in a state of parity with their Ministers tho this is a Demonstration that they have not been the greatest Masters at Drawing Schemes of Policy But to let this pass 4. Tho this unpolitical stroke to call it no worse was made part of the Constitution by that Book as I have granted yet I have no where found that ever it was put in practice I have no where found that De Facto a Superintendent was judged by his own Synod whether it was that they behaved so exactly as that they were never censureable or that their Synods had not the insolence to reduce a Constitution so very absurd and unreasonable to practice I shall not be anxious to determine But it seems probable it has been as much if not more upon the latter account than the former for I find Superintendents frequently tried and sometimes censured by General Assemblies and there was reason for it supposing that General Assemblies as then constituted were fit to be the supreme Judicatories of the National Church For there was no reason that Superintendents should have been Popes i. e. absolute and unaccountable so that if I am not mistaken our Brethren raise Dust to little purpose when they make so much noise about the Accountableness of Superintendents to General Assemblies as if that made a difference between them and Bishops For I know no man that makes Bishops unaccountable especially when they are confederated in a National Church But this by the way That which I take notice of is That seeing we find they were so frequently tried by General Assemblies without the least intimation of their being at any time tried by their own Synods it seems reasonable to conclude that it has been thought fit to let that unreasonable Stretch in the first Constitution fall into Dissuetude But however this was I have all safe enough For 5. Such a Constitution infers no such thing as parity amongst the Officers of the Church Those who maintain that the King is inferiour to his Subjects in their Collection are not yet so extravagant as to say he is not superior to every one of them in their Distribution They acknowledge he is Major Singulis and there 's not a person in the Kingdom who will be so unmannerly as to say that he stands upon the same Level with his Soveraign But what needs more These same very Presbyterian Authors who use this Argument even while they use it confess That Superintendents and ordinary Parish Ministers did not act in parity and because they cannot deny it but must confess it whether they will or not they cannot forbear raising all the Dust they can about it that unthinking People may not see clearly that they do confess it And had it not been for this reason I am apt to think the world had never been plagued with such pitiful jangle as such Arguments amount to Neither is the next any better which is 3. That Superintendency was never established by Act of Parliament This is G. R.'s Argument in his learned Answer to the first of the ten Questions for there he tells us That Superintendency was neither brought in nor cast out by Act of Parliament And what then Doth he love it the worse that it was established purely by Ecclesiastical Authority How long since he turn'd â—ond of Parliamentary Establishments I wonder he was not affraid of the Scandal of Erastianism But to the point 'T is true indeed it was not brought in by Act of Parliament but then I think he himself cannot deny that it was countenanced allowed and approven by more than half a Dozen of Acts of Parliaments which if our Author understands any thing either of Law or Logick he must allow to be at least equivalent to a Parliamentary In-bringing I have these Acts in readiness to produce when
and convince them from Scripture and Antiquity and Ecclesiastical History c. that Episcopacy was of divine Institution or the best or a lawful Government of the Church If I mistake not such Topicks in these times were not much thought on by our Statesmen But if they were such Arguments as I have given a Specimen of which they insisted on as no doubt they were if they insisted on any then I would fain know which of them it was that might not have been as readily insisted on by the Clergy as by the Statesmen Nay considering that there were no Scruples of Conscience then concerning the Lawfulness of such a Constitution how reasonable is it to think that the Clergy might be as forward as the Statesmen could be to insist on these Arguments Especially if it be further considered that Besides these and the like Arguments the Clergy had one very considerable Argument to move them for the Re-establishment of the Old Constitution which was that they had found by Experience that the New Scheme fallen upon in the First Book of Discipline had done much hurt to the Church as I have already observed that by forsaking the Old Constitution the Church had suffered too much already and that it was high time for them now to return to their Old Fond considering at what losses they had been since they had deserted it And all this will appear more reasonable and credible still if two things more be duely considered The First is That the Six Clergymen who were commissioned by the Assembly on this occasion to treat with the State were all sensible men men who understood the Constitution both of Church and State had Heads to comprehend the consequences of things and were very far from being Parity-men The Second is The Oddness to call it no worse of the Reason which our Authors feign to have been the Motive which made the Court at that time so earnest for such ane Establishment namely that thereby They might gripe at the Commodity as Calderwood words it That is possess themselves of the Churches Patrimony What Had the Clergy so suddenly fallen from their daily their constant their continual Claim to the Revenues of the Church Had they in ane instant altered their sentiments about Sacrilege and things consecrated to Holy uses Were they now willing to part with the Churches Patrimony Did that which moved them to be so earnest for this Meeting with the State miraculously flip out of their Minds so that they inconcernedly quate their pretensions and betrayed their own interests Were they all fast asleep when they were at the Conference So much asleep or senseless that they could not perceive the Court intended them such a Trick On the other hand If the Court had such a design as is pretended I must confess I do not see how it was useful for them to fall on such a wild project for accomplishing their purposes Why be at all this pains to re-establish the Old Polity if the only purpose was to rob the Church of her Patrimony Might not that have been done without as well as with it Could they have wished the Church in weaker circumstances for asserting her own Rights than she was in before this Agreement Was it not as easy to have possest themselves of a Bishoprick ane Abbacy a Priory c. when there were no Bishops nor Abbots nor Priors as when there were What a pitiful politick or rather what ane insolent wickedness was it as it were to take a Coat which was no mans and put on one and possess him of it and call it his Coat that they might rob him of it Or making the uncharitable supposition that they could have ventured on such a needless such a mad fetch of iniquity were all the Clergy so short-sighted that they could not penetrate into such a palpable such a gross piece of Cheatry But what needs more 'T is certain that by that Agreement the Churches Patrimony was fairly secured to her and she was put in far better condition than she was ever in before since the Reformation Let any man read over Calderwoods account of the Agreement and he must confess it And yet perhaps the account may be more full and clear in the Books of Council if they be extant 'T is true indeed the Courtiers afterwards played their Tricks and robb'd the Church and it cannot be denied that they got some bad Clergymen who were subâ—ervient to their purposes But this was so 〈◊〉 from being pretended to be aim'd at by 