Dorotheus's were Eunuchs and both the Emperour's favourites Vales. c The reading in the Maz. Med. Fuk. and Saâ— M. SS is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 liberaliter educatus he was very well educated Vales. d This is the same Anatolius if I mistake not that Eunapius mentions in the Life of Iamblichus where he says that Iamblichus was at first the Scholar of Anatolius who at that time was esteemed the best Philosopher next to Prophyrius This Anâ—tolius here spoken of by Eusebius lived in the same times Prophyrius did and according to Eusebius's Character he was a man well versed in all sorts of learning Vales. e The phrase in the original is ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotelicae successionis of the Aristotelick Order Anatolius being an exellent Philosopher was requested by the Citizens of Alexandria to set up an Aristotelick School in imitation of the Platonick School long since erected at Athens The masters of Plato's School were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and were promoted to that place by a publick decree This School had great annual revenues raised out of Estates which learned men left as legacies to this School which were hence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In imitation of this School at Athens there was afterwards founded a Philosophical School at Alexandria of which that most excellent Philosopher Hierocles was master See Damascius in vitâ Isidor pag. 1058 c. Vales. f This Siege of the Bruchium was in Aurelianus's time as we find asserted in the end of B. 22. of Amm. Marcell Eusebius in his Chronicle says it happened on the 2 d year of Claudius for which Scaliger reproves and corrects Eusebius relying on the authority of Marcell But I had rather follow our Authours opinion here For that Eusebius mentioned in this chap. and Anatolius were still at Alexandria and could not possibly travel to Antioch till the siege was raised But Eusebius we see went to the Synod of Antioch which as before we proved was in the second year of Claudius And intending to return from Antioch he was detained by the Laodiceans and made Bishop of that place But if we say that the Bruchium was not taken till Aurelianus's Reign how could Eusebius who was at the siege go towards that Synod and be made Bishop of Laodicea Vales. g Whilest Claudius warred against the Barbarians Zenobia sent Zabda lier Captain who by the assistance of Timogenes an Aegyptian seized upon Aegypt and put a Garrison into Alexandria but Probus the Roman General with some assistance of the Aegyptians who did not affect the Syrians of Palmyra who kept the Garrison forced them out thence as Pollia in the Life of Claudius and Zosimus record And this I think was the time when the Bruchium was besieged by the Romans Vales. Martinius thinks that this Bruchium here mentioned as a part of Alexandria and in the Greek called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was that which the Romans call the forum frumentarium or Corn-market it being derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Annonae praefectus and that compounded of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tritici curam haâ—â—o to have the charge of the wheat See Martin Lexicon Philolog in the word Bruchion h Christoph. renders the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here used Congerere to lay up Corn but it must here be rendred quite contrary to give out or measure out corn sparingly which was customary in famines and in sieges Vales. i Hieronymus in his Chronicle says that this siege of the Bruchium lasted several years Vales. k These words ought to be separated from the Text of Eusebius as we have here done in the Translation For they are a Title as it were which noteth that the fragment following is out of another Authour Vales. l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 These words being imperfect and unintelligible there must of necessity be something understood Christoph. conjectures that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Easter is to be understood but that is absurd for the feast of Easter does never fall on the New-moon of the first moneth I rather think we ought to read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 you have or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the imperative reckon the New-moon c. Vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the term which occurs here does properly signifie Carceres the place whence the horse-races were begun Anatolius therefore calls the first Dodecatemorium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because from that as it were from the original and sourse thereof the course of the Planets should begin Vales. The translation of this Canon of Anatolius's will be scarce understood by the unlearned Reader because so many terms of Art occur in it The Learned Reader that is desirous of farther satisfaction herein may consult Petavius's notes on Epiphan p. 188 c. and Aegydius Bucherius De Doctrinâ Temporum pag. 440 Edit Antvâ—rp 1634. n That is from that segment for although the reading in the Greek Text be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet it is to be corrected thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 segment so Petavius corrected it in his notes upon Epiphanius pag. 190. Vales. o Anatolius here affirms that there were two Agathobulus's sirnamed the Doctours or Masters But I fear he mistakes in affirming them to be antienter then Philo and Josephus For Eusebius in his Chronicle says that Agathobulus the Philosopher flourished in the times of Hadrianus Vales. p Rufinus renders ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristobulus of Paneas but he is in a gross errour I wonder that Scaliger in his Animadversions upon Eusebius pag. 130. should think these words of Anatolius ought to be corrected according to Rufinus's translation of them Bede also follows this corrupt Version of Rufinus and takes Paniada to be the name of a Jewish writer Scaliger in the place afore-quoted largely proves that what Anatolius says of Aristobulus viz. he was one of the 72 Translatours is false This Aristobulus was also sirnamed the Master or the Doctor as we may see 2 Maccabees Chap. 1. because he was Tutour to King Ptolomy For I cannot assent to Scaliger who makes a distinction betwixt that Aristobulus mentioned in the History of the Maccabees and Aristobulus the Peripatetick who dedicated his Expositions upon Moses's Law to Ptolomy Phâ—lometor Vales. q This book of Enoch is quoted by Jude in his Canonical Epistle It was an Apocryphal book and not received amongst the Authentick Scriptures of the Jewes But the Apostles and the antient Fathers in imitation of them have not been afraid to quote Apocryphal books which seemed to confirm the truth Georgius Syncel in his Chronicle quotes an excellent fragment out of this book of Enoch's Vales. * Some Excerptions out of Anatolius's Arithmetick are yet extant Vales. r We have the like example in Chap. 11. book 6. Where Alexander ruled the Church of Jerusalem joyntly with Narcissus These two are the most antient instances of Assistant
the same Writer relates saying that a Prophecy was found in the holy Scriptures comprehending thus much to wit that about that time one was to come out of their Country who should rule over the whole world which this Writer understood to have been fulfilled in Vespasian But he did not rule over the whole world onely obtained the Roman Empire This therefore may more justly be referred to Christ to whom it was said by the father Desire of me and I shall give thee the Heathen for thine inheritance and the utmost parts of the earth for thy possession And the sound of whose Holy Apostles at the very same time went out into all Lands and their words unto the ends of the world CHAP. IX Of Josephus and the Writings he left AFter all this it is fit that we should not be ignorant of this same Josephus who has given us so great assistance in the History we now have in hand from whence and of what stock he came And he himself does manifest even this also saying after this manner Josephus the son of Mattathias a Priest of Jerusalem who my self also at first fought against the Romans and was by necessity forced to be present at what was done afterwards This man was esteemed the most eminent person of all the Jews of those times not onely by his own country men but also by the Romans insomuch that he was honoured with a Statue dedicated to him in the City of Rome and the Books compiled by him were accounted worthy to be placed in the publick Library He wrote all the Jewish Antiquities in twenty entire Books and the History of the Jewish war in his own time in seven Books which History he himself testifies he put forth not onely in Greek but also in his own Country language and He is worthy to be credited both in this and in other things There are also two other Books of his extant very worthy to be read which are about the Ancientness of the Jews in which he answers Apion Grammaticus who at that time wrote a Volume against the Jews and some others who had attempted to calumniate the Antiquity and Laws of the Jewish Nation In the former of these he sets forth the number of the Canonical Books of that called the Old Testament which of them are among the Hebrews unquestionable and undoubted as being received from antient tradition discoursing of them in these words CHAP. X. How Josephus makes mention of the Holy Bible THere are not therefore amongst us an innumerable company of Books disagreeing and contradicting one another but onely two and twenty containing an Historical account of all times which are worthily believed to be divine And five of these are the works of Moses which comprehend both the Laws and also a continued Series of the generations of men and what was done by them from their first creation untill his own death This space of time wants little of three thousand years And from the death of Moses untill the Reign of Artaxerxes King of the Persians successour to Xerxes the Prophets who succeeded Moses wrote what was done in their Ages in thirteen Books The remaining four contain Hymnes to God and precepts and admonitions for the well ordering of mens lives Also from Artaxerxes untill our own times every thing is indeed recorded but these Books have not been accounted worthy of the like authority with the former in that the succession of the Prophets was not so accurately known But it is manifestly apparent how highly we revere our own Writings For in so many ages now passed over no one has dared either to adde or to diminish from them or to change any thing therein but it is implanted upon all us Jews immediately from our very birth to think that these are the Precepts of God and to persevere in them and if need so require willingly to die for them And let these words of this Writer be profitably here inserted He compiled also another elaborate work not unworthy of himself about the Empire of Reason which some have entitled Maccabees because it contains the conflicts of those Hebrews in the writings called the Maccabees so termed from them who valiantly fought for the worship of God And at the end of his twentieth Book of Antiquities he intimates as if he purposed to write in four Books according to the opinion of the Jews which they had received from their Ancestours of God and of his essence also of Laws why according to them some things are lawfull to be done and others forbidden Himself also in his own Books mentions other works compiled by his diligence Moreover it is also consonant to reason to adjoyn those words of his which he has inserted at the conclusion of his Antiquities for the confirmation of the quotations and Authorities we have taken out of him He therefore blaming Justus Tiberiensis who had taken in hand as well as he to write an History of those very times as having not related the truth and accusing the man of many other faults at last adds thus much in these words But I was not in that manner as you were timorous concerning my Writings but gave my Books to the Emperours themselves when the deeds done were fresh and almost yet to be seen for I was conscious to my self that I had all along faithfully observed the delivery of the truth upon account whereof hoping for their evidence I was not disappointed of my expectation and moreover I communicated my History to many others some of whom were actually present in the war as was King Agrippa and several of his Relations Also Titus the Emperour was so willing that the knowledge of what was done should be delivered to men solely out of them that he subscribed my Books with his own hand and gave command they should be publickly read And King Agrippa wrote Sixty two Epistles testifying therein that the truth was delivered by me Two whereof Josephus there adjoyns But let thus much be thus far manifested concerning him We will now proceed to what follows CHAP. XI How after James Simeon Governed the Church at Jerusalem AFter the Martyrdom of James and the taking of Jerusalem which immediately followed thereupon report goes that the Apostles and disciples of our Lord who were yet alive met together from all parts in the same place together also with the kinsmen of our Lord according to the flesh for many of them hitherto survived and that all these held a consultation in common who should be adjudged worthy to succeed James and moreover that all with one consent approved of Simeon the son of Cleophas of whom the History of the Gospel makes mention to be worthy of the Episcopal seat there which Simeon as they say was Cousin German by the Mothers side to our Saviour for Hegesippus relates that Cleophas was the brother of Joseph CHAP. XII How
Asclepiades succeeded in the Bishoprick of the Church of Antiochia And he also was famous for his confessions in the time of Persecution Alexander also makes mention of his consecration writing thus to the Antiochians Alexander the servant and prisoner of Jesus Christ sendeth greeting in the Lord to the Blessed Church of the Antiochians The Lord made my bonds easie and light in the time of my imprisonment when I heard that by divine providence Asclepiades a man most fit by reason of the worthiness of his faith was intrusted with the care over the holy Church of the Antiochians he signifies that he sent this Epistle by Clemens writing on this manner at the End I have sent these letters to you my Lords and Brethren by Clemens a blessed Presbyter a virtuous and approved person whom ye have known and shall know better who while he was here by the providence and care of God confirmed and increas'd the Church of the Lord. CHAP. XII Concerning Serapion and his Books that are extant 'T Is likely that other monuments of Serapion's studiousness and learning are preserv'd amongst other men but those writings onely came to our hands which he wrote to one Domninus a man who in the time of Persecution fell from the faith in Christ to the Jewish superstition And what he wrote to Pontius and Caricus Ecclesiastical men and other Epistles to other persons Another book also was compos'd by him concerning that Book Intituled The Gospel according to Peter which Book he wrote to confute the Errours in that for some mens sakes in the Church of Rhosse who taking an occasion from the foresaid Gospel inclin'd to Heterodox doctrines Out of which Book 't will not be unfit to set down some few words in which he sets forth the opinion he had concerning that Book writing thus For we my brethren doe admit of Peter and the other Apostles as of Christ himself but like wise men we reject those writings which are forg'd in their names knowing that we have receiv'd no such Books For I when I came to you thought all of you had adhered to the Right faith And when I read not the Gospel which was offer'd me that bears Peters name I said if this be the onely thing which seems to breed this dejected spirit in you let it be read But now understanding from what has been told me that their minds were covered with some Heresie I will make haste to come to you again wherefore brethren expect me suddenly But we Brethren have found out what heresie Marcianus was of for he contradicted himself not understanding what he said which you shall understand by some things which have been written to you For we have been able to borrow this very Gospel of some who have been continually exercised in it that is of some of their successours who preceded Marcianus whom we call Doceti for many of Marcianus's Tenets are derived from their doctrines and read it and we find indeed many things agreeable to the true doctrine of Christ but some things that are particularly to be excepted against and avoided which also we have here subjoyned upon your account And thus much concerning Serapion's Books CHAP. XIII Concerning the writings of Clemens CLemens his Stromata's which are in all eight books are extant amongst us which books he thus intituled The variegated contexture of discourses of Titus Flavius Clemens concerning all things which appertain to the knowledge of the true Philosophy of the same number with these are his books intitul'd Institutions in which he by name mentions Pantaenus as being his Master and he writes down his opinions he had receiv'd concerning the scope of Scripture and explains his traditions he has also an Hortatory discourse to the Gentiles And three books Intitl'd the Tutor And another book of his with this title What Rich man can be sav'd And a book concerning Easter Disputations also concerning the Fasting And concerning detraction And an exhortation to patience to those who were newly baptiz'd And a book intitl'd the Ecclesiastick Canon or against those who Judaized which book he dedicated to Alexander the fore-mention'd Bishop Moreover in his Stromata he does not onely compose miscellaneous discourses out of the holy Writings but he also mentions some things out of the Gentile Writers if any thing seems profitable which was spoken by them he also explains various opinions which occur in several books both of the Greeks and Barbarians He moreover consutes the false opinions of the Arch-hereticks He laies open much of History affording us large subject-matter of several sorts of learning Amongst all these he intermixes the Philosophers Opinions Hence he fitly made the Title Stromata answerable to the subject of the book In the same book he produces authorities out of those Scriptures which are not allow'd of as Canonical out of that which is call'd The Wisdom of Solomon and out of the book of Jesus the son of Sirac And out of The Epistle to the Hebrews And out of the Epistles of Barnabas Clemens and Jude He also makes mention of Tatianus's book against the Grecians and of Cassianus who also made a Chronographie Moreover he mentions Philo Aristobulus Josephus Demetrius and Eupolemus Jewish Writers who all have prov'd by their writings that MOSES and the Originals of the Jewish Nation are ancienter then any thing of antiquity amongst the Grecians And this mans books afore-mention'd are stuff'd with very much excellent learning of several kinds In the first of these books he saies concerning himself that he was born next to the first successours of the Apostles He promises also in them that he would write Commentaries upon Genesis And in his book concerning Easter he confesses he was constrained by his friends to commit to writing for the benefit of posterity those traditions which he had heard from his Ancestours In that same book also is mention'd Melito Irenaeus and some others whose explications he sets down CHAP. XIV What Writings Clemens has mentioned THat I may speak briefly in his Institutions he makes short explications of all the written word of God not omitting those Scriptures whose authority is questioned by some I mean the Epistle of Jude and the other Catholick Epistles and that of Barnabas and that which is said to be the Revelation of Peter And The Epistle to the Hebrews which he affirms to be Paul's but was written to the Hebrews in the Hebrew tongue which when Luke had with much care and pains translated he publisht it for the use of the Grecians Wherefore we may find the stile of the translation of this Epistle and Of the Acts of the Apostles to be the same But 't was for a very good reason that this Title Paul the Apostle was not set before it for he saies he writing to the Hebrews who were possest with a prejudice against and a suspicion of him
And having translated that form of the Creed read at Ariminum into the Greek tongue as it has been before related they published and confirmed it giving out that that Creed which was made publick by them at Nice had been dictated by an Oëcumenicall Synod their design being to impose upon the simpler sort of people by the likeness of the Cities name For such persons were ready to think that it was the Creed published at Nicaea a City of Bithynia But this cheat was not at all advantagious to them for it was soon detected and they themselves continued to be exposed to the reproach and laughter of all men Let thus much be said concerning what was transacted in the Western parts We must now pass to the relation of what was done at the same time in the East And our Narrative must begin from hence CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Cruelty of Macedonius and the Tumults by him raised THe Bishops of the Arian party assumed a greater degree of boldness from the Imperial Edicts And upon what account they attempted to convene a Synod we will relate a little afterwards But we will first briefly recite those things done by them before the Synod Acacius and Patrophilus having ejected Maximus Bishop of Jerusalem placed Cyrillus in his See Macedonius subverted the Provinces and Cities lying near to Constantinople preferring those that were embarqued in the same wicked design with him against the Churches He ordained Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicum and Marathonius Bishop of Nicomedia who had before been a Deacon placed under Macedonius he was also very diligent in founding Monasteries of men and women But after what manner Macedonius subverted the Provinces and Cities which lay round Constantinople we are now to declare This person therefore having possest himself of the Bishoprick in such a manner as is before related did innumerable mischiefs to those who would not entertain the same sentiments with him Nor did he persecute those only who were discerned to be members of the Church but the Novations also knowing that they also embraced the Homoöusian Faith These therefore were together with the others disquieted undergoing most deplorable sufferings Their Bishop by name Agelius made his escape by â—light But many of them eminent for their piety were taken and tortured because they would not communicate with him And after their tortures they forcibly constrained the men to partake of the holy mysteries For they wrested their mouthes open with a piece of wood and thrust the Sacrament into them Such persons as underwent this usage looked upon it to be a punishment far exceeding all other tortures Moreover they snatcht up the women and children and forced them to be initiated by Baptism And if any one refused or otherwise spoke against this stripes immediately followed and after stripes bonds imprisonments and other accute tortures One or two instances whereof I will mention that I may render the hearers sensible of the apparent barbarity and cruelty of Macedonius and those persons who were then in power They squeezed the breasts of those women who refused to be communicants with them in the Sacrament between the doors of Presses and cut them off with a Saw They burnt the same members of other women partly with iron and partly with eggs exceedingly heated in the fire This new sort of torture which even the Heathens never used towards us was invented by those who professed themselves Christians These things I heard from the long-liv'd Auxano of whom I have made mention in the first Book He was a Presbyter in the Church of the Novatians And he reported that he himself indured not a few miseries inflicted upon him by the Arians before he received the dignity of a Presbyter For he said that he was cast into Prison together with Alexander Paphlagon who with him led a monastick life and sustained innumerable stripes Which tortures as he related he was enabled to indure but Alexander died in Prison by reason of his stripes His Sepulchre is now to be seen on the right hand as you sail into the Byzantine Bay which is named Ceras near the Rivers where there is a Church of the Novatians which bears Alexanders name Moreover the Arians by Macedonius's order demolished many other Churches in divers Cities as also a Church of the Novatians scituate in Constantinople near Pelargus Why I have made particular mention of this Church I will here declare as I heard it from the very aged Auxano The Emperours Edict and Macedonius's violence gave order for the demolishing of their Churches who embraced the Homoöusian opinion This Edict and Violence threatned this Church also with ruine and they were at hand to whom the execution hereof was committed I cannot choose but admire when I reflect upon the great zeal and earnestness of the Novatians towards their Church and the kindness which they had for those persons who at that time were ejected out of the Church by the Arians but do now peaceably and quietly enjoy their Churches When therefore they to whom the execution hereof was enjoyned were urgent to demolish this Church also a great multitude of people that were Novatians and others who embraced the same sentiments with them flock't together thither And when they had pulled down their Church they conveyed it to another place This place is scituate over against the City Constantinople the name of it is Sycae and 't is the thirteenth Ward of the City Moreover the removal of the Church was performed in a very short time it being carried away by a numerous multitude of people with an incredible alacrity of mind For one carried Tiles another Stones a third Timber Some took up one thing some another and carried it to Sycae Yea the very women and little children assisted in this business looking upon it as an accomplishment of their desires and esteeming it as a great gain that they were vouchsafed to be pure and faithful preservers of the things consecrated to God In this manner therefore was the Church of the Novatians at that time removed to Sycae But afterwards when Constantius was dead the Emperour Julian ordered the place to be restored to them and permitted them to rebuild their Church At which time the people in the same manner as before carried the materialls back again and built the Church in its former place and having made it more beautifull and stately they would have it called Anastasia a name apposite and significative This Church therefore was afterwards erected again as I said in the Reign of Julian But then both parties as well the Catholicks as the Novatians were after the same manner persecuted Wherefore the Catholicks abhorred to pray in those Oratories wherein the Arians assembled themselves But in the other three Churches for so many Oratories the Novatians had within the Ciâ—y Constantinople the Catholicks assembled with them and prayed together And there wanted but little of their
