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A72509 A perambulation of Kent conteining the description, hystorie, and customes of that shyre. Collected and written (for the most part) in the yeare. 1570. by William Lambard of Lincolnes Inne Gent. and nowe increased by the addition of some things which the authour him selfe hath obserued since that time. Lambarde, William, 1536-1601. 1576 (1576) STC 15175.5; ESTC S124785 236,811 471

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whereas in my fantasie there can be assigned none other certaine boundes thereof then suche as we haue before recited out of the auncient Hystories For euen as in the olde time being then a méere solitude and on no part inhabited it might easily be circumscribed So since being continually from time to time made lesse by industrie it coulde not long haue any standing or permanent termes And therefore what so euer difference in common report there be as touching the same for as muche as it is nowe thanked be God in manner wholy replenished with people a man maye more reasonably mainteine that there is no Weald at all then certainely pronounce eyther where it beginneth or maketh an ende And yet if question in Lawe shoulde fortune to be moued concerning the limits of the Weald as in déede it maye happen vpon the Statute of Woods and otherwise I am of opinion that the same ought to be decided by the verdite of twelue men grounded vpon the common reputation of the countrey thereaboutes and not by any other meanes But bycause I wote not howe the naturall and auncient inhabitantes of this countrey will beare it that a young Nouesse and lately adopted Denizen shoulde thus boldely determine at their disputations I will here for a while leaue the Weald and go foorth to the residue Farley in Saxon farrlega and may be interpreted the place of the Boares or Bulles FArley both the East and West bordering vpon Medwey belonged somtime to the Monkes of Christes Churche in Canterbury to whom it yealded in the dayes of King Edward the Confessour twelue hundreth Eeles for a yearely rent This I exemplifie to the ende that it may appeare that their reseruations in auncient time were as well in victuall as in money and that thereof the landes so leased were called Fermes of the Saxon worde feormian whiche is to féede or yeald victuall Whiche Etymologie of the worde although it might suffice to the proofe of that matter yet to the end that my coniecture may haue the more force I will ad vnto it the authoritie of Geruasius Tilberiensis a learned man that flourished in the dayes of King Henrie the seconde who in his Dialogue of the obseruations of the Exchequer hath in effecte as followeth Vntill the time sayth he of King Henrie the first the Kings vsed not to receiue money of their lands but victuals for the necessarie prouision of their house And towardes the payment of the Souldiours wages and suche like charges money was raysed out of the Cities and Castles in whiche husbandrie and tillage was not exercised But at the length when as the King being in the partes beyonde the Seas néeded ready money towarde the furniture of his warres and his subiectes and farmers complayned that they were grieuously troubled by cariage of victuals into sundry parts 〈…〉 the Realme farre distant from their dwelling houses The King directed comission to certaine discrete persons whiche hauing regarde of the value of those victuals should reduce them into reasonable summes of money The leueying of whiche summes they appointed to the Sheriffe taking ordre withall that he should pay them at the Scale or Beame that is to say that he should pay sixe pence ouer aboue euery pound waight of money because they thought that the money in time would waxe so muche the woorse for the wearing c. Thus farre Geruasius I am not ignorant that Geruasius him selfe in an other place of that Booke deriueth the woord Ferme from the Latine Firma Howbeit for asmuche as I know assuredly that the terme was vsed here amongst the Saxons before the comming of the Conquerour and that the Etymon therof descended from the Saxon language whereof happely Geruasius being a Norman was not muche skilfull I am as bolde to leaue his opinion for the deriuation as I was readie to cleaue to his reporte for the Hystorie Maidstone contractly for Medweys Towne in Saxon MeSƿegestun that is the Towne vpon Medway it is taken to be that whiche in Antoninus is called Duropronis One auncient Saxon boke which I haue seene writeth it thus Maegþanstane whiche is as muche to say as the mightie or strong stone a name belike giuen for the Quarrey of hard stone there THe name of this Towne being framed as the moste part thinke out of the name of the water might easely moue a man to iudge that it had béen long since the Principall towne vpon the Riuer whereon it is situated The rather for that the Saxons in imposing the names of their chiefe places vsed to borowe for the moste parte the names of the waters adioyning as Colchester was so by them called of the water Colne Ciceter or rather Cyrenchester of the water Cyren in Latine Corinius Donchaster of the Riuer of Done Lyncolne of Lindis and to come to our owne Shyre Eilesford of Eile Dartford of Darent Crayford of Cray and suche other Howebeit for asmuche as I finde not this place aboue once named in any auncient hystorie and but seldome mentioned in any Recordes that I haue séene I dare not pronounce it of any great antiquitie but speak chiefly of that whiche it hathe gotten within the compasse of late memorie In the time of King Edward the sixt therefore this Towne was incorporated and endowed with sundrie liberties all whiche soone after it forfeited by ioyning in a Rebellion moued within this Shyre vnder the Reigne of Queene Marie Neuerthelesse of late time the Quéenes Maiestie that nowe is of her great clemencie hathe not onely restoared to the Towne the former incorporation but endowed it also with great Priuilege appaireling the Maior with the authoritie of a Iustice of the Peace exempting the Townesmen from forreigne Sessions and creating the Towne it selfe a Boroughe enabled to haue voice in Parleament In it were foure principall ornamentes of building the College the Bishops Palaice the house of the Brothers of Corpus Christi and the Bridge Of whiche the first was built by Boniface the Archebishop of Canterbury and Vncle to Eleonor the wife of King Henrie the third to the honour of Peter Paule and Saint Thomas the Martyr as they would haue it and endowed with great possessions by the name of an Hospitall but commonly termed the newe woorke This had not stoode fully a hundreth and fourtie yeares but that William Courtney a successour in that Sée and a Noble man as the other was pulled it downe and erecting a newe after his owne pleasure gayned thereby the name of a founder and called it a College of Secular Priestes The Palaice that yet standeth was begonne by Iohn Vfford the Archebishop but for as much as he died before he had brought the worke to the midst Simon Islepe the next in successiō sauing one took this matter in hand not onely pulled downe a house of the Bishops which had long before stode at Wrotham but also charged his whole Prouince with a tenth to accomplishe it I
Dert Stourmouth in this Shyre of Stowre and such other like And no lesse common with vs of later time is it to corrupt by contraction the true names almoste of al places but especially of so many of the same as consisted at the first of thrée sillables or aboue For of Medweys Towne we make Maidstone of Eglesford Ailsford of Ottanford Otford of Seuennocke Sennock and so foorth infinitely bothe throughout this Shire and the whole Realme and that so rudely in a great many that hardly a man may know them to be the same For Maildulphesbyrig we call Malmesbury Eouesham Esham and Hagustaldsham we cut of by the waste and nickname it Hexam Neyther hath this our manner of abbreuiation corrupted the names of townes contagion almoste our whole speache language calling that which in old time was Heofod now Head Kyning King Hlaford Lord Sunu Sonne and in numerable suche other so that our spéech at this day for the moste part consisteth of wordes of one sillable Whiche thing Erasmus obseruing merily in his Ecclesiast Compareth the Englishe tongue to a Dogges barking that soundeth nothing els but Baw waw waw in Monosillable If this roueing arrow of mine own coniecture haue missed the marke of Glademouth wherat I directed my shotte yet will I pricke at Yenlade with an other out of the same quiuer and happely go nearer it Beda speaketh there of the Northeast mouth of the floud Genlade whiche speache of his were ydle if that water had none other mouthe but that one And therefore hauing read that the Northwest month of the same water running betwéene Shepey Hoo is called Yenlade also though our Statute bookes misplacing some letters name it corruptly Yendal I suppose that Yenlade is a name proper to the whole streame that passeth betwéene Shepey and the maine Land hauing the two mouths Eastswale and Westswale well inough knowne Reculuers in Saxon Raculf Mynster deriued as I gesse of the Brittish woord Racor that signifieth forward for so it standeth toward the Sea. THe present estate of Reculuers deserueth not many words As touching the antiquitie therefore and beginning of the place I read first that Ethelbert ●he first King of Kent hauing placed Augustine at Canterbury withdrewe himselfe to Reculuer and there erected a Palaice for him self and his successours Furthermore that Ecgbrighte the seuenth King of Kent in succession after Hengist gaue to one Bassa the land at Reculuer to builde him a Mynster vpon whiche stoode at the one side of the water Wantsume that ranne two sundrie ways into the Sea and made Tanet an Iland And finally that not long after the same time one Brightwald being Abbat there was aduaunced to the Archebishopricke of Canterbury was the first o al the Saxō Nation that aspired to that dignitie In which behalf Reculuers how poore and simple soeuer otherwise hath as you sée somewhat whereof to vaunt it selfe As it may also of the body of Ethelbert the second a King of Kent whiche as the Annales of Saint Augustines report remaineth likewise interred there Thus haue I walked about this whole Diocoese now therefore let me cutte ouer to Watlingstreete whiche I will vse for my way to Rochester and tell you of the places that lye on eche side But first heare I pray you of Stouremouthe and Wyngham which be in my way to Watlingstreate Stouremouthe in Latine Ostium Sturae that is to say the mouth of the Riuer Stoure KIng Alfred hauing many times and that with much losse more daūger encountred his enemies the Danes finding that by reason of the sundrie swarmes of them arriuing in diuers parts of his Realme at once he was not able to repulse them beeing landed he rigged vp a royall Nauie and determined to kéep the highe Seas hoping thereby either to beate them vpon the water or to burne their vessels if