〈◊〉 Courtiers while the Agreement was a mâ—kâ—ng It was so far from these Clergy-mens minds who adjusted matters at that time with the Laity these Courtiers to give them the smallest advantages that way to allow them the least Scope for such Encroachments That on the contrary when afterwards they found the Nobility were taking such Methods and plundering the Church they complained mightily of it as a manifest breach of the Agreement and ane horrid iniquity But whatever Truth is in all this Reasoning I have spent on this point is not much material to my main purpose For whither at that time Episcopacy was imposed upon the Church or not or if imposed whither it was out of a bad design or not affects not in the least the principal Controversie For however it was 't is certain the Church accepted of it at that time which we are bound in Charity to think a sufficient Argument that she was not then of Antiprelatical principles She had no such Article in her Creed as the Divine Right of Parity which is the great point I am concerned for in all this tedious Controversie 3. The Third Plea is The Limitedness of the Power which was then granted to Bishops They had no more Power granted them by this Establishment than Superintendents had enjoyed before This all my Authors insist upon with great Earnestness And I confess it is very true This was provided for both by the Agreement at Leith and by ane Act of the Assembly holden at Eden March 6. 1574. But then 1. If they had the same power which Superintendents had before I think they had truly Prelatic Power they did not act in Parity with other Ministers 2. Tho they had no more power yet it is certain they had more Privilege They were not answerable to their own Synods but only to General Assemblies as is clear even from Calderwoods own account of the agreement at Leith In that point the absurd Constitution in the First Book of Discipline was altered 3. One thing more I cannot but observe here concerning Mr. Carlderwood This judicious Historian when he was concerned to raise Dust about the Prelacy of Superintendents found easily 7 or 8 huge Differences between Superintendents and Bishops And now that he is concern'd to raise Dust about the Prelacy of Bishops he thinks he has gain'd a great point if he makes it the same with the Prelacy of
have fully proven and which was all I still aim'd at yet it is easy to Discover they were very far from keeping Closely by the Principles and Measures of the primitive constitution of Church Government This is so very apparent to any who Reads the Histories of these times and is so visible in the Deduction I have made that I shall insist no longer on it Secondly The truth of my charge may further appear from the Instance of Adamson advanced this year 1576 to the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews That Nature had furnished him with a good stock and he was a smart Man and cultivated beyond the ordinary Size by many parts of good Literature is not denyed by the Presbyterian Historians themselves They never attempt to represent him as a Fool or a Dunce tho' they are very eager to have him a Man of Tricks and Latitude Now this Prelates ignorance in true Antiquity is Remarkably visible in his subscribing to these Propositions Anno 1580 if we may believe Calderwood The Power and Authority of all Pastors is equal and alike great amongst themselves The Name Bishop is Relative to the Flock and not to the Eldership For he is Bishop of his Flock and not of other Pastors or fellow Elders As for the Preheminence that one beareth over the rest it is the Invention of Man and not the Institution of Holy Writ That the ordaining and appointing of Pastors which is also called the laying on of hands appertaineth not to one Bishop only so being Lawful Election pass before but to those of the same Province or Presbytery and with the like Iurisdiction and Authority Minister at their Kirks That in the Council of Nice for eschewing of private ordaining of Ministers it was statuted that no Pastor should be appointed without the consent of him who dwelt or remained in the Chief and Principal City of the Province which they called the Metropolitan City That after in the latter Councils it was statuted that things might proceed more solemnly and with greater Authority that the laying on of hands upon Pastors after Lawful Election should be by the Metropolitan or Bishop of the Chief and principal Town the rest of the Bishops of the Province voting thereto In which thing there was no other Prerogative but only that of the Town which for that cause was thought most meet both for the conveening of the Council and Ordaining of Pastors with common Consent and Authority That the Estate of the Church was corrupt when the name Bishop which before was common to the rest of the Pastors of the Province began without the Authority of Gods Word and ancient Custome of the Kirk to be attributed to one That the power of appointing and ordaining Ministers and Ruling of Kirks with the whole procuration of Ecclesiastical Discipline was now only devolved to one Metropolitan The other Pastors no ways challenging their Right and Privilege therein of very slothfulness on the one part And the Devil on the other going about craftily to lay the ground of the Papistical Supremacy From these and such other Propositions sign'd by him at that time it may be judged I say if this Prelate did not bewray a very profound ignorance in true Ecclesiastical Antiquity Ane Arrant Presbyterian could not have said could not have wished more Indeed 't is more than probable as perchance may appear by and by that these Propositions were taken out either formally or by collection of Mr. Beza's Book De Triplici Episcopatu Now if Adamson was so little seen in such matters what may we judge of the rest But this is not all For Thirdly There cannot be a greater Evidence of the deplorable unskilfulness of the Clergy in these times in the ancient records of the Church than their suffering Melvil and his Party to obtrude upon them The Second Book of Discipline A split new Democratical Systeme a very Farce of Novelties never heard of before in the Christian Church For instance What else is the confounding of the Offices of Bishops and Presbyters The making Doctors or Professors of Divinity in Colledges and Vniversities a distinct Office and of Divine Institution The setting up of Lay-Elders as Governours of the Church Jure Divino Making them Iudges of mens Qualifications to be admitted to the Sacrament Visiters of the Sick c. Making the Colleges of Presbyters in Cities in the primitive times Lay Eldership Prohibiting Appeals from Scottish General Assemblies to any Iudge Civil or Ecclesiastick and by consequence to Oecumenick Councils Are not these Ancient and Catholick Assertions What footsteps of these things in true Antiquity How easy had it been for men skilled in the Constitution Government and Discipline of the Primitive Church to have laid open to the Conviction of all sober Men the novelty the vanity the inexpediency the impoliticalness the uncatholicalness of most if not all of these Propositions If any further doubt could remain concerning the little skill the Clergy of Scotland in these times had in these matters it might be further Demonstated Fourthly from this plain matter of Fact viz. that that Second Book of Discipline in many points is taken word for word from Mr. Beza's Answers to the Questions proposed to him by The Lord Glamis then Chancellor of Scotland A fair Evidence that our Clergy at that time have not been very well seen in Ecclesiastical Politicks Otherwise it is not to be thought they would have been so imposed on by a single stranger Divine who visibly aimed at the propagation of the Scheme which by chance had got footing in the Church where he lived His Tractate De Triplici Episcopatu written of purpose for the advancement of Presbyterianism in Scotland carries visibly in its whole train that its design was to draw our Clergy from off the Ancient Polity of the Church and his Answers to the Six Questions proposed to him as I said by Glanus contain'd the New Scheme he advised them to Now let us taste a little of his skill in the Constitution and Government of the Ancient Church or if you please of his accounts of her Policy I take his Book as I find it amongst Saravia's works He is Positive for the Divine Right of Ruling Elders He affirms that Bishops arrogated to themselves the power of Ordination without Gods allowance That the Chief foundation of all Ecclesiastical Functions is Popular Election That this Election and not Ordination or Imposition of hands makes Pastors or Bishops That Imposition of hands does no more than put them in possession of their Ministry in the exercise of it as I take it the power whereof they have from that Election That by consequence 't is more proper to say that the Fathers of the Church are Created by the Holy Ghost and the suffrages of their Children than by the Bishops That Saint Paul in his first Epistle to the Corinthians in which he expressly writes against and condemns the