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it was amongst the Alexandrians 375. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Decurions 576. 1. Polycarp whether he came to Rome on account of the controversie concerning Easter 88. 2. In what year he came to Rome ibid. The day of his Martyrdom 60. â— Porphyrius why called Malchus and Bataneotes 100. when he lived ibid. Potamius Bishop of Lysbone was banished together with Hosius 268. 1. Power or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not used but concerning the Greater Judges 536. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium and the other Judges prefixed the Emperours Letters before their own Edicts 179. 1. Praefects of the Praetorium had the title of Clarissimi in Constantine's time 587. 2. 606. 2. Praefecture of the Praetorium was the highest of all dignities 47â— 1. it had two Chests 475. 1. also Numerarii of Gold 471. 1. Praenetum the name of a Town variously written 364. 2. Praepositi Laborum or rather Laboru that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Laborum 554. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 41. 2. Presbyters performed the publick prayers together with the Bishop 410. 2. Presbyters were not ordained without the consent of the Clergy and people 114. 1. Presbyters were termed Priests of the second Order 191. 2. 194. 2 c. Presbyter whom Constantia at her death recommended to Constantine who he was 236. 2 243. 2. Praesens Numen present deity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 18. 2. Praesentes or Praesentales Milites present Milice who they were 477. 2. The Greeks call it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. Priscus Rhetor the Historian was a Thracian born at Panium a Town in Thracia 436. 1. a passage in Theophanes in mended ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to instruct to cultivate 623. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Village at some distance from a City 123. 2. Proclus Chief of the Sect of the Cataphrygians 29. 2. Proconsul of Thracia 281. 1. Procopius two Martyrs of that name 157. 1. Procurators of the familia Gladiatoria or company of the Gladiatours 163. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 663. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to propose the name of a person to be ordained 220. â— 603. 1. Prophetae so the High-priests amongst the Egyptians were termed 53. 1. Prophets that are true how to be distinguished from the false one 82. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to live according to example 647. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proseuchae of the Jews 18. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to take pains 405. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to bear the changes of fortune ibid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 diligence attention 457. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it imports 41. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let it be published it was a word which the Emperours added to their Laws 604. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to publish an Edict 516. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chief or first of the Presbyters 359. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Provost or Chief â—87 1. Psalmâ— or 〈◊〉 when first in use in the Church 23. 2. 90. â— Psalms called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 129. 2. Q. QUadratus Proconsul of Asia under whom Polycarp suffered Martyrdom in what year he bore the proconsulate 57. 2 c. Quadratus Bishop of Athens a different person from Quadratus the disciple of the Apostles 64. 1. Quaternions and Ternions 618. 2. Quirinius or Gyrenius when president of Syria â— 1. Quirus instead of Cyrus and Quinegius for Cynegius 466. 1. R. REcusatory-Libels wherein Patriarchs requested of the Emperour that they might have leave to relinquish their Bishopricks 479. 1. Regius Morbus to signifie the Leprosie 9â— 2. Religion of the Christians defined 658. 1. Rhetoricians were initiated by a certain rite 374. 2. the Rhetorician's Pallium ibid. and 389. 2. Rhossus or Rhosse a City of Cilicia 97. 1. Roman-Church their Liberality and Bounty towards the poor 118 â— Romans when they left off burning their dead 1â—6 â— Rufinus's Letter to Ursacius 108. 1. S. SAbaiarius a Nick-name given to Valens by the Citizens of Chalcedon 308. 1. Sabbaâ—um magnum or the Great Sabbath what it is 57. 2. Sabbath not kept as a fasting-day amongst the Romans in Lent 346. 1. nor in the Ember-weeks 348. 1. Sabellians Hereticks 119. 1. Sacerdotes Provinciae the Chief-priests of a Province 150. 1. 173. 1. Sacred Scripture a threefold difference of the books thereof 43. 1. Sacrifices of the Heathens were not totally abolished by Constantine 613. 2. Schismaticks returning to the Church were more kindly received than Hereticks 604. 2. Scholastici Advocates 357. 1. Scholia what meant by that word 62. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it means 105. 1. Scribes amongst the Jews were the Keepers and Expounders of the Law 35. â— c. Scythae so the Greeks call them whom the Latines tâ—rm Goths 578. 1. 607. 2. Secretum what it was 134. 1. Secular Judges who were present at a Council when criminal matters were under debate pronounced sentence but in a matter of faith they concerned not themselves 424. 1. 439. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to calumniate or extort 133. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Chappell wherein was the Tomb of a Martyr 422. 2. Selâ—ucus was called Nicaror not Nicanor 505. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Excepta excerptions 440. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what it signifies 84. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Origen ought in Latine to be termed Excepta not excerpta 440. 1. Senate for an house or court 366. 2. Septuagint Translation when made 78. 1. whether they translated all the books of Scripture ibid. and whether in separate cells ibid. Serapis in what manner worshipped by the Egyptian Priests 340. 1 2. why he was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ibid. His Temple when demolished ibid. Serdican-Council how many Bishops present at it 257. 1. 〈◊〉 a passage in him mended 407. 2. 〈◊〉 Augustus was called also Serpentius or Serpentinus 429. 1. Showes amongst the Romans were ordinary and extraordinary 72. 1. Sibylls whether they foretold things by divine inspiration 652. 2 c. Signes of the Zodiack were by the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 45. 1. Silentiarii who they were 432. 1. Simon Magus's death when it hapned 22. 1. Sirmium three Synods there and their three Draughts of the Creed 266. 2. Sirmium-Synods in what years convened ibid. and 269. 1. Sitting the usual posture of mourners amongst the Jews 20. 2. Socrates seems to have been a Novatianist 367. 2. whether he was a Novatianist 277. 1. Son of God was by antient Divines termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 645. 2. He is termed The Middle between the Father and things created 683. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so Solomon's Book of Proverbs was called 64. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to lay hands on or ordain 114. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Sepulchral Monuments 2â— 1. 28. 2. Stephen the Deacon on what year he suffered Martyrdom 15. â— Stephen the Pope whether he
imperfect and ineffectual Ordination because it was solemniz'd by Bishops of another Diocess and not by those Bishops who had the right and power of Ordaining the Bishops of Rome which were the Bishops of Ostia Tâ—buâ— and others 't was also ineffectual and vain because it was done by men who were drunk by force at the tenth hour of the day none of the Clergy or people being present and lastly because another Bishop was before regularly Ordain'd Cornelius both here and in his Epistle to Cyprian says Novatianus was Ordain'd by thrâ—â— Bishops whereas Pâ—â—iaâ—â—s says in his a d Epistle to 〈◊〉 he was Ordain'd by the letters commendatory of the Confessours but these differences we may thus reconcile Novatianus was named to be the Bishop by the Epistle of the Confessours but was afterwards Consecrated by three Bishops Vales. h Hence we may gather that Cornelius degraded the Bishops which assisted in the Consecration of Novatianus and also excommunicated them all except one who by the mediation of the people obtain'd the Priviledge of the communion which the Laicks have Which was to kiss the Bishop after they had taken the Eucharist of him as Hieronymus and Paulus Diaconus affirm Vales. i This is spoken Ironically of Novatianus because he himself as Cyprian in his first Epistle to Cornelius witnesseth boasted he was a Defender of the Gospel of Christ. Vales. k The same words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are in the Epistle of Cornelius to Cyprian where the Confessours who deserted Novatianus use these words as a renunciation of their former Principles by this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is here meant the Church of Rome Vales. l Hence we may gather how many Churches there were then at Rome for every Presbyter had his particular Church so that if there were 46 Presbyters there were also 46 Churches See Baronius in the year of Christ 57. Vales. m Some Editions read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 others 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but without doubt the true reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is as Rufinus renders it indigent persons or as the Roman Clergy explain it persons who could not maintain themselves Chrysostome in his 67 th Homilie upon Matthew saith that the Church of Antioch in his days though it had but small revenues yet reliev'd above 3000 widows and virgins daily besides strangers Lepers and Prisoners and besides Clerks whom it supplied with meat and cloathing Vales. This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rufinus very well renders pâ—â—â—uâ—us be sprinkled for people which were sick and baptiz'd in their beds could not be dipped in water by the Priest but were sprinkled with water by him this Baptism was thought imperfect and not solemn for several reasons Also they who were thus baptiz'd were called ever afterwards Cliâ—iâ—i and by the 12 th Canon of the Council of Neoâ—â—sâ—reâ— these Cliâ—iâ—i were prohibited Priesthood Chrysostome describes this sort of Baptism in his 60 th Homily Tome the 2 â— to the Catechumenâ— Cyprian In his 76 th Epistle â—oldâ— this Baptism to be lawfull and perfect Vales. o The Canon was this that they who were baptized in their beds if they recovered again should afterwards go to the Bishop that be might supply what was wanting in that Baptism Novatianus is here accused by Cornelius because after his recovery he never 〈◊〉 to the Bishop for the completion of Baptism as the Canon of the Church injoyneth for it is expresly commanded in the 47 th Canon of the Council of Laodicea and in Chap. 38. of the Council of Eliberis Vales. p Rufinus thinketh that by this phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is meant the Chrism but I rather think he means the imposition of hands by which the Bishops gave the holy Ghost to them who were baptiz'd Cyprian to Jubaianus confirms our Interpretation 'T is true 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to sign or mark it also signifies to lay hands on as Innocentius uses it in his 3 d and 6 th Chap. to Decentius and Marcus in his life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza and Ambrose or whosoever it is who is the Authour of those books upon the 4 th Chap. of Paul's Epistle to the Ephesians This sealing of the baptized was sometimes perform'd with the Chrism that is when the Person in case of approaching death had been baptiz'd by some of the inferiour Clergy and not anointed but if he had been perfectly baptized before onely imposition of hands by the Bishop was required as the Canon Arausicanus tells us Hence I conjecture arose the custom of not using the Chrism in Baptism amongst the Novatians as Theodoret tells us they did noâ— in his third book Haeret Fabul because their Ringleader Novatianus received Baptism without the Chrism Vales. q Hence we may gather that Novatianus immediately received Priests Orders being never Ordained Deacon or Subdeacon which thing was at that time customary in the Church as we may see in Origen and others Vales. r Formerly Bishops could not Ordain Priests without the consent of the Clergy and People Now concerning the requiring of the peoples votes in the Election of Presbyters the Nicene Fathers themselves do evidence that in their Synodical Epistle to the Bishops of Aegypt Out of several places of that Epistle we may gather that the consent of the people was required in the Ordination of Clergy men The holy Fathers also in that same Epistle deprive those Bishops who adhered to Meletius the Schismatick of all authority of proposing their names to the people who were to be admitted into holy Orders and onely granted it to those Bishops who were pure from all Schism For in those days the Bishops gave up the names of them who were to be Ordain'd to the people that if they had any thing to object against any of them they might attest it openly as we may read in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the great There is also an excellent passage in S t Chrysostoâ—â— â—pon this same thing in his 18 th Homily upon the 2 d Epistle of Paul to the Corinthians We have the whole solemnity excellently describ'd in the Sacramentarium of Gregory the Great pag. 236 upon which place consult the Annotations of that most learned man Hugo Menardus Vales. s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a Degree or Order of them who have any Office in the Church So Cornelius calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Presbytership Eusebius and 〈◊〉 very often use 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for the Dignitie of a Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies any degree whatsoever Vales. t It was the proper duty of the Priest to deliver the Eucharist and the Cup into the hands of the Receivers See Chrysostom's 46 Homily upon Matthew in the 2 â— Council of Orleans Chap. 15. the Deacons are forbid to presume to deliver the body of Christ to the believers when the Priest is present Vales. u Every oath has a curse annexed to it which though it is not always
Caesar. Certainly Dalmatius the son of Dalmatius was when these things were done which are related by Athanasius very young and could not sit as judge in so weighty an affair Besides he lived at that time at Narbona and together with Hannibalianus his brother was an Hearer of Exuperius the Rhetorician For from that City he was sent for by Constantine and created Caesar when very young as Ansonius affirms in his book de Professor Burdigal in the year of Christ 335. But that tryal concerning the murder of Arsenius was before Dalmatius the Censor at Antioch as Athanasius attests in the year of Christ 332 according to Baronius's opinion Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concerning the import of this word the learned Reader may consult Scaliger Poâ—tic Lib. 3. Cap. 106. Epibaterion a The Synod of Tyre was held in the consulates of Constantius and Albinus as Athanasius attests in the year of Christ 335. This was the 28 th year of Constantines Empire His 29 th year began during the same mens consulates on the 8 th of the Calends of August on which day Constantine celebrated his Tricennalia i. e. the festivals for his having arrived to the 30 th year of his Empire as Idatius attests in Fast. anticipating that solemnity one whole year This anticipation of his Tricennalia has induced not only Socrates but several others also into a mistake Vales. a Rufinus in book 1. chap. 16. of his Ecclesiastick History says that this Archelaus was not the Consularis or President of Phoenicia but the Comes of the East Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ordered the matter prudently this is the import of thâ—se words if rendred literally a In Athanasius's second Apologetick pag. 783. Edit Paris the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archaph who is also called John In the Epistle of Alexander Bishop of Thessalonica to Athanasius he is also called Archaph Therefore this man had two names he was called Archaph by the Egyptians which was his Countrey name John was his Monastick name He was a Bishop of the Melitian faction at Memphis Athanasius relates that he was commanded by Constantine to agree with his Arch-Bishop Athanasius means Constantines Letter to John which he gives an account of at pag. 787 of his second Apologet. Edit Paris Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Calvin Lexic Juridic â—n the word paragraphe a This place is imperfect as any one may perceive It may be made perfect if instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we make this addition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 made their return to Tyre which we have followed in our Version Vales. a Musculus and Christophorson render these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thus depositionis causas the causes of his deposition But I suppose that by these words is meant the Libel of his deposition or the Synodical Epistle concerning the condemnation and deposition of Athanasius Socrates uses the same term in his second book chap. 1. If any one be desirous to peruse a copy of these Epistles there is extant a Synodical Epistle of the Council of Antioch concerning the deposition of Paul of Samosata also the Synodical Epistle of the Council of Sardis concerning the deposition of Gregorius Alexandrinus Valens Ursacius and other Arian Prelates Vales. b In Athanasius the reading is truer thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the City of the Hypselites as we noted before Stephanus de Urbibus says Hypseliâ— is a Town in Egypt and that the inhabitants thereof are called Hypsclites Vales. a In Athanasius's second Apology against the Arians and in his book de Synodis Arimini and Seleuciae this Synodick Epistle of the Jerusalem Council is recorded in which Epistle the Bishops who had been convened there for the dedication of Constantines Church do attest that they had received into communion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Arius and his followers which they had done according to the Emperours command who by his Letters had signified to them that he himself knew that those mens faith was true and orthodox both from their own attestation by word of mouth and also from the Libel of faith which they presented to him Which Libel Constantine had annexed to his Letters Now he means that Libel of faith which Arius and Euzoïus had presented to Constantine mentioned by Socrates before at the 26 chapter of this first book and by Sozomen book 2. chap. 27. For when Arius had presented a Libel of his faith to Constantine Constantine believing his doctrine to be agreeable to the Nicene faith would not himself give his judgment concerning this matter but remitted him to the examination of the Jerusalem Council as Rufinus and Sozomen do relate Athanasius also in his book de Synodis affirms expresly that Arius and his associates were received into communion by the Jerusalem Synod his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after the banishment of Athanasius Bishop of Alexandria writing that they should admit to communion Arius and his followers c. But I suppose that Arius the Arch-Heretick is not to be meant here but another Arius his name sake who had been condemned by Alexander Bishop of Alexandria together with Arius his Ringleader For Arius the Arch-Heretick died long before the Jerusalem Synod as I have evidently proved in my second book of Ecclesiastick observations chap. 2. The Learned Reader will find three books of Ecclesiastick observations written by Valesius and publisht at the latter end of the second Vol. of his Greek Ecclesiastick Historians Therefore that Arius who together with Euzoïus presented a Libel of his faith to Constantine is a different person from Arius the Arch-Heretick Which may be demonstrated by another argument This Arius who presented a Libel to Constantine together with Euzoïus was not restored before the Jerusalem Synod that is before the year of Christ 33â— nor joyned to the Catholick Church For he requests of the Emperour in the foresaid Libel that all altercations being taken away by his piety he may be united to the Catholick Church But Arius the Arch-Heretick was recalled from exile long before and readmitted to communion as the penitentiary-Libel of Eusebius and Theognius doth attest For Eusebius and Theognius do say there expresly that the authour of the whole controversie to wit Arius having given satisfaction was entirely restored Further Eusebius and Theognius sent that Libel to the Bishops in the year of Christ 328 as I shewed before Therefore Arius the Haeresiarch must necessarily have been recalled at the beginning of the same year Vales. b This place is imperfect it is easier to pick out the meaning of it than to correct the words Socrates therefore would say that the Bishops in their Synodical Epistle do obscurely mean Athanasius when they say that all eâ—vy and hatred now was bartished c. Vales. a In Athanasius's second Apology against the Arians where this Epistle of Constantines is recorded the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Socrates is mistaken who attributes that to Dioscorus which was rather to have been said concerning his brother Ammonius For at such time as the Synod ad Quercum that is the Synod at the Oak was summoned Ammonius fell into a distemper And having passed over to The Oak he died soon after and was honoured with a splendid funerall in the Monastery of that place as Sozomen tells us book 8. chap. 17. Vales. a Marcellinus in his Chronicon reports this Statue to have been made in the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus which was the year of Christ 403 his words are these Eudoxiae Arcadii uxoris super porphyreticam Columnam argentea Statua suxta Ecclesiam posita hactenus fistit a Silver Statue of Eudoxia wise to Arcadius placed upon a Porphyry-pillar near the Church still stands Theophanes relates the same who says that that Statue was erected in that place called Pittacia neer the Church of S t Irene and that at the dedication thereof the Praefect of the City who was a Manichaean and a Semipagan excited the people to shout and daunce in such a manner that the divine Service could not quietly be performed in the Church because of the noyse made by the multitude of Dauncers Notwithstanding Baronius places the dedication of this Statue on the year of Christ 404 But in regard Marcellinus Comes in his Chronicon does in express words place it on the Consulate of Theodosius Junior and Rumoridus I judge it more safe to follow his opinion provided it be said to have been made after the Synod ad Quercum and after Chrysostome's first condemnation that is about the close of the year 403. And this is confirmed by Socrates For he adds a little after that when the Nativity of our Lord drew neer Arcadius gave Johannes notice that he could not come to the Church Now John was deposed a little before Easter in the year of Christ 404. Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. This Homily occurs at Tom. 7. pag. 545. of S r Hen. Savils Edition of Chrysostome b This Briso seems to be a different person from Briso the Bishop who as Cedrenus tells us was one of John Chrysostome's Scholars And Socrates seems to have put Philippi instead of Philippopolis For Philippopolis is an eminent City of Thracia But Philippi is a City of Macedonia Vales. c Baronius at the year of Christ 404 charges Socrates with a lie here For in the Synod at the Oak thirty six Bishops only had condemned Johannes of which twenty nine were Egyptians the rest were of divers Provinces as Theodorus in Palladius in his Dialogue concerning the Life of Chrysostome relates from the Acts of the Synod at the Oak But when he was afterwards recalled to Constantinople he had been admitted to communion by sixty five Bishops Either therefore Socrates must necessarily be mistaken who has said that Chrysostome was condemned by more Bishops than those by whom he had been admitted to communion and restored or else it must be said that Palladius is out Unless any one will reconcile these things by saying thus viz. That Leontius the Bishop has here reckoned the suffrages of the Bishops together who had condemned John Chrysostome in both Synods as well that held at the Oak as the other assembled at Constantinople For although at such time as Leontius spake these words the Bishops present in the Constantinopolitane Synod had not pronounced sentence against Chrysostome yet Leontius who knew they were incensed against Chrysostome made not the least doubt of their suffrages Vales. d Palladius tells us that this very answer was given by John Chrysostome's defenders against the Canon of the Antiochian Synod to wit that that Canon was made by the Arian Bishops But Chrysostome's adversaries rejected this defence asserting that Canon to have been made by the Catholick Bishops And when Elpidius a Bishop of Chrysostome's party urged them to subscribe that draught of the Creed then promulged by those Bishops they answered in presence of the Emperour that they were ready to subscribe it but they put off that business to another time Therefore what must we determine concerning this question Athanasius indeed in his book de Synodis does wholly reject that Antiochian Synod together with its draught of the Creed as having been held by the Arians with a design to subvert the Nicene Creed But to Athanasius who cannot be a sufficient witness in his own case we in the first place oppose Hilarius then Pope Julius and lastly all the Eastern and Western Bishops who have now at length by a generall consent admitted of that Synod Hilarius 't is certain in his book de Synodis does fully admit of it and commends that form of the Creed drawn up there as being usefull and necessary on account of the Heresies which sprang up after the Nicene Councill Moreover Pope Julius wrote a Synodick Epistle to all the Bishops who had been convened in that Synod amongst whom were Eusebius Narcissus Theodorus and Maris Which Synodick Epistle Athanasius does record intire at pag. 739. c. Tom. 1. Edit Paris 1626. In the title and body of that Letter Julius terms them Beloved Brethren which undoubtedly he would never have done had he lookt upon them to have been Arians Now what reason had he to look upon them to be Arians who as yet had not been condemned by the sentence of any Synod and amongst whom there were very many stiff maintainers of the Nicene Creed which Baronius himself does not deny Of which sort was Dianius Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia whom Julius names in the first place concerning whose praises Basil the Great has a peculiar Epistle extant Lastly all the Easterns have acknowledged that Synod to be Catholick and inserted its Sanctions into the book of Canons soon after John Chrysostome's times as appears from the Chalcedon-Councill And at length the Western Church has by degrees admitted of those Canons rendred into Latine by Dionysius Exiguus Notwithstanding in John Chrysostome's times they might be rejected in regard they were not received by a generall consent of the whole Church nor as yet admitted by the Romish Church Pope Innocentius in his Epistle to the Constantinopolitan Church which Sozomen has recorded book 8. chap. 26. does in no wise admit of these Canons Vales. * See Socrat book 2. chap. 10. e Christophorson supposed that these words were spoken by Socrates concerning the Bishops convened in the Antiochian-Synod But I think they are to be understood concerning the Bishops then assembled at Constantinople against John Chrysostome And in this sense Epiphanius Scholasticus and Musculus took this place for Epiphanius has rendred it thus non intelligentes quod dum hâc regulâ uterentur Athanasium quoque deponerent not understanding that whilest they made use of this Canon they deposed Athanasius also and Musculus has translated it happily after this manner nec cogitantes non Johannem se modò sed
promulged in the year of Christ 482 as Baronius has recorded Vales. * Or Confirmation †Or Armour ‖ Or Have night and day made use of all imaginable c. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by all imaginable prayer and diligence The same likewise is the reading in Nicephorus Nor had the old Translatour of this Edict read otherwise in Liberatus chap. 18 for he renders it thus noctibus ac diebus oratione studio Legibus c. night and day by prayer and diligence and by our Laws We endeavour that the Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church may be multiplyed by that Faith Notwithstanding in my judgment it ought rather to be written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by all imaginable attention What the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is we are informed from Suidas who produces a passage of an old Writer Indeed this emendation pleases me mightily Vales. * Or Next to God †Or Begirt c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 waging war against the entire Body Doubtless it must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should he make war c. as it is in Nicephorus and in the Tellerian M. S. S r Henry Savil also at the Margin of his Copy had remarked fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps is should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or Generations d To this place of Zeno's Edict Pope Felix alludes in his Epistle to Zeno Augustus where his words are these Dolet certè pietas Tuae quòd per diuturnos partis alterâ—ae gravesque conflictus multi ex hoc saeculo videantur ablati aut Baptismatis aut Communionis expertes Your piety doubtless iâ— grieved that by reason of the long and sore conflicts of each party many may seem to have been taken out of this world without being partakers of Baptism or the Communion Vales. * Or Begirt †Or Baptism * Or Chapters †See Chap. 5. note f. * Unsinning or without sin e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So 't is also written in Nicephorus But Facundus and Liberatus seem to have read otherwise For Facundus pag. 551. renders this place thus adunate ergo vos in nullo dubitantes c. Unite your selves therefore being doubtfull in nothing For we have written these things to you not to innovate the Faith but that we might satisfie you c. And Liberatus translates it in this manner Unite vosmetipsos nihil dubitantes c. Unite your selves doubting nothing c. Whence it appears that they read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. But the reading in our Copies is better For soon after it follows 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we Anathematize Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That which frequently happens in these books of Evagrius occurs here also to wit that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is put instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 'T is certain Liberatus reads 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here as 't is apparent from his Version For thus he renders it Sanctissima namque Mater Nostra Ecclesia c. For our most Holy Mother the Church as being the person who hath begotten you from a long time expects to embrace Her Sons and earnestly desires to hear your sweet voice Nor did Facundus read otherwise in his twelfth book For thus his Version runs Sancta enim Mater Nostra Ecclesia c. For our Holy Mother the Church receives you as Her own Sons Embrace her For She desires after a long time to hear Your sweet Voice Moreover Nicephorus has it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further from the forecited passages 't is apparent that Facundus and Liberatus in Zeno's Edict had read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Our Mother which reading I am most pleased with Besides Facundus read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Embrace Ye Her not as 't is commonly read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to embrace Which reading nevertheless is intolerable Lastly Liberatus seems to have read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from a long time not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and after a long time Vales. * Chap. 12. a Liberatus in his Breviary chap. 18 says that Johannes being driven from the See of Alexandria came first to Antioch and after he had gotten Letters of Intercession from Calendion Patriarch of Antioch came to Rome and appealed to Simplicius Bishop of Rome as the Blessed Athanasius had also done before But in the Gesta de Nomine Acacii which in my judgment were written by Pope Gelasius he is said to have requested the Refuge only of the Roman Church in such manner as his predecessours had done Which I think is truer For Johannes appealed not from any Ecclesiastick Judicature to Simplicius in regard he had not been expelled out of his own See by the sentence of a Synod but by force nor did he present a Libell to Pope Simplicius but to Felix his Successour as we shall see afterwards Vales. * Opinions or Decrees a So also Pope Simplicius in his Epistle to Acacius terms Petrus Moggus as Liberatus attests in his Breviary chap. 18. To wit because he had invaded the Alexandrian Church whilest Timotheus Salophaciolus who had been legally ordained was alive Vales. b That this was the pretext of condemning Calendion is attested by Liberatus in his Breviary chap. 18. But the true cause of his being condemned and deposed was this because he would defend the Chalcedon Synod nor would acquiesce in Zeno's Edict Liberatus's words are these Interea Calendion Archiepiscopus Antiochenus deponitur c. In the interim Calendion Arch-Bishop of Antioch is deposed Being accused in publick as having been undutifull indevotus without devotion to his Prince drawing in the people into a Rebellion with Illus but secretly because he would not keep himself from the Communion both of Pope Felix and Johannes Gelasius also in his thirteenth Epistle to the Dardani says that Calendion was therefore Ejected by Zeno because he had razed His name out of the Dypticks and instead thereof put in Leontius's Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the Hillus by Country an Isaurian in dignity Magister Officiorum Master of the Offices as Marcellinus tells us in his Chronicon who after he had been in great favour with the Emperour at length was incensed against him for what reason I know not and together with Leontius ingaged himself in a Tyranny in the East on the year of Christ 484 as Marcellinus records or rather 483 as Baronius has rightly observed Further this Hillus is by Candidus Isaurus and by Damascius in the Life of Isidorus the Philosopher always called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the accent in the last Syllable So 't is also written in Suidas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So that place of Suidas is to be read Vales. d Petrus Fullo was Ejected out of the See of Antioch a little after the return of Zeno Augustus on
THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH From Our LORD's Incarnation to the Twelfth Year of the Emperour MAURICIUS TIBERIUS or the Year of CHRIST 594. As it was written in Greek by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine SOCRATES SCHOLASTICUS Native of Constantinople and EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS born at Epiphania in Syria Secunda Made English from that Edition of these Historians which VALESIUS published at Paris in the Years 1659 1668 and 1673. Also The LIFE of CONSTANTINE in Four Books Written by EUSEBIUS PAMPHILUS with CONSTANTINE'S ORATION to the CONVENTION OF THE SAINTS and EUSEBIUS's Speech in Praise of CONSTANTINE Spoken at His TRICENNALIA VALESIUS's Annotations on these Authours are done into English and set at their proper places in the Margin as likewise a Translation of His Account of their Lives and Writings With Two Index's the one of the Principal Matters that occur in the Text the other of those contained in the Notes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Socrat. Eccles. Histor. Lib. 1. Cap. 18. HINC LUCEM ET POCULA SACRA CAMBRIDGE Printed by John Hayes Printer to the University For Han. Sawbridge at the Sign of the Bible on Ludgate Hill London 1683. The Publisher of this ENGLISH Translation to the READER VALESIUS has spoken so fully and satisfactorily concerning what He has done in His Edition of these following Ecclesiastick Historians as to His Amendments of the Greek Text as to His Latine Version of them and as to His Explanation of the obscurer passages that occur in them and besides has added such compleat Accounts concerning the Lives and Histories of these Authours all which particulars because they were judged necessary to be made known to the English Reader are done into His own language and prefixed before each Writer whom they concern that 't is needless to give the Reader any farther trouble here than barely to acquaint Him for what reason this English-Translation was at first attempted and by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished It can't be supposed a thing unknown to any person though He may have been but meanly conversant amongst Books that this is not the first time wherein these Church-Historians have appeared in English For 't is now almost a Compleat Century since Meredith Hanmer Doctour of Divinity first published His Translation of them all excepting onely Eusebius's Four Books concerning the Life of the Emperour Constantine and the Two Orations subjoyned thereto which by a Dedication to S r John Lambe Knight Doctour of Laws and Dean of the Arches of Canterbury seem to have been made English several years after Doctour Hanmer's death by one M r Wye Saltonstall After Four Editions of Doctour Hanmer's Translation a fifth whereto was added M r Saltonstall's Version of the Life of Constantine and the Two Orations was published in the Year 1650. Which Impression being sold off and the Book become Scarce the person whose propriety D r Hanmer's Translation was some few years since resolved to reprint it This resolution He communicated to some friends whom He knew to be able Advisers and Directers in an affair of that Nature From them He received answer to this effect that in Doctour Hanmer's Translation they saw many things that wanted Correction which they supposed were not so much to be attributed to the Doctour as to the imperfection and mistakes of the Greek Text and those Latine Translatours which the Doctour had made use of that now there was a fair way opened whereby the errours in the Doctour's Translation might be Corrected in regard the Original Text of these Historians after it had been compared with several Ancient Manuscripts of the best Note whereby the imperfections in it were supplied and the faults committed in other Editions amended was together with an excellent Latine Version thereof published at Paris by Henricus Valesius a person of such eminent Learning that by the unanimous consent of the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of the Gallican Church He had been pitcht upon and employed as the fittest man to undertake a work of this Nature and therefore their advise was that the Doctour's Translation should be compared with that Edition of these Historians which Valesius had published and that whereever it differed it should be made to agree with the Greek Text thereof After receipt of this advise 't was resolved it should be followed And accordingly a Reverend and Learned Divine was prevailed with to undertake this Work Who after He had done some few Chapters onely of the First Book of Eusebius's History for reasons best known to Himself desisted But by this Tryal of His it plainly appeared that besides its being an invidious attempt to go about to interpolate what another person had long since put his last hand to it was a work of far greater labour to bring Doctor Hanmer's Translation to an agreement with the Greek Text of Valesius's Edition than to make a New One. On which account this latter was resolv'd upon and by Divine assistance being now finished is here presented to the Reader 's view The Reader having been acquainted with the Reason why this New Translation was at first attempted 't is fit He should know farther by what Helps and Assistances this attempt has at length been finished This Version as has been intimated was taken immediately from the Greek according to that Edition which Henricus Valesius set forth at Paris whence this advantage will accrue that whatever errours are found in it will be errours but of one descent Besides Valesius's Edition That which Robert Stephens Printed at Paris in the year 1544 was likewise all along consulted Nor were the Latine Translatours of these Historians refused or neglected namely these four Musculus's Version Dedicated to Edward the Sixth King of England and Printed at Basil in the year 1549 the Translation of John Christophorson heretofore Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge afterwards Bishop of Chichester Printed at Coloigne in the year 1570 John Curterius's Version or rather his Emendation of Christophorson's Printed at Paris in the year 1571 and lastly Grinaeus's Translation set forth at Basil in the year 1591. All which Versions were all along inspected and in all places that required it their Disagreements or Consents are as the Reader will find taken notice of unless the Learned Valesius's diligence had made those Remarks needless As for the Notes they are in a manner all Valesius's nor is any Remark of his left untranslated though perhaps some times made shorter that was judg'd of use to an English Reader and becoming an English Translation If the Reader does as now and then He will meet with a Note that has not Valesius's name set at the bottome He may conclude that not to be Valesius's however He generally meets with some intimation or other whereby notice is given him on what authority such a remark is grounded But whereas in Valesius's Edition His Notes on all these Historians are placed together in a Body by themselves at
Bishop of Jerusalem suffered Martyrdom Page 46 Chap. 33. How Trajan forbad that the Christians should be sought after ibid. Chap. 34. That Evarestus was the Fourth that governed the Roman Church Page 47 Chap. 35. That Justus was the Third that governed the Church at Jerusalem ibid. Chap. 36. Concerning Ignatius and his Epistles ibid. Chap. 37. Concerning those Preachers of the Gospel who at that time were eminent Page 48 Chap. 38. Concerning the Epistle of Clemens and those other Writings which are falsly attributed to him ibid. Chap. 39. Concerning the Books of Papias Page 49 Book IV. Chap. 1. WHo were the Bishops of the Roman and Alexandrian Churches in the Reign of Trajane pag. 50 Chap. 2. What the Jews suffered in this Emperours time ibid. Chap. 3. Who in the time of Adrian wrote Apologies in defence of the Faith Page 51 Chap. 4. Who were ennobled with the Title of Bishops over the Roman and Alexandrian Churches in this Emperours time ibid. Chap. 5. Who were Bishops of Jerusalem from our Saviour even to these times ibid. Chap. 6. The last Siege of the Jews in the time of Adrian ibid. Chap. 7. Who at that time were the Authours of false Doctrine Page 52 Chap. 8. What Ecclesiastical Writers there were in those times Page 53 Chap. 9. The Rescript of Adrian that we Christians should not be unjustly prosecuted ibid. Chap. 10. Who in the Reign of Antoninus were Bishops of the Roman and Alexandrian Sees Page 54 Chap. 11. Concerning those who were Arch-Hereticks in these times ibid. Chap. 12. Concerning Justin's Apologie to Antoninus Page 55 Chap. 13. The Rescript of Antoninus to the Common Council of Asia concerning our Religion ibid. Chap. 14. Some memoirs of Polycarp the Disciple of the Apostles Page 56 Chap. 15. How in the Reign of Verus Polycarp together with others suffered Martyrdom in the City of Smyrna ibid. Chap. 16. How Justin the Philosopher asserting the Christian Religion at the City of Rome suffered Martyrdom Page 60 Chap. 17. Concerning those Martyrs whom Justin makes mention of in his Apologie Page 61 Chap. 18. What Books of Justin's are come to our hands Page 62 Chap. 19. Who in the Reign of Verus presided over the Churches of Rome and Alexandria ibid. Chap. 20. Who then Governed the Church of Antioch Page 63 Chap. 21. Concerning the Ecclesiastical Writers who flourisht in that Age. ibid. Chap. 22. Concerning Hegesippus and those he makes mention of ibid. Chap. 23. Concerning Dionysius Bishop of the Corinthians and the Epistles he wrote Page 64 Chap. 24. Concerning Theophilus Bishop of the Antiochians Page 65 Chap. 25. Concerning Philippus and Modestus ibid. Chap. 26. Concerning Melito and what he has made mention of ibid. Chap. 27. Concerning Apollinaris Bishop of the Hierapolâ—tane Church Page 66 Chap. 28. Concerning Musanus and his Writings Page 67 Chap. 29. Concerning Tatianus and his Heresie ibid. Chap. 30. Concerning Bardesanes the Syrian and those Books of his that are extant ibid. Book V. THE Preface Page 68 Chap. 1. How many in the Reign of Verus underwent most â—ore Persecution in France for Religion and after what manner they suffered ibid. Chap. 2. How the Martyrs beloved of God kindly receiving such as fell away in the persecution wrought a cure upon them Page 74 Chap. 3. What a Vision appeared to the Martyr Attalus in his sleep Page 75 Chap. 4. How the Martyrs by their Epistle recommended Irenaeus ibid. Chap. 5. How God having from heaven heard the prayers of some of our Religion sent rain to Marcus Aurelius Caesar. ibid. Chap. 6. A Catalogue of those who were Bishops of Rome Page 76 Chap. 7. That even to those times Miracles were wrought by the faithfull ibid. Chap. 8. After what manner Irenaeus makes mention of the Divine Scriptures Page 77 Chap. 9. Who were Bishops in the Reign of Commodus Page 78 Chap. 10. Concerning Pantaenus the Philosopher ibid. Chap. 11. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus ibid. Chap. 12. Concerning the Bishops of Jerusalem Page 79 Chap. 13. Concerning Rhodon and the Dissention of the Marcionites which he has made mention of ibid. Chap. 14. Concerning the false Prophets of the Cataphrygians Page 80 Chap. 15. Concerning the Schism of Blastus raised at Rome ibid. Chap. 16. What has been committed to memory concerning Montanus and his false Prophets ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning Milâ—â—â—des and the books he compiled Page 82 Chap. 18. How Apollonius also confuted the Cataphrygians and whom he has made mention of ibid. Chap. 19. Serapion's Opinion concerning the Heresie of the Cataphrygians Page 84 Chap. 20. What Irenaeus wrote against the Schismaticks at Rome ibid. Chap. 21. How Apollonius suffered Martyrdom at Rome Page 85 Chap. 22. What Bishops flourisht at that time Page 86 Chap. 23. Concerning the Question then moved about Easter ibid. Chap. 24. Concerning the Disagreement of the Churches throughout Asia ibid. Chap. 25. How all with one consent unanimously agreed about Easter Page 89 Chap. 26. How many Monuments of Irenaeus's Polite Ingenie have come to our hands ibid. Chap. 27. How many also of the works of others who then flourished are come to our knowledge ibid. Chap. 28. Concerning those who from the beginning were defenders of Artemon's Heresie what manner of persons they were as to their Morals and how that they were so audacious as to corrupt the Sacred Scriptures ibid. Book VI. Chap. 1. COncerning the Persecution under Severus pag. 91 Chap. 2. Concerning Origens virtuous course of life from a child ibid. Chap. 3. How Origen being very young Preacht the word of Christ. Page 92 Chap. 4. How many of those who had been instructed by him became Martyrs Page 93 Chap. 5. Concerning Potamiaena Page 94 Chap. 6. Concerning Clemens Alexandrinus ibid. Chap. 7. Concerning Judas the Writer ibid. Chap. 8. Concerning the bold Act of Origen Page 95 Chap. 9. Concerning the Miracles of Narcissus ibid. Chap. 10. Concerning the Bishops of Jerusalem Page 96 Chap. 11. Concerning Alexander ibid. Chap. 12. Concerning Serapion and his Books that are extant Page 97 Chap. 13. Concerning the Writings of Clemens ibid. Chap. 14. What Writings Clemens has mentioned Page 98 Chap. 15. Concerning Heraclas Page 99 Chap. 16. What pains and study Origen bestowed about the Holy Scriptures ibid. Chap. 17. Concerning Symmachus the Translatour ibid. Chap. 18. Concerning Ambrosius Page 100 Chap. 19. What things have been recorded concerning Origen by the Gentiles ibid. Chap. 20. What Books are now extant of such as wrote in these times Page 102 Chap. 21. What Bishops were eminent in those times ibid. Chap. 22. How many of Hippolyâ—us's works are come to our hands Page 103 Chap. 23. Concerning Origen's studiousness and how he was honoured with the dignity of Priesthood ibid. Chap. 24. Concerning the Expositions he made at Alexandria ibid. Chap. 25. After what manner Origen has mentioned the Books of the Old and New Testament Page 104 Chap. 26. How Heraclas succeeded in the Bishoprick of Alexandria Page 105 Chap. 27. How the Bishops
for some little time quiet Resuming their boldness presently after they had by subtlety crept into the Prince's favour by all ways and arts they began to Persecute the Catholick Prelates Their first assault was made against Eustathius Bishop of the City Antioch who was Eminent both for the Glory of Confession and was also accounted the Chief amongst the Assertors of the Nicene Faith Him therefore they accuse before the Emperour because he maintained Sabellius ' s impiety and because he had reproach't Helena Augusta the Emperour's Mother A numerous Assembly of Bishops is conven'd in the City Antioch in which presided Eusebius of Nicomedia the Chief and Ring-leader of the whole Faction Eusebius of Caesarea was likewise present at this Synod Eustathius therefore having been accused by Cyrus Bishop of the Beroeans because he held the impious Doctrine of Sabellius and moreover an accusation of incontinency having been framed against him is thrust out of his own See On which account a most impetuous Tumult is rais'd at Antioch the people being divided into two Parties some requesting Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea might be put into Eustathius ' s place others desiring Eustathius their Bishop might be restored to them And it had come to blows had not a fear of the Emperour and the Judges authority repress'd them The Sedition being at length quieted and Eustathius banisht Our Eusebius although entreated both by the people and by the Bishops also that were present to undertake the Administration of the Antiochian Church yet refused to do that And when the Bishops by Letters written to Constantine had acquainted Him both with their own vote and with the suffrage of all the people Eusebius wrote his Letters also to Constantine Whereto the Emperour Constantine gave answer and highly commended Eusebius ' s resolution Eustathius having in this manner been depos'd which was done on the year of Christ 330 as I have remark'd in my Annotations the Arians turn the violence of their fury upon Athanasius And in the first place they complain of his Ordination in the Prince's presence then that he exacted an Impost of a Linen Garment from the Provincials that he had broken a sacred cup lastly that he had murdered one Arsenins a Bishop Therefore Constantine wearied with their most troublesome complaints indicted a Council in the City Tyre and commanded Athanasius the Bishop to repair thither to make his defence In that Synod Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea amongst others sate as Judge whom Constantine had a mind should be present at that Council Potamo Bishop of Heracleopolis who had come thither with Athanasius the Bishop and some Prelates of Egypt seeing him sitting in the Council is said to have accosted him in these words Is it fit Eusebius that You should sit and that the innocent Athanasius should stand to be judg'd by You Who can bear such things as these Tell me were not you in Custody with me during the time of the Persecution And I lost an eye in defence of the Truth but you appeared maim'd in no part of your body nor did you undergo Mariyâ—dome but are alive and whole By what means did you escape out of Prison Unless you promised our persecutors that you would do the detestable thing and perhaps you have done it These things are in this manner related by Epiphanius in the Hereâ—iâ— of the Meletians From which words by the by is appears that they are mistaken who relate that our Eusebius had sometime sacrificed to Idols and that that was openly objected against him in the Tyrian Synod For Potamo accused not Eusebius â—s if he â—ad sacrificed to Idols but onely his dismission out of Prison sâ—fe and whole had given Potaâ—â—o an occasion of suspecting that concerning him Nevertheless 't is possible that Eusebius might have been dismist out of Prison by some other way than that which Potamo has related Farther from Epiphanius ' s words it may I think bâ— gathered that Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea presided at this Synod For he adds that Eusebius being sorely vex'd at the hearing of these words dismissed the Council Yet from other Writers we have it for certain that not Eusebius Bishop of Caesarea but Eusebius of Nicomedia presided at the Tyrian Synod After the Council held at Tyre all the Bishops who had sate together there by the Emperour's Order betook themselves to Jerusalem to celebrate the Consecration of that Great Church which Constantine had erected in that place in honour of Christ. There Our Eusebius grac'd the Solemnity by several Sermons which he made in the Church And when the Emperour by most sharp Letters had summon'd the Bishops to his own Court that in his presence they might give an account of those things which by fraud and out of hatred they had transacted against Athanasius Our Eusebius together with five others came to Constantinople and certified the Prince concerning all Transactions Then also he recited his Tricennalian Oration in the Emperour 's own presence in the Palace Whereto the Emperour hearkened with the greatest joy imaginable not so much in respect of his own as God's Praises whom Eusebius has magnified thorowout that whole Oration This was the Second Oration that Eusebius spoke in the Palace as he himself attests in his Fourth Book concerning the Life of Constantine For he had before made an Oration in the Palace concerning the Sepulchre of Our Lord which the Emperour heard standing nor could he ever be perswaded though he was once and again entreated by Eusebius to sit down in the Seat set for him saying 't was fit that Discourses concerning God should be heard by persons standing as Eusebius relates in the thirty third Chapter of the same Book Farther how dear and acceptable Our Eusebius was to Constantine may be known both from these matters I have mentioned and also from many other circumstances For he both frequently received Letters from him which occur inserted in the foresaid Books Nor was it seldom that he was sent for to the Palace and entertain'd at Table and honoured with private discourse Moreover Constantine related that Vision of the Cross which he saw in the Heaven at such time as he was making his Expedition against Maxentius to Our Eusebius and shewed him the Labarum which he had ordered to be made to express the likeness of that Cross as Eusebius himself does attest And when he wanted Copies of the Sacred Scriptures for the use of those Churches which he had built at Constantinople he committed the care and over-sight of transcribing them to Eusebius in regard he well knew him to be most skilfull in these matters Lastly when Our Eusebius had Dedicated a Book concerning the Feast of Easter to him that Present was so acceptable to Constantine that he ordered that Book to be forthwith translated into Latine and by a Letter written to Eusebius entreated him that he would as soon as possible communicate the works of this nature
And thus much now concerning these things But at a more opportune season we will endeavour to manifest by a quotation of the Antient writers what has been said by others concerning this very matter Among the writings of John besides his Gospel also the former of his Epistles hath without controversie been admitted as genuine both by those men that are modern and also by the Antients The two other writings of his are questioned The opinion concerning his Revelation is even at this time on both sides much controverted among many But this controversie also shall at a seasonable opportunity be discussed by the authority of the Antients CHAP. XXV Concerning those Divine writings which are without controversie acknowledged and of those which are not such BUt it will in this place be seasonable summarily to reckon up those books of the New Testament which have been before mentioned In the first place therefore is to be ranked the four sacred Gospels next to which follows the book of the Acts of the Apostles after that are to be reckoned the Epistles of Paul after which follows that which is called the first Epistle of John and in like manner the Epistle of Peter is to be admitted as authentick Then is to be placed if you think good the Revelation of John the opinions concerning which I will in due place declare And these are the books that with general consent are acknowledged Among those which are questioned as doubtfull which yet are approved and mentioned by many is that which is called the Epistle of James and that of Jude also the second Epistle of Peter and those called the second and third Epistles of John whether they were written by the Evangelist or another of the same name with him Amongst the Spurious works let there be ranked both the work intituled the Acts of Paul and the book called Pastor and the Revelation of Peter and moreover that which is called the Epistle of Barnabas and that named the Doctrines of the Apostles and moreover as I said the Revelation of John if you think good which some as I have said doe reject but others allow of and admit among those books that are received as unquestionable and undoubted And among these some doe now number the Gospel according to the Hebrews with which those of the Hebrews that have embraced the faith of Christ are chiefly delighted All these books may be questioned as doubtfull And I thought it requisite to make a Catalogue of these also that we may discriminate those Scriptures that according to Ecclesiastical tradition are true and unforged and with general consent received as undoubted from those other books which are not such nor incorporated into the New Testament but are questioned as doubtfull which yet have been acknowledged and allowed of by many Ecclesiastical persons and further that we may know these very books and those other that have been put forth by Hereticks under the name of the Apostles containing as well the supposed Gospels of Peter Thomas and Matthias and of some others besides them as also the supposed Acts of Andrew and John and other of the Apostles Of which books no Ecclesiastical writer even from the Apostles times hitherto hath in any of his works voutsafed to make the least mention But moreover also the manner of the phrase and the stile wherein they are written are much different from the Apostolick natural propriety and innate simplicity and the meaning and drift of those things delivered in these books being mightily dissonant from Orthodoxal truth doth manifestly evince that they are the forgeries of Heretical men Upon which account they are not to be ranked amongst the Spurious writings but altogether to be rejected as wholly absurd and impious But we will now proceed to what follows of our History CHAP. XXVI Of Menander the Impostour MEnander succeeding Simon Magus shewed himself to be as to his disposition and manners a second Dart of Diabolical force no whit inferiour to the former He also was a Samaritan and arriving to no less height of imposture than his master abounded much more in greater and more monstrous illusions For he said that he himself was a Saviour sent from above for the salvation of men from invisible ages and he taught that no man could otherwise overcome the Angels the makers of this world unless he were first instituted in the Magical knowledge delivered by him and initiated in the baptism by him imparted Of which baptism those that were adjudged worthy they he affirmed would be partakers of a perpetual immortality in this very life they should be no longer subject to death but continuing in this present life should be always young and immortal And indeed its easie to know all this from the books of Ireneus And Justinus in like manner having made mention of Simon adds also a narration of this man saying And we knew one Menander a Samaritan also of the village Caparattae a disciple of Simons who being moved by the fury of devils and coming to Antioch seduced many by Magical art who also perswaded his followers that they should not die and at this time there are some of his Sect that profess the same Wherefore it was the device of the Diabolical power by such Impostours going under the name of Christians to endeavour to calumniate by Magick the great Mystery of Godliness and by them to expose to reproach the Ecclesiastical opinions concerning the immortality of the Soul and the Resurrection of the dead But those who joyned themselves to such Saviours as followers of them were frustrated of the true hope CHAP. XXVII Of the Heresie of the Ebionites THe malicious devil being unable to remove others from the love of the Christ of God finding that they might some other way be surprized he made them his own These the Antients fitly termed Ebionites in that they had a poor and low opinion of Christ. For they accounted him an ordinary man and nothing more than a man justified onely for his proficiency in virtue and begotten by Mary's accompanying with her husband and they asserted that an observance of the Law was altogether necessary for them supposing they could not be saved onely by faith in Christ and a life agreeable thereto But others among them being of the same name have eschewed the monstrous absurdity of the forecited opinions denying not that the Lord was begotten of the Virgin by the Holy Ghost but notwithstanding these in like manner also not confessing that he existed before all things as being God the Word and the Wisdome of the Father are lead into the same impiety with the former especially in that they make it their business to maintain and observe the bodily worship of the Law They also think that all the Epistles of the Apostle Paul ought to be rejected calling him an Apostate from the Law They made use of onely the Gospel called the Gospel according to the