they should fortune to arriue Soone after this it fortuned his Nauie to meete with the Danish fléete at the mouth of the Riuer Stoure where at the first enccunter the Danes lost sixtéene saile of their ships But as many times it falleth out that securitie foloweth victory so the Kings armie kept no watch by reason whereof the Danes hauing repaired their forces came freshly vpon the Englishe Mariners at vnwares and finding them fast a sléepe gaue them a great and bloudie ouerthrowe The likenesse or rather the agréement of the names would leade a man to thinke that the true place of this conflict should be Stouremouthe in this Shyre the rather for that it is deriued of the mouth of the riuer Stoure and that by the circumstance of the storie it appeareth that King Alfred was in Kent when he made determination of this iourney Howbeit he that shall aduisedly read the storie as it is set downe by Asserus shall confesse it to haue béen in Eastangle whiche conteined Norfolke and Suffolke c. And for the more certeinty I take it to haue chaunced at the same place whiche we nowe call Harwiche Hauen For that Riuer diuideth Essex from Suffolk and not farre from the head therof in Essex there standeth a Towne yet called Sturmere whiche in my fantasie sufficiently mainteineth the knowledge of this matter Thus muche I thought fitte to say of the name Stowremouth least otherwise the Reader whome I would kéepe within the limits of Kent might be shipped in the boate of this errour and be soudainly caried from me Againe it shall not be amisse for the better vnderstanding of this selfe same Hystorie penned by Henrie Huntingdon to note that in this place he calleth the Danes not Paganos as in the rest of his book he vseth but by a strange name Wicingas as the Saxon Chronicles in report of the same matter do terme thē which word I thinke he tooke out of some Saxon Chronicle that he followed and happely vnderstood not what it signified For if he had why should he not rather since he wrote Latine haue called them Piratas as the woord in deede meaneth and as Asserus in the rehersall of the same fight had done before him It may be that he was a Norman borne but truly I suppose rather that the Saxon speach was well nighe worne out of vre in the reigne of King Stephan vnder whome he liued seeing that euen immediatly after the comming in of the Conquerour it began to decline For it is plaine that the Normans at the very first entrie laboured by al means to supplant the English and to plante their owne language amongst vs and for that purpose they both gaue vs the lawes and all manner of pastimes in the French tongue as he that will peruse the Lawes of the Conquerour and consider the termes of Hawking Hunting Tenise Dice playe and other disportes shall easily perceaue They reiected also the Saxons Characters all that their wonted manner of writing as writeth Ingulphus the Abbat of Croyland whiche came ouer with them and as a man
which was wont to be commonly said Vnicum Arbustum non alit duos Erythacos For in déede one whole Citie nay rather one whole Shyre and Countrie could hardly suffice the pride and ambitious auarice of such two Religious Synagogues The which as in all places they agréeed to enrich them selues by the spoyle of the Laitie So in no place they agréed one with another But eche séeking euerie where and by all wayes to aduaunce them selues they moued continuall and that moste fier● and deadly warre for landes priuileges reliques and suche like vaine worldly préeminences In so muche as he that will obserue it shall finde that vniuersally the Chronicles of their owne houses conteine for the moste parte nothing else but suing for exemptions procuring of reliques strugling for offices wrangling for consecrations pleading for landes and possessions For proofe wherof I might iustly alledge inumerable brawles stirred betwéen the Religious houses of this Citie wrastling sometime with the Kings sometime with the Archbishops oftentimes the one with the other ●l which be at large set forth by Thomas Spot the Chroni●ler of S. Augustins But for asmuch as I my self deligh● litle in that kind of rehersal do think that other men for the more part of the wiser sort be sufficiently persuaded of these their follies I wil lightly passe thē ouer labor more ●argely in some other thing And bycause that the Monas●erie or Priorie of Christes Churche was of the more fame I will first begin with it After that Augustine the Monke whiche was sent from Rome had found suche fauour in the sight of King Ethelbert that he might fréely Preache the Gospell in his Countrie he chose for assembly and prayer an olde Churche in the East part of this Citie whiche was long time before builded by the Romanes and he made therof by licence of the King a Churche for himselfe and his successours dedicating the same to the name of our Sauiour Christ whereof it was called afterward Christes Churche After his death Laurence his successor brought Monkes into the house the head whereof was called a Pryor whiche woord howsoeuer it soundethe was in déede but the name of a second officer bicause the Bishop himselfe was accompted the very Abbat For in olde time the Bishops were for the moste part chosen out of suche Monasteries and therefore moste commonly had their Palaces adioyning and gouerned as Abbats there by meanes whereof it came to passe that suche Abbies were not only muche amplified in wealth and possessions but also by fauour of the Bishoppes their good Abbates ouerloked all their neere neighbours as hereafter in further course shall better appeare I finde not that any great coste was done vp●n this Churche till Lanfrancs dayes who not only buided it almoste wholy of newe and placed Benedict● Monkes therein the number of whiche hee aduaunced from thirtie to one hundreth and fourtie but also erected certaine Hospitals whiche hee endowed with one hundreth and fourtie poundes by yere and repaired the walles of the Citie it selfe And here by the way it is to be noted out of Mathewe Westminster that there were Monkes in this house euer since the time of Laurence the second Archebishop although some reporte that Elfricus was the first that expulsed the Seculer Priestes and brought the Monkes in place Not long after Lanfrancs time succéeded William Corboile during whose gouernment this lately aduaunced building was blasted with flame but he soone after reedified it of his owne purse and dedicated it with great pompe and solemnitie in the presence of the King and his Nobles After him followed Theobaldus whome Pope Innocent the second honoured with the title of Legatus natus and then commeth Thomas Becket the fift in order after Lanfranc by whose life death and burial the estimation of this Church was aduaunced beyond all reason measure and wonder For not withstanding that it had beene before that time honoured with the arme of S. Bartholmew a Relique that King Canutus gaue with the presēce of Augustine that brought in Religion with the buriall of eight Kentishe Kings that succéeded Wightred and of a great number of Archebishops after the time of Cuthbert Likewise afterward with the famous assēbly at the homage done by the Scottishe King William to King Henrie the second and at the Coronation of King Iohn with the seueral Mariages also of King Henrie the third and King Edward the first and finally with the interrements of that Noble Edward called commonly the Blacke Prince of King Henrie the fourth yet the death of this one man not martyred as they feigne for the cause only and not the death maketh a Martyr but murdered in his Churche brought therevnto more accesse of estimation and reuerence then all that euer was done before or since For after his death by reason that the Pope had canonized his soule in Heauen and that Stephan Langton had made a Golden shrine for his body on earth and commaunded the Annuall day of his departure to bee kept solemne not only the Lay Common sort of people but Bishops Noble men and Princes as well of this Realme as of forreigne partes resorted on Pilgrimage to his tumbe flocked to his Iubile for remission In so muche that euery man offering according to his abilitie and thronging to see handle and kisse euen the vilest partes of his Reliques the Churche became so riche in Iewels and ornaments that it might compare with Midas or Craesus and so famous and renowmed euery piller resounding Saint Thomas his miracles praiers and pardons that now the name of Christ was cleane forgotten and the place was commonly called Saint Thomas Churche of Canterbury I passe ouer the stately buildings and monuments I meane Churches Chapels and Oratories raised to his name the lewde bookes of his lyfe and iestes written by foure sundrie persons to his praise The blasphemous Hymnes and collectes deuised by churchemen for his seruice and sundrie suche other thinges whiche as they were at the first inuen●● to strike into the heades of all hearers and beholders more then wonderfull opinion of deuotion and holynes So now the trueth being tried out and the matter well and indifferently weighed they ought to worke with all men an vtter detestation both of his and all their hypocrisie and wickednesse For as touching himself to omitte that which truely might be spoken in dispraise of the former part of his lyfe and to beginne with the very matter it selfe whervpon his death ensued it is euident bothe by the testimonie of Mathewe Paris a very good Chronicler that liued vnder King Henrie the third and by the foure Pseudo Euangelistes themselues that wrote his Iestes that the chi●fe cause of the Kings displeasure towardes him grew vpon occasion that he opposed himself against his Prince Gods lawfull and Supreame minister on earth in maintenance of a moste vile and wicked murther The matter stoode thus Within a fewe of