Schism which then prevailed there as foreseeing that Episcopacy might readily be deem'd a remedy against so great ane evil joyn'd Soâ—thenes with himself in the Inscription of the Epistle that by his own example he might teach how much that Princeliness was to be avoided in Ecclesiastical Conventions seeing the Apostles themselves who are owned to have been next to Christ first in order and supreme in degree did yet Exercise their power by the Rules of Parity Who will not at first sight think this a pretty odd fetch But to go on he further affirms That Episcopacy is so far from being a proper remedy against Schism that it has produced many Grievous Schisms which had never been but for that Humane Invention That the Papacy was the fruit of Episcopacy That the Council of Nice by making that Canon about the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Ancient customes should continue c cleared the way for the Roman Papacy which was then advancing apace And founded a Throne for that Whore that sits upon the seven Mountains That the Primitive Churches were in a flourishing condition so long as their Governours continued to Act in Parity And had not yeilded to Prelacy And yet he had granted before That humane Episcopacy as he calls it was in vogue in Ignatius his time c. So that I think they could not flourish much having so short a time to flourish in These fewâ— of many such learned Propositions I have collected out of that Book which was so successful at that time in furthering and advancing the Presbyterian Principles in Scotland And could they be a learned Clergy Could they be great Masters at Antiquity and Ecclesiastical History who swallowed down these Propositions or were imposed on by the Book that contain'd them 'T is true this Book came not to Scotland till the end of the year 1577 or the beginning of 1578. But I thought it pardonable to anticipate so far as now to give this account of it considering how proper it was for my present purpose We shall have occasion to take further notice of it afterward Thus I think I have made it appear how advantageous Morton's Proposition was to the Presbyterian party They had occasion by it to fall upon forming a New Scheme of Church Governmet and Polity They were as well prepared as they could be for such a nick and they had a set of people to deal with who might easily be worsted in these Controversies However it seems the common principles of Politicks which God and Nature have made if not inseparable parts at least ordinary concomitants of sound and solid reason did sometimes make their appearances amongst them For that there have been Disputations and Contests and that some at least of the many propositions contained in the Second Book of Discipline have been debated and tossed is evident from the many Conferences were about it and the long time was spent before it was perfected and got its finishing stroke from a General Assembly as we shall find in our progress Proceed we now in our deduction Tho' the Presbyterian Faction had gain'd this advantage in the Assembly 1576 that they had allowance to draw a new Scheme of Polity to which they could not but apply themselves very chearfully yet it seems they were so much humbled by the Repulses they had got as to the main Question viz. the Lawfulness of Episcopacy that they thought it not expedient to try the next Assembly with it directly as they had done unsuccessfully twice before But to wait a little till their party should be stronger and in the mean time to content themselves with such indirect blows as they could conveniently give it such I say their deliberations seem to have been at the next Assembly which was holden at Edenburgh Octob 24. 1576. For not so much as one word in that Assembly concerning the Lawfulness or Unlawfulness of Prelacy either Simply and in it self Or Complexely as then in use in Scotland 'T is true Certain â—reâ—hren says the MS. some Brethren says Calderwood some says Petrie without Question the Melvilians proposed that now that Mr. Patrick Adamson was nominated for the Archbishoprick of St. Andrews He might be tryed as to his sufficiency for such a station according to ane Act made in March 1575. But it seems the major part of the Assembly have not been for it for it was not done as we shall find afterward Nay another Act was fairly dispenced with by this Assembly in favour of Boyd Archbishop of Glasgow For being required to give his answer if he would take the Charge of a particular Flock according to the Act made in April before He Answered That he had entered to his Bishoprick according to the Agreement at Leith which was to stand in force during the Kings Minority or till a Parliament should determine otherwise That he had given his Oath to the Kings Majesty in things appertaining to his Highness That he was affraid he might incur the Guilt of Perjury and be called in question by the King for changing a member of state if he should change any thing belonging to the Order Manner Priviledges or Power of his Bishoprick That therefore he could not bind himself to a particular Flock nor prejudge the power of Iurisdiction which he had received with his Bishoprick c. Thus he answered I say and the Assembly at that time satisfied themselves so far with this answer that they pressed him no further but referred the matter to the next Assembly as even both Calderwood and Petrie acknowledge A fair evidence that in this Assembly the Presbyterian party was the weaker However One indirect step they gain'd in this Assembly also By the First Book of Discipline Hedd 9. It was appointed that the Country Ministers and Readers should meet upon a certain day of the week in such Towns within six miles distance as had Schools and to which there was repair of Learned men to exercise themselves in the Interpretation of Scripture in imitation of the practice in use among the Corinthians mentioned 1 Cor. 14.29 These Meetings it seems had been much neglected and disfrequented in most places It was therefore enacted by this Assembly That all Ministers within eight miles c. should resort to the place of exercise each day of exercise c. This I say was useful for the Presbyterian designs For these Meetings were afterwards turn'd into Presbyteries as we shall find when we come to the year 1579. And so 't is very like the motion for reviving them was made by those of the Faction For no man can deny that they have still had enough of Draught in their Politicks The next Assembly was holden April 1. Anno 1577. No direct progress made now neither as to the main Question And only these indirect ones 1. The Archbishop of Glasgow was obliged to take the charge of a particular Flock if we