who as Fame says flourished at the same time with the daughters of Philip in the gift of prophecy Many others also besides these were famous at that time having obtained the first place among the successours of the Apostles Who because they were the eminent disciples of such men built up those Churches the foundations whereof were every where laid by the Apostles promoting greatly the doctrine of the Gospel and scattering the salutary seed of the Kingdom of heaven at large over the whole world For many of the then disciples whose souls were inflamed by the divine Word with a more ardent desire of Philosophy first fulfilled our Saviours commandment by distributing their substance to those that were necessitous then after that travelling abroad they performed the work of Evangelists to those who as yet had not at all heard the word of Faith being very ambitious to Preach Christ and to deliver the Books of the divine Gospels And these persons having onely laid the foundation of faith in remote and barbarous places and constituted other Pastours committed to them the culture of those they had perfectly introduced to the faith departed again to other Regions and nations accompained with the Grace and cooperation of God For the divine Spirit as yet wrought many wonderfull works by them insomuch that at the first hearing innumerable multitudes of men did with most ready minds altogether admit of and engage themselves in the worship of that God who is the Maker of all things But it being impossible for us to recount by name all those who in the first succession of the Apostles were Pastours or Evangelists in the Churches throughout the world we will here commit to writing the mention of their names onely whose writings containing the Apostolical doctrine they delivered are to this day extant amongst us CHAP. XXXVIII Concerning the Epistle of Clemens and those other Writings which are falsly attributed to him AS for example the Epistles of Ignatius which we have reckoned up and that of Clemens acknowledged by all as undoubted which he wrote in the name of the Roman to the Corinthian Church Wherein seeing he has inserted many sentences taken out of the Epistle to the Hebrews and sometimes had made use of the express words of it it evidently manifests that that work is not new whence it has seemed agreeable to reason to reckon this Epistle amongst the rest of the Writings of that Apostle For Paul having written to the Hebrews in his own country Language some say that Luke the Evangelist but others that this Clemens of whom we speak translated that work Which latter seems the truest opinion because the stile both of Clemens his Epistle and also of that to the Hebrews appeares to be very like and the sense and expressions in both the works are not much different You must also know that there is a second Epistle which is said to be Clemens his But we know for certain that this is not so generally acknowledged nor approved of as the former because we are sure the Antients have not quoted any authorities out of it Further also some have of late produced other voluminous and large works as if they were his containing the Dialogues of Peter and Apion of which there is not the least mention extant amongst the Antients neither does there appear in them the pure form of Apostolical sound doctrine Now therefore 't is apparent which are the genuine and undoubted writings of Clemens we have also spoken sufficiently concerning the works of Ignatius and Polycarpe CHAP. XXXIX Concerning the Books of Papias THe Books of Papias now extant are five in number which he entitled an explication of the Oracles of the Lord. Irenaeus mentions no more than these five to have been written by him saying thus And these things Papias the Auditour of John the companion of Polycarpe one of the antients attests in writing in the fourth of his books for he compiled five Thus far Irenaeus But Papias in the preface to his books does not evidence himself to have been a beholder or an Auditour of the Holy Apostles but onely that he received the matters of faith from those who were well known to them which he declares in these words But it shall not be tedious to me to set down in order together with my interpretations those things which I have well learnt from the Elders and faithfully remembred the truth whereof will be confirmed by me For I delighted not in those who speak much as most doe but in those that teach the truth nor in those who recite strange and unusual precepts but in such as faithfully rehearse the commandments given by the Lord and which proceed from the truth Now if at any time I met with any one that had converst with the Elders I made a diligent enquiry after their sayings what Andrew or what Peter said or what Philip or Thomas or James or John or Matthew or any other of the Lords disciples were wont to say And what Aristion and John the Elder the disciples of our Lord uttered For I thought that those things contained in books could not profit me so much as what I heard from the mouths of men yet surviving In which words its very observable that he recounts the name of John twice the former of whom he reckons among Peter James Matthew and the rest of the Apostles manifestly shewing thereby that he speaks of John the Evangelist but making a distinction in his words he places the other John with those who are not of the number of the Apostles putting Aristion before him and expresly calls him The Elder So that hereby is shown the truth of their relation who have said that there were two in Asia who had that same name and that there are two Sepulchres at Ephesus and each of them now called the Sepulchre of John Now I judged it very requisite to make this observation For its likely that the second unless any one would rather have it to be the first saw that Revelation which goes under the name of John Further this Papias whom we speak of professes he received the sayings of the Apostles from those who had been conversant with them and was as he says the hearer of Aristion and John the Elder Indeed he mentions them often by name and has set down in his works those traditions he received from them And thus much has been said by us not unprofitably as we judge It is also worth our adding to the fore-quoted words of Papias other relations of the same Authours wherein he gives an account of some miracles and other passages which he received by tradition Indeed that Philip the Apostle together with his daughters lived at Hierapolis has been manifested by what we said before Now we are to shew that Papias who lived at the same time mentions his receiving a wonderfull narration from the daughters of Philip. For he relates that
very wisely did not prefix his name at the beginning least he should cause an aversion in them to his Epistle But a little after he continues saying Now as a blessed Presbyter said because the Lord being the Apostle of the Almighty was sent to the Hebrews Paul through modesty in that he was sent to the Gentiles does not entitle himself the Apostle of the Hebrews both in reverence to the Lord and also because 't was over and above his duty that he writ to the Hebrews being the Preacher and Apostle of the Gentiles Again Clemens in the same books writes a tradition concerning the order of the Gospels which he receiv'd from the Elders before him and it is this Those Gospels he said which contain the Genealogies were written first And this was the occasion of writing Marks Gospel when Peter Preach'd the word publickly in Rome and declared the Gospel by the Spirit many who were there present entreated Mark who had been his follower a long time and remembred what he had said that he would write down the things which had been spoken When he had compos'd the Gospel he imparted it to those who had intreated it of him Peter having understood this used no perswasives either to hinder him or to incite him to it But John being the last of all when he saw how those things which appertain'd to Christs humanity were already manifested in the Gospels was mov'd to the enterprise by his acquaintance and being inspir'd by the Spirit he wrote a Gospel concerning Christ's Divinity Thus much Clemens But again the said Alexander in an Epistle of his to Origen mentions Clemens and Pantaenus also as men who were his familiars he writes thus For this as you know was the will of God that the friendship which was begun betwixt us from our Ancestours should not onely remain inviolable but also become more fervent and firm For we know those blessed Fathers who went before us with whom we after a short time shall be joyn'd I mean the truely blessed Pantaenus my Master and the holy Clemens my Master who also profited me much and if there be any others like them by whom I came to the knowledge of you my most excellent Lord and Brother And after this manner were these things Moreover Adamantius for that also was Origen's name in these times when Zephyrinus Presided over the Church of Rome travell'd to Rome as he himself some where says having a desire to see the most antient Church of the Romans where he made no long stay but return'd to Alexandria And with all diligence there perform'd his customary duty of Catechist Demetrius the then Bishop of those Churches exciting him to it and little less then beseeching him to labour earnestly for the utility of the Brethren CHAP. XV. Concerning Heraclas BUt when he perceived himself not supplied with sufficient strength both for the more profound study of Divinity for his researches into and interpretation of the holy Scriptures and moreover for the Catechizing of them who came to him having scarce time to breathe so many flocking together to him One company after another coming from morning to evening to his School he divided the multitudes and electing Heraclas one of his familiars made him his assistant in Catechizing a man who was very studious in Divinity most eminently skilfull in other Learning and one who was not unexperienced in Philosophy He commits the instruction of the New-beginners to him but reserves to himself the hearing of those who had made some proficiency CHAP. XVI What Pains and Study Origen bestowed about the Holy Scriptures ORigen now intended to make such accurate researches into the Holy Scriptures that he learn't the Hebrew tongue And bought the Authentick Scriptures written in Hebrew letters which were extant among the Jews And he search'd after other Editions of Translatours of the Sacred Scriptures besides the Seventy And he sought out some other Versions besides those Common ones of Aquilas Symmachus and Theodotion different from them which he having searcht out first brought to light from I know not whence nor out of what Corners having been forgotten for a long time concerning which because he was uncertain who were the Authours of them by reason of their obscurity he onely Noted this that one of them was by him found at Nicopolis near Actium and another at some other place Moreover in his Hexapla of the Psalms after those four excellent Editions he adds not onely a fifth and sixth but also a seventh Version and upon one of them again he has Noted that it was found at Jericho in an Hogs-head in the times of Antoninus the son of Severus When he had thus Collected all these Versions into one body and divided them into Verses having placed them directly one against the other together with the Hebrew Text he left us those Copies which are call'd Hexapla He afterwards prepared apart by themselves Aquila's Symmachus's and Theodotion's Edition together with the Septuagint and put them out in his Tetrapla CHAP. XVII Concerning Symmachus the Translatour MOreover We must understand that this Symmachus one of the Translatours was an Ebionite For there is an Heresie called the Heresie of the Ebionites who say that Christ was born of Joseph and Mary and suppose him to have been meer Man who also stiffly affirm that the Law ought to be strictly observ'd according as the Jews kept it as we have before made known somewhere in our History Symmachus's Commentaries are even yet extant in which he seems to confirm the foresaid Heresie disputing strongly against Matthew's Gospel Origen tells us that he receiv'd these together with other interpretations of Symmachus's of the Scriptures from one Juliana upon whom he saies these books of Symmachus's devolved by right of succession CHAP. XVIII Concerning Ambrosius AT this time Ambrosius who favour'd the Valentinian Heresie being convinc'd by the truth Preach'd by Origen and having his mind cleared as it were with light assents to the doctrine of the Orthodox faith of the Church And Origen's fame being nois'd abroad every where several men of great learning flock'd to him intending to make tryal of this man's sufficiency in the Scriptures Also infinite multitudes of Hereticks and not a few Philosophers and them most famous gave diligent attention to him almost like Schollars learning from him besides Divinity those things which appertain to External Philosophy For he initiated those whom he perceived to have acute parts into Philosophical Learning Teaching them Geometry and Arithmetick and the other previous Sciences Also guiding them into the knowledge of the various Sects among Philosophers explaining the writings that are amongst them and Commenting on and searching into all things So that even amongst the Gentiles this man was openly declared to be a great Philosopher He also incited many of meaner capacities to the study of the Liberal
and praise God These are the words of Dionysius But Xystus succeeds Stephen after he had executed the Episcopal Office two years To him Dionysius wrote a second Epistle concerning Baptism and set forth to him the judgment and opinion of Stephen and the other Bishops Concerning Stephen thus he writes Indeed he before wrote letters concerning Helenus and Firmilianus and all the Bishops of Cilicia Cappadocia and Galatia And moreover concerning all the neighbouring Provinces that he would have no communion with them for this very reason because says he they rebaptize Hereticks And consider the weightiness of the affaire for truly I hear that there have been determinations made in the greatest Synods of Bishops concerning this business that Hereticks which were converted should be first Catechized and then should be washed and cleansed from the filth of their old and unclean leaven And I wrote to him making intercession for all these men And afterwards he says also to our well beloved and fellow-Presbyters Dionysius and Philemon who were formerly of Stephen's Opinion and wrote to me concerning the same things I before wrote in short but now I have written more at large But thus much concerning the said controversie CHAP. VI. Concerning the Heresie of Sabellius AFter this head of discourse he informs him of the Sabellian Hereticks who at that time abounded mightily and thus he writes For concerning the opinion which lately sprung up at Ptolemais a City of Pentapolis which is impious and full of blasphemies against God Almighty Father of our Lord Jesus Christ and contains much infidelity against his onely begotten Son the first begotten of every creature the Word that was conversant amongst men and is full of stupidity and senselessness about the holy Ghost when letters came to me from both parties and brethren to discourse with me I wrote some Epistles according to my ability with Gods assistance explaining those points more at large like an Instructour of which Epistles I have sent you copies CHAP. VII Concerning the most execrable Errour of the Hereticks and concerning the vision sent from God which appeared to Dionysius and the Ecclesiastick Canon he received THE same Dionysius in his third Epistle concerning Baptism written to Philemon Presbyter of the Church of Rome annexeth these words I have read over the books and traditions of the Hereticks defiling my mind for a little while with their most accursed inventions Indeed I received this advantage from them that I can the better confute them in my own thoughts and do grow to a greater detestation of them And when one of my brother Presbyters prohibited me fearing least I should be mixed and disordered with the filth of their wickedness for he said my mind would be defiled and truly I was sensible he said true a vision sent from God corroborated me And a voice came to me which gave me this express command saying Read all things that thou shalt take into thy hands for thou art able to search into and to examine every thing and this was the principal cause of thy becoming a Christian I gladly received the vision as being consonant with the Words of the Apostle who speaketh thus to those who are able Be ye skilful Examiners Afterwards having spoken something concerning all the Heresies he continues saying I received this Rule and Canon from Heraclas our blessed Pope For those who were Converts from Heresies although they were Apostates from the Church or rather not Apostates but seemingly assembled themselves and were privately discovered to frequent any of the Heterodox teachers he excommunicated and would not again admit them into the Church although they intreated him before they had made a publick confession of what they had heard from the â—dverse party And then he again admitted them to communion but thought no second Baptism was requisite for them because they had before received holy Baptism from him Again after a copious discourse upon this question he â—hus concludes This furthermore I understand that the Africans of this Age were not the onely introducers of this custom but this was establisht long before by Bishops who were before our Age in their most populous Assemblies and in the Synods of the Brethren at Iconium and at Synnada and amongst many other persons whose sentiments and determinations I will by no means overthrow nor excite them to contention and strife For it is written thou shall not remove thy neighbour's land-mark which thy fathers have set in thine inheritance His fourth Epistle concerning Baptism is written to Dionysius who was at that time Presbyter of the Church of Rome and a little while after obtained the Bishoprick there From which Epistle we may learn what a learned and admirable man this same Dionysius was by Dionysius Alexandrinus's testimonies of him After other things he writes to him in that Epistle concerning Novatus in these words CHAP. VIII Concerning Novatus's Heresie FOR we may with sufficient reason abominate Novatianus who stirr'd up Schism in the Church and seduced some of the Brethren to blasphemies and impieties and induced most profane Doctrine concerning God and calumniously accused our most gracious Lord Jesus Christ as unmercifull besides all these things he disalloweth of holy Baptism and utterly abolisheth Faith and the Confession of Faith before Baptism and he perfectly banisheth the holy Ghost from them although there were some hope that it still rested in them or would return to them again CHAP. IX Concerning the Baptism of Hereticks that it is impious DIonysius's fifth Epistle was written to Xystus Bishop of Rome In which after much discourse against Hereticks he relates this very accident which happened in his days For truly Brother I want your advice and desire your judgment Such a thing as this coming to my knowledge I fear least I should err in it For one of the congregation of the Brethren who was accounted an antient believer a person who had been a member of the congregation before my ordination yea and as I think before ever blessed Heraclas was constituted Bishop this man I say being present at the Baptism of some who were lately baptized and having heard the Questions and their Answers came to me weeping and lamenting his own case And falling down at my feet he made a confession of and renounced the Baptism which he had received from the Hereticks that it was not of this kind neither had it any likeness at all to this of ours but was full of impieties and blasphemies He also said that he was now most grievously pricked in mind and had not the confidence to lift up his eyes to God having been initiated by such impious words and ceremonies For this reason he prayed that he might partake of the most pure Baptism Adoption and Grace Which thing I durst not perform but told him that the daily communion with the Church he had so long enjoyed was sufficient for
Proselytes Cretians and Arabians This was the only thing wanting that Meeting in the Apostles times did not consist of the Ministers of God only But in this present assembly the number of the Bishops exceeded three hundred And the Presbyters that accompanied them the Deacons Acoluthi and the many other persons were almost innumerable Of these Ministers of God some were eminent for their Wisdom and Eloquence others for their sober and discreet Lives others for their patient sufferance of hardships and others were adorned with modesty and a courteous behaviour Some of them were highly respected by reason of their great age and others were eminent for their youthfull vigour both of body and mind Some were newly initiated into the Order of the Ministry To all these the Emperour commanded a plentifull provision of food to be daily allowed Thus much saies Eusebius concerning those there Assembled When the Emperour had ended his triumphal solemnities for his Victory over Licinius he himself came also to Nice The most eminent amongst the Bishops were these two Paphnutius Bishop of the upper Thebais and Spyridion Bishop of Cyprus but for what reason we have made mention of these two particularly shall in the sequel be declared There were also present a great many Laïcks well skilled in Logick ready to assist each their own party Now the Patrons of Arius's Opinion were these Eusebius Bishop of Nicomedia whom we mentioned before Theognis and Maris the first was Bishop of Nice and Maris was Bishop of Chalcedon in Bithynia Against these Athanasius who was then but a Deacon of the Church of Alexandria contended vigorously But Alexander the Bishop had an high esteem for him upon which account he became the subject of envy as we shall declare in the sequel A little before the convention of the Bishops in one place the Logicians exercised themselves by engaging in some skirmishing disputes with several persons and when many had been enticed to take a delight in disputing a Laick one that was a Contessour an honest well meaning man oppos'd these Disputants and told them thus that neither Christ nor his Apostles taught us the art of disputing nor vain subtileness or fallacies but a plain Opinion which is to be guarded by faith and good works All that stood by hearing him speak these words admired him and approved of what he said and the Logâ—cians themselves having heard this plain and honest declaration of the truth did in future more patiently acquiesce and thus was that tumult which had been raised by disputing composed The next day after this all the Bishops were conven'd in one place after whom came the Emperour Who when he came in stood in the midst of them and would not take his seat till such time as the Bishops had by bowing of their heads signified to him that it was their desire he should sit down so great a respect and reverence had the Emperour for those men After such a silence was made as was agreeable to the occasion the Emperour from his Chair of State began to speak to them in kind perswasive words exhorting them to unanimity and concord He also advis'd them to pass by all private animosities For many of them had brought in accusations against one another and some of them the day before had presented petitionary Libells to the Emperour But he advising them to proceed to the business before them for which they were conven'd gave command that the Libells should be burnt adding only this maxim Christ commands him who desires to obtain forgiveness to forgive his brother Therefore after he had at large discoursed upon Concord and Peace he referred it to their power and arbitrement with a greater accuracy to make a further inspection into the points of our Religion It will be very opportune to hear Eusebius's relation of these affairs in his third book of Constantin's Life His words there are these Many Questions being proposed by both parties and a great controversie raised even at the first beginning of their debate the Emperour heard them all very patiently and with an intent mind deliberately received their propositions by turns he assisted the assertions of both parties and by degrees reduced them who pertinaciously opposed each other to a more sedate temper of mind by his gratious speeches to every person which he spoke in the Greek tongue for he was not unskilled in that Language he rendred himself most pleasant acceptable and delightfull inducing some to be of his Opinion by the force of his Arguments wooing others by intreaties praising those who spoke well and exciting all to an accommodation at length he reduc'd them all to an unanimity and conformity in Opinion concerning all points that were in debate So that there was not only an universal agreement about the Articles of Faith but also a set time generally acknowledg'd for the celebration of the salutary Feast of Easter Moreover the Decrees ratified by a common consent were engrossed and confirm'd by the subscription of every person These are Eusebius's own words concerning these things which he has left us in his Writings we thought it not unseasonable to make use of them and have inserted them into our History relying upon the testimony of what has been said by him that in case any should condemn this Council of Nice as erroneous in the matters of Faith we might take no notice of them nor credit Sabinus the Macedonian who terms all those that were convened in this Council idiots and simple persons For Sabinus Bishop of those Macedonians which dwell at Heraclea a City of Thrace who made a Collection of the Canons which several Synods of Bishops published reviles the Bishops of the Council of Nice as being Idiots and Ignorant fellows being insensible that he does also at the same time accuse Eusebius himself as an Idiot who after a most exquisite search into it made a confession of that Faith Some things he hath designedly omitted othersome he has depraved and changed but he has interpreted all passages according to his own sense and design He does indeed commend Eusebius Pamphilus as a witness worthy to be credited he does also praise the Emperour for his judgment and skill in the Principles of Christianity but he complains of the Creed published at the Council of Nice as being set forth by Idiots and men that understood nothing And that same mans words whom he calls a wise and faithfull witness he voluntarily contemns For Eusebius testifieth that of those Ministers of God that were present at the Council of Nice some were eminent for their prudent Eloquence others for their gravity and solidness of life and that the Emperour being present reduced them all to an agreement and made them to be of the same mind and opinion But of Sabinus wheresoever necessity requires we shall hereafter make mention Now the agreement in the Articles of our Faith published with loud acclamations by