of Bec an olde booke intituled likewise De origine Regum Brytannorū the which beginning at the arriuall of Brute ended with the actes of Cadwalader and agréed thoroughout as by collatiō I collected with this our Bryttishe hystorie which I doubt whether Henrie of Huntington had euer séene Nowe therefore if this were an olde booke in his time it coulde not be newe in the dayes of Petite that succéeded him And if the argument were written before in the Bryttish tongue it is very probable that he was not the first author but only the translator thereof in Latine For further likelyhoode whereof I my selfe haue an auncient Bryttish or Welshe copy which I reserue for shew and doe reuerence for the antiquitie litle doubting but that it was written before the dayes of William Petite who as he was the first So vpon the matter recken I him the onely man that euer impugned the Bryttishe hystorie For as touching Polydore though he were a man singularly well learned yet since hee was of our owne time and no longer since his forces must of necessity be thought to bée bent rather against the veritie then against the antiquitie of that writing Wherein if he shall seeke to discredit the whole worke for that in some partes it conteineth matter not only vnlikely but incredible also then shall he bothe depriue this Nation of all manner of knowledge of their first beginning and open the way for vs also to cal into question the origine and antiquities of Spaine Fraunce Germanie yea and of Italie his owne countrie in which that whiche Liuie reporteth of Romulus and Remus Numa and Aegeria is as farre remoued from all suspicion of truthe as any thing whatsoeuer the Galfride writeth either of Brute Merlin or King Arthur himselfe Séeing therefore that euen as corne hath his chaffe and metall his drosse so can there harldly any wryter of the auncient hystorie of any nation be founde out that hath not his propre vanities mixed with sincere veritie the part of a wise Reader shal be not to reiect the one for doubt of the other but rather with the fire and fan of iudgement and discretion to trie and sift them a sunder And as my purpose is for mine owne parte to vse the commoditie thereof so oft as it shall like me so my counsell shal bee that other men will bothe in this and other obserue this one rule That they neither reiect without reason nor receiue without discretion and iudgement Thus muche in my way for assertion of the Bryttish hystorie I thought good to say once for all to the ende that from hencefoorthe whatsoeuer occasion of debate shal be offered concerning eyther the veritie or antiquitie of the same I neither trouble my selfe nor tarrie my Reader with any further defence or Apologie The Byshops See and Diocesse of Canterbury HE that shal aduisedly consider the plot of this Shyre may finde thrée diuerse and those not vnfit wayes to deuide it One by breaking the whole into the East and West Kent An other by parting it as Watling streate leadeth into North and Southe Kent And a third by seuering it into the two distinct Dioceses of Canterbury and Rochester Of these thrée I haue determined to chuse the last both bycause that kinde of diuision hath as certaine limits as any of the former for that it séemeth to me the moste conuenient seuerance being wrought both by bounde of place and of iurisdiction also And because the See of Canterbury is not onely the more worthy of the twaine but also the Metropolitane and chiefe of the whole realme I haue thought good in the first place to shewe the beginning and increase of that Bishopricke and afterward to prosecute the description and hystorie of the principal parts belonging to the same It is to be séene in the Brittishe hystorie and others that at suche time as King Lucius the first christened Prince of this land had renounced the damnable darknes of Paganisme and embrased the glorious light of the Gospel of God he chaunged the Archeflamines of London Yorke and Caerleon into so many Archebishops and the Flamines of other inferiour places into inferiour Bishops through out his whole realme Howbeit this matter is not so cleare but that it is encountered by William Petit whiche in the Proheme of his hystorie affirmeth boldly that the Britons whiche professed Christian religion within this Iland before the cōming of Augustine were contented with Bishops only that Augustine himselfe was the very first that euer had the Archbishops Palle amongst vs As touching Bishops it is euidēt by Beda him self that both before in Augustines time Wales alone had seuen at the lest but as for Archebishops although for my owne opinion I thinke with William the rather for that I suppose that the simplicity of the Britain clergie was not as thē enamoured with the vain titles of the Romane arrogancy yet to the end that the reader may be therby the more iustly occasioned to make inquisition of the trueth in that point it shall not be greatly out of his way to send him by Siluester Giraldus Canbrensis a man considering the age excellently wel learned which liued about the same time with Williā Petit or Williā of Newborow as some cal him This man in a book which he entituled Itinerariū Walliae setteth forth moste plainly the Archbishops that in olde time were at Caerleon their translation from thence to Saint Dauids their transmigration from Saint Dauids ouer the Sea into Normandie and the whole Catalogue of their succession in each of those places But here some man thinking me more mindful to direct others thē careful to kepe mine own wai wil happely aske me what pertineth it I pray you to Canterbury whether there haue ben Archbishops at London Yorke Carleon or no yes no doubt it maketh greatly to our treatise of Canterbury for not onely the forenamed Brittish historie Mathew of Westminster Williā of Malmesbury do shew manifestly that Augustine by great iniury spoiled Londō of this dignitie of the Archbishops chaire bestowing the same vpon Canterbury but the Epistle of Pope Gregorie himself also which is to be read in the Ecclesiasticall storie of Beda cōuinceth him of manifest presumption arrogācie in that he sticked not to prefer his own fantasie liking before the Pope his maisters institution cōmaūdement For Pope Gregory appointed two Archbishops the one at London the other at Yorke whereof either should haue vnder him 12. inferiour Bishops wherof neither should be subiect to other only for Augustines honour hee willed that they all should bée vnder him during his lyfe But Augustine not so contēted both remained resident during al his life at Canterbury and before he died consecrated Laurence Archebishop there least eyther by his owne death or want of another fit man to fill the place the chaire might happely be carried to London as
may yet sée in the booke of Domesday it self which notwithstanding that it was written within a few yeares after the arriual of the Conquerour yet being penned by Normans it reteineth very few letters of the Saxon Alphabet Thus farre by occasion of the water Stoure in Suffolke as touching the course of our owne Riuer of the same caling which bothe giueth the present name of Stourey Stouremouthe and the olde name to Canterbury also I will referre you wholy to the Map of this Shyre VVingham BEsides the statelie and Princelike Palaices at Canterbury Maidstone Otford Knoll Croyden and Lamb-hythe which the Archbishops of this Shyre kept in their handes bothe to perfourme their set solemnities of housekeping and to soiourne at with their whole traines when they traueiled toward the Court and Parleament or remained for busines about the same they had also of auncient time diuers other Manor houses of lesse cost and capacitie planted in diuers partes of this Countrie in whiche they vsed to breathe themselues after their great feasts and affaires finished and to lodge at when they trauailed the Countrie to make their visitations Of this number amongst other were Foorde Charte Charing Charteham Tenham and this our Wingham at the whiche Baldwyne the Archebishop in the Reigne of King Henrie the second lay at suche time as he had contention with his couent of Christes Church for making a Chappell at Hakington as in fitte place you shall finde more largely disclosed In the meane season I will only tel you that as the Annales of Saint Augustines reporte when two of his Monkes came to this house on horsbacke in great hast to serue the processe of that suite vpon him he receiued the Processe dutifully but he caused them to dismount and to walke home on foote faire and softly At this house also King Edward the first rested for a seasō with Robert of Winchelsey then newly made Archebishop whilest he tooke order for the defence of the Sea Coastes charging bothe the spiritualtie and commons with horse and armour according to the quantities of their liuelyhoodes and possessions And here was he aduertised that one of his familie called Syr Thomas Turbeuille whom hee had sent into Gascoine with commission was fallen into the hands of the French King his enemie and imprisoned in Paris and that for his deliuerance he had conspired with the Frenche King and promised to betraie the King his maister wherevpon king Edward caused suche diligent watche to be laide for him that he was taken and suche speedie and seuere iustice to be executed vpon him that he was foorthwith condemned drawen thorowe London and hanged on liue Of this man a Poet of that age alluding to his name made this verse folowing and some other Turbat tranquilla clam Thomas Turbida Villa c. Our things now in tranquillitie Thom. Turbuill troubleth priuilie It is no small token of the auncient estimation of this place that it giuethe the name to the whole hundrethe in whiche it is situate for that is moste vsuall bothe in this Shyre and elswhere that the whole territorie be it Lathe Wapentake or Hundreth most commonly beareth the name of some one place moste notable and excelling other within the same at the time of the name imposed although happely at this day some other place doe muche excéede it To make an end here was sometime a religious College the gouernour whereof was called a Prouost whiche I suppose to haue béene founded by some of the Archebishops and I finde to haue béene valued at fourescore and foure pounds of yearely reuenue Watling streete in Saxon ƿeatlingastrete of one Weatle whome the printed booke of Mat. West calleth vntruly Wading KIng Molmutius the Brittish Solō first Law maker decréed amongst other things that such as were found praying in the Temple labouring at the plough or trauailing in the highe waies should not be impeached by any officer but that they should enioy peaceable fréedome and libertie bothe for their goods persons But forasmuche as he had not in his life time described those wayes that he would haue thus priuileged great contention arose after his death which wayes should be taken for highe and royall and whiche not and therefore Belinus his Sonne and successor to cease all controuersie limited in certaine foure especiall highe wayes whereof the first was called Erming-streete and lead after the opinion of some from South-hampton to S. Dauids in Wales or as others write to Carlile in the Northe the second was named Fosseway and extended from Cathnes in the North of Scotland to Totnes a cape of Cornewall The third Ikeneled or as others write it Rekeneld and reached from East to West as Huntingdon affirmeth but as others will from Tinmouth to S. Dauides whiche is from Northeast to Southwest Watlingstreete where we nowe are was the fourth and it beganne at Douer after the opinion of Ralfe Higden passed through the midst of Kent crossed the Thamise at the West end of London howbeit others to whom I rather incline thinke that it ranne through London and there left the name to Watlingstreet there frō thēce to S. Albons Dūstable Stretford Towcester Lilburne Wrecken thence ouer the riuer of Seuerne to Stretton so through the midst of Wales to Cardigan and to the banke of the Irishe Sea. And this is the common and receyued opinion although in deede there be diuers touching the firste beginning and description of this way But Simon the Chaunter of Durham and he that made the continuation to the Hystorie of Asserus Meneuensis both very good authours ascribe bothe the beginning and the name also of this way to the sonnes of a Saxon King whome they called Weatle which their opinion as I doe not greatly receiue bycause I finde not that name Weatle in any Catalogue of the Kings that I haue seene So will I not rashely reiecte it for the estimation that I otherwise reteine of the writers them selues But doe leaue the Reader to his frée choice to take or leaue the one or the other And as there is difference concerning the first beginning and name of this way So al agrée not in the trace and true course of the same For Henrie the Archedeacon of Huntingdon affirmeth that it stretched from Douer to Chester And this Simon reporteth that it extended it selfe from the East Sea to the West Whiche third and laste opinion may well inough stand eyther with the firste or the seconde But nowe as touching this priuilege graunted by Molmutius althoughe it continue not altogether in the same plight yet some shadowe thereof remaineth euen to this daye as by the lawes of King Edward the Confessour whiche confirmed the protection of the foure wayes by name and by the Statute of Marlbridge whiche forbiddeth distresses to be taken in any the Kings highe wayes or common stréetes and by the Statute called Articuli Cleri whiche commaundeth that such as