may believe Calderwood but neither the MS. nor Petrie hath it 2. The Archbishop of St. Andrews being absent full power was given to M. Robert Pont M. Iames Lawson David Ferguson and the Superintendent of Lothian conjunctly To cite him before them against such day or days as they should think good to try and examine his entry and proceeding c. with power also to summon the Chapter of St. Andrews or so many of that Chapter as they should judge expedient and the Ordainers or Inaugurers of the said Archbishop observe here the Bishops in these times were Ordained or Inaugurated as they should find good for the better tryal of the premisses And in the mean time to discharge him of further visitation till he should be admitted by the Church Here indeed the Melvilians obtain'd in both Instances that which was refused them by the last Assembly However nothing done Directly as I said against the Episcopal Office On the contrary Adamson it seems might exerce it when admitted by the Assembly May I not reckon the Fast appointed by this Assembly as a third step gained by our Parity-men A successful Establishment of perfect Order and Polity in the Kirk was one of the reasons for it And ever since it hath been one of the Politicks of the Sect to be Mighty for Fasts when they had extraordinary projects in their heads and then if these Projects however wicked nay tho' the very wickedness which the Scripture makes as bad as witchcraft succeeded To entitle them to Gods Grace and make the success the Comfortable Return of their pious Humiliations and sincere Devotions I find also that Commissioners were sent by this Assembly to the Earl of Morton to acquaint him that they were busy about the matter and argument of the Polity and that his Grace should receive Advertisement of their further proceedings and that these Coâ—â—issioners having returned from him to the Assembly reported That His Grace liked well of their travels and labours in that matter and required expedition and haste Promising that when the particulars should be given in to him they should receive a good Answer So Calderwood and the MS. From which two things may be observed the First is a further Confirmation of the suspicion I insisted on before viz. That Morton was truly a Friend to the Innovators The second that the Second Book of Discipline had hitherto gone on but very slowly Why else would his Grace have so earnestly required Expedition and hasty Outred as the MS. words it i. e. Dispatch and promised them a good answer when the particulars should be given in to him The truth is there was one good reason for their proceeding so leisurely in the matter of the Book Beza's Answer to Glamis his Letter was not yet returned Thus two General Assemblies passed without so much as offering at a plain a direct Trust against Imparity Nay it seems matters were not come to a sufficient Maturity for that even against the next Assembly It was holden at Edenburgh Octob. 25. 1577. And not so much as one word in the MS. Calderwood or Petrie relating either directly or indirectly to the main Question But two things happened a little after this Assembly which animated Melvil and his Party to purpose One was Morton's quitting the Regency For whatever services he had done them he was so obscure and Fetching in his measures and so little to be trusted that they could not rely much upon him And now that he had demitted they had a fair prospect of playing their game to better purpose than ever They were in possessions of the Allowance he had granted them to draw a New Scheme of Policy They had a Young King who had not yet arrived at the twelfth year of his Age to deal with By consequence they were like to have a divided Court and a Factious Nobility and they needed not doubt if there were two Factions in the Kingdom that one of them would be sure to Court them and undertake to promote their Interests The other encouragement which did them every whit as good service was Beza's Book De Triplici Episcopatu Divino Humano Satanico with his Answers to the Lord Glamis his Questions which about this time was brought to Scotland as is clear from Calderwood Beza it seems put to it to Defend the Constitution of the Church of Geneva had imployed his wit and parts which certainly were not contemptible in patching together such a Scheme of principles as he thought might be defended That 's a method most men take too frequently First to resolve upon a Conclusion and then to stretch their inventions and spend their pains for finding Colours and plausibilities to set it off with Beza therefore I say having been thus at pains to digest his thoughts the best way he could on this subject and withal being possibly not a little elevated That the Lord High Chancellor of a Foreign Kingdom should Consult him and ask his Advice concerning a point of so great importance as the constitution of the Government of a National Church Thought it not enough it seems to return an Answer to his Lordships Questions and therein give him a Scheme which was very easy for him to do considering he needed be at little more pains than to transcribe the Genevian Establishment But he applied himself to the main Controversie which had been started by his Disciple Melvil in Scotland and 't is scarcely to be doubted that it was done at his instignation and wrote this his Book wherein tho' he asserted not the absolute Vnlawfulness of that which he called Humane Episcopacy he had not brow enough for that as we have seen already yet he made it wonderously dangerous as being so naturally apt to Degenerate into the Devilish the Satanical Episcopacy This Book I say came to Scotland about this time viz. either in the end of 1577. or the beginning of 1578. and tho' I have already given a Specimen of it who now could hold up his head to plead for Prelacy Here was a Book written by the Famous Mr. Beza the Successor of the great Mr. Calvin the present great Luminary of the Church of Geneva our Elder Sister Church the Best Reformed Church in Christendom Who would not be convinced now that Parity ought to be Established and Popish Prelacy abolished And indeed it seems this Book came seasonably to help the good new cause for it behoved to take some time before it could merit the name of the good old one for we have already seen how slowly and weakly it advanced before the Book came But now we shall find it gathering strength apace and advancing with a witness Nay at the very next Assembly it was in a pretty flourishing condition This next Ass. met Apr. 24. Anno 1578. And Mr. Andrew Melvil was chosen Moderator the Prince of the Sect had the happiness to be the Praeses of the Assembly and presently
the Meeting of the Four Kings against the Five or of the Five against the Four mentioned in the 14 th Chapter of the Book of Genesis For the Meetings of these Kings were before our Presbyteries I think in order of time And these Meetings of these Kings were as much like our present Presbyteries as those Meetings were which were appointed at the Reformation for the inteâ—pretation of Scripture So that even Calderwood himself was but triâ—ling when he said so But triâ—ling is one thing and impudent founding of false History upon another Mans trifling is another But enough of this Author at present we shall have further occasions of meeting with him This Assembly was also earnest with the King that the Book of Policy might be farther considered and that farther Conference might be had about it That the Heads not agreed about might be compromised some way or other But the King it seems listned not For they were at it again in their next Assembly And now that I have so frequently mentioned this Second Book of Discipline and shall not have occasion to proceed much further in this wearisome Deduction Before I leave it I shall only say this much more about it As much stress as the Presbyterian party laid on it afterwards and continue still to lay on it as if it were so very exact a Systeme of Ecclesiastical Polity yet at the beginning the Compilers of it had no such Confident sentiments about it For if we may believe Spotswood and herein he is not contradicted by any Presbyterian Historian when Master