there he brake forth into tears When the persons in presâ—nce asked him why he wept two things said he trouble me the one is this womans destruction the other because I do not use so much diligence and industry to please God as she does to delight obscene men Another of them said that a Monk unless he will work is to be involved in the same condemnation with the covetous and rapacious person Petirus was well furnished with a knowledge in Natural Speculations and frequently expounded sometimes one thing at other times another to such as addressed themselves to him At every one of his Lectures he made a prayer to God But amongst the Monks who lived at that time there were two pious persons who bore the same name For each of them had the appellation of Macarius The one was born in The Upper Egypt the other came from the City Alexandria Both of them were famous upon several accounts to wiâ— for their Ascetick exercises for their Morals for their Converse and for the Miracles wrought by their hands The Egyptian Macarius wrought so many cures and drove so numerous a company of devils out of persons possest that to relate what he performed by the grace of God would require a particular and separate Work Towards those who came to him he behaved himself with an austere gravity tempered with caution and circumspection But the Alexandrian Macarius although he was every way like the Egyptian Macarius yet he differed from him in this that he shewed himself chearfull and pleasant towards those who came into his company and by his courteous behaviour and complaizance induced young men to embrace an Ascetick course of life Evagrius Scholar to these Macarius's having before been a Philosopher in words only learned from them that Philosophy which consists in deeds and actions He having been ordained Deacon by Gregorius Nazianzenus at Constantinople went afterwards with him into Egypt where he converst with those forementioned persons and imitated their course of life Nor were the Miracles wrought by his hands fewer in number than those performed by his Masters The same Evagrius wrote Books of very great use one whereof has this Title The Monk or Concerning Active Virtue another is entitled The Gnostick or to him who is reputed worthy of knowledge This Book is divided into Fifty Chapters A third is termed Antirreticus or The Refutation being a Collection from the sacred Scriptures against the tempting evil spirits it is divided into eight parts according to the number of the eight thoughts He wrote also six hundred Prognostick Problems and moreover two Books in Verse the one to those Monks who live in Monasteries or Covents the other to the Virgin How admirable these Books of his are they that read them will perceive It is not unseasonable as I suppose to annex to what has been said before some few passages recorded by him concerning the Monks For he says word for word thus It is also necessary to make an enquiry into the ways of those Monks who have heretofore walked uprightly and to conform our selves to the pattern thereof For many things have been well said and done by them Amongst which this was the saying of one of them that a drier slender and not irregular sort of diet joyned with love will in a short time bring a Monk to a Port void of all inquietude The same Monk freed one of his brethren from his being disturbed with apparitions in the night enjoyning him to minister to the sick whilst he was fasting And being asked why he commanded him to do that such troubles as these said he are composed and extinguished with nothing so easily as with mercy and compassion A Philosopher of those times came to Antonius the Just and said unto him O Father how can you hold out being destitute of the comfort of Books Antonius replied my Book O Philosopher is the nature of things made and 't is ready at hand as often as I am desirous of reading the Words of God That aged person the Egyptian Macarius that chosen vessel asked me why by remembring the injuries we receive from men we destroy that strength and faculty of memory which is in our minds but by remembring the mischiefs done to us by the devils we continue unhurt And when I was doubtfull what answer I should make and entreated him to explain the reason hereof to me the first said he is an affection of the mind which is contrary to nature the second is agreeable to nature I went one time to the holy Father Macarius at noon-day when it was very hot and being most extreamly thirsty requested some water to drink His answer to me was Content your self with the shade for many persons who are at this time travelling by Land or making a voyage by Sea do want the refreshment of that Then I conferred with him about Abstinence and he said unto me Be couragious and confident my Son For these twenty years compleat I have not taken my fill either of bread water or sleep For I have eaten my bread by weight I have drank my water by measure and I have stollen a little part of a sleep by leaning my self against a wall One of the Monks had the news of his Fathers death brought to him His return to him that told him this was forbear speaking impiously for my Father is immortal One of the Brethren was possessour of nothing else but the Book of the Gospels when he had sould that Book he gave the money he had for it to feed the hungry and uttered this saying worthy to be recorded I have sould that Book which saieth Sell that thou hast and give to the poor There is an Island about Alexandria scituate at the Northern part of that City beyond the Lake called Mareotis Near that Island dwells a Monk of Parembole a most approved person amongst the Gnosticks who has declared that all things practised by the Monks are done for five reasons for the sake of God of Nature on the account of Custom of Necessity and of the work of the hands It was the usual saying of the same person also that by nature there was only one virtue but that in respect of the faculties of the soul it was divided into several Species For the light of the Sun said he is without any figure but it does usually receive its figure from the windows through which it enters Another of the Monks was wont to say I do therefore every way eschew pleasures that I may prevent the occasions of anger For I know very well that anger does always militate for pleasures and does disquiet my mind and expell knowledge One of the aged Monks said that Charity knows not how to keep the Depositum of meat or money This was another saying of the same person I do not remember that I was ever twice deceived as to the same thing by the
some intervall of time after this Synod Eutychius is ejected and Johannes is placed in the Chair of the Constantinopolitane Church in his room This Johannes was born at Sirimis which is a Village scituate in the Cynegick Region in the Antiochian Territory CHAP. XXXIX That Justinian having forsaken the right Faith asserted the Body of our Lord to be incorruptible AT the same time Justinian deflected from the right High-way of Orthodox Sentiments and having entred a path untrodden by the Apostles and Fathers fell into Thorns and Brambles Wherewith being desirous to fill the Church he mist of his design the Lord having securely fenced the High-way with hedges not to be broken that Murderers and Thieves might not break in as if the wall had been faln and the Fence broken down and thus he fulfilled the Prophets Prediction Johannes therefore who was also termed Catelinus having succeeded Vigilius in the Bishoprick of the Elder Rome and Johannes born at Sirimis Governing the Constantinopolitane Church and Apolinaris that of Alexandria Anastasius successour to Domninus presiding over the Antiochian Church and over that at Jerusalem Macarius who was again restored to his own Chair when he had Anathematized Origen Didymus and Evagrius after Eustochius's deposition Justinian writes that which amongst the Romans is called an Edict wherein he has termed the Body of our Lord incorruptible and incapable of Naturall and irreprehensible passions affirming that our Lord ate in the same manner before his Passion as he did eat after his Resurrection his most holy Body having received no change or alteration from its very Formation in the Womb neither in the Voluntary and Naturall Passions nor yet after his Resurrection To which Assertions Justinian resolved to force the Prelates in all places to give their assent But when all of them affirmed that they earnestly expected the opinion of Anastasius Bishop of Antioch they thereby represt the Emperour 's first Attempt CHAP. XL. Concerning Anastasius Arch-Bishop of Antioch MOreover This Anastasius was a person both incomparably well skilled in the Sacred Scriptures and also accurate in his Moralls and way of living in so much that he would take consideration about the most triviall matters nor would he deflect at any time from a constancy and firmness much less in things momentous and which had a relation to the Deity it self And he had tempered his disposition so that neither an easiness of access to and conference with him might render him exposed to what was unmeet and inconvenient nor should an Austerity and Rigour make him inaccessible in relation to what was fit and rationall In conferences that were weighty and Serious he was of a ready ear and fluent Tongue But in discourses that were impertinent and superfluous he had his ears perfectly shut A bridle represt his tongue in such a manner that he measured his discourse with reason and rendred Silence far better than talke This person therefore Justinian makes an Attack against as against some inexpugnable Tower and sets upon him with all manner of Engines considering with himself that if he could ruine this Tower he should afterwards become Master of the City with ease enslave the Doctrine of the true Faith and lead captive the Sheep of Christ. But Anastasius by a divine heighth of mind raised himself so far above the Emperour for he stood upon a Rock of Faith not to be broken that by his own Relation sent to Justinian he openly contradicted him and in the same Relation demonstrated to him most perspicuously and with great eloquence that the Body of our Lord was corruptible in passions naturall and irreprehensible and that the Divine Apostles and Holy Fathers both thought and taught so The same answer he returned to the Monks of the First and Second Syria who had consulted him and he confirmed the minds of all persons and prepared for the Conflict reciting daily in the Church that saying of that Vessell of Election If any one preach any other Gospell unto you than that you have received though he be an Angell from Heaven let him be accursed Which words when all persons had weighed in their minds a very small number only excepted they imitated him The same Anastasius wrote a Valedictory Oration to the Antiochians after he had received information that Justinian was resolved to send him into Banishment Which Oration is deservedly delightfull and admirable for the elegancy of its words the abundance of its sententious expressions the frequent quotations of Sacred Scripture and for the Accommodateness of the History CHAP. XLI Concerning the death of Justinian BUt this Oration was not published God having provided some better thing for us For Justinian whilst he dictated a sentence of Deportation against Anastasius and the Prelates about him was invisibly wounded and ended his life after he had Reigned in all Thirty eight years and eight months The End of the Fourth Book of Evagrius's Ecclesiastical History THE FIFTH BOOK OF THE Ecclesiastical History OF EVAGRIUS SCHOLASTICUS Epiphaniensis And one of the EX-PRAEFECTS CHAP. I. Concerning the Election of the Emperour Justinus and concerning his Moralls WHen therefore Justinian in this manner had fill'd all places with Disquietude and Tumults and at the close of his Life had received the condign reward of such Actings he departed to the infernall punishments but Justinus his Sister's Son who was intrusted with the custody of the Imperial Pallace which Grand Officer the Roman Tongue terms Curopalates is invested with the purple after his death neither Justinian's departure nor the Election of Justinus having been made known to any person save to those that were his Confidents till such time as he appeared at the Ludi Circenses in order to his performing and undertaking what usually belongs to an Emperour After these Solemnities therefore were over when nothing of an opposition had in any wise been attempted against him he returned to the Pallace By the first Edict he promulged the Prelates who had been convened in all places were sent home to their own Sees in order to their worshipping God in the usuall and received manner no Innovation being made in relation to the Faith And this Action done by him was highly commendable But as to his Life he was dissolute and altogether a slave to Luxuries and obscene pleasures so ardent a lover also of other mens money that he sold all things for illegall gain and revered not the Deity even in the Ecclesiastick preferments which he made his markets of to any persons he could meet with and publickly proposed even these to sale Moreover being possest with two most contrary Vices Boldness and Sloth in the first place he caused his kinsman Justinus to be sent for a personage of an universall honour and esteem both for his skill in
Lessons he instructed them And truly he himself trusting in the sincerity of his own Faith not only declared but had his thoughts taken up with such matters as these But they were unapt to learn and deaf to all good Documents applauding indeed his sayings with their tongues and Acclamations but in their practises they disregarded them by reason of their unsatiableness CHAP. XXX That He shewed a certain Covetous person the measure of a Grave to the end he might shame him WHerefore one time He took one of those persons about him by the hand and spake these words to him How far Hark ye Do we stretch our Covetous desires Then marking out on the ground the length of a man with a spear which he hapned to have in his hand Although said he you were possest of all the Riches of this world and of the whole Element of the Earth yet you shall carry away nothing more than this space of ground which I have mark't out if even that be allowed you Notwithstanding this Blessed Prince said and did these things yet he reclaimed no person But 't was manifestly evidenced by the very event of affairs that the Emperours Admonitions were rather like Divine Oracles than bare words CHAP. XXXI That he was laught at because of his too great Clemency FUrther whereas there was no fear of any Capital punishment which might restrain ill men from wickedness the Emperour himself being wholly inclined to Clemency and the Governours in each Province wholly neglecting the prosecution and punishment of Crimes this thing exposed the publick Administration of Affairs to no ordinary blame and reprehension whether justly or otherwise every one may judge according as he shall think good Let me be permitted to record the Truth CHAP. XXXII Concerning Constantine's Oration which He wrote to The Convention of the Saints MOreover the Emperour wrote his Orations in the Latine tongue But they were rendred into Greek by the Interpreters whose imployment it was to do this One of these orations done into Greek I will for an instance annex after the close of this present Work to which Speech he himself gave this Title To the Convention of the Saints dedicating that His Discourse to the Church of God which Oration I will subjoyn for this reason least any one should account our Testimony in reference to these matters to be nothing more than Ostentation and Noise CHAP. XXXIII How He heard Eusebius's Panegyrick concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour in a standing posture BUt that in my judgment is in no wise to be silently overpast which this admirable Prince did even in Our own presence For when we had one time besought him being confident of his singular piety towards God that he would be an Auditor of a Speech of Ours concerning the Sepulchre of our Saviour He gave us Audience with all imaginable willingness And a great company of Hearers standing round within the Imperial Palace it self He himself stood also and together with the rest gave Audience But when We entreated him to rest himself upon his Imperial Throne which was placed hard by he would by no means be perswaded to Sit But with an intent mind weighed what was spoken and by his own Testimony approved the truth of the Theologick Dogmata But when much time had been spent and our Oration was continued to a great length We were desirous to break off But he would not suffer that but entreated us to go on till we had ended our Discourse And when we again Sollicited Him to sit down He on the contrary was urgent in His Refusal sometimes affirming That it was unfit to hearken to Discourses which treated concerning God with ease and remisness at other times saying that this was usefull and advantagious to Him For it was He told us a thing consonant to Piety and Religion to hear Discourses about Divine matters in a standing posture After these things were finished we returned home and betook our selves to our usual Studies and exercises CHAP. XXXIV That He wrote to Eusebius concerning Easter and about the Divine Books BUt He always Sollicitously consulting the good of God's Churches wrote a Letter to us about providing some Copies of the Divinely inspired Oracles as also another Letter concerning the most Holy Feast of Easter For whereas we had dedicated a Book to Him wherein the Mystick account of that Festival was explained in what manner He rewarded and honoured us by His answer any one may perceive by perusing this Letter of His. CHAP. XXXV Constantine's Letter to Eusebius wherein He commends His Oration concerning Easter VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IT is indeed a mighty Attempt and a work superiour to all the power of Oratory to declare the mysteries of Christ agreeably to their dignity and in a due manner to unfold the Reason and Ground of Easter and its Institution and its advantagious and laborious consummation For 't is impossible even to men that are able to understand things Divine to declare those matters according to their dignity Nevertheless I do highly admire your excellent Learning and your Extraordinary diligence and have my self most willingly perused your Book and according to your desire have given order that it should be put into the hands of many persons who sincerely adhere to the observance of the Divine Religion Whereas therefore you understand with how great a delight of mind we receive such Presents as these from Your Prudence take care to please us in future with more frequent Discourses whereto you confess your self to have been by education accustomed But as the saying is we incite you who run to your usuall Studies In as much as this so great an opinion does sufficiently demonstrate that you have not found an unworthy Translatour of Your Writings who can render Your Labours into Latine although 't is impossible that such a Version should express the dignity of Works that are so egregiously eminent God keep You Beloved Brother Such was his Letter in reference to this matter But that which he wrote about providing some Copies of the Scriptures to be read in Churches runs thus CHAP. XXXVI Constantine's Letter to Eusebius concerning the providing some Copies of the Divine Scriptures VICTOR CONSTANTINUS MAXIMUS AUGUSTUS To Eusebius IN That City which bears Our Name by the assistance of God Our Saviour's Providence a vast multitude of men have joyned themselves to the most Holy Church Whereas therefore all things do there receive a very great increase it seems highly requisite that there should be more Churches erected in that City Wherefore do you most willingly receive that which I have determined to do For it seemed fit to signifie to Your Prudence that you should order fifty Copies of the Divine Scriptures the provision and use whereof you know to be chiefly necessary for the instruction of the Church to be
against the Christians 1â—1 1. 143. 2. 154. 1. He and Maximianus Herculius resign the Empire 209. 2. Diocletian runs mad 148. 2. 660. 1. He dyes at Salona 210. 2. Diodorus Siculus an Historian continued his History to the Times of Julius Caesar. 513. 2. He wrote an Epitome of Libraries 690. 1. Diodorus Bishop of Tarsus 334. 1. Diodorus from being a Monk is made Bishop of Tarsus 354. 1. Diogenes Bishop of Cyzicus was present at the second Ephesine Synod 438. 1. Diomedes the Silentiarius 432. 1. Dionysia a Martyr of Alexandria 11â— 1. Dionysius Areopagita the first Bishop of Athens 32. 1. Dionysius Bishop of Corinth 64. 1. His Catholick Epistles ibid. Dionysius Bishop of Rome 120. 1. 132. 1. Dionysius the Ex-consularis 620. 2. Dionysius Halicarnassensis 513. 2. 690. 2. Dionysius Alexandrinus Origen's disciple was master of the Alexandrian School 106. 1. is ordained Bishop 107. 2. for the faith of Christ is banished to Taposiris 109. 1. His Books 116. 1 2. 126. 2. 132. 1. He is banished to Cephro 122. 2. He dyes in the Reign of Gallienus 133. 1. Dionysius's Book entitled Corona 302. 2. Dionysius Bishop of Alba in Italy 271. 1. Dioscorus a Confessour 111. 1. Dioscorus a Presbyter of the Alexandrian Church 124. 1. Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria presided at the second Ephesine Synod 408. 2. He deposes Flavianus and Eusebius 409. 1. He is condemned in the Chalcedon Council 424. 2. He is banished to Gangra 426. 2. A Libel of deposition is sent to him 441. 2. He was not deposed on account of the faith 446. 1. Disciples of Christ their order and names are no where found written 13. 2. Dius Bishop of Jerusalem 96. 1. Dius Faustus and Ammonius Presbyters of the Alexandrian Church Martyrs 148. 1. Docetae Hereticks 97. 1. Doctrines or Institutions of the Apostles an Apocryphal Book 43. 1. Dolichianus Bishop of Jerusalem 76. 2. Dominica so the Churches consecrated to the Lord Christ are named 698. 1. Dominica Augusta Valen's wife 322. 1. 329. 2. Domitian the second Persecutor of the Christians 39. 1. He issued out an Edict and ceased the Persecution 40. 1. Domitianus Bishop of Melitina kinsman to the Emperour Mauricius 523. 1. His commendation ibid. Domitilla for the faith of Christ is banisht into the Island Pontia 39. 1. Domninus a Martyr 163. 1. Domninus successour to Ephraemius in the Bishoprick of Antioch 495. 1. was present at the Fifth Constantinopolitane Synod 495. 2. Domnus Bishop of Caesarea in Palestine 125. 1. Domnus Bishop of Antioch 134. 2. Domnus successour to Johannes in the Bishoprick of Antioch is deposed in the Second Ephesine Synod 409. 2. comes to Symeones the Stylite 410. 2. Dorotheus a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church 135. 2. Dorotheus one of the Bed-chamber to the Emperour 139. 2. 142. 1. is crowned with Martyrdom 142. 2. Dorotheus Bishop of the Arians at Antioch 330. 1. is translated to Constantinople 337. 2. Dositheus Founder of the Sect of the Dositheans 63. 2. Dositheus Bishop of Seleucia then of Tarsus 389. 1. Dracilianus Vicarius to the Praefecti Praetorio 224. 1. 587. 2. Dracontius Bishop of Pergamus 282. 1. Dusares and Obadas Gods of the Arabians 689. 1. Dux of Phoenices 173. 2. Dyrrachium anciently called Epidamnus is ruined by an Earth-quake 481. 1. E. EAster observed by those of Asia on the fourteenth day of the Moon 86. 1 2. the Dissension concerning the Celebration of Easter continued till the Nicene Council 577. 1. The Nicene Council's Decree concerning Easter-day 582. 2. Easter-day was kept by the Ancients from usage and custome 346. 1. Ebionites Hereticks who they were 43. 2 c. why so called ibid. Ecclesiasticks their degrees of Deacons Presbyters and Bishops 24. 1. 143. 1. of Readers and Exorcists ibid. Eccbâ—tius the Sophist 285. 2. His Levity in changing his Religion 295. 1. He is termed an ill Sophist by Libanius 300. 2. Edessa a most Christian City 16. 1. Edessa a City of Mesopotamia 314. 2. Edessa a City of Osdroena is drowned by the overflowing of the Scirtus 481 1. is rebuilt by Justinus Senior and named Justinopolis ibid. An Image of Christ not made with hands is kept there 489. 1. Egyptians do boast that Geometry Astronomy and Arithmetick were first found out amongst them 688. 2. Elaea a Village in the Suburbs of Constantinople 383. 2. Elephantina a Town in the Frontiers of Thebais 407. 2. Eleusinus Bishop of the second Cappadocia 466. 1. Eleusius Bishop of Cyzicus 276. 1. 279. 2. is deposed in the Constantinopolitan Synod 282. 1. Eleutherus Bishop of Rome 68. 75. 1. 76. 2. Elpidius Bishop of Satala 282. 1. Empire of Rome when first divided 148. 2. 171. 1. Emperour's Office what it is 448. 1. Encratitae their Heresie 67. 1. Ennathas a Virgin Martyr'd in Palestine 165. 2. Enoch his Apocryphal Book 137. 2. Ephorus and Theopompus Writers of Graecian History 513. 2. Ephraemius Comes of the East under Justinus 480. 1. He is chosen Bishop of Antioch by the Citizens to whom he came in the time of the Earth-quake ibid. and 487. 2. 494. 2. Ephres Bishop of Jerusalem 51. 2. Epimachus and Alexander Martyrs at Alexandria 111. 1. Epimenides the Cretian an Initiator 297. 1. Epiphanius's Book entitled Ancoratus 350. 1. Epiphanius Bishop of Cyprus having assembled a Synod of Bishops condemns Origen's Books 360. 1. comes to Constantinople 361. 2. Holds assemblies and ordains there without the consent of John Chrysostome ibid. Epiphanius Bishop of Tyre refuses subscribing to Severus's Synodick Letter 468. 2. Epiphanius Bishop of Constantinople 482. 2. 485. 1. Episcopal Jurisdiction 390. 1. Epistle of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison the Bishop 427. 2. 465. 2. 468. 2. Eros Bishop of Antioch 63. 1. Eruli converted to Christianity under Justinian 486. 2. Essaeans Hereticks of the Jews 63. 2. Estba first of all married to Matthan then to Melchi 9. 2. Evagrius is ordained Bishop of Antioch 338. 2. Evagrius Bishop of Constantinople 313. 2. is banished 314. 1. Evagrius Bishop of Mytilene 280. 2. Evagrius Bishop of Siculi 304. 1. Evagrius a Monk 291. 1. 317. 2. wrote two Books the one entitled The Monk the other The Gnostick ibid. His Book entitled The Practick 318. 2. A passage quoted out of that Book termed The Gnostick ibid. Evarestus Bishop of Rome 47. 1. Eucharist those that received it said Amen 114. 2. what was left of it at Constantinople was given to Boys to be eaten and drank 494. 2. Eudaemon a Melitian 238. 1. Eudaemon a Presbyter 342. 2. Eudocia an Athenian wife to Theodosius Junior 380. 1. 416. 1. She wrote Poems 380. 1. She comes to Antioch 416. 2. The Antiochians bestow a Brazen Statue on her 417. 1. She goes to Jerusalem to pay her Vow 417. 1. She converses with the Monks that lived there 419. 2. She builds Saint Stephen's Church at Jerusalem ibid. Eudocia Junior daughter to Valentinianus Placidus and Eudoxia marries Hunericus Son to King Geizericus 428. 2. Eudoxia Theodosius Junior's
have here rendred friendship yet the word primarily and properly signifies that which the Latines call comitas that is complaisance courteousness civility affability as for this term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have translated a Ransom we find it in the first Epistle to the Corinth Chap. 4. v. 13. this word seems to have been used by the Alexandrians in their salutations when they met-together and promised their sincere love willingness and diligence in serving one another they used to say 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or else we may take the word in this sence as if the Heathens should call the Christians the very 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the off-scouring the filth the very faeceâ— populi and the purgamâ—nâ—a seculi which interpretation is not to be rejected here Vales. f Christoph. in his Latine Version renders this word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decenter ornantes dressing them up neatly but he mistakes for Dionysius speaks of their dress afterwards in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 decking them in their best cloaths 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here we therefore render componentes that is burying them and so the word is used in profane as well as in sacred Authours Compostus prosepulto in Virgil and Horace Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 some render linteo funebri involventes shrowding them in a winding sheet But this is contrary to the custom of buryings in those days for the Heathens used to dress the dead in their best cloaths and so interr them And the Christians used in like manner so to dress the Saints Corps See Chap. 16. of this seventh book concerning Asturius Vales. a Though we find here barely 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he therefore yet we must understand Macrianus for by his treachery it was that Valerian was delivered into the hands of the Persians Other Historians assert that he was delivered to them by his own Captains so Aurel. Vict. Syncel and others These words of Dionysius are to be joyned with those in Chap. 10. of this Book for they are fragments of one and the same Epistle to Hermammon we also find a piece of it in Chap. 1. of this seventh Book Vales. * He means Macrianus and his two sons See Chap. 1. of this Book at the close of the Chapter †Esai 42. 9. b Dionysius here speaks of Macrianus's Empire because he was owned and received as Emperour by Aegypt and the Eastern Provinces Which his Coins declare for on the fore-side there is this inscription 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And on the reverse this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * That is that the Promises were to be literally understood a We have here sufficient evidence that this Book concerning the Promises was written in answer to Nepos I wonder that Hieronymus in his Preface before the eighteenth Book of his comments upon Esaias should affirm that this Book was written against Irenaeus Bishop of Lions Indeed Irenaeus was one of them who believed that Christ should come and Reign on the Earth a 1000 years which opinion was grounded on Papias's Authority as Hieronymus himself affirms and also our Authour Eusebius in the end of the third Book But as well from this place as also from Hieronymus himself in his Book De Script Ecclesiastic we may gather that this Book was not written against Irenaeus but against Nepos Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we have here translated the Composition of Psalms and Hymns according to the custom of the Christians who used to compose Psalms and Hymns in honour of Christ as Eusebius in the end of the fifth Book attesteth We also find mention of these Hymns in the Epistle of the Council of Antioch against Paul of Samosata and in thâ— last Canon but one of the Council of Laodicea where there is an express prohibition that no Psalms which in Greek are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is composed by private or ignorant persons should be sang in Churches Vales. c Pliny in his 28 Book Chap. 2. asketh why we affirm when we mention any dead persons that we will not vex or disturb their memory Vales. d This word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies properly to promise a great while before any performance it is a Metaphor taken from the Mysteties of the Grecians who promised strange and great things to them who are initated and tormented them with a long expectation that by keeping their thoughts thus in suspence they might beget in them an opinion and a fear and reverence Vales. e The true reading of this place in the Greek we owe to the Maz. M. S. according to which reading we have here translated it Vales. f This Province was so called from Arsinoe who was Queen of it before it was a Roman Province Vales. g ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the term in the original I have rendred it docilitatem aptness to be taught For auditours are properly said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 when they apprehend the sense of words Vales. h The Greek phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Valesius renders ad ea de quibus instituta erat disputatio eniti and we to keep close to the points of the Question in hand or the present question i This phrase 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is truly translated thus expansis cordibus patefactis with hearts unfoulded and as it were spread abroad but some translate it puris simplicibus cordibus with pure and single hearts which sense though the words may bear yet it is not so good in this place as the other Version Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is not put in this place for dispensation but for the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. an union and reconciliation and so Dionysius uses the word a little before S t Paul also in his Epist. to the Colossians Chap. 2. v. 2. 19. useth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in this sence Vales. * See B. 3. Chap. 28. pag. 44. note c. d. * Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is a term proper to the Rhetoricians as plainly appears by the following word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I think that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 has the same import with dispositio or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Suidas is the same as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to dispose or handle Or we may render it the form and manner of writing for first he proves the Revelation not to be John's the Apostle by the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Genius or Nature of the writer Then by the stile and mode of writing that is by the Phrase and the sentences Vales. * Revelat. c. 1. v. 1 2. †Vers. 4. * 1 John c. 1. v. 1. †Matth. c. 16. v. 17. * Revalat c. 1. v. 9. †Revelat. c. 22. v. 7 8. b We ought to take special notice of this passage concerning