not to pursue ouer fiercely thine enemie that hath already tourned his back towardes thée least thou compell him to make vertue of that necessitie and he turning his face againe put thee in d unger to be ouercome thy selfe which before haddest in thine owne hande assuraunce to ouerthrowe him In which behalfe it was well sayde of one Hosti fugienti pons aureus faciendus If thine enemie will flye make him a bridge of Golde Neuerthelesse for as much as this aduice procéeded not from Eadric of any care that he had to preserue King Edmonds power out of perill but rather of feare least the whole army of Canutus should be ouerrunne and destroyed he is iustly taxed for this and other his treasons by our auncient historians who also make report of the worthy rewarde that in the ende he receiued for all his trecherie For this was hee as William Malmsb writeth though some others ascribe it to his sonne that afterwardes when these two Kings had by composition diuided the Realme betwene them most villanously murthered King Edmonde at Oxford and was therfore done to death by King Canutus who in that one act shewed singular argumēts both of rare iustice and of a right noble harte Of iustice for that he would not winke at the faulte of him by whose meanes hee obteyned the Monarchie of the whole Realme of great Nobilitie of minde in that he plainly declared himselfe to estéeme more of his owne honour then of another mans Crowne and Scepter to haue digested quietly that impatiencie of a partener in kingdome which great Alexander thought as intollerable as two sunnes in the world at once and which Romulus could in no wise brooke since he woulde not suffer one kingdome to content him and Remus whom one belly had conteyned before There was sometime at Eilefford a house of Carmelite Friers of the time of the foundation or name of the founder whereof I haue not yet learned any thing Mallinge in Saxon Mealing of Mealuing that is the Lowe place flourishing with meale or Corne for so it is euery where accōpted THis Towne the name whereof hauing his termination in ing betokeneth plainely that it is situate along the water euen as Yalding Berming Halling and others thereby was first giuen to Burhricus the Bishop of Rochester by King Edmund the Brother of Athelstane vnder the name of thrée Plough landes in Mealinges About one hundreth and fiftie yeares after whiche time Gundulphus a successour in that See as you haue read before hauing amplified the buildings and multiplied that number of the Monkes in his owne Citie raised an Abbay of women here also which being dedicate to the name of the Blessed Virgin during all his life he gouerned himself and lying at the point of death he commended to the charge of one Auice a chosen woman to whome notwithstanding he would not deliuer the Pastorall staffe before she had promised Canonicall Obedience fidelitie and subiection to the Sée of Rochester and protested by othe that there should neither Abbasse nor Nonne be from thenceforthe receaued into the house without the consent and priuitie of him and his successours Now whether this Rus propinquum and politique prouision were made of a blinde zeale that the man had to aduaunce superstition or of a vain glorie to increase authoritie in his succession or els of a foresight that the Monkes whiche were for the moste part called Monachi of Sole liuing by the same rule that Montes haue their name of remouing might haue a conuenient place to resort vnto and where they might Caute at the least quenche the heates kindled of their good cheare and idlenesse God knoweth and I wil not iudge But well I wote that this was a very common practise in Papistrie for as Saint Augustines had Sepulchres Saint Albans Sopewell Shene Sion the Knightes of the Rodes the Nonnes of Clerkenwel all adioyning or subiect to suche obedience so Sempringham and some other of that sort had both Male and Female within one house and wall togeather the world being in the meane while borne in hand that they were no men but Images as Phryne said sometime of Xenocrates This house was valued in the Recordes at two hundreth and eightéene pounds of yerely reuenewe Tunbridge called of Mat. Par. Th●●ebrugge corruptly for tonebrycge that is the Bridge ouer Tone but if it be truly written tunbrycge thē it signifieth the towne of Bridges as in deed it hath many ALthough I find no mention of Tunbridge in that copie of Domesdaye booke whiche I haue séene concerning the description of this Shyre yet read I in history that there was a castle at Tunbridge sone after the conqueste if not euen at the same time when that booke was compiled For omitting that which Hector Boetius writeth concerning a battell at Tunbridge wherin the Conquerour as he saith should preuaile against Harold bicause it is euidently false and vntrue vnlesse he mean it of the continuance of the chase after the fight euen to Tunbridge I haue read that at suche time as Odo ioyning with others of the Nobilitie made defection from William Rufus to Robert his elder brother the King besieged at Tunbridge one Gilbert then kéeper of the Castle and compelled him to yéelde it Happely this Odo being the Kings Vncle and of great authoritie within the Shyre as we haue before shewed had erected this Castle giuen the charge to Gilbert but howsoeuer that were certaine it is that the Castle was long time holdē of the Archbishops of Canterbury and continued many yeares togeather in the possession of the Earles of Clare afterwards called of Gloucester For in the dayes of King Henrie the second Thomas the Archbishop required homage of Roger then Earle of Gloucester for his Castle of Tunbridge who knowing the King to be halfe angrie with the Archebishop and wholly on his owne side shaped him a short answere affirming stoutly that it was none of his but the Kings owne as a Lay Fée Falcasius a hyred Souldiour that was enterteined by King Iohn during the warres with his Nobilitie toke by force this Castle from the Earle of Gloucester and kept it for a season to the Kings behoofe King Henrie the third also after the death of Gilbert the Earle of Gloucester scised the Wardship of his Heire and committed the custody of this Castle to Hubert of Burghe But Richard the Archebishop surnamed the great being offended therat came to the King in great haste and made his claime by reason that the Earle Gilbert died in his homage the King gaue answer that the whole Earledome was holden of him that hee might lawfully committe the custodie of the Landes to whome soeuer it liked himselfe Hereat the Bishop waxed warme and tolde the King plainly that since he could not haue right within the Realme he would not spare to séeke it abrode forthwith hasted him to the holy Father at Rome where he
in setting vp of sumptuous housinge so he spared no coste in garnishing Greenewiche til he had made it a pleasant perfect and Princely Palaice Marie his eldest daughter and after Quéene of the realme was borne in this house Queene Elizabeth his other daughter our most gratious gladsom Gouernour was likewise borne in this house And his deare sonne King Edward a myracle of Princely towardnesse ended his lyfe in the same house One accident more touching this house and then an ende It hapened in the reigne of Queene Marie that the Master of a Ship passing by whilest the court lay there and meaning as the manner aad dutie is with saile and shot to honour the Princes presence vnaduisedly gaue fyre to a peice charged with a pellet in sted of a tampion the which lighting on the Palaice wallranne through one of the priuie lodginges and did no further harme ¶ Blackheathe ADioyninge to Greenewiche lyethe the plaine called of the colour of the soyle Blackheathe the which besides the burthen of the Danishe Camps whereof we spake euen now hath borne thrée seueral rebellious assemblies One in the time of Kinge Richard the second moued as it shal appeare anon in Dartford by Iack Straw whom William Walworth then Mayor of London slowe with his Dagger in Smithfielde in memorie whereof the Citie had geuen them for increase of honour a Dagger to be borne in their shield of armes Iack Cade that counterfeit Mortimer and his fellowes were leaders of the second who passing from hence to London did to death the Lord Say and others in the time of King Henrie the Sixt. These two besides other harmes that vsually accompanie the mutinic and vprore of the common and rascal sort defaced fouly the Records and monuments both of the law and Armourie The parts of Rolles remayning yet halfe brent doo witnesse the one And the Heraldes vnskill comming through the want of their olde Bookes is sufficient testimonie of the other The third insurrection was assembled by Michael Ioseph the black Smith and the Lorde Audley vnder the reigne of Kinge Henrie the Seuenth at whiche time they and their complices receaued their iust deserte the common number of them being slaine and discomfited and the leaders themselues taken drawne and hanged Of this last there remaineth yet to be séene vpon the Heathe the places of the Smithes Tente called commonly his forge And of all thrée the graue hilles of suche as were buried after the ouerthrowe These hillockes in the West Countrie where is no smal store of the like are called Barowes of the olde Englishe word BurgHer whiche signifieth Sepulchres or places of burying which word being a spring of that olde stocke we doe yet reteine aliue The first and last of these commotions were stirred of a griefe that the common people conceaued for the demaund of two subsidies of whiche the one was vnreasonable bycause it was taxed vpon the Polls and exempted none were he neuer so