David Lindesay Mr. Iames Lawson and Mr. Robert Pont were sent by the Assembly to present it to the Regent Morton in the end of the year 1577 They intreated his Grace to receive the Articles presented to him and if any of them did seem not agreeable to reason to vouchsafe Audience to the Brethren whom the Assembly had named to attend Not that they thought it a work complete to which nothing might be added or from which nothing might be diminished for as God should reveal further unto them they should be willing to help and renew the same Now upon this Testimony I found this Question Whither the Compilers of the Second Book of Discipline could in reason have been earnest that this Book which they acknowledged not to be a work so complete as that nothing could be added to it or taken from it should have been confirmed by ane Oath and sworn to as ane Vnalterable Rule of Policy Are they not injurious to them who make them capable of such a bare faced absurdity Indeed whatever our present Presbyterians say and with how great assurance soever they talk to this purpose this is a Demonstration that the compilers of it never intended nay could not intend that it should be sworn to in the Negative Confession That it was not sworn to in that Confession I think I could prove with as much evidence as the nature of the thing is capable of if it were needful to my present purpose But not being that I shall only give this further Demonstration which comes in here naturally enough now that we have mentioned this Book so often The Negative Confession was sworn to and subscribed by the King and his Council upon the 28. of Ianuary 1580 1. Upon the second of March thereafter the King gave out a Proclamation ordering all the subjects to subscribe it But the King had never approven never owned but on the contrary had constantly rejected the Second Book of Discipline Nay it was not Ratiâ—ied got not its finishing stroke from the General Assembly it self till towards the end of April in that year 1581. By necessary consequence I think it was not sworn to in the Negative Confession And thus I leave it Proceed we now to the next Assembly It met at Dundee upon the twelfth of Iuly 1580. full twenty years after the Reformation For the Parliament which Established the Reformation as the Presbyterian Historians are earnest to have it had its first Meeting on the tenth of Iuly 1560. This this was the Assembly which after so many fencings and strugglings gave the deadly Thrust to Episcopacy I shall transcribe its Act word for word from Calderwood who has exactly enough taken it from the MS. and both Spotswood and Petrie agree It is this Forasmuch as the Office of a Bishop as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realm hath no sure Warrant Authority nor good Ground out of the Book and Scriptures of God but is brought in by the Folly and Corruptions of mens invention to the great overthrow of the true Kirk of God The whole Assembly in one voice after Liberty given to all men to Reason in the matter none oppening themselves in defence of the said pretended Office Findeth and Declareth the same pretended Office Vsed and Termed as is abovesaid Vnlawful in the self as having neither Fundament Ground nor Warrant in the word of God And Ordaineth that all such Persons as brook or hereafter shall brook the said Office be charged simpliciter to dimit quite and leave off the Samine as ane Office whereunto they are not called by God and sicklike to desist and cease from preaching Ministration of the Sacraments or using any way the Office of Pastors while they receive de novo Admission from the General Assembly under the pain of Excommunication to be used against them Wherein if they be found Disobedient or Contraveen this Act in any point The sentence of Excommunication after due admonition to be execute against them This is the Act. Perhaps it were no very great difficulty to impugn the Infallibility of this true blue Assembly and to expose the boldness the folly the iniquity the preposterous zeal which are conspicious in this Act Nay yet after all this to shew that the Zealots for Parity had not arrived at that height of Effrontery as to Condemn Prelacy as simply and in it self Unlawful But by this time I think I have performed my promise and made it appear that it was no easy task to Abolish Episcopacy and Introduce Presbytery to turn down Prelacy and set up Parity in the Government of the Church when it was first attempted in Scotland And therefore I shall stop here and bring this long Disquisition upon the Second Enquiry to a Conclusion after I have Recapitulated and represented in one intire view what I have at so great length deduced I have made it appear I think That no such Article was believed professed or maintained by the body of any Reformed or Reforming Church or by any Eminent and Famous Divine in any Reformed or Reforming Church while our Church was a Reforming No such Article I say as that of the Divine and indispensible Institution of Parity and the Vnlawfulness of Prelacy or Imparity amongst the Governours of the Church I have made it appear that there is no reason to believe that our
have the clear and consentient Testimonies of Historians to this purpose Petrie delivers it thus Mercy and Truth Righteousness and Peace had never since Christs coming in the Flesh a more Glorious Meeting and Amiable Embracing on Earth Even so that the Church of Scotland justly obtain'd a Name amongst the Chief Churches and Kingdoms of the world The hottest Persecutions had not greater Purity The most Halcyon times had not more Prosperity and Peace The best Reformed Churches in other places scarcely Parallel'd their Liberty and Vnity Spotswood thus The Superintendents were in such Respect with all Men as notwithstanding the Dissensions that were in the Country no Exception was taken at their proceedings by any of the parties But all concurred in the Maintainance of Religion And in the Treaties of Peace made That was ever one of the Articles such a Reverence was in those times carried to the Church The very form of Government purchasing them Respect I might also cite Beza himself to this purpose in his Letter to Iohn Knox dated Geneva April 12. 1572 wherein he Congratulates heartily the happy and Vnited state of the Church of Scotland Perhaps it might be no difficult task to adduce more Testimonies But the truth is no man can Read the Histories and Monuments of these times without being convinced that this is true and that there cannot be a falser proposition than That Prelacy was such a Grievance then or so contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People Further even in succeeding times even after it was Condemnd by that Assembly 1580 it cannot be proven that it was such a Grievance to the Nation 'T is true indeed some Hot-headed Presbyterian Preachers endeavoured all they could to possess the People with ane opinion of its Antichristianism forsooth and that it was a Brat of the Whore a Limb of Popery and what not But all this time no account of the Inclinations of the Generality of the People against it On the contrary nothing more evident in History even Calderwoods History than that there was no such thing Is it not obviously observable even in that History that after the Civil Government took some 12 or 14 of the most forward of these Brethren who kept the pretended Assembly at Aberdeen Anno 1605 a little Roundly to Task and some 6 or 8 more were called by the King to attend his will at London all things went very peaceably in Scotland Was not Episcopacy restored by the General Assembly at Glasgow Anno 1610 with very great Unanimity Of more than ane hundred and seventy voices there were only five Negative and seven Non liquet Nay Calderwood himself hath recorded that even these Ministers who went to London after their return submitted peaceably to the then Established Prelacy And there are few things more observable in his Book than his Grudge that there should have