is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his that is Sabinus's Arch-heretick Vales. g The amendment of this place we owe to the Allat M. S. wherein t is thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 would instead of these reproaches c. Vales. a Socrates as also Sozomen is mistaken here For Paulus was by Philippus Praefect of the Praetorium banished not to Thessalonica but to Cucusus and was there strangled by the Arians as Athanasius informs us in his Epist. ad Solitar But these things hapned a long while after this to wit when Constans Augustus was dead in the year of our Lord 350 or 351. as Baronius will have it who long since perceived this errour of Socrates's Further 't is easie to confute Socrates out of Athanasius For Athanasius relates that Philippus after he had banished Paulus and caused him to be cruelly murdered by the Arians was within less than a year deposed from his Prefecture deprived of his goods and ended his life miserably Now Philippus was Consul in the year of Christ 348 and on the year following he bore the Office of Praefect of the Praetorium as may be collected from the Laws extant in the Theodosian Code directed to him The same Philippus was after this sent Embassadour by Constantius to Magnentius a little before the fight at Mursa as Zosimus relates in his second book Which hapned in the year of Christ 351. Let us therefore suppose that Philippus died on the year following which was the year of Christ 352. Then Paulus might have been banished by him in the year of Our Lord 351 which is Baronius's opinion And from this year Macedonius's presidency over the Constantinopolitan Church must be begun Vales. b At this place there was wanting this whole line 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through which Paulus was carried into the Imperial Palace which I have made good from the Florentine and Sfortian M. S. In Leo Allatius's M. S. there is something more added here after this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. They had flockt about the publick Bath being gathered together there by the report of a suspicion because the people environed all the passages out he ordered one of the Bath doors to be opened thorough which Paulus was conveyed into the Imperial Palace c. Vales. c How Philippus could banish Paulus to Thessalonica I see not For Socrates relates these things as done whilst Constans was yet living and before the Council of Serdica But at that time Thessalonica was under the Government of Constans Augustus How therefore could Philippus who was Praefect of the Praetorium to Constantius banish Paulus to Thessalonica and permit him to live in the Cities of Illyricum but wholly forbid him entring into the Eastern parts of the Empire Vales. * See Euseb. Eccles. History book 6. chap. 43. note e. pag. 113. †Churches d This Great-Church was consecrated by Eusebius Bishop of Constantinople he that before had been Bishop of Nicomedia if we may credit Cedrenus For at the ninth year of Constantius he writes thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. And Eusebius consecrated the Church of God called the Great Church which was finished by Constantius according to the order of Constantine the Great in his Will And he brought the reliques of the holy Martyr Pamphilus and those of his companions Theodulus Porphyrius and Paulus from Antioch and deposited them therein But Cedrenus mistakes in his notation of the time For if this consecration were performed by Eusebius of Nicomedia it must be placed on the third or fourth year of Constantius at which time Eusebius governed the See of Constantinople The same Cedrenus relates that this Church being afterwards ruined and reedified by Constantius was consecrated by Eudoxeus Vales. * Constantine the Great a Socrates does here confound all things and repeats the same things twice as if they had been done again For he says that Athanasius fled to Rome twice The same is asserted by Baronius in his Annalls by Petavius in his Rationarium Temporum and by Blondellus in his book de primatu But we have sufficiently refuted this mistake in our first book of Ecclesiastick Observations chap. 6. Socrates makes the same mistake in his asserting that Paulus Bishop of Constantinople came twice to Rome Moreover Julius received Eusebius of Nicomedia's Letter before that Council of Antioch which was held at the consecration of the New Jerusalem as we remarked before And at the same time he invited Athanasius and his adversaries to Rome in order to the discussion of their cause as 't is manifest from Athanasius's relation Vales. b The Bishops who had been convened at Antioch at the consecration having received Julius's Letter written to Eusebius of Nicomedia in which he invited him and the rest of the Eusebians to Rome in order to the having their cause discussed there on a set day whereon a Council was there to be held deteined Julius's messengers Elpidius and Philoxenus beyond the day appointed Then after they had held their Synod they dismissed the messengers and gave them a Letter to Julius Upon receipt whereof he wrote back that famous Letter which Athanasius hath inserted in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 739 c. Edit Paris 1627. Vales. c He means the Synodical Epistle which the Bishops of Egypt wrote to all the Bishops every where which is inserted in the first place by Athanasius in his forecited Apology pag. 722. Edit ut prius Julius speaks concerning this Synodical Epistle in that letter he wrote to the Eastern Bishops convened at Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover many Bishops says he wrote from Egypt and from other Provinces in defence of Athanasius Vales. d I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he blamed not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he sent S r Henry Savil hath mended this place in the margin of his Copy and made it agreeable to our reading In the Allat M. S. this place is written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. in the first place he found fault with the bitterness of their Epistle This Letter of Julius's is still extant preserved for us by Athanasius in his second Apology against the Arians pag. 739 c. Edit ut Prius In that Letter Julius reprehends the insolency and pride which the Eastern Bishops had used in their Letters to him But that which Socrates here adds to wit that Julius complained because they had not invited him to the Synod and that it was the Ecclesiastick rule that nothing should be determined in the Church without the Bishop of Rome's consent is not to be found in that Letter Indeed Julius complains in that Epistle because the Eastern Bishops upon their receipt of his Letter wherein he invited them to the Synod at Rome disregarding this his invitation had ordained Gregorius Bishop in Athanasius's See But he says not one word concerning this Ecclesiastick Rule or Canon And yet Sozomen chap. 3. book
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Arius says Athanasius de Adv. Christi prosesses the flesh only to be the Cover of the Deity and asserts the Word to have been in the flesh in the stead of our inner man that is the soul. In this opinion he was followed by Eunomius as Theodoret informs us Contr. Haeres book 5. chap. 11. But the Apollinarians differred from him for they distinguished as we may see from this passage in our Socrates between the soul and mind of man acknowledging in the second Edition of their Heresie that God the Word assumed an humane Body and a Soul which latter Arius and his crew denied but not the mind or spirit of man the place whereof was supplied said they by the Word it self This Phylosophick notion making Man consist of three parts a body a soul and a mind they borrowed from Plotinus so says Nemeseus in his de Nat. Hom. * Or Proceeded to a War against c. a We have the same account in Idatius's Fasti Tauro Florentio his Coss. c. in the Consulate of Taurus and Florentius Constantius Augustus died at Mopsucrinae in the confines of Cilicia a Province of Phaenicia on the third of November And Julianus made his entry into Constantinople on the eleventh of December But what Socrates adds to wit that Julian was proclaimed Emperour in that City must be so understood not as iâ— that were the first time of his being saluted Emperour For he had been proclaimed Emperour in the Gallia's a long while before whilst Constantius was alive But upon his entry into Constantinople he was declared Emperour by the senate and Constantinopolitans and â—ook possession of the Empire of the East Vales. * That is Gallus and Julianus b There are several Epistles of Libanius's extant written to this Nicocles particularly the seventh Epistle of his fourth book wherein Libanius excuses the insolency of a Citizen of Antioch who had abused him amongst other passages he says that the fault of one Citizen was not to be ascribed to the whole City For in a City containing an hundred and fifty thousand inhabitants 't is not to be wondred at if one bad Citizen be â—ound wheras neither in your Sparta which yet has Lycurgus for its Law-giver all are alike good and generous Vales. * That is Constantinople c This Oration of Libanius's Against the School-masters is not to my knowledge now extant Vales. d Maximus of Epirus or the Philosopher of Bizantium is mentioned by Suidas he wrote concerning insoluble Questions and concerning numbers as also a Comment upon Aristotle which he dedicated to Julianus the Emperour his Scholar Now if this be true Julianus had two Maximus's his masters in Philosophy the one an Epirote or a Byzantine the other an Ephesian There is extant an Elogue of Maximus the Ephesian in Libanius's fourty first Epistle of his fifth book his words are these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. and the Philosophy which he received from Maximus the Improver of Philosophy whilst be lived and its Extinguisher when he died Vales. e Epiphanius Scholasticus renders 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the term here a Crown of Laurel with which the Cities were usually adorned Indeed the Provinces of the Roman Empire were wont to be represented in this habit wearing Crowns like Towers upon their heads as may be seen in the Notitia Imperii Romani Yet any one may conjecture that this place should be thus worded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with which the Cities adorn the Emperours Vales. * Or Chief Priest f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is the phrase here in the original is by Epiphanius Scholasticus rendred thus quaesitâ occasione he took an occasion c. But there may be another rendition of these words thus By doing hereof he raised a Civil War against Constantius having undertaken an expedition against him Vales. g The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must signifie here to be fulfilled compleated or perfected Epiphanius Scholasticus therefore renders it thus non enim fine multo sanguine studium ejus Philosophi poterat adimpleri i. e. for the desire of this Philosopher could not have been accomplished without much bloud Musculus's Version which is declarari could not have been declared and also Christophorson's which is intetnosci could not have been discerned are in my judgment absurd Vales. * Or Force †Or without the damage of others h Translatours perceived not that this place was faulty I doubt not but Socrates wrote thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the rapines of Eusebius the principal person of the Bed chamber to him For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies the Provost or chief Officer of the sacred Bed-chamber which Office Eusebius then bore Socrates does frequently use this word in this sense as we may see in his second book chap. 2. Vales. i Gregory Nazianzen in his former Invective against Julian does confess also that the publick way or manner of travelling and conveying of necessaries from place to place was well rectified by Julian For Constantius had impaired it much by allowing the Bishops every where the use thereof that they might come to the Synods 〈◊〉 by him But what regulations Julianus made in this matter 't is hard to determine And yet we may conjecture from Socrates's words that the way of travelling by Chariots which was also called the Cursus Clavularis was put down by him and that travelling on Horse-back upon Horses provided for publick uses remained only in use Johannes Lydus has treated at large de publico Cursu in his book de Mensibus Vales. * See Eusebius's Eccles Hist. book 6. chap. 19. note p. ‖ The Persians suppose Mithra to be the Sun to whom they offer many sacrifices No person was initiated into the Mysteries hereof before he had arrived to them by certain degrees of torture and had declared himself holy and approved by sufferings †That is A secret place in the Heathen Temples to which none but their Priests had access a Or by all manner of treacheries for that 's the reading in the Sfortian M. S. Vales. a For an account of the reasons of the Alexandrians hatred towards Georgius consult Ammianus Marcellinus book 22. pag. 223 c. Edit Paris 1631. See also Epiphanius in Heres 76 to wit that of the Anoâ—oeâ— Vales. * Or good-behaviour b In the Florentine and Sfortian M. SS instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherefore I doubt not but this whole place is to be thus restored 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But when you had repressed your fury c. Vales. c He means Artemius Commander in chief of the Forces in Egypt as he is stiled by Theodoreâ— book 3. chap. 17. Eccles Histor. who relates that he was deprived of his estate and beheaded by Julian because being Captain of Egypt in the reign of Constantius he had broken many images It was he who
Novatians in Phrygia kept Easter at the same time the rest of the Catholicks did After that they began to shun the communion and society of the Catholicks in this matter also Further although I do very much approve of Socrates's judgment who gives an account why the Phrygians more especially embraced the Novatian Heresie yet there may another reason be given hereof For Novatus or rather Novatianus was as 't is said by Country a Phrygian so Philostorgius asserts book 8. Wherefore 't is no wonder that he had many followers of his own opinion in that province Vales. * Or Fountains f I conjecture that this was long-lived Auxano a Presbyter of the Novatian Church whose testimony Socrates makes use of book 1. chap. 10 13. But we must not here omit Nicephorus's words concerning our Socrates he says thus book 11. chap. 14 Haec sibi renuntiata esse Socrates qui hoc loco non abhorrere se à Novatianorum institutis palà m prae se fert à sene quodam scribit c. Socrates who in this place plainly shews himself not to be a detester of the Novatian principles relates that these things were told him by a certain old man c. Notwithstanding I am not of Nicephorus's opinion Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 under whom for that 's the reading in the Florent M. S. and in Nicephorus Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A very elegant term to signifie Scismatical assemblies and conventicles who are said to erect one Altar contrary to another Hence comes the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a sort of Schism concerning which Basilius speaks in his Canonicall Epistle to Amphylochius de Baptismo Haereticorum Vales. c Amm. Marcellinus book 27. pag. 337. Edit Vales. calls it Sicininus's Pallace where says he there is a little private assembling place of the professours of the Christian Religion in which during the conflicts between Damasus's and Ursinus's parties there was in one day an hundred and thirty dead bodies found c. Read the Historians following words from the whole passage 't is plain how disorderly the Elections of a Bishop of Rome then were and at what an height they lived d Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus book 2. chap. 10. Eccles. Hist. In that year whereon Ursinus raised his Schism Juventius not Maximinus was Praefect of the City as Amm. Marcellinus attests book 27. pag. 337. But in regard this Schism lasted many years 't is possible that Maximinus who was Praefect of the Annona might take cognizance of this business and torture some Ecclesiasticks as Rufinus relates This Maximinus was Praefect of the Annona in the seventh year of Valentinian as Jerome does assert in his Chronicon Marcellinus speaks much concerning this Maximinus in his 28 th book Vales. a Socrates has transcribed this following passage almost word for word out of Rufinus's book 2. chap. 11. Eccles Hist. For he observes the same order that Rufinus does after Damasus's ordination forthwith subjoyning Ambrosius's promotion But although Rufinus and Socrates have conjoyned these two Ordinations as if they had been made at one and the same time yet there was a great interval of time between each ordination For Damasus entred upon the Bishoprick of Rome in the Consulate of Lupicinus and Jovinus on the year of Christ 367. But Ambrosius was promoted to the Episcopate of Millain in the year of our Lord 374 in the third Consulate of Gratianus which he bore with Equitius as Baronius has observed from Saint Jerom's Chronicon Vales. * Or persons unworthy of praise †That is of the whole nation of the Sarmatae ‖ Or trample upon a We met with a double mistake here the one committed by Socrates's Transcribers the other by Socrates himself We have corrected the Transcribers errour who in stead of Acincum had made it Aconcam from the Authority of the Sfortian and Florent M. SS It will be sufficient only to take notice of Socrates's mistake here who calls Acincum a City of Italy whenas it belonged to Pannonia Vales. * That is To Gratianus †To wit Valens's brother's son * That is Valentinianus Senior * Or should be born of †Or in love with b There is no mention of this law of Valentinianus's any where No not in Amm. Marcellinus who has with great accuracy recorded Valentinianus's affaires Indeed such a law as this in my judgment is in no wise agreeable to Valentinian a serious Prince and a Christian. Therefore this whole story of Justina's marriagâ— is in my opinion of a credit doubtfull and uncertain Vales. * Or Theodosius Senior c Epiphanius Scholasticus calls her not Placida but Flaccilla which is truest For so the ancient Coynes term her But 't is strange that Greek writers should so frequently be mistaken in this name For we have remark't before that Placitus is by Socrates often used instead of Flaccillus who was Bishop of Antioch Further this Flaccilla was the daughter of that Antonius who was Consul with Siagrius as Themistius informs us in his Gratiarum Actione to Theodosius for the peace made with the Goths Vales. * Or warred against a This Oration of Themistius's to Valens is at this time extant published in Latine by Duditius For what Socrates says Themistius spoke in that oration concerning the difference of Philosophick opinions occurs in Duditius's Version at pag. 507 the words are these Artes quidem quarum magnus in vitâ—usus delectatio est c. Indeed those Arts of which there is great use in this life and which are very delightfull had never arrived at such an height and elegancy had there not been a discrepancy of judgments and a certain strife amongst the Artists themselves For has not Philosophy it self the Mother of all laudable Arts. raised from mean and small beginnings increased by the dissent of Learned men in such a manner that nothing may seem wanting to its absolute perfection Further what Sâ—crates says was spoken by Themistius in that oration to wit that God is desirous of this variety of opinions concerning himself that men may have a greater reverence for the Majesty of his Deity because the knowledge of his divinity is â—n no wise obvious and easily attainable occurs in Duditius's Version at pag. 508 where 't is thus worded Quocirca quod à cognitione nostrâ se longissimè removit c. Wherefore in regard he has removed himself at the greatest distance from our knowledge nor does humble himself to the capacity of our wits 't is a sufficient argument that he does not require one and the same Law and Rule of Religion from all persons but leaves every man a Licence and faculty of thinking concerning himself according to his own not another mans liberty and choice Whence it also happens that a greater admiration of the Deity and a more Religious veneration of his Eternal Majesty is ingendred in the minds of men For it
and whereas the Imperial commands do require this confession Vales. f Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about those of his own opinion it must be thus mended 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with or to those of his own opinion The same errour occurs before in this chapter where he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which we have corrected by rendring it thus For some were one way affected towards the Books of the Ancients others another Vales. g I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with those Churches of his own Faith For the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Churches is understood The priviledges of Churches are a priviledge of sanctuary a priviledge of receiving Embassies and the like Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps he means the Imperial power for Constantius and Valens were great favourers of these Sects †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 making a joynt attempt again a Musculus and Christophorson seem to have thought as by their Versions appear that this man was born in Brittain which though perhaps true yet cannot be made out from this passage in our Socrates Zosimus Histor. book 4. says this Maximus was a Spaniard Our Countrey-man Guildas calls him Germen Plantationis Britannicae a branch of the Britannick Plantation Camden mentions him in his Britannia pag. 240 241 Edit Lond. 1607. where he quotes some verses out of Ausonius in which he is termed Rhutupinum Latronem the Richborow-Thief * Or Merogaudus b I will here propose my doubt to the Reader I am of opinion therefore that Thessalonica which was the chief City of Macedonia was under Theodosius's Empire My reasons are 1. because Theodosius after he had been Proclaimed Augustus by Gratianus at Sirmium went to Thessalonica resided there a long while and received the Embassies of the Cities of the East and when he fell sick he was baptized by Acholius Bishop of that City as Zosimus Prosper Socrates and others do relate 2. During his Residence in that City he published many Laws which are extant in the Theodosian Code in the Titles de fide Catholica and de Haereticis which Laws are dated at Thessalonica 3. Lastly in the Constantinopolitan Synod at which 't is manifest the Eastern Bishops only were present Acholius Bishop of Thessalonica is reckoned as may be seen in the eighth chapter of this book After Theodosius's times there is no doubt but Thessalonica was under the Eastern Emperours For 't was the chief City of the Oriental Illyricum which contained Macedonia and Dacia as we are informed from The Notitia of the Roman Empire But whether or no it was under the Eastern Emperours about the beginning of Theodosius's Reign may deservedly be doubted For Aurelius Victor and Zonaras do expresly affirm that Gratianus gave Theodosius only the East and the Thracia's And Zosimus relates that Valentinlanus Junior upon his division of the Empire with his Brother had Italy Africk and Illyricum Neither had Constantius or Valens who governed the Eastern Empire before Theodosius Illyricum under their Dominion In the times of Valens 't is certain Mamertinus Praefect of the Praetorium Governed Italy Africa and Illyricum at the same time as Amm. Marcellinus attests Notwithstanding Valens after his Brother Valentinianus's death seems to have annext Macedonia and Dacia to his own Empire by the consent of his Brother's Sons Which Collection I make from the close of Amm. Marcellinus's thirty first book where he says that Valens's Souldiers and Palatines who had been besieged by the Goths at Adrianople went out after that Siege was broken up and hastned some into Dacia others into Macedonia supposing that Valens had retired thither See Amm. Marcellinus pag. 468. Edit Par. 1636. Vales. * Or Richomelius a The phrase is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Christophorson renders ill thus Valentinian's Souldiers For Socrates means Valentinian himself who was on this year when Valentinian himself was the third time Consul with Eutropius conquered by Maximus as Sulpitius informs us in his first book concerning the life of Martinus and together with his mother Justina his Praesects and Comites fled to Thessalonica Vales. b But Zosimus says that Maximus's Embassy was received by Theodosius and that he acknowledged him to be Emperour and admitted of his Statues and ordered Cynegius Praefect of the Praetorium in the East that Maximus's Statues should be proposed to publick view at Alexandria and that he should declare to the people that Maximus was Colleague of his Empire Which thing Sigonius in his book de Occidentati Imperio has done ill to place on the year of Christ 384 when Richomeres and Clearchus were Consuls in regard it was done in Valentinianus's third Consulate which he bore with Eutropius on the year of Christ 387. For on this year Cynegius was Praefect of the Praetorium Vales. c He should rather have said Aquileia For thither Maximus went as Zosimus and the other Chronologers do inform us Vales. * This Character does well befit too many persons of our own nation at this juncture a Socrates i s mistaken For Maximus was slain not on the 27 th of August but on the 28 th of July as Idatius says in his Chronicon The same is recorded in those Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus has published under Idatius's name For these are the words there Theodosio Aug. II. Cynegio Coss. c. In the second Consulate of Theodosius Augustus which he bore with Cynegius on that year Maximus the Tyrant that publick Enemy is slain by Theodosius Augustus three miles from Aquileia on the fifth of the Calends of August that is on the 28 th of July Also his Son Victor is slain a few days after in the Gallia's by Theodosius's Comes Further this Victor had been created first Caesar and then Augustus by his Father as we are informed from this Old Inscription recorded by Sigonius in his 9 th book de Occidentali Imperio DD. NN. MAG CL. MAXIMO ET FL. VICTORI PIIS FELICIBUS SEMPER AUGUSTIS BONO R. P. NATIS Where you see Maximus has two Praenomina to wit Magnus Clemens Sulpitius Severus book 2. Histor. Sacr. calls him Clemens Maximus But by Orosius he is termed Magnus Maximus Vales. b Here is a mistake either of Socrates or of his transcribers in calling Symmachus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a person that had born the Consulate For Symmachus whose Epistles are extant at this day had not at that time been Consul but three years after he bore a Consulate with Tatianus Vales. a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about Antioch in Syria I had rather word it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at Antioch in Syria Vales. * Compare chap. 5. with chap. 9. of this book †See chap. 5. * That is Mithra's Temple what these Mysteries were Socrates has told us book 3. chap. 2. †Pieces of wood made in fashion of a mans privities * See book 3. chap. 2.