poore The other was vnseasonable for that it was exacted when the heades of the common people were full of Parkin Warber The third and midlemoste grewe vpon a grudge that the people tooke for yeelding vp the Duchie of Ang●ow and Maynie to the King of Sicil The comming in of whose daughter after that the King would néedes haue her to wife notwithstanding his precontract made with the Earle of Armenac was not so ioyfully embraced by the Citizens of London vpon Blackheathe wearing their red Hoodes Badges and blewe gownes as in sequele the Marriage and whole gouernment it self was knowne to be detested of the countrie Commons by bearing in the same place Harnesse Bowes Billes and other Weapon But bicause I cannot without paine and pitie enter into the consideration of these times and matters I will discourse no farther thereof but crosse ouer the next way to Lesnes and prosequute the rest of the bounds of this Bishopricke Lesnes mistaken as I thinke for Lesƿes Leswes whiche signifiethe Pastures I Could easily haue beléeued that the name Lesnes had béen deriued out of the Frenche and that it had béen first imposed at the foundation of the Abbay saying that I finde the place registred in the Booke of Domesday by the very same and none other calling And therfore I am the rather led to thinke that the name is Saxon and there miswritten as many other be by reason that the Normans were the penners of that booke Lesnes for Leswes the word whiche in the Saxon tongue signifieth Pastures and is not as yet vtterly forgotten forasmuche as till this day Pastures be called Lesewes in many places This is my fantasie touching the name wherein if I fayle it forceth not greatly since the matter is no more weightie Concerning the Hystorie of the place only I finde that Richard Lucy a priuie Counselour of the State and chiefe Iustice of the Realme in the time of King Henrie the second founded an Abbay there the temporalties wherof amounted as I finde to seuen poundes sixe Shillings and eight pence But as for the extent of the whole yearely value I haue not learned it Earethe in some olde euidences Eard deriued as I gesse of Aerre Hyðe that is the olde Hauen FOr plaine example that oure Elders before the conquest had their trialles for title of land and other controuersies in each shire before a Iudge then called Alderman or Shyreman of whom there is very frequent mention in the Lawes of our auncestours the Saxons the whiche some yeares since were collected and published in one volume and for assured proofe also that in those dayes they vsed to procéede in suche causes by the oathes of many persons testifying their opinion of his credit that was the first swearer or partie after the manner of our daily experience as in the oath yet in vre and called commonly Wager of Lawe is to be séene I haue made choice of one Hystorie conteining briefly the narration of a thing done at this place by Dunstanc the Archbishop of Canterbury almost a hundreth yeares before the comming of King William the Conquerour A rich man saith the text of Rochester being owner of Cray Earithe Ainesford and Woldham and hauing none issue of his body deuised the same lands by his last wil made in the presence of Dunstane and others to a kinswoman of his owne for life the Remainder of the one halfe thereof after her death to Christes Church at Canterbury and of the other halfe to Saint Androwes of Rochester for euer he died and his wife toke one Leofsun to husband who ouerliuing her reteined the Land as his owne notwithstanding that by the fourme of the deuise his interest was determined by the deathe of his wife Herevpon complaint came to one Wulsie for that time the Scyreman or Iudge of the Countie as the same booke interpreteth it before whome bothe Dunstane the Archebishop the parties them selues sundrie other Bishops and a great multitude of the Lay people
man And of the other that it is praise worthy also if at the lengthe being satisfied with gaine as it hath often come from the Sea to the Hauen So it chaunge from the Hauen into landes and possessions And therefore in my fantasie where as Geruas Tilber in his obseruations of the Eschequer accompteth it an abasing for a Gentleman to occupie Publicum mercimonium common buying and selling it ought to be referred to the other two parts of Merchandize that is to Negotiatiō which is retayling or keping of a standing shop and to Inuection which is to exercise Mercerye or as some cal it to play the Chapman and not to Nauigation which as you sée is the only laudable part of all buying and sellinge And againe whereas in our law it is reputed a Disparagement for a warde in Chiualrie which in old time was as much to say as a Gentleman to be maried to the daughter of one that dwelt in a Borowe I thinke that it also ought to be restrained to suche onely as professed handicrafts or those baser Artes of buying and selling to get their liuing by But of all this matter my Maisters the Heraldes can better infourme you to whome least I be blamed for thrusting my Sicle into an other mans Haruest I wil without any more referre you Tunbridge Wrotham this towne and Northfleete doe lye Northe and Southe one from another and it is a commune and receaued opinion amongst the Countrie people that you may be conueyed from the Thamise side to the edge of Sussex in these foure Parishes So that the whole Shyre by that reckoning should be but foure Parishes broade and yet .19 or 20. myles ouer on this part If any man doubt of the trueth let himselfe make the triall for I dare not warrant it Wrotham in Latine Vaginacae It is in the Domesday booke corruptly written Brotcham for I suppose that ƿyrHam is the very right name giuen for the great plentie of woorts or good hearbs that growe there THere was in Wrotham of auncient time a Manor house perteining to the Sée of the Archebishops For Geruasius witnesseth that one Richard the Archebishop that succéeded Thomas Becket lay there And that after suche time as he had by great largition and bribery preuailed at Rome bothe against King Henrie the Sonne of the second of that name in his owne consecration against Roger the Bishop of Yorke in the quarel of preeminencie and against other in other vain suits so that it might neuer be more truly said of that Citie in Paganisme it self Romae omnia ire venum then in that time of Papistrie he had a moste terrible dreame or vision in in his sléep at Wrotham the manner wherof as he reporteth was this It séemed to him that a verie graue and reuerend personage came to his bed side by night and demaunded of him in a loude voyce who art thou with whiche noyse when the Archebishop awaked and for feare answered nothing it added moreouer Thou art he that hast scattered the goods of the Churche committed to thy charge and therefore I will scatter thee and so with the woord vanished out of sight The Archebishop arose in the morning and hauing intended a iourney to Rochester addressed him selfe thitherward but this vision continually presented it selfe before the eye of his minde and so troubled him that for ease of his inward griefe he began to disclose the whole order of it to suche as were in his companie wherof he had no sooner made an end but he was forthwith stricken with such a horrour and chille colde that he was driuen of necessitie to alight at Halling in his way where in great torment he ended his lyfe the next daye following This house continued here vntill the time of Simon Islip the Archebishop who hauing a desire to finishe the Palaice at Maidston whiche Iohn Vfford his predecessour had begon and wanting wherwith to accomplishe it not onely pulled downe the building at Wrotham and conueied the stuffe thither but also obteined of the Pope licence to leuie a Tenthe throughout his whole Prouince to performe his work withall Kemsing IN the late time of the Popish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Image of Edithe the Daughter of King Egdar and sometime Prioresse of Wylton in the West Countrie was religiously frequented in the Churcheyarde at Kemsing for the preseruation of Corne and Graine from Blasting Myldewe Brandeare and suche other harmes as commonly annoy it The manner of the whiche sacrifice was this Some séely bodie broughte a pecke or two or a Bushel of Corne to the Churche and after prayers made offered it to the Image of the Saint Of this offering the Priest vsed to reteine the greatest portion and then to take one handfull or litle more of the residue for you must consider he would be sure to gaine by the bargaine the whiche after aspersion of holy water and mumbling of a few wordes of coniuration he first dedicated to the Image of Saint Edithe and then deliuered it backe to the partie that brought it who then departed with full persuasion that if he mingled that hallowed handefull with his séede Corne it would preserue from harme and prosper in growthe the whole heape that he should sowe were it neuer so great a masse I remember that I haue read in Terentius Varro that the olde Romans amongst innumerable others had in great veneration one God which of Robigo a canker in Corne they called Robigus and to whom they made deuoute intercession and solemne sacrifice for the preseruation and deliuerie of their graine from the selfe same annoyances that ours is subiect vnto Howe muche that God of the Romanes and our Godesse of Kemsing differed in profession let some Popish gadder after straunge Gods make the accompt for I my selfe can finde no oddes at all And truely were it not that I am lothe to anticipate nowe before time that which I shall God graunting haue bothe fit place and méete time to vtter hereafter I could easily shew that the olde Romans and our newe Romanistes agréed in manner throughout bothe in the propertie and number of their Gods if at the least they be numerable in the manner and multitude of their sacrifices in the times and formes of their solemnities in the reporte of their false and fayned myracles and finally almost in that whole heape and dunghill of theire filthie and superstitious Idolatries But I will awayt conuenient seasons and at this tyme giue to euerie man the same and none other counsell then Plautus a heathen Poet in deede and yet in this behalfe more heauenly then any Papiste sometime gaue in the like case saying Vnus dum tibi propitius est Iupiter tu hosce minutos Deos flocci feceris While Iupiter is thy friend set not thou a straw by these petie Gods. Otforde in Saxon Ottanford WE haue mentiō in ancient hystorie of two famous battels foughten at Otford whereof