been such a General Defection from the good Cause Indeed I have not observed no not in his History that there were six in all the Kingdom who from the Establishment of Episcopacy Anno 1610. did not attend at Synods and submit to their Ordinaries I do not remember any except two Calderwood himself and one Iohnston at Ancrum and even these two pretended other Reasons than Scruple of Conscience for their withdrawing It is further observable that the Stirs which were made after the Assembly at Perth Anno 1618. were not pretended to be upon the account of Episcopacy Those of the Gang could not prevail it seems with the Generality of the People to tumultuate on that account All that was pretended were the Perth Articles Neither did the Humour against these Articles prevail much or far all the time King Iames lived nor for the first twelve years of King Charles his Son and Successor It fell asleep as it were till the Clamours against the Liturgy and Book of Canons awakened it Anno 1637 And all that time I mean from the year 1610 that Episcopacy was restored till the year 1637 that the Covenanting work was set on foot Prelacy was so far from being a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble to this Nation and contrary to the Inclinations of the Generality of the People that on the contrary it was not only Generally submitted to but in very good esteem Indeed it is certain the Nation had never more Peace more concord more plenty more profound quiet and prosperity than in that Interval Let no man reckon of these things as naked Assertions I can prove them And hereby I undertake with Gods allowance and assistance to prove all I have said and more if I shall be put to it But I think my cause requires not that it should be done at present Nay further yet I don't think it were ane insuperable task if I should undertake to maintain that when the Covenanting Politick was set on foot Anno 1637. Prelacy was no such Grievance to the Nation This I am sure of it was not the Contrariety of the Generality of the Peoples Inclinations to Prelacy that first gave life and motion to that Monstrous Confederation Sure I am it was pretty far advanced before the Leading Confederates offered to fix on Prelacy as one of their Reasons for it So very sure that it is easy to make it appear that they were affraid of nothing more than that the Generality of the People should smell it out that they had designs to overturn Episcopacy How often did they Protest to the Marquis of Hamilton then the Kings Commissioner that their meaning was not to Abolish Episcopal Government How frank were they to tell those whom they were earnest to Cajole into their Covenant that they might very well swear it without prujudice to Episcopacy Nay how forward were the Presbyterian Ministers themselves to propagate this pretence When the Doctors of Aberdeen told the Three who were sent to that City to procure subscriptions that they could not swear the Covenant because Episcopacy was abjured in it Are not these Hendersons and Dicksons very words in their Answer to the fourth Reply You will have all the Covenanters against their intention and whither they will or not to disallow and condemn the Articles of Perth and Episcopal Government But it is known to many hundreds that the words were purposely conceived for satisfaction of such as were of your Iugment that we might all joyn in one Heart and Covenant Many more things might be readily adduced to prove this more fully But 't is needless for what can be more fairly colligible from any thing than it is from this Specimen that it was their fear that they might miss of their mark and not get the people to joyn with them in their Covenant if it should be so soon discovered that they aim'd at the overthrow of Episcopacy 'T is true indeed after they had by such disingenuous and Iesuitish Fetches gain'd numbers to their party and got many well-meaning Ministers and
to take the Test and had generally done it That the Clergy stood all for Episcopacy There being of about a thousand scarcely twenty Trimmers betwixt the Bishop and the Presbyterian Moderator which twenty together with all the Presbyterian Preachers could not make up the fifth part of such a number as the other side amounted to That in all the Vniversities there were not four Masters Heads or Fellows inclined to Presbytery That the Colleges of Iustice and Physick at Edenburgh were so averse from it that the Generality of them were ready last Summer viz. 1689 to take Arms in defence of their Episcopal Ministers c. This Book was published I think in the beginning of the year 1690. What greater Demonstration could any Man desire of the truth of the Negative if all here alleged was true And what greater Argument of the truth of every one of the Allegations than the Confession of a right uncourteous Adversary G. R. I mean who in Answer to this Book wrote his first Vindication of the Church of Scotland as it is now by Law Established as he calls it Published at London about the end of the year 1690 and Reprinted at Edenburgh in the beginning of 1691. But did he indeed acknowledge the truth of all the Allegations Yes he did it Notoriously He yielded to his Adversary all the gang if the Clergy except a few The Vniversities and the College of Iustice at least as lately stated He was not so frank to part with the Physicians indeed because if we may take his word for it There are not a few worthy Men of that Faculty who are far from Inclinations towards Prelacy But he durst not say it seems that either the major part or any thing near the half was for him He also yielded the Generlity of the Burgesses All the dust he raised was about the Nobility and Gentry But what nasty dust it was let any sensible man consider As for the Nobility he granted there were only a few who took not the Test But then he had three things to say for them who took it 1. They who took the Oaths did not by that shew their inclination so much as what they thought fit to comply with rather than suffer But what were they to suffer if they took not the Oaths The loss of their vote in Parliament and a small fine which was seldom if at any time exacted But if they were to suffer no more could their Fears of such sufferings force them to take Oaths so contrary to their inclinations Abstracting from the impiety of mocking God and the wretchedness of crossing ones light which are conspicuous in swearing against mens perswasions could such sufferings as these incline any man to swear to support ane interest which he lookt on as so great and insupportable a Grievance and Trouble to the Nation But this is not all for he added 2. How many of these now when there is no force on them shew that it was not choice but necessity that led them that way I know he meant that many of these Nobles have now broken through these Oaths Let them Answer for that But what had he to do in this case with his old friend Necessity What Necessity can force a man to do ane ill thing Besides can he prove that it was Choice and not that same kind of Necessity that led them in the way they have lately followed That men can be for this thing to day and the contrary to morrow is a great presumption that they do not much regard either But I think it will be a little hard to draw from it that they look upon the one as a great and insupportable Grievance more than the other But the best follows 3. Many who seem to make Conscience of these Bonds yet shew no inclination to the thing they are bound to except by the constraint that they brought themselves under After this what may not our Author make ane Argument that Prelacy is such ane ill-lik't thing as he would have it Seeing he has got even them to hate it who are Conscientiously for it Neither is he less pleasant about the Gentry He acknowledges they as generally took the Test which was enough for his Adversary as hath appeared But how treats he the other Topick about their not going to the Presbyterian Meetings when they had King