a Some excerptions of this Helladius the Grammarian are extant in Photius's Bibliotheca Vales. †〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is The Ape 's Priest For the Egyptians worship an Ape as Lucian tells us in his piece 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 b Sozomen book 7. chap. 15. calls this Praefects name Evagrius and the Commander in chief of the Milice in Egypt he names Romanus Eunapius likewise in the Life of Aedesius names both these persons and attests that they gave a great assistance to Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria in destroying the Temple of Serapis I will insert Eunapius's own words here because they want correcting See Eunap in vità Aedesâ—i pag. 63. Edit Colon. Allobrog 1616 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is the Temples about the City Canobus underwent the same thing Theodosius being at that time Emperour and Theophilus Presiding over those execrable persons he was a certain Eurymidon that reigned over the haughty Gyants Evetius being then Governour of the Civill affairs and Romanus intrusted with the Command of the Milice throughout Egypt On my perill correct it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Evagrius being then Governour of the Civill affairs In the Theodosian Code title De Paganis there is a Law extant of Theodosius's directed to this Evagrius Praefect of Egypt and to Romanus Comes of the Milite throughout Egypt which Law was dated at Aquilcia in the Consulate of Tatianus and Symmachus From which Law it may be concluded that Serapiâ—'s Temple was demollished at Alexandria in the year of Christ 391. But Marcellinus in his Chronicon contradicts this and says this Temple was destroyed when Timasius and Promotus were Consuls which was the year of Christ 389. And this in my judgment is the truer For Cynegius Praefect of the Praetorium at his being sent into Egypt had a command from Theodosius that he should pull down the Heathen Temples as Zosimus relates in his first book And he had executed that command as Idatius attests in his Fasti. Now Cynegius died in his own Consulate on the year of Christ 388. Vales. c Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 because but c. Socrates means the Image of their God Simius which Theophilus had ordered to be reserved on purpose And thus Epiphan Scholasticus has explained this place in Socrates much better then Christophorson who understood those words of Socrates 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as spoken concerning a certain or rather uncertain God Vales. a Instead-of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 called an Hieroglyphick it ought rather to be thus written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which Letters they call Hieroglyphical so Epiphanius Scholasticus seems to have read Indeed Socrates and Sozomen do relate that these Hieroglyphical Letters were found in the Temple of Serapis cut upon the walls thereof But Rufinus does not say they were found there he tells us rather that they were kept and expounded at Canopus At his 2 d book Eccles. Histor. chap. 26 these are his words Jam vero Canopi quis enumereâ— superstitiosa flagitia c. But now who can enumerate the superstitious impieties at Canopus Where under a praetext of their sacerdotal Letters for so they call the ancient Letters of the Egyptians there was in a manner a publick School of Magick Art Vales. * Fitted or applied b Socrates borrowed this out of Rufinus's 2 d book Eccles. Histor chap. 29. He apprehended not Rufinus's meaning For Rufinus says not that it was predicted to the Pagans by other Sacerdotal Letters that Serapis's Temple would then be destroyed when that sign of the Cross should appear he only says that the Egyptians received this as a tradition from their Ancestours to wit that the Temples wherein they then worshipped should stand so long till that sign should come wherein there was Life But because mention is here made of Serapis's worship and of the Letters found in his Temple nothing hinders but we may here explain in favour of the studious an Old Epigram concerning Scrapis which is recorded by Eusebius in his books de Demonstratione Evangelicâ For it contains both the manner how this God was worshipped by the Egyptians and besides Scaliger understood it not in his Animadversions on Eusebius Number 1730. The Epigram therefore runs thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is The seven Vowells do my praise resound Who am the Great Immortal Deity Th' unwearied Father of the Universe You must know that the Egyptian Priests were wont to praise their God Serapis in no other manner than by a recitation now and then of the seven Greek Vowells Therefore instead of Hymns and Songs the Pipe and Harp the sound of the seven Vowells was heard in Serapis's Temple Dionysius Halicarnassensis does attest this in his book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the chapter de Collisione Vocalium Where after he has informed us that the Collision of the Vowells is not so much to be avoided in regard it sometimes produces a pleasant noise he adds these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Moreover in Egypt the Priests sing praises to the Gods by repeating the seven Vowells sounding them out one after the other And instead of the Pipe and Harp the sound of these Letters is heard Elias Vinetus in his notes at Ausonius ' s eighteenth Epistle does declare that he had seen an old inscription which was found upon a golden plate fixt on the breast of a dead body This plate contained the seven Greek Vowells repeated in seven Verses in such order as you may see there But I doubt not but there were seven other Verses on the reverse of the said plate in the same order with those on the foreside To wit in such a manner that the second Verse of the reverse side began with Omicron the fourth with Ypsilon the sixth with Omega Vinetus could not explain this Riddle In my judgment Serapis's name is denoted by these Letters which God as Hesychius attests was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not only because there are seven Letters contained in his name but in regard he was usually praised by the seven Vowells Now it was an usage amongst the superstitious Heathens to engrave Serapis's name upon a brazen plate and wear it hung about their necks in form of a Buckler Artemidorus book 4. gives us an account of this usage in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. In what order the seven Greek Vowells were placed on the foreside of this golden plate the Learned Reader may see in Vinetus's notes on the 18 th Epistle of Ausonius written to Tetradius Edit Burdigal 1590. * Colos. 1. 26. * Acts 17. 22 c. †See Numb 24. John 11. 51. * Or rendred ineffectuall †Or in the Greatest Rome a Amongst the Romans Bakers were called Mancipes because they were Mancipati bound to the Colledge of Bakers and to the Trade of making Bread and their goods and families were obnoxious to this Function
its import different also For if it be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it denotes a Divine person one whose soul is full of God If it be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 its import is passive and implies one born or carried by God We are told by many Learned men that Ignatius had this title from our Saviours taking him up in his arms For he was that very child they say whom our Saviour Mar. 9. 36. took up and set in the midst of his disciples Others on the contrary affirm this story to be groundless and uncertain See D r Cave's Life of Ignatius * Covered or Arched walkâ— b I cannot imagine whence Socrates had this story For 't is manifest that Flavianus and Diodorus were the first persons who in Constantius's Reign divided the Quires of Singers at Antioch into two parts and gave them David's Psalms to be sung alternatively or by turns which usage being first practised at Antioch afterwards spread over all the Churches of the world Theodoret attests this in his Hist. lib. 2. cap. 24 as does also Theodorus Moâ—suestenus a person ancienter than he who lived in the same times with Flavianus and Diodorus Theodorus's words are quoted by Nicetas in Thesauro Orthâ—dâ—xae fidei lib. 5. cap. 30. Although that way of singing of Psalms seems to have been used by the Syrians before Flavianus and Diodorus's times For Theodorus writes that Flavianus and Diodorus were the first persons who translated that kind of Psalmodie which they term Antiphonae That is when one singeth one verse another another out of the Syrian Language into the Grecian and that those two persons appeared almost the only Authours of this thing to all the parts of the world What therefore the Syrians had done long before Flavianus's time to wit in singing of David's Psalms alternatively in Syriack that Fâ—â—vianuâ— and Diodorus ordered to be done by the Grecians of Antioch in their singing the Psalms in Greek Vales. * See the second chapter of this book a Besides this reason of Theophilus's hatred against Isidorus Sozomen book 8. chap. 12. relates two other causes The first was because Isidorus had refused to give evidence in favour of Theophilus's Sister The second because â—e had reproved Theophilus for his over much diligence in building Churches whereby he wasted the money of the Church which ought rather to have been bestowed on the poor I am easily induced to believe that these were the reasons of Theophilus's hatred against Isidorus in regard both Socrates and Sozomen do expressly attest it Notwithstanding Isidorus was not for these reasons ejected out of the Church but was condemned by the sentence of the Bishops on account of Origen's Errours which he maintained as Baronius has long since informed us from Palladius in Lausiaca Vales. b So Arsacius who succeeded Chrysostome in his Bishoprick is termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief-Presbyter in the Acts of the Synod ad Quercum and one Martyrius is stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief-Deacon Sozomen calls this Peter Arch-Presbyter This is a name of honour not of ancientness For the Bishops Elected whom they pleased out of the Colledge of Presbyters to be Arch-Presbyters as Liberatus informs us in his Breviarium chap. 14. Vales. * See book 5. chap. 15. a 'T is false that Epiphanius was ever so simple as to be addicted to the Heresie of the Anthropomorphitae he had indeed once received a check upon that account from John Bishop of Jerusalem But Jerome has refuted this Calumny and also Epiphanius himself in that Sermon he Preach't at Jerusalem in the presence of John himself as Jerome in his book to Pammachius concerning the Errours of John of Jerusalem and Baronius at the year of Christ 393 do relate Wherefore there was no need of Theophilus's feigning himself an Anthropomorphite to curry favour with Epiphanius Both Socrates and Sozomen were imposed upon by some Origenist a favourer of Ammonius and Dioscorus who told them these things For 't was usuall with the Origenists as Baronius has truly remarked to fix the crime of this Heresie upon the Catholicks by whom they were condemned Vales. b Socrates and Sozomen who has followed him herein is mistaken here in supposing that the Alexandrian Synod wherein Theophilus condemned Origen's books together with Origen himself was held after that Synod convened at Constantia by Epiphanius 'T is manifest that Theophilus did first of all convene a Synod at Alexandria and condemn that Heresie in the year of Christ 399. Which was done after many conferences concerning that matter held by the Bishops who came thither as Postumianuâ— informs us in Sulpicius's Dialogues de Vitae B. Martini After this Theophilus sent a Synodick Letter to all the Bishops and he wrote a particular Letter to Epiphanius beseeching and intreating him that he would convene all the Bishops of the Island condemn the same Heresie himself and subscribe his Synodick Letter This Letter of Theophilus's is at this day extant translated by S t Jerome Vales. c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 must be expunged Moreover Socrates here uses a perfect number for an imperfect And for this reason he adds the Term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is almost or thereabout But if we would speak exactly above fifty years must be taken from this number For Origen died on the year of Christ 252 as may be made out from what we have said at note b. and c. on Euseb. Eccles. Histor. book 7. chap. 1. From which year to the year of Christ 399 wherein Origen was condemned in the Alexandrian Synod there are 147 years Vales. * Or many of the Magistracy * Or Without labour or trouble †Book 6. chap. 4. ‖ Or By the by * Or Liberty and confidence a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in so much that the Empress in my judgment it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 till at length the Empress Nor do I doubt but Socrates wrote thus Nicephorus words it expressly according to our emendation And in Sozomen the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 untill which is the same Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is having adjured him by her Son The Ancients were wont to swear by their Children So in Virgil Per caput hoc juro per spem surgentis Iüli I swear by this head by the hopes of growing Iülus After the same manner when they would earnestly entreat others they beseeched them by their own children and whatever they accounted most dear to themselves In this manner therefore Eudoxiâ— spake to John Chrysostome at that time By this little child of mine and your spirituall Soâ— whom I brought forth and whom you received out of the sacred Font be reconciled with Severianus 'T is certain Chrysostome had received Theodosius Junior out of the sacred Font as Nicephorus relates at this place from Simeon Metaphrastes as I suppose Further Baronius places this reconciliation between Severianus and
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Imperiall Letters therefore were dispatcht away both to Cyrillus and also to the Bishops that presided over the Holy Churches in all places Vales. * In the year of Christ 431. See D r Beveredge's Annot. in Can. Concil Ephes. pag. 103. c The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon us displeased Nicephorus Therefore instead thereof he substituted these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the holy Apostles But this emendation was needless For the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 upon us is at this place put for the Church of God which at that time resided in the Apostles Indeed the Holy Spirit had descended on Mary before at such time as she conceived the Son of God and afterwards upon Christ when he had been baptized in Jordan Which hapned to them by a speciall priviledge But the Holy Spirit descended first on the day of Pentecost upon the Church of God by the Apostles for the Apostles delivered the same Spirit which they then received afterwards to their successours by imposition of Hands Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as it seems uses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be said But Christophorson read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For he renders this place after this manner Johannes Praeful Antiochia c. John Bishop of Antioch together with his Bishops was absent at the day appointed not willingly indeed as it seems to many persons who have a mind to defend this fact of his Notwithstanding I cannot approve of this emâ—â—dation although Sr Henry Savill hath set it at the margin of his Copy Musculus renders this place thus Verùm praeter animi sui sententiam sicuâ— multis moram illam excusans ostendit But contrary to his own mind as he has also demonstrated to many persons in his excusing that delay But I am of opinion that no alteration is to be made here and do render the place thus But Johannes Bishop of Antioch together with the Bishops about him was absent at the set day not willingly as it seems to many persons from the Apology he made c. doubtless there can be no other sense of these words Vales. e The Greeks heretofore termed the first Sunday after Easter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The New Sunday So Gregorius Nazianzenus calls it in his nineteenth Oration which he spake at the Funerall of his own Father Gregorius There is extant an Oration of the same Gregorius's to wit his 43 Oration upon this New Sunday in which Oration he gives a reason why this day should be called New Sunday Further the Synod in Trullo Can. 66 terms this Sunday which we now commonly call Dominicam in Albis the Sunday in the Albs 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 New Sunday Vales. M r Smith in his Account of the Greek Church pag. 32 Edit Lond. 1680 tells us that the Greeks do still term thu Sunday 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the New Sunday and that 't is also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Meursius says it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is regenerating or renewing Sunday See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Here and in Robert Stephens's Edit this passage is worded thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The divine Cyrillus administring c. In which clause as the Learned D r Barrow remarks in his Treat of the Pope's suprem pag. 289 a word seemeth to have fallen out Zonaras on the 1 Can. Synod Ephes. Tom. 1. Edit Bever pag. 100. expresses this passage more plainly in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Holy Cyrill Pope of Alexandria presiding over the Orthodox Fathers and also holding the place of Celestine And Photius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril supplyed the seat and the person of Celestine Bishop of Rome From which Authours 't is plain that Cyrillus had the disposall of Celestine's single suffrage and that Pope's legall concurrence with him in his Actings in that Synod But Cyrillus had no Authoritative presidency from Celestine because the Pope could by no delegation impart that himself having no title thereto warranted by any Law or by any Precedent that depended on the will of the Emperours who disposed of it according as they saw reason A notable instance whereof we meet with in the next Ephesine Synod which in design was a Generall Synod legally convened though by some miscarriages it proved abortive mentioned by our Evagrius in the tenth chapter of this Book where though Julius or rather Julianus Pope Leo's Legate was present yet by the Emperours Order see the words of his Letter Syn. Chalced. Act. 1. P. 59. Dioscorus Bishop of Alexandria presided Nicephorus book 14. chap. 34 tells us that in regard Celestine Bishop of Rome could not be present at this Synod by reason of the dangers of such a voyage he made Cyrillus his Deputy and that from this time Cyrillus and the succeeding Bishops of Alexandria challenged the name of Pope c. Doubtless Nicephorus is mistaken herein For Dionysius Alexandrinus in his third Epist. to Philemon part of which is quoted by Eusebius Eccles. Hist. book 7. c. 7. mentioning Heraclas his predecessour in the Alexandrian See says these words concerning him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I received this Rule and Canon from Heraclas our Blessed Pope And Athanasius in his second Apologetick Tom. 1. pag. 786 Edit Paris 1627 has recorded an Epistle written to him from Ischyras which has this title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To Athanasius the Blessed Pope Therefore these words of Nicephorus's are as Valesius says truly in his note here inepta falsissima foolish and most untrue And that other remark of Valesius's here which he makes from the former part of the now cited passage in Nicephorus to wit that 〈◊〉 well Nicephorus as those from whom â—e borrowed this doubted not but the Bishop of Rome was the Sovereign judge of all the Churches is questionless no less foolish and false 'T is indeed true that the Bishops of Rome have some Centuries since claimed an Authority not only of presiding in but also of indicting and convening Generall Councills But how unjust this claim is as well in respect of Right as Practise will be evident to him who with attention and consideration shall peruse these Ecclesiastick Historians Look back to what Socrates says in the Proeme to his fifth Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. We do continually include the Emperours in this our History because from such time as they began to embrace the Christian Religion the affairs of the Church have depended on them and the greatest Synods have been and at this present are convened by their determination and appointment But for a most full and compleat satisfaction in these points viz. concerning the Bishop of Rome's Sovereign power to indict and preside in Generall Councills I referr the Reader to the
it Cancellos Lattises which I can by no means approve of For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifie Cancelli I would therefore rather render it Clatri In the Old Glosses Clatri are thus described 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Squares that is cross-bars or lattised-barâ— or bars that are in windows But in the other Glosses Clatrare is expounded 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 claudere to shut The originall therefore of the Greek and Latine word is the same Vales. e I am of the same opinion with Christophorson and S r Henry Savil who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answering mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 verging or declining Notwithstanding Nicephorus defends the common reading to wit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 answering Moreover Nicephorus adds some words which are not at this day extant in our Evagrius The passage is thus worded in Nicephorus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which place in Nicephorus Langus renders thus Porticibus ipsis subdiali quae dicta est aulae respondentes locumque volentibus dantes ut ex ipso templo extra rursùm ab exteriori templi parte in templum prospicere possint which clatri are answerable both to the Portico's themselves and also to the said open-Court and afford a place to those that are desirous of looking out from within the Church and again of looking into the Church from its outward part Whence Nicephorus had this I know not unless it were from Symeon Metaphrastes who had written the Life of Symeones the Stylite Nicephorus does indeed attest that he himself had read Metaphrastes's Life of Symeones And 't is not likely that Nicephorus should have added this of his own head Now for what reason these words were added I have as to me it seemeth apprehended To wit Metaphrastes or if you will Nicephorus himself thought that the women who were in no wise suffered to go into that sacred Edifice beheld that Star here mentioned from these windows But he is much mistaken as we shall declare by and by Vales. f Musculus renders this passage thus Cum universo collecto illic agrestium circa columnam saltantium populo Together with the whole multitude or people of the Country-men there gathered together dauncing round the Pillar Whom Christophorson has followed having expunged the Comma which is placed after the word together But this rendition is not to be born with For the Country-men were not the only persons then in the Church of Saint Symeon when this Star was seen by Evagrius But many Citizens were there also at that time of which number Evagrius was one Besides the people which Evagrius says were there gathered together at that time were in the Portico at the leâ—t hand of the Pillar But the Rusticks were in the Atrium or Open Court dauncing about the Pillar Vales. g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Nicephorus the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which I think to be rightest In the Tellerian M. S. I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the accent being changed Vales. * A round ornament worn by Princes and Priests on their heads it was heretofore the dress of the Persian women h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Instead of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gates Nicephorus made it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Windows which was ill done as I have remarked above at note e. For the women could not see through the window in regard they the women were in the Porch but the windows were placed in the very top of the Portico's into which the women were forbid to come Johannes Langus therefore having followed our Evagrius has upon a good account corrected Nicephorus For thus he renders it Mulieres quoque sed extra templum ad postes stantes miraculum hoc spectant Janua enim una ex adverso stellae fulgentis locata est Women also but they stand without the Church at the gate do behold this Miracle For one of the gates is placed over against the shining Star Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or melted his flesh ‖ Or Image a Nicephorus book 14. chap. 53 where he transcribes this passage of Evagrius words it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a contemplation upon God The same Reading I found in the Tellerian M. S. It may also be mended thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a divine contemplation In Robert Stephens's Edition the reading here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Further there is an illustrious Elogy of this Isidorus Pelusiota extant in Ephremius Bishop of Antioch in his Epistle to Zenobius Scholasticuâ— which Photius records in his Bibliotheca Where he says that he was by birth an Alexandrian and venerable amongst the Arch-Bishops themselves 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. * Or these thing◠†Or with his own memory * Or exercised Philosophy b Or to count himself worthy of the Salutary Regeneration that is Baptisme As far as may be collected from these and the following words Evagrius seems to have thought that Synesius was baptized and promoted to the Episcopall dignity at one and the same time And yet that this is false Petavius proves by many arguments in his notes upon Synesius pag. 2 and 3. Notwithstanding Evagrius is followed by Photius in his Bibliotheca and by Nicephorus book 14. chap. 55. Although Nicephorus says not that Synesius had been baptized and ordained at one and the same time but that when Theophilus had prevailed with him to receive Christian-baptisme afterwards he endeavoured to perswade him to enter upon the Episcopall Function See Nicephorus's words at the book and chapter now cited Vales. c Many persons I perceive have perswaded themselves that when Synesius was elected Bishop by the Inhabitants of Ptolemâ—â—â— he wholly disbelâ—eved the Resurrection of Bodies Notwithstanding that this is not true Synesius himself attests in his 105 th Epistle which he wrote to his brother Euoptius who was then at Alexandria In that Letter he gives reasons why he could not undertake the Bishopricâ— offered to him One of which is The Resurrection of Bodies His Sentiment concerning which point he declares in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That much-spoken-of Resurrection I account a Sacred and Mysticall thing and am far from assenting to the opinions of the Vulgar Synesius therefore did not wholly deny the Resurrection of the dead but expounded it agreeable to the Platonicks and to Origen Baronius at the year of Christ 410 thinks that whatever is said by Synesius in this Epistle is not spoken seriously but feignedly and dissemblingly that he might decline the burthen of a Bishoprick But Petavius has deservedly found fault with this opinion of Baronius For he says that 't is much more likely that Synesius wrote these things to his brother in a manner agreeable to what he then thought But that having been afterwards instructed by Theophilus and other Prelates before he was made a Bishop he embraced a true opinion concerning the Resurrection Lucas Holstenius has
of incomparable Learning perceived not For instead of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the people it must undoubtedly be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 out of the publick stock of Corn laid up for the Emperours use And a little after instead of these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people having at that time quarrelled amongst themselves about this Bread-corn it must be thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the people having at that time privately given this Bread-corn amongst their own selves Than which emendation there is nothing more certain Further long before Diocletian to wit in the times of Dionysius Alexandrinus the Omogerontes of the City Alexandria received Bread-corn out of the publick stock as Dionysius Alexandrinus informs us in his Epistle to Hierax the Bishop which Letter Eusebius records Eccles. Hist. book 7. chap. 21 where see note e. Therefore Diocletianus augmented rather than began this distribution of Bread-corn at Alexandria Vales. e Translatours understood not this place as 't is apparent from their Versions For they thought that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his was to be referred to Florus when as it ought to be referred to Priscus Rhetor out of whose History Evagrius has transcribed all these passages For Priscus Rhetor in regard he was then conversant at Alexandria gave Florus this advice that he should go to the Cirque in which place the Alexandrian populace were gathered together and with great out cries required Florus to come thither Vales. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the whole society of Monks f Christophorson has rendred this place ill after this manner in sancto die festo Resurrectionis Theodosium designant Episcopum on the Holy Festival day of the Resurrection they choose Theodosius Bishop Musculus renders it righter thus ordinarunt in Ecclesiâ Sanctae Resurrectionis Theodosium illum c. in the Church of the Holy Resurrection they ordained that Theodosius c. Concerning this Church of the Holy Resurrection I have made several remarks in my Notes on Ensebius's Life of Constantine See Valesius's Letter to a friend De Anastasi Martyrio Hierosolymitano which Letter he has published at pag. 304. of his notes on Eusebius But concerning this Theodosius who invaded the See of Jerusalem consult Baronius at the year of Christ 452. Vales. g Instead of Aclison it must without doubt be Alcison aâ— the reading is in Nicephorus These Letters of the Monks of Palestine to Alcison are recorded by Evagrius book 3. chap. 31. At which place we will say more concerning Alcison Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S r Henry Savil had made this remark at the side of his Copy fortè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 perhaps it should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by So 't is certain Christo. phorson and Musculus read and so we have rendred it I am very confident also that Evagrius wrote it thus But Transcribers of books are wont frequently to mistake in these two praepositions as 't is known to those persons who have read over Manuscript copies Vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had received Dioscorus S r Henry Savil had made a remark at the margin of his Copy that perhaps the reading should be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he had laid hands upon which reading displeases me not Nevertheless I had rather write it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which reading I have followed in my Version Nor does Nicephorus book 15. chap. 9. seem to have read otherwise who has exprest this passage in Evagrius thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and had been an enemy to Dioscorus at Alexandria But Musculus and Christophorson saw nothing in the rendition of this place Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have corrected this place by the Florentine Manuscript in which Copy 't is read thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 To this person came the Inhabitants of many Cities in the Palestines It had been so agreed between the Bishops of Antioch and Jerusalem in the Synod of Chalcedon that the Three Palestines should be under the disposition of the Bishop of Jerusalem Vales. l Evagrius means the Praepositions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is in and of which differ one from the other in one Letter The Catholicks confest Christ in two Natures The Hereticks asserted that he consisted of two Natures but which had grown together and were become one Nature For after the Union of the Word they affirmed that the Nature of Christ was one Vales. m I am of the same opinion with the Learned who instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 have mended it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pronouncing which is the same with the reading in Nicephorus And so Christophorson read who notwithstanding in the rendition of this place has in no wise exprest Evagrius's meaning In the Tellerian Manuscript I found it written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the pronouncing Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 confessing is to be expunged in regard 't is superfluous It occurs not in Nicephorus and S r Henry Savil in his Copy had drawn a line under it Vales. * Or passing into †Or not relinquish't by the other ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which may also be rendred according to a peculiar mode of expression but 't is an uncouth phrase not often to be met with especially in such a sense as 't is here used * Or about their opinion of God * Or a scarcity of showers of rain * The Famine and the Pestilence * Or proceeded on †Or in a miserable manner removes from amongst men * Or inexorable †Or Libya * Or his saith †Or Onâ—richus * Constantinople a After Valentinianus Placidus's death and after the murder of Maximus Avitus was proclaimed Emperour first at Tolouse and then at Orlcance in Valentinianus's eighth Consulate which he bore with Anthemius in the year of Christ 455 on the sixth of the Ides of July as 't is recorded in the Old Chronicon which Cuspinianus first published in his Fasti. On the year following the same Avitus was Consul as 't is related in the Fasti which Jacobus Sirmondus has publish't under the name of Idatius and on the same year he was deposed at Placentia as Marius and Cassiodorus inform us in their Fasti as likewise that Old Chronographer put forth by Cuspinianus But on what day and in what month Avitus resigned the Empire I do not find declared by the Ancients Indeed Sigonius in his fourteenth book de Occidentali Imperio writes that Avitus resigned the Empire on the sixteenth of the Calends of June But Sigonius quotes no Author of this thing The words of Cuspinianus's Old Chronographer are these Joanne Varane Coss. captus est Imp. Avitus c. In the Consulate of Joannes and Varanes the Emperour Avitus is taken at Placentia by Ricimeres master of the Milice And his Patritius Messianus is slain on the