seuenth booke and third chapter Bracton that liued in the time of King Henrie the third in his seconde booke De acquirendo rerum dominio And Bretton that wrate vnder King Edward the first and by his commaundement haue all expresse mention of landes partible amongst the males by vsage of the place and some of them recite the very name of Gauelkind it selfe But most plainely of all an auncient treatise receiued by tradition from the hands of our elders wherof I my self haue one exemplar written out as I suppose in the time of King Edwarde the firste agréeing with the dayly practise of these customes proueth the continuance of them to stande with good lawe and liking And therefore forbearing as néedlesse further testimonie in that behalfe I will descende to the disclosing of the customes them selues not numbring them by order as they lye in that treatise but drawing them foorth as they shall concerne eyther the lande it selfe or the persons that I will orderly speake of that is to say particularly the Lorde and the Tenant The husband and the wife The child and the gardien and so after addition of a fewe other things incident to this purpose I will drawe to an end As touching the land it self in which these customes haue place it is to be vnderstanded that all the landes within this Shyre which be of ancient Socage tenure be also of the nature of Gauelkind For as for the lands holden by auncient tenure of Knights seruice they be at the common lawe are not departible after the order of this custome except certeine which being holden of olde time by Knightes seruice of the Archebishop of Canterbury are neuerthelesse departible as it may appeare by an opinion of the Iudges in the Kings benche .26 H. 8. fol. 4. And that grewe by reason of a graunt made by King Iohn to Hubert the Archebishop the tenor wherof being exemplified out of an auncient roll remayning in the handes of the Reuerende father Mathewe the Archebishop nowe liuing hereafter followeth Ioannes dei gratia Rex Angliae Dominus Hiberniae Dux Normaniae Aquitaniae comes Andegauen Archiepiscopis Episcopis Abbatibus Comitibus Baronibus Iusticiarijs Vicecomitibus Praepositis ministris omnibus Balliuis fidelibus suis Salutem Sciatis nos concessisse praesenti charta nostra confirmasse venerabili patri nostro ac Chro. Huberto Cantuar. Archiepiscopo successoribus suis in perpetuum quòd liceat eis terras quas homines de feodo Ecclesiae Cantua tenent in Gauelkind conuertere in feoda militū Et quod idem Episcop successores sui eandē in ōnibus potestatē libertatē habeant in perpetuū in homines illos qui terras easdem ita in feodo militum conuersas tenebunt in haeredes eorum quā ipse Archiepiscopus habet successores sui post eum habebunt in alios milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. in haeredes Et homines illi haeredes eorum eandem omnem libertaetem habeant in perpetuum quam alij milites de feodo Ecclesiae Cantuar. haeredes eorum habent Ita tamen quod nihilominus consuetus redditus denariorum reddatur integre de terris suis sicut prius xenia aueragia alia opera quae fiebāt de terris ijsdem conuertantur in redditum denariorum aequiualentem Et redditus ille reddatur sicut alius redditus denariorum Quare volumus firmiter praecipimus quod quicquid praedictus Archiepiscopus successores sui post eum de terris illis in feodo militum secundum praescriptam formam conuertendis fecerint ratum in perpetuum stabile permaneat Et prohibemus ne quis contrafactum ipsius Archiepiscopi vel successorum suorum in hac parte venire praesumat Teste E. Eliense S. Bathon Episcopis G. filio Petri comite Essex Willmo Marescallo comite de Penbroc Roberto de Harocort Garino filio Geraldi Petro de Stoke Ric. de Reuerus Roberto de Tateshal Datum per manum S. Archid. Willielmi apud Rupem auriual 4. die Maij Anno regni nostri tertio But nowe for as muche as it is disputable whether this Chartre of the King be of sufficient vertue to chaunge the nature of the Gauelkynd lande or no and for that the certaintie of the landes so conuerted into Knight fee dothe not any where that I haue séene appeare saue onely that in the booke of Aide leuied in this Shire Anno. 20. E. 3. it is foure or fiue times noted that certeine landes there be holden in Knights seruice Per nouam licentiam Archiepiscopi I will leaue this and procéede to proue that all the landes of auncient tenure in Knights seruice be subiect to the ordinarie course of discent at the common lawe And that may I as me thinketh sufficiently doe both by the expresse wordes of a note 9. H. 3. in the title of Praescription 63. in Fitzherbert by the resolution of the same Fitzherbert and Norwiche Iustices 26. H. 8. 5. And by plaine recitall in the acte of Parleament made 31. H. 8. Ca. 3. by whiche statute the possessions of certeine Gentlemen there named were deliuered from this customarie discent and incorporated to the common lawe For amongst other things in that acte it is sayde That from thencefoorth such their lands shal be changed from the said custome and shall descend as lands at the common lawe and as other lands being in the said coūtie of Kent which neuer were holden by seruice of Socage but always haue bene holden by Knightes seruice doe descend By whiche wordes it is very euident that the makers of that estatute vnderstoode all landes holden by Knightes seruice to be of their proper nature descendable after the common lawe and that Socage tenure was the only subiect in whiche this our custome of Gauelkynd discent preuailed and helde place But when I thus speake of Socage and Knights fee I must alwayes be vnderstanded to meane of a tenure long since and of auncient time continued and not now newly or lately created for so it may fall out otherwise then is already reported As for example If land aunciently holden by Knights seruice come to the Princes hande who afterwarde giueth the same out againe to a common person to be holden of his Manor of Eastgrenewiche in Socage I suppose that this land notwithstanding the alteratiō of the tenure remaineth descendable to the eldest sonne only as it was before As also in like sorte if landes of auncient Socage seruice come to the crowne and be deliuered out againe to be holden eyther of the Prince in Capite or by Knightes seruice of any Manor I thinke it ought to descende according to the custome notwithstanding that the tenure be altered And if this be true in the graunt of the King him selfe then much lesse sauing the reuerēce due to king Iohns Chartre may the Archebishop by a newe creation of tenure make
A Perambulation of Kent Conteining the description Hystorie and Customes of that Shyre Collected and written for the most part in the yeare 1570. by William Lambard of Lincolnes Inne Gent. and nowe increased by the addition of some things which the Authour him selfe hath obserued since that time Iuuat immemorata ferentem Ingeniis oculisque legi manibusque teneri ¶ Imprinted at London for Ralphe Nevvberie dwelling in Fleetestreete a litle aboue the Conduit Anno. 1576. ¶ To his Countriemen the Gentlemen of the Countie of Kent THis Booke faire written in gifte lately sent vnto mee doo J fayre printed by dedication now sende and commend vnto you I knowe not in respect of the place vnto whom I may more fitly thus send it then vnto you that are eyther bred wel brought vp here or by the goodnesse of God and your own good prouision are well setled here and here lawfullye possesse or are neere vnto sundrie of those things that this booke specially speaketh of and thus as of your selfes doe you see what they are now and thus as of this booke may you knowe why they were and by whome they were and what they were long agone I knowe not in respect of the persons vnto whō I may more fitly thus send it then vnto you with whome I haue ben best and longest acquainted from whō by points of singular courtesie I haue been many wayes muche pleasured Toward whom for the generall coniunction and association of your minds and your selfes in good amitie and familiaritie one toward an other and all in good zeale towarde the aduancement of Christian religiō and for the indifferent and discrete course ye keepe in handling and compounding such controuersies as many times fall and thereby in nourishing peace a Iewel most precious betwene your honest and tractable neighbours things vnto almightie God very acceptable vnto her Maiestie very gratfull vnto your countrie very fruitful vnto your selfes very commendable Towarde whom I say for these causes which as a member of this Coūtie with others I see ioyfully and generally and for the two first causes which deriued frō you light vpon me self particularly I haue ben and am and must be very louingelye affected I know not how I may more fitly and effectually commend it thē to say that it is in substance an hystorie treating of the partes and actions of greatest weight a good time together done by the most famous persons of one speciall Countrie fet frō great antiquitie which many men are much delighted with out of sundry bookes with great studie collected painfully by this authoure in the matter set out truely with good words wel placed eloquently In commendation of this booke vpon a fit occasion the like in a manner is in Latine lately written by a Gentleman of our Countrie knowne to be very honest and I thinke very well learned and so vnder the authoritie of his good iudgement may I without blame the more boldly cōmend it vnto you What vtilitie foloweth the studie of Hystories many of them haue well declared that haue published hystories writtē by theim selfes or haue set out Hystories written by others And therefore already sufficiently done I neede not vnlearned mee selfe I can not therein say muche And yet thus much I may breefely say and fit for the thing I haue in hande me thinketh I muste needes say that the sacred word of Almightie God alwayes excepted there is nothing either for our instruction more profitable or to our mindes more delectable or within the compasse of common vnderstanding more easie or facile then the studie of hystories nor that studie for none estate more meete thē for the estate of Gentlemen nor for the Gentlemen of Englande no Hystorie so meete as the Hystorie of England For the dexteritie that men haue eyther in prouiding for theimselfes or in comforting their freendes two very good things or in seruing their King and Countrie of all outward things the best thing doth rest cheefly vpon their awne other folks experience which I may assuredly accompt for in an hystorie in our tong as wel written as any thing euer was or I thinke euer shal be great experience deriued frō a proofe of two such things as prosperitie and aduersitie be vpon a fit occasiō vnder the person of a very wisemā is rightly accoūted to be the very mother and maistres of wisdome Now that that a number of folkes doth generally is much more then that that any one of vs can do specially and so by other folks experiēce are we taught largely and that that other folkes for their King their coūtrie theimselfes their friends like good men do vertuously ought to prouoke vs with good deuotion inwardly to loue theim with good words openly much to commende theim and in their vertuous actions rightly to folow theim And that that other folkes against their King their countrie their friends and so against theim selfes like foolish men do ignorantly or like leude men do wickedly ought to moue vs first as our neighbours Christianly to