Iames his Toleration for it Why A silly Argument Why so Many did go But did his Adversary lie grossely or calumniate when he said that not 50 Gentlemen in all the Kingdom out of the West forsook their Parish Churches and went to Conventicles Our Vindicator durst not say he did And has he not made it evident that it was a silly Argument But Most other clave to the former way he means the Episcopal Communion Because the Law stood for it and the Meeting-houses seem'd to be of uncertain continuance But would they have cleaved to the former way if they had thought it a great and insupportable Grievance and Trouble Would they have so crossed their Inclinations as to have Adhered to the Communion of the Episcopal Church when it was evident the sting was taken out of the Law and it was not to be put in Execution Were they so fond or so affraid of a lifeless Law if I may so call it that they would needs conform to it tho' they had no inclination for such conformity Tho' what they conform'd with in obedience to that Law was a great and insupportable Grievance to them Did our Author and his Party reckon upon these Gentlemen then as Presbyterians And what tho' the Meetings seem'd to be of uncertain continuance How many of the Presbyterian Party said in those days that they thought themselves bound to take the Benefit of the Toleration tho' it should be but of short continuance And that they could return to the Church when it should be retracted Might not all men have said and done so if they had been as much Presbyterians 'T is true our Author has some other things on this subject in that first Vindication But I shall consider them afterwards This was G. R.'s first Essay on this Controversie Another Parity man finding belike that neither the Plain Dealer nor the Vindicator had gained much credit by their performances thought it not inconvenient for the service of his Sect to publish a Book Entituled A further Vindication of the present Government of the Church of Scotland And therein to produce his Arguments for Determining this Controversie It was Printed in September I think in the year 1691. 'T is true he wrote something like a Gentleman and spake discreetly of the Episcopal Clergy He had no scolding in his Book and was infinitely far from G. R.'s flat Railwifery And I think my self obliged to thank him for his civility But after all this when he came to his Arguments for proving the point about the Inclinations of the People I did not think that he
Assembly For to my skill which I confess is not very great it seems as we use to say to have both burnt and blown Patronages blown them by this Act and burnt them by Ratifying the Book which Condemn'd them But whatever is of this that which I observe 2. is far more considerable For tho' the Book Condemned Patronages yet our Presbyterian Brethren of the Modern Cut have no great advantage by it for it had nothing less in its prospect than to Condemn them for making way for Popular Elections Indeed it gave no countenance to such Elections far less did it suppose or assert them to be of Divine Right This is its Determination in the 9 th § of that 12. Cap. The Liberty of Electing Persons to Ecclesiastical Functions observed without interruptions so long as the Church was not corrupted by Anti-Christ we desire to be restored and retained within this Realm So as none be intruded upon any Congregation either by the Prince or any other inferior Person WITHOUT LAWFUL ELECTION and THE ASSENT OF THE PEOPLE over whom the Person is placed according to the Practice of the Apostolick and Primitive Church Now 1. considering that it was the common talk of the Presbyterians of these times that Antichristian Corruptions began to pester the Church so soon as Episcopacy was introduced It is clear that that which they call the Vninterrupted Practice of the Church must have descended according to themselves but for a very few years and I shall own my self their humble servant if our present Presbyterians shall prove that Popular Elections were in Vniversal uninterrupted Practice during that interval of their own making the interval I mean which they make between the Apostles times and the first Introduction of Episcopacy Indeed 2. the Book plainly distinguishes between LAWFUL ELECTION and THE ASSENT OF THE PEOPLE and all the world knows they are naturally distinguishable and whosoever knows any thing of the Monuments of these Primitive times knows they were actually distinguished and that all the Peoples Priviledge was to ASSENT not to ELECT They were not in use of Electing if I mistake not till towards the end of the third Century So that if we can believe the Compilers of the Book if they were for restoring the Primitive Practice 't is easy to understand that they meant no such thing as to restore Popular Elections Especially if 3. it be considered that we have one very Authentick Explication of this 9 th Article of the 12. Cap. of the Second Book of Discipline handed down to us by Calderwood himself The story is this King Iames the Sixth continually vext with the Turbulency of the Presbyterian temper caused publish 55 Questions and proposed them to be sifted thinking that clear and distinct Resolutions of them might contribute much for ending many Controversies agitated in those times between the Kirk and the Crown They were published in February or Ianuary 159◠They are to be seen both in Spotswoods and Calderwoods Histories I am only concerned at present for the third Question which was this Is not the Consent of the most part of the Flock and also of the Patrons necessary in the Election of Pastors Now Calderwood says that there were Brethren delegated from every Presbytery of Fife who met at St. Andrews upon the 21. of February and having tossed the Kings Questions sundrie days gave Answers to every one of them particularly to the third this was their Answer The Election of Pastors should be made by those who are Pastors and Doctors Lawfully called and who can try the Gifts necessarily belonging to Pastors by the word of God And to such as are so chosen the Flock and Patron should give their Consent and Protection Now this I say is a very Authentick Explication of the words of the Book for these Delegates Meeting at St. Andrews it is not to be doubted but Mr. Andrew Melvil at that time principal of the New College was with them probably they met in that City that he might be with them for sure I am it was not otherwise the most convenient place of the County for their Meeting And having him with them they had one than whom none on earth was capable of giving a more Authentick Sense of the words of the Book It were very easy to adduce more Acts of General Assemblies to this purpose But I am affraid I have insisted too much on this subject already In short then the Groundless Fancy of the Divine Right of Popular Elections is more properly ane Independent than a Presbyterian principle The English Presbyterians of the Provincial Assembly of London wrote zealously against it in their Ius Divinum Ministerii Evangelici It is truly inconsistent with the Old Presbyterian Scheme It obtain'd not generally amongst our Scottish Presbyterians till some years after 1638. It was not adopted into their Scheme till the General Assembly 1649. Patronages were never taken away by Act of Parliament till of late i. e in the year 1690. 