Hippodrome from the Gate and some of the Porticus's leading from them f Instead of Ostracinia the reading in the Florentine and Tellerian M. SS and in Nicephorus is truer which is thus Ostracine Our Evagrius mentions this place again at chap. 8. book 6. But what the Ostracine was 't is hard to say Geitonia is a continuation of houses which received or stood behind the publick Porticus's Which Libanius also confirms in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit Park 1627. It was termed Ostracine because the Potters-workhouses were there The Old Glosses render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fictile a thing made of Potters-earth Vales. g So the Greeks termed the Temple of the Nymphs which Libanius describes in his Antiochicus pag. 372. Edit ut prius Vales. h In the version of this place both Translatours have erred For Musculus renders it thus Dicit etiam mille auri Talenta Civitatâ— illi ab Imperatore de tributis esse remissa ex Tributis quoque constitutum esse ut civibus illis qui eâ calamitate adâ—ecti erant aedes ipsorum simulque publica aedificia restaurarentur He says also that a thousand Talents of Gold were by the Emperour remitted to that City of the Tributes and that 't was constituted out of the Tributes also that to those Citizens who had been affected with that calamity their houses together with the publick Edifices should be repaired But Christophorson translates it in this manner Ait porro tum Civitati de Tributis mille auri Talenta ab Imperatore esse condonaâ—a tum Civibus etiam Vectigalia qui eâ clade afflicti erant he says further that both to the City a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributes were remitted by the Emperour and also the Taxes or Customs to those Citizens who had been afflicted with that calamity Where you see that both Translatours referred these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Citizens which is in no wise to be born with For Evagrius would not have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but rather 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Nicephorus therefore understood these words righter to wit concerning the houses of private men the Taxes whereof the Emperour remitted to the Citizens of Antioch Nevertheless Nicephorus has not fully apprehended Evagrius's meaning For thus he expresses this place of Evagrius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is as Langus renders it Terrae motus istius gratiâ— c. And because of this Earthquake and on account of the houses ruined the Emperour 't is reported forgave the City a thousand Talents of Gold the Tributes of the Annuall payments But Evagrius or rather Johannes the Rhetorician says more For he affirms that the Emperour remitted to the Antiochians a thousand Talents of Gold of the Tributary Function but forgave to each Citizen the Tributes of those houses which had been ruined by the Earthquake Now these Tributes may be understood in a twofold sence Either 1. concerning the annuall Pension which by Hirers was paid to the Owners or Lords of the houses Or 2. concerning the money which was paid to the Fiscus Exchequer because those houses had been built upon the publick Soyle In such manner as amongst us an annuall rent is wont to be paid by possessours of houses as well in the City as Country to the Lords of the Soyle And in this latter sense I had rather take 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Tributes here For this word is more frequently used to signifie Tributes Tolls or Customes which are paid to the publick But if this term should be so taken here as to signifie the price of houses which is usually paid by the Hirer there would have been no liberality of the Emperour 's in that For he would have given nothing of his own to the Citizens but that which was another's Vales. i Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the reading undoubtedly must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same adde the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Emperour And thus Christophorson seems to have read Further concerning this Earthquake Isaac Syrus had written an Elegie as Marcellinus attests in his Chronicon in these words Patricio Ricimere Coss. c. In the Consulate of Patriclus and Ricimeres Isaac a Presbyter of the Antiochian Church wrote many things in the Syrian Language and especially against the Nestorians and Eutychians He likewise bewailed the ruine of Antioch in an Elegie in such manner as Ephren Diaconus did the fall of Nicomedia Vales. a 'T is not amongst Authours agreed concerning the year whereon this fire hapned at Constantinople For Theophanes and Cedrenus place it on the fifth year of Leo in the fifteenth Indiction Leo Augustus being the second time Consul with Severas which was the year of Christ 462. But Marcellinus Comes and the Authour of the Alexandrian Chronicle place this fire of Constantinople in the Consulate of Basiliscus and Hermenericus that is on the year of Christ 465. Our Evagrius seems to have followed the former opinion For the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hapned together which he uses at this place gives an indication of what I have said to wit that that Conflagration of Constantinople hapned no long time after the Antiochian Earthquake Further concerning that fire wherewith the City Constantinople was consumed in the times of Leo Augustus Candidus Isaurus does also write in the first book of his History and relates that many things were usefully ordered therein by Aspar the Patritius Vales. b He means the Portus Phosphorianus which was in the fifth Region of the City as the old description of Constantinoâ—le informs us The Greeks teâ—med it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Constantinus Porphyrogennetus tells us in his second book de Themaâ—ibus about the end and Georgius Codinus in his book de Originibus Constantinopolitan 57. Vales. * Or Salt-meat †Or the houses * Or wherein are the Havens of the City †Or Oxstreet c The Church of Homonoea or Concord was in the ninth Region of the City Constantinople as the Old description of that City informs us Why this Church had this name we are told by Theodorus Lector in book 4. of his Eccles. History whose words are cited by Johannes Damaâ—cenus in his â— d book de Imaginibus For it was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concord because the hundred and fifty Fathers of the Constantinopolitane Synod in the Reign of Theodosius the Great See Socrates's Eccles. Hist. book 5. chap. 8. meeting therein agreed in one opinion concerning the Consubstantiall Trinity Vales. * Or called a Instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it would be better written thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the same times Vales. b Evagrius means the War which the Hunni waged against the Eastern Romans under the command of Dengizich Son of Attilaâ— in the Consulate of Zeno and Marcianus on the year of Christ 469 as Marcellinus Comes relates in his Chronicon Nevertheless the Authour of
heat the publick Baths and to fulfill other solemn duties as the same Justinian informs us in the above mentioned Edict From which passages therein some persons might be able to Collect that there was only one Vindex in every City 'T is further to be noted that that Constitution of Anastasius wherein the Exaction of the Tributes â— said to have been taken from the Curiales was in no wise observed by the succeeding Emperours 'T is certain Justinian in the forementioned Novells does expresly name the Curiales amongst those who at their own peril exacted and undertook the Tributes Vales. f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Emperour Justinian calls this person Marianus in his thirteenth Edict in these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Your glorious Magnificence hath found in a certain paper in the times of the Emperour Anastasius of pious memory then when Marianus of glorious memory administred the publick affairs under him But Marcellinus in his Chronicon terms him Marinus Indictione V. says he Paulo Musciano Coss. die dominico dum Jubente Anastasio Caesarâ— per Marinumperque Platonem in Ecclesiae pulpiâ—o consistentes in Hymnum Trinitatis Deipassianorum quaternitas additur c. Plato was indeed Praefect of the City Constantinople as Victor Thunonensis informs us in His Chronicon but Marinus was Praefectus praetorio wherefore he is set before Plato by Marcellinus Further Cedrenus and Zonaras whilst they tell the same thing with Marcellinus and Victor mention not the names of Marinus and Plato but do express the dignity of each of them stiling the one of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where by the term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they mean the Praefectus Praetorio because the Praefectus Praetorio mannaged the accounts of the Tributes But we must not omit what Zonaras relates to wit that by this Marianus the Praefect for so he calls him Vitalianus the Tyrant was vanquished in a Sea-fight by the help of certain Burning-glasses which had been framed by Proclus the Philosopher From which words some might conjecture that this was the Marinus Syrus Schollar to Proclus the Philosoper Indeed Nicephorus also in the last Chapter of his fifteenth Book calls this Marinus a Syrian But I am of opinion that that Marinus Syrus who was Praefectus Praetorio in Anastasius's times must be distinguished from Marinus Syrus the Philosopher who wrote Proclus's Life For this Marinus last mentioned was by Religion a Pagan as we learn from an old Epigram which occurs in the Aâ—thologiâ— But the former Marinus was a Christian as 't is manifest from Marcellinus Vales. * Or In the Courts of Judicature * Or Moesia a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as far as Odyssus It must be written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odessus For so 't is termed by Diodorus Siculus by Strabo and by Stephanus The ancient Coyns also have it thus written as I have long since observed at the twenty seventh Book of Amm. Marcellinus pag. 334 of my notes Nevertheless most Writers as well Greek as Latine call it Odyssus as if it had had its name from Ulysses Indeed Johannes Langus has rendred that Ulyssopolim which Nicephorus had termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in chap. 38 book 16. Vales. * Or Alterations b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I judge it must be written in one word thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There is the same mistake in Nicephorus Chap. 38 Book 16. what the import of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is Suidas tells us incomparably well in that word In the Tellerian M. S. I found it plainly written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. †Or Oâ—â— of Odessus * Or Nâ—vâ—ll Forces †Or Armies ‖ Or Throwing of Missile weapons c There was a place so called as Marcellinus attests in his Chronicon whose words we have quoted at chap. 25 note c. Stephanus has made mention of the same place in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Hunni having passed the Caspian Streights or narrow passes made an irruption into Armenia Cappadocia and Pontus in the Consulate of Anthemius and Florentius on the year of Christ 515 as Marcellinus and Victor Thunonensis relate in their Chronicons They were also termed Sabiri or Saber as Cedrenus attests for so 't is to be read in Theophanes From which Authours it must be made here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 having past the Caspian Streights 'T is certain Nicephorus has thus exprest this place of Evagrius at book 16. chap. 38. Through these Caspian Narrow Passes the Hunni were wont to break into the Roman Pale as Procopius tells us Book 1. Persic Where he gives an excellent description of these Narrow Passes and attests that they had been heretofore fortified by Alexander the Macedonian Whence that passage of Saint Jerome in his Epitaph of Fabiola receives light which runs thus Ecce subito discurrentibus Nuntiis Oriens totus intremuit ab ultimâ Maeötide inter Glacialem Tanaâ—m Massagetarum immanes populos ubi Caucasi rupibus feras Gentes Alexandri Claâ—stra cohibent â—rupisse Hunnorum examina Vales. * Or Suffered a most violent c. * See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or Feigned an humiliation * Or Abrogated a This Sothericus or Soterichus had been ordained Bishop of Caesarea in Cappadocia by Macedonius Bishop of Constantinople Who going over afterwards to the Eutychian party joyned himself to the impious Xenaïas as Theophanes relates in his Chronicon 'T is no wonder therefore that Severus a Ringleader of the Eutychians should have written Letters to Soterichus a person like himself and should in them have accused Macedonius a Catholick Bishop as being the Authour of the Sedition Severus himself was rather the Occasioner of this Sedition who had perswaded the Emperour Anastasius that to The Hymn termed The Trisagium he should add this Clause Who hast been Crucified for us have mercy upon us as Cedrenus relates in his Chronicon Further Proclus Bishop of Constantinople had been taught this Hymn termed The Trisagium by Angells Which as soon as the Priest had approacht the altar the Chaunter out of the Pulpit began to sing in this manner 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy God Holy Mighty Holy Immortall as Jovius Monachus writes Book 6 in Photius's Bibliotheca On account of this Hymn most violent Tumults arose afterwards in the Church when the Easterns would add this Clause to it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who hast been Crucified for us referring it to Jesus Christ. But the Constantinopolitanes and Westerns rejected that addition least any passion should be attributed to the Consubstantiall Trinity and in place thereof sang these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Holy Trinity have mercy upon us as Ephraemius Patriarch of Antioch informs us in Photius his Bibliotheca Macedonius did right therefore who retaining the usage delivered by Proclus refused that addition Vales. b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
instead of Eustochius Bishop of Jerusalem the same Nicephorus has Sallustius Sallustius was indeed Bishop of Jerusalem in the Reign of Anastasius Augustus But Eustochius governed the same Bishoprick about the beginning of Justinus Junior's Empire as Theophanes attests in his Chronicon Vales. †Or Rendred the Deity Propitious a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Doubtless it must be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the reading is in Nicephorus book 17. chap. 22. Vales. b The Laicks were wont to bow their heads not only before the Bishops and Presbyters but before the Monks also to receive their Blessing An illustrious instance of which is extant in Sozomen book 8. chap. 13. Vales. * Or Was not in the least forwarded c Concerning this Earthquake the Authour of Antoninus Martyr's Itinerarium speaks in these words Inde Venimus in partes Syriae ubi requiescit sanctus Leontius Thence we came into the parts of Syria where Saint Leontius rests which City together with other Cities was ruined by an Earthquake in the time of the Emperour Justinian From thence we came to Byblus which City also with all things that were therein was destroyed From thence we came into the City Triari which was likewise ruined Thence we came into the most splendid City Beryto wherein there was lately a study of Learning which was also ruined as we were told by the Bishop of the City to whom the persons were known except the strangers who perished there Further that City wherein Saint Leontius rests is Tripoly as I have remarked before book 3. chap. 33. note c. This Earthquake hapned on the twenty fourth year of Justinian's Reign as Cedrenus writes in his Chronicon and Theophanes pag. 192. What those Authors relate concerning Botry a City of Phoenice is memorable viz that in that City there was an Haven made by that Earthquake there having been no Port there before the Promontory which was called Litho-prosopon being removed But in Theophanes 't is written 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 By which fault in the writing the Translatour was induced to render it Bostra which is a very gross mistake in regard Bostra is a Mid-Land-City of Arabia The name of this City is in my judgment to be restored in Antoninus Martyr's Itinerary at that place which I have quoted above For instead of the City Triari it must be written Botry Vales. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who would not admire that three Learned men should have been mistaken in the Rendition of this place Johannes Langus translates it thus illins enim Eccleslae censebatur for he was reckoned of that Church And Musculus renders it almost in the same manner But Christophorson has translated it worst of all thus ab eâ siquidem Ecclesiâ Presbyter fuerat ordinatus for he had been ordained Presbyter by that Church These persons thought that these words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Thomas were here to be understood whereas we are to understand 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this annuall stipend or Alms which was wont yearly to be distributed out of the Revenues of the Church of Antioch to the Monastery of the Abbot Thomas Vales. * Steward †Or Give b Johannes Moschus in his Limonarium Chap. 88 says this Thomas dyed in the Church of Saint Euphemia which was in the Daphnensian Suburb Therefore the Church of the Blessed Euphemia was near the Hospitall wherein strangers were entertained in such manner as we now adays see Churches joyned to Hospitalls and Spiâ—â—les Further Johannes Moschus says that this Thomas was the Apocrysarius that is the Procurator of his own Monastery For those were termed Apocrysarii who managed the affairs of Monasteries and Churches as Justinian informs us in his sixth Novell Vales. c Moschus in the forecited chapter calls the Bishop of Antioch not Ephraemius but Domninus who succeeded Ephraemius Nicephorus Patriarch of Constantinople terms this person Domnus Vales. * Or Most holy †Or Turn our course * Present or opposite * Book 4. Chap. 11. a We have taken notice of this mistake of Evagrius's above at chap. 11 note c which Nicephorus has also corrected But Nicephorus himself whilst he amends Evagrius's errour has committed another For he relates that Menas was ordained by Pope Agatho whereas he was ordained by Agapetus in the place of Anthimus as 't is agreed amongst all persons Vales. b Nicephorus Callistus Book 17. Chap. 25. attests that this Custome viz. that the Particles of the Sacred Eucharist which remained were at Constantinople distributed amongst the Boyes to be eaten continued even in his age and he writes that he himself whilst he was a Boy and was frequently conversant in the Churches partook of those parts Vales. * Or Glassworker †Or Taken * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 †Or Tearing herself with weepings ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 enlightned c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Johannes Langus renders this place thus Puerum cum matre divino Regenerationis Lavacro adhibuit deoque dicavit He admitted the Boy with his mother to the divine Laver of Regeneration and Dedicated them to God But Musculus and Christophorson have translated it far worse For Musculus terms it servavit he kept or preserved But Christophorson has rendred it thus puerum cum matre Lavacro Regenerationis tingendos decernit He Decreed the boy with his mother to be Baptized in the Laver of Regeneration I doubt not but the place is thus to be rendred Puerum simul ac matrem Regenerationis Lavacro initiatos Clero adscripsit He enrolled the boy and his mother having been initiated in the Laver of Regeneration amongst the Clergy Which must be understood in this manner that the Emperour ordered that Boy to be reckoned amongst the Readers of the Church but commanded his mother to be ordained a Deaconness Vales. d In this Suburb of the City Constantinople punishments were heretofore usually inflicted on Criminalls as I have already intimated in my Notes on Book 28. Amm. Marcell pag. 362. Whereto add a passage of Saint Jerome out of his Commentaries on Matt. 26 th which runs thus Extra urbem enim foras portam loca sunt in quibus truncantur capita damnatorum Calvariae id est Decollatorum sumpsere nomen Vales. * Or Not as yet a Indeed many Monks severed themselves from his communion because he was thought to assert Origen's opinions One of their number was the Abbot Elias who was also called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Johannes Moschus relates in the ninteenth Chapter of his Limonarium And yet Theophanes in his Chronicon pag. 205 says Macarius was ejected out of his See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is by subornation fraud and calumny But Theophanes relates that in a place wholly unfit and incongruous to wit in the Empire of Justinus Junior Now Macarius was ordained Bishop of Jerusalem on the year of Christ 546 and having after two years been expelled out of his See
〈◊〉 by the efficacy of mystick words In the Old Sheets the reading is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which plainly confirms our emendation Vales. c This place does chiefly call for the Reader 's attentive diligence For from it that great question concerning Constantine's Baptism may easily be determined Eusebius says therefore that the Emperour Constantine did then first of all receive imposition of hands with solemn prayer in the Church that is in one word was then first made a Catechumen For Catechumens were made by imposition of the hand by the Bishop as the sixth Canon of the Council of Orleance informs us De his quâ— in infirmitate credere volunt placuit eis debere manum imponi The same is established in Chap. 39. of the Eliberitane Council Gentiles si in infirmitate desideraverint sibi manum imponi si fuerit eorum ex aliquâ parte vita honesta placuit cis manum imponi fieri Christianos Which Eliberitane Canon that I may give notice of that by the by seems to be nothing else but an exposition of the Orleance-Canon which may also be seen in other Chapters of that Council Concerning the same Rite there is a famous place in Sulpicius Severus Dialog 2 concerning the Miracles of Saint Martin Chap. 3. Postremò cuncti catervatim ad genua beati viri ruere caeperunt fideliter postulantes ut eos faceret Christianos Nec Cunctatus in medio ut erat campo cunctos impositâ universis manu Catechumenos fecit The same Author Book 1. Nemo â—â—rè says he Eximmani illâ multitudine fuit Gentilium qui non impositione manûs desideratâ in Dominum Jesum relicto impietatis errore crediderit S t Augustine also in Book 2. de Peccatâ—rum Remissione Chap. 26. Non uniusmodi est Sanctificatio Nam Catechumenos secundùm quendam modum suum per signum Crucis Orationem manus impositionis puto sanctificari Petrus Chrysologus writes the same likewise in his 52 d Sermon Hinc est quod veniens ex Gentibus impositione manus exorcismis ante â daemone purgatur apertionem aurium percipit ut fidei capere possit auditum So also in his 10â— th Sermon Namque ut incurvus peccatis Gentilis erigatur ad coelum prius à Gentili por impositionem manuum nequam spiritus effugatur To these Authours is to be annext Symeon Metaphrastes who in the Acts of the Holy Martyrs Indes and Domna writes thus concerning Cyrillus the Bishop Ille autem cùm moderatâ— divinas ei cecinisset Scripturas Venerandâ Christi cruce cam obsignasset tunc quidem eam facit Catechumenam Lastly Marcus in his Book concerning the Life of Porphyrius Bishop of Gaza Die sequenti parentes mulicris Cognati euntes ad B. Porphyrium prociderunt ad ejus pedes petentes Christi signaculum Beatus verò cùm eos signasset â—â—cisset Catechumenos dimisit illos in pace praecipiens eis ut vacarent Sanctae Ecclesiae Et Paulò post cùm cos caechesi instituisset baptizavit From these Authours it appeares that Catechumens were heretofore made in the Church no otherwise than by an imposition of the hand Whereas therefore Constantine is said to have then first received imposition of the hand in the Church 't is plain that as yet he was not a Catechumen But some body will say who can believe that the Emperour Constantine was not till this time a Catechumen whereas he had both been present at the Nicene Council and had published so many Laws and Rescripts in favour of the Christians had built so many Churches had all manner of ways incited the Heathens to embrace the Faith of Christ and had deprived the Hereticks and Schismaticks of their Churches Indeed Eusebius does attest that he had performed all the Offices of a Christian. For he writes that he had busied himself in fastings and prayers and had observed Sundays and the Feasts of the Martyrs and also that he had watcht all night in the Vigils of Easter All these things and many more besides which might be produced doe prove Constantine not to have been a Heathen but they do not evince him to have been a Catechumen 'T is certain in these four Books of Eusebius wherein the Piety and Religion of Constantine is celebrated it no where occurs that Constantine prayed in the Church with the rest of the Catechumens or that he partook of the Sacrament of the Catechumens And although Eusebius does in express words affirm that of Helena Augusta the Mother of the Emperour Constantine that shee stood in the Church with the rest of the women yet you will never find the same thing said by him concerning Constantine If it be objected that Constantine made his abode at Helenopolis in the Church of the Martyrs and pour'd forth his prayers to God in the first place I answer that this passage occurs not in our Copies as I have observed a little before Secondly even Heathens had a liberty of going into the Churches except only in the time of prayers how much more might the Emperour do that who profest himself a Christian. Whereas therefore Eusebius does plainly inform us here that Constantine received imposition of the hand from the Prelates first at Helenopolis it evidently appears that before that time he was not a Catechumen I know that Athanasius in the Life of Saint Anthony where he speaks concerning the Letters written by Constantine to Anthony and Saint Augustine in Epist. 162 and 166 do give Constantine the Title of a Christian Prince But it may be answered that they have in this matter followed the vulgar opinion and Report of all men and that they publickly termed Constantine a Christian Prince not because he had as yet been initiated in the Sacraments of the Christian Faith but in regard he openly profest the worship of the Christian Religion Also another far more weighty objection against our Opinion may be brought from Chap. 32 Book 1. the Contents of which chapter run thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c That Constantine becoming a Catechumen c. Whence it may be concluded that Constantine was made a Catechumen soon after that Vision of a Cross in the Heavens But my answer is that those Contents were not made by Eusebius but by some more modern person as it is shown above Besides 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is taken there for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instructed or taught 'T is certain Eusebius does not say any where in that chapter that Constantine was made a Catechumen but only that the Bishops being call'd for by him opened to him the reason of that Celestial Vision and that thence forward he applyed himself to the reading of the Sacred Volumns Vales. d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 So in the first book of his History chap. 13 these words occur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 received a blessing by prayer and the laying on of his hands Saint Augustine Book 2. de Remissione Peccatorum
the Typicon of S t Saba and by Balsamon in his Collection of Canons To whom add Isidorus and Beda in the Book de Divinis Officiis where they treat concerning Sunday Stephanus Gobarus writes the same in his 29 th Chapter To this custom it is perhaps to be referred that the Greeks most commonly reckon the days of the week not to the Sunday which precedes but to that which follows For after the Sunday of the Prodigal Son which is the ninth Sunday before Easter those dayes which followed immediately namely the second third and fourth Feria and so on were by the Greeks termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 untill the following Sunday which was termed Dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and this week was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 See Meursius's Glossary in the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But after the Dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second Feria which followed next was termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so the other days of that whole week unto the following Sunday which was called by the same name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The same may be observed in the other Sundays untill Easter-day For after the Dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the second Feria was termed the second Feria of the Holy Fasts and the whole week was called so untill the following Sunday which had the same name Lastly the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Great week or Passion-week which we call the Holy Week is reckoned to the following Sunday namely Easter Day as it appears from the Typicon of Saint Saâ—â— Chap. 31. Cyrillus also in his 〈◊〉 Sermons always begins the week of Easter which we now term The Holy Week from the second Feria and closes it with the following Sunday namely Easter-Day Nor does Theophilus do otherwise in his â—aschâ—l Epistles Vales. h 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is the most ancient name of Sunday whorâ—by it was â—alled even from the Apostles times 'T is certain in the Revelation of Saint John mention is made of the Lord's day See Chap. 1. verse 10. But what Enseâ—ius says here and in the Life of Constantine namely that Sunday was consecrated and set apart for prayers and Ecclesiastick assemblies this in my judgment was instituted something later For the first Christians who had embraced the faith immediately after our Lords Ascent met every day always applying themselves to prayers and all manner of Offices of Piety as S r Luâ—e writes in the Acts of the Apostles But afterwards when the Heathens betook themselves in great numbers to the faith of Christ and the Faithfull could not meet every day it was appointed by the Apostles and their Successours that at least on the Lord's Day the Faithfull should meet together in the Church Concerning which there is an eminent passage in Justin the Martyr's Second Apology about the close of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 On the day termed Sunday all persons as well those who dwell in the Country as them in the City â—eet together c. He has termed it Sunday not the Lord's Day because he sâ—oke to the Roman Emperours who were well acquainted with Sunday but knew not the Lord's Day which was an appellation proper to Christians Justin repeats the same thing a little after in the same Apology Hereto likewise Pliny agrees in his Epistle to Trajan 〈◊〉 says he hanc fuisse summâ—m vel câ—lpa suâ— vel erroris c. They affirmed that this was the â—otall either of their fault or errour that on a stated day they were want to meet together before it was light and sing an Hymn to Christ aâ— to God Where by a stated day he means The Lord's Day Therefore from this place of Pliny it may be gathered that the Christians who then lived in Bithynia met together on the Lord's Day only Otherwise Pliny would have said that they were wont to meet on stated days not on a stated day Although this is not so much the Testimony of Pliny himself as the Christians own who conâ—eâ—t that before Pliny as he himself atteâ—â—s Besides the Lord's Day Epiphanius in the Epilogue to his Books against Heresies affirms that an Assemblie on the fourth and sixth â—â—riâ— and 〈◊〉 iâ— his Constitutions says that a meeting together on the Sabbath Day was instituted by the Apostles But as to what belongs to the Stations of the fourth and sixth Feria we are informed from Tertullian in â—is Book de Jejuniâ—â— that they were meerly arbitrary and at will not determined by any positive Law or Command And although it was the Easternâ— usage to meet together on the Sabbath yet 't is manifest from Epiphanius Socrates and others that in most Churches Assemblies were not then held There is an eminent passage of S t Jerom's on the Epist to the Galatians Chap. 4. Eâ— nâ—inord 〈…〉 gregatio popâ—â—â—â—idem minueret in Christo c. And least a disordered â—ongregation of the people might lessen the faith in Christ Wordâ—â—â—ome days â—re appointed that we might all come together Not that that day whereâ—â— we â—â—et is â—ore solemn but that on whatever day there is an assembly a greater joy may arise from the â—ight of one another Vales. i 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He says that the Lord's Day has its name from light not because it was by the Heatâ—ens termed the day of the Sâ—â— but because 't is the day of the Lord that namely whereon the Lord rose and conferred on us Life and Light and because on that day we received the Holy Spirit the Enlightner of our minds See Clemenâ— Alexandrinus's Strom Book 6. where speaking concerning the Sabbath there occurs a most elegant passage which for brevities â—ake I here omit The Lord's Day therefore is the day of Light both because on that day the Light was first â—reated and also in regard we on that day received the knowledge of the truth by the Holy Spirit who fell upon the Faithfull under the form of â—ire and without division was divided as Clemens words it in the forementioned place Vales. k 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That is not satisfied in his instructing others he himself practises those things which he teacheth according to the command of the Gospel Vales. * Or Keepers l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The reading must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and we have rendred it accordingly Indeed in the Fuketian Copy 't is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vales. m 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It must be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Church is understood as 't is apparent from His third Book concerning the Life of Constantine Chap. 50. From whence it must be also here corrected 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the chiefest Cities as the reading likewise is in the Fuketian Copy Vales. n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In the third Book of his Life of Constantine Chap. 50 instead of the verb 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is made use of Indeed