bewaile theim and thē as by presidents of peril procured through their awne follies and faults dutifully and wisely to beware by th●m And so by these mens experience which like the burnt childe that then too late the fire dreadthe with much repentaunce they bye deerely are we taught and brought out of dāger to settle our selues as it were in a seate of suretie Thus you see what experience doth and thus you see where other folkes experience is to be had which for the good estate of England resting chiefly vpon the good iudgement and seruice of the Gentlemen of England is as J thinke most properly fet from the Hystorie of England And this for this purpose I say bothe vnto you my country men the Gentlemen of this Countie a portion of the Realme specially and to al the Gentlemen of the whole Realme beside generally There resteth that for this booke whiche I doe vpon these respectes thus send and with these reasons thus commende vnto you we shoulde vnto the Authour William Lambard yeelde oure verye hartie and perpetuall thankes as oure Country man in our wordes and deedes louingly vse him as a man learned duely esteeme him for a late very well learned and reuerend father hath publiquely and rightly so reputed him as a Gentleman religious and very honest make righte accompt of him whiche for my parte I thinke meete to do and meane to do and for your partes I desire heartely you should do and I hope assuredly you will do And if by you he might and woulde be moued at his good leysure to doe as muche for all the rest of the Counties of this Realme generally as he hathe done for this Countie specially toward whiche J knowe by great paine and good cost he hath alredy vnder the title of a Topographical dictionarie gathered together greate store of very good matter himselfe the Authour of it were worthy
Robertus de Winchelsey a notable traitor to the King true seruant to the Pope   19. Thomas de Cobham elected but refused by the Pope he was cōmōly called Bonus Clericus     1312. Walterus Reignold   14. 1328. Symon de Mepham 5. Thus farre out of the Storie of Couentrie 1334. Iohānes de Stratford   29. 1350. Iohannes Offord or Vfford     Thomas Bradwardine he erected the Black friars in London     1350. Symon Islepe he foūded Canterbury Colledge in Oxford   17. 1367. Symon Langham   2. 1369. Wilhelmus Witlesey   5. 1375. Symon Sudbury   6. 1381. Wilhelmus Courtenay   15. 1396. Thomas Arundel attainted of treason by Parleament in the one and twentie yere of Richard the second   18. Rogerus Walden in the exile of Arundel but deposed Then made Bishop of London againe deposed and dyed in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the fourth     1414. Henricus Chicheley built Alsoules and S. Iohns Colledge in Oxford and the Colledge of Higham   29. 1443. Iohannes Stafford   8. 1452. Ioannes Kempe   3. 1455. Thomas Bourchier   33. 1486. Ioannes Moorton buylded muche at Knol and repayred Lambeth   14. Thomas Langton elected but he dyed before cōsecration     1500. Henricus Deane or Deny   ●   Willielmus Warham builded Otforde house   28.   Thomas Cranmer he was burned for the trueth       Reginaldus Poole   3. Mathaeus Parker     Thus haue you the succession of seuentie Archbishops in the recital whereof I doe of purpose spare to dispute the variance arising amongst writers as touching the continuance true times of their gouernment whiche discrepance groweth partly for the defaulte of the auctors themselues not obseruing the due accompte of yeares and partly by the vnskil of suche as haue vntruly copied out their woorkes I willingly reserue also for other places sundrie the hystories of their liues and doinges bothe bicause I thinke it fruitlesse to reconcile suche manner of disagréements and also for that as I saide before of the Kings I déeme it impertinent to my purpose to speake further of any thing then the very place in hand shall iustly giue me occasion It followeth therefore that according to promise I handle suche particular places within this Diocese as are mentioned in hystorie in whiche treatie I will obserue this order First to begin at Tanet and to peruse the East and Southe shores til I come to the limits betwéen this Shyre Sussex then to ascend Northward and to visits such places as lye along the bounds of this Diocess Rochester returning by the mouth of Medwey to Tanet again whiche is the whole circuite of this Bishopricke and lastly to describe suche places as lye in the body and midest of the same Tanet called in Brytish Inis Rhuochym of the Shore Rutupi it is named of some writers in Latine or rather Greeke Thanatos in Saxon tenet in stead of ƿaenet IVlius Solinus in his description of England saith thus of Tanet Thananatos nullo serpitur angue asportata inde terra angues necat There be no snakes in Tanet saith he the earth that is brought from thence will kill them But whether he wrote this of any sure vnderstanding that he had of the quality of the soyle or onely by coniecture at the woord 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which in Gréeke signifieth death or killing I wote not much lesse dare I determine bycause hitherto neither I my selfe haue heard of any Region hereabout onely Ireland excepted which beareth not both snakes and other venemous wormes neither am I yet persuaded that this place borowed the name out of the Gréeke but rather tooke it of the propre language of this oure natiue countrie For ƿaenet in the Saxon or olde Engglishe tongue soundeth as muche as moysted or watered whiche deriuation howe well it standeth with the situation of Tanet being Peninsula and watered in manner round about I had rather without reasoning referre to euery mans iudgement then by debate of many woordes eyther to trouble the reader or to interrupt mine owne order Leauing the name therefore I will resorte to the thing and shewe you out of Beda and others the content and stoarie of this I le There lyeth saieth Beda speaking of the place where King Ethelbert entertained Augustine in the East part of Kent an Iland called Tanet conteining after the manner of the Englishe accompte sixe hundred families or Hides of land as the Saxon booke of Beda hath whiche be in deede after the opinion of auncient writers plough landes It is diuided from the continent or mayne land by the riuer called Wantsume whiche is about thrée furlongs broade and to bee passed ouer in two places onely Hereunto if you adde the opinion of Polydore the description wil be the more euident It conteyneth saith he about nyne myles in length and not muche lesse in breadth and it was some time diuorced from the continent by a water but nowe it is almoste vnited againe Thus muche for the description As touching the hystorie you may read in Geffray of Mōmouth that after such time as the Brytons had deposed Vortiger their King for that he brought in the Saxons whiche beganne soone after theyr entrie to shewe themselues in déede suche as they were in name not shieldes against the Pictes and Scots but swords to shead the Brittan bloud Vortimer his sonne whome they places in his seate so streightned the Saxons in this I le the whiche as William of Malmesbury writeth Vortiger had giuen them to inhabite at their first Arriuall that for a colour they sent Vortiger to treate with him of peace and in the meane whyle for feare conueyed them selues into theyr Shippes and Sayled homewarde againe The same Authour reporteth that after this Cador the Duke of Cornewall by commaundemente of King Arthur chased the Saxons into Tanet where he slewe Childric their leader and receiued many of the residue to grace and mercy Howbeit the Saxons themselues after that in processe of time they had gotten the dominion ouer the Britons enioyed not the possession of Tanet in much better quiet then the Britons had done before them For in the dayes of King Athulf the father of Alfred the Danes fought in Tanet against Ealhere the Duke or captain of Kent and Huda the Duke of Surrey slaying them bothe ouerthrewe their powers and possessed the I le After this in the time of the same King they soiourned with theyr armie a whole wynter in Tanet and lastly in the reigne of King Etheldred they herried spoyled and sacked it in suche sort that the religious persons were constrained to abandon the place for I finde that shortly after King Canutus gaue the body of Mildred and all the landes belonging to Mynster Abbay that thē was in this Ile to the Monkes of saint Augustines at Canterbury But for asmuche as good order requireth that I should tell you of the foundation before I
therof namely that One brother had wel helped another is woorde for woord stollen from thence for William whiche liued before Ealred reporteth that king Ethelstane by persuasion of one that was his cupbearer had banished Eadwine his owne brother for suspicion of treason and had committed him to the Seas and windes in an olde shaken and fraile vessel without saile oare or companion saue one Esquier only in whiche exile he perished and that afterward the King vnderstanding his brothers innocencie and sorowing his owne rashnesse tooke occasion by sight of his cupbearers foote slipping to be auenged of the false accusation euen as it is here tolde of King Edward But Ealred forsoothe was so fully disposed to magnifie King Edward bycause he so muche magnified the Monkishe and single life that he sticked not at greater matters then this affirming boldely that the same King while he hearde Masse at Westminster sawe betwéene the Priestes handes Christe blessing him with his fingers That at another Masse he sawe the seuen sleapers at Ephesus turne them selues on the one side after they had sleapt seuentie yeares together on the other which séeing it was within fiue yeares of so many as Epimenides sleapt Ealred in my phansie is worthy to haue the seconde game at the whetstone Furthermore that S. Iohn Baptist sent to King Edward a King of Golde from Ierusalem whiche he him selfe had sometime before giuen to a poore man that asked almes of him in the name of S. Iohn And suche other matters of like credite whiche bothe for the vanitie of the things them selues being méete to haue place in Philopseudes of Lucian and for the desire that I haue to kéepe order I will pretermit and returne to my purpose Richeborowe in Latine Vrbs Rutupina in Saxon ReptacHester the name being forged as I coniecture either of the Bryttishe woord Rwyd whiche signifieth a net in token that it stoode by fishing or of Rwydd whiche signifieth speede bycause from thence as some thinke is the moste shorte and speedy cutte ouer the Seas MAthew the Monke of Westminster Authour of the woorke called Flores Hystoriarum taketh the place whiche Beda Ptolome and others call Rutupi to be Sandwiche and therefore he applieth to the one whatsoeuer he findeth of the other but bicause Iohn Leland a man generally acquainted with the antiquities of the Realme affirmeth in his worke whiche hee intituled Syllabus in Genethliacon Eaduerdi Rutupi to haue been where Richeborowe