'T is true G. R. in his True Rrepresentation of Presbyterian Government says they were taken away by Law meaning no doubt by the Act of the pretended Parliament Anno 1649. But he had just as much Reason for calling that Rout a Parliament or its Acts Laws as he had for making the suppressing of Popular Elections of Ministers a just Cause for separating from the Communion of a Church Thus I have insisted on the Recessions of our present Presbyterian Brethren from the sentiments of our Reformers about the publick worship of the Church and some of its Appendages Perchance I have done it too tediously if so I shall endeavour to dispatch what remains more curtly III. They have also Deserted our Reformers in the Discipline of the Church The particulars are too numerous to be insisted on Let any man compare the two Books of Discipline The First compiled by our Reformers Anno 1560 The Second by the Presbyterians of the first Edition and Ratified by Act of the General Assembly holden in April 1581 and he shall find no scarcity of differences He shall find Alterations Innovations Oppositions Contradictions c. Let him compare the Acts of Assemblies after the year 1580 with the Acts of Assemblies before and he shall find many more Indeed Our present Presbyterians have made not a few notorious Recessions from the Second The Presbyterian Book of Discipline To instance in a few The Third Chapter of the Second Book of Discipline is thus Intituled How the Persons that bear Ecclesiastical Function are admitted to their Offices This Chap. treats of such Persons in the general The particular Orders of Pastors Doctors Elders c. are particularly treated of in subsequent Chapter◠This Third Chapter treating thus of Ecclesiastical Officers in the general makes two things necessary to the outward call Election and Ordination § 6. It defines ordination to be the separation and sanctifying of the Person appointed by God and his
taken from them without a Direct crossing of Christs institution and the horrid sin of Robbing his People of their indisputable Priviledge Patronages are ane Intollerable Grievance and Yoak of Bondage on the Church They have been always the cause of Pestering the Church with a bad Ministery They came in amongst the latest Anti-Christian Corruptions and Vsurpations c. This is their Doctrine tho' 't is obious to all the world they put strange Comments on it by their Practice Well! What were the sentiments of our Reformers in this Matter The First Book of Discipline indeed affirms Head 4. That it appertaineth to the People and to every several Congregation to Elect their own Minister But it has not so much as one syllable of the Divine institution of such a Priviledge On the contrary in that same very breath it adds and in case they be found negligent therein the space of 40 days the Superintendent with his Council may present a Man c. If this Man after tryal is found qualified and the Church can justly reprehend nothing in his Life Doctrine or Utterance then We judge say our Reformers the Church which before was destitute unreasonable if they refuse him whom the Church doth offer And that they should be compelled by the Censure of the Council and Church to receive the Person appointed and approved by the Iudgment of the Godly and Learned unless that the same Church hath presented a Man better or as well Qualified to Examination before that the aforesaid tryal was taken of the Person presented by the Council of the whole Church As for Example the Council of the Church presents a Man unto a Church to be their Minister not knowing that they are otherwise provided In the mean time the Church hath another sufficient in their judgement for that charge whom they present to the Learned Ministers and next Reformed Church to be examined In this case the presentation of the People to whom he should be appointed Pastor must be preferred to the presentation of the Council or greater Church unless the Person presented by the inferiour Church be judged unable for the Regiment by the Learned For this is always to be avoided that no man be intruded or thrust in upon any Congregation But this Liberty with all care must be reserved for every several Church to have their voices and suffrages in Election of their Ministers Yet we do not call that violent intrusion when the Council of the Church in the fear of God regarding only the salvation of the People offereth unto them a man sufficient to instruct them whom they shall not be forced to admit before just Examination So that Book Add to this this consideration That at that time the Popish Clergy were in possession of all the Benefices the Reformed Clergy had not then so much as the prospect of the Thirds which I have discoursed of before These things laid together 't is obvious to perceive 1. That it was only from Prudential Considerations our Reformers were inclined to give the People so much Power at that time It was much for the Conveniency of the Ministers who were to live by the Benevolence of the Parish c. They did not grant them this Power as of Divine Right No such thing so much as once insinuated as I have said 'T was plainly nothing but a Liberty And no injury no violence was done to a Parish even in these circumstances of the Church when the Council of the Church gave them a Minister without their own Election 'T is as plain 2. that so far as can be collected from the whole Period above our Reformers the Compilers of the Book I mean abstracting from the then circumstances of the Church were more inclined that the Election of Ministers should be in the hands of the Clergy than of the People Which I am much inclined to think was not only then but a long time after the prevailing sentiment And all the world sees I am sure it was a sentiment utterly inconsistent with the opinion of the Divine Right of Popular Elections I have been at pains to set the First Book of Discipline thus in its due light that our Brethren may not complain it was neglected not that my Cause required it For that Book was never Law either Civil or Ecclesiastical and so I might fairly have omitted it Let us try next what were truly the publick and Authoritative sentiments of our Reformers The first which I find of that nature is the sentiment of the General Assembly holden in September 1565. The General Assembly holden in Iune immediately before had complained that some vacant Benefices had been bestowed by the Queen on some Noblemen and Barons The Queen answered She thought it not Reasonable to deprive her of the Patronages belonging to her And this General Assembly in September answer thus Our mind is not that her Majesty or any other Person should be defrauded of their just Patronages but we mean whensoever her Majesty or any other Patron do present any Person unto a Benefice that the Person presented should be tryed and examined by the judgement of Learned Men of the Church Such as are for the present the Superintendents And as the presentation of the Benefice belongs to the Patron so the Collation by Law and Reason belongeth to the Church Agreeably we find by the 7 Act 1 Parl. Iac. 6. Anno 1567. The Parliament holden by Murray Regent It was enacted in pursuance no doubt of the Agreement between the Nobility and Barons and the Clergy in the General Assembly holden in Iuly that year That the Patron should present a qualified Person within six Months to the Superintendent of these parts where the Benefice lyes c. And by the Agreement at Leith Anno 1572 the Right of Patronages was reserved to the Respective Patrons And by the General Assembly holden in March 1574 it was enacted that collations upon presentations to Benefices should not be given without consent of three qualified Ministers c. The General Assembly in August that same year supplicated the Regent that Bishops might be presented to vacant Bishopricks as I have observed before By the General Assembly holden in October 1578 It was enacted that presentations to benefices be directed to the Commissioners of the Countreys where the Benefice lyes 'T is true indeed the Second Book of Discipline Cap. 12. § 10. Condemns Patronages as having no ground in the word of God as contrary to the same and as contrary to the Liberty of Election of Pastors and that which ought not to have place in the Light of Reformation But then 't is as true 1. That that same General Assembly holden in April 1581 which first Ratified this Second Book of Discipline Statuted and Ordained That Laick Patronages should remain whole unjoynted and undivided unless with consent of the Patron So that let them who can reconcile the Acts of this Presbyterian