now is to whiche opinion I rather incline I thinke good to giue them seuerall titles and to speake of Richeborowe by it selfe leauing to fit place for Sandwiche also suche matter as of right belongeth therevnto The whole shoare of Kent therefore that lyeth ouer against Dunkircke Calaice and Boloigne is of Caesar Iuuenal Lucan Ptolome Antoninus and others called Rutupiae or Rutupinum littus and that place of England whiche Beda taketh to be nearest to the Morines a people of Gallia Belgica whiche at this day comprehendeth Picardie Boloigne Artoys and some parte of the lowe countries is of Iohn Leland interpreted to be Richeborowe not paste halfe a myle distant from Sandwiche toward the East The same man also persuaded partly by the viewe of the place it selfe and partly by the authoritie of one Gotcelinus supposeth that Richeborow was of auncient time a Citie of some price and that it had within it a Palaice where King Ethelbert receiued Augustine As for the title of a Citie I doubt not but that if the ruines of the auncient walles yet extant or the remenants of the Romane coyne often found there did not at all inforce the likelyhoode yet the authoritie of Beda alone which calleth it plainly a citie would suffice But whether it were the Palaice of King Ethelbert when he entertained Augustine he that shall aduisedly read the first Chapter of Beda his first boke of the Ecclesiastical storie shall haue iust cause to doubt for asmuch as he sheweth manifestly that the King came from his Palaice in the Continent out of Thanet to Augustine Leland himselfe confesseth that Richeborow was then within Thanet although that since that time the water hath chaunged his course and shut it cleane out of the Island Now where some men as I said haue taken it to bée Sandwiche I take them to bee greatly deceaued For Richeborowe being corruptly so sounded for Reptsborowe hathe remayning in it the very rootes as I may speake it of Reptachester And Reptachester saith Beda and Rutupi Portus are all one So then Chester being tourned to Borow whiche be in deede two wordes but yet in manner of one signification and effect Rept and Riche haue ome affinitie the one with the other but neyther Riche Repta nor Rutupi can haue with Sandwiche any manner of similitude Thus muche of the name and antiquitie of this poore Towne whiche was in tyme of the olde Brytons of great price and the common Port or place of arriuall out of Fraunce whereof we finde no other note in latter hystorie either bicause the same was long since before the comming of the Saxons neglected when as the Romanes had lost their interest within this Realme Or else for that soone after their arriuall it decayed by reason that the water chaunged his course and lefte it dry So that nowe most aptly that may be sayde of this towne neare to the Isle Thanet whiche Virgil some time wrate of Tened it selfe Diues opum Priami dum regna manebant Nunc tantum sinus statio malè fida carinis A wealthy land while Priams state and kingdome vpright stoade But nowe a bay and harbour bad for ships to lye at roade But nowe I will make towarde Sandwiche the first of the Portes as my iourney lyeth and by the way speake somewhat of the Fiue Portes in generall The Cinque Portes I Finde in the booke of the general suruey of the realme whiche William the Conquerour caused to be made in the fourth yere of his reigne to be called Domesday bycause as Mathew Parise saieth it spared no man but iudged all men indifferently as the Lord in that great day wil doe that Douer Sandwiche and Rumney were in the time of King Edward the confessour discharged almoste of all maner of impositions and burdens whiche other towns dyd beare in consideration of suche seruice to bee done by them vpon the Sea as in their speciall titles shall hereafter appeare wherevpon although I might groūd by reasonable coniecture that the immunity of the hauē Townes which we nowe cal by a certaine number the Cinque Portes might take their beginning from the same Edward yet for as muche as I read in the Chartre of King Edward the first after the conquest whiche is reported in our booke of Entries A recitall of the grauntes of sundrie Kinges to the Fiue Portes the same reaching no higher then to William the Conquerour I will leaue my coniecture and leane to his
had them in great admiration and reuerence hee desired the King that either he would send them out of the Realme or be contented to winke at the matter if any his friends for the loue of him and suertie of his estate should procure to dispatche them The King somewhat prouoked by feare of his owne peril though nothing desirous of their destruction euē as a litle water throwen into the fire increaseth the flame so by a colde denial gaue courage to the attempt therfore Thunner espying fitte time slewe the children and buried their bodies in the Kings Halle vnder the clothe of his estate But it was not long but there app●ared in the house a bright shining piller replenishing eache corner with suche terrible and fearefull light that the seruauntes shriked at the sight thereof and by their noyse awaked the King who as soone as hee sawe it was touched with the conscience of the murther wherevnto he had a litle before in hart consented calling in great haste for Thunner examined him straightly what was become of the children and when he had learned the trueth he became moste sorowfull and penitent therfore charging himselfe with the whole crime of their deathes for that it lay wholly in him to haue saued their liues Then sent he for Deodat the Archebishop and desired to vnderstand by him what was best to be done for expiatiō of the fault this good father thinking to haue procured some gaine to his Church by veneration of the dead bodies if happely he might haue gottē them thither persuaded the King to incoffen them to commit them to honourable buriall in Christeschurche at Canterbury but saith mine Author when the hearse was readie it would not be moued by any force toward that Church as truly I thinke as the crosse of Waltham with twelue Oxen and so many Kyne could not be stirred any other way but toward the place appointed or as the Image of Berecinthia which the Romanes had brought out of Asia could not be remoued till the Vestal virgin Claudia had set to her hand Hereupon the companie assayed to conuey it to Sainct Augustines but that all in vaine also at the last they agreed to leade it to the Monasterie of Watrine and then forsoothe it passed as lightly saith he as if nothing at al had béene within it The obsequies there honourably perfourmed the King gaue the place where this vision appeared to his sister Ermenburga who hauing a longing desire to become a veiled Nonne had a litle before abandoned her housbands bed and chusing out seuentie other women for her companie erected there a Monasterie to the name and honour of these two murthered Brethren William of Malmesbury addeth moreouer that the King gaue the whole Isle of Thanet also to his Mother to appease the wrathe that she had conceaued for the losse of her Children Dele Dela in Latine after Leland I coniecture that it tooke the name of the Saxon woord þille whiche is a plaine flooer or leuel by reason that it lyeth flat and leuel to the Sea. THe Chronicles of Douer as Leland reporteth for I neuer sawe them haue mencion that Iulius Caesar being repulsed from Douer arriued at this place and arraied his armie at Baramdowne whiche thing how wel it may stand with Caesars owne reporte in his cōmentaries I had rather leaue to others to decide then take vpon me to dispute being wel contented where certentie is not euident to allowe of coniectures not altogether vehement Only of this I am well assured that King Henrie the eight hauing shaken of the intollerable yoke of the Popishe tyrannie and espying that the Emperour was offended for the diuorce of Queene Katherine his wife and that the Frenche King had coupled the Dolphine his Sonne to the Popes Niece and maried his daughter to the King of Scots so that he might more iustly suspect them all then safely trust any one determined by the aide of God to stand vpon his owne gardes and defence and therefore with all spéede and without sparing any cost he builded Castles platfourmes and blocke-houses in all néedefull places of the Realme And amongest other fearing least the ease and aduauntage of descending on land at this part should giue occasion and hardinesse to the enemies to inuade him he erected neare together thrée fortifications whiche might at all tymes kéepe and beate the landing place that is to say Sandowne Dele and Wamere This whole matter of Dele Iohn Leland in Cygnea cantione comprehendeth feately in these two verses Iactat Delanouas celebris arces Notus Caesareis locus Trophaeis Renowmed Dele doth vaunt it selfe with Turrets newly raisd For monuments of Caesars hoste A place in stoarie praisd But what make I so long at Dele since Douer the impreignable Porte and place so muche renouned for antiquitie is not many myles of I will haste me thither therefore and in the sight thereof vnfolde the singularities of the place Douer called in Latine Dorus Durus Doueria Dubris and Dorubernia In Saxon Sofra All whiche names be deriued either of the Brittishe word Dufir whiche signifieth water or of the word Dufirha whiche betokeneth highe or steepe for the situation of the place beeing a highe rocke hanging ouer the water might iustly giue occasion to name it after either THe treatise of this place shall consist of thrée speciall members that is to say the Towne the Castle and the Religious buildings The Towne was long since somewhat estimable howebeit that whiche it had as I thinke was both at the first deriued from the other two and euer since also continually conserued by them But whether I hitte or misse in that cōiecture certaine it is by the testimonie of the recorde in the Exchequer commonly called Domesday booke that the Towne of Douer was of abilitie in the time of King Edward the Confessour to arme yerely 20. vessels to the Sea by the space of 15. dayes together eache vessell hauing therein 21. able men For in consideration thereof the same King graunted to the inhabitants of Douer not onely fréedome from payment of Tholl and other priuileges throughout the Realme but also pardoned them all manner of suite and seruice to any his Courts whatsoeuer The Towne it selfe was neuerthelesse at those dayes vnder the protection and gouernaūce of Godwine the Earle of Kent for I read that it chaūced Eustace the Earle of Bolloine who had maried Goda the Kings sister to come ouer the seas into Englād of a desire that he had to visite the King his Brother and that whiles his herbenger demeaned him selfe vnwisely in taking vp his lodgings at Douer he fel at variance with the Townesmen and slewe one of them But Nocuit temeraria virtus For that thing so offended the rest of the inhabitants that immediatly they ranne to weapon and killing eightéene of the Earles seruauntes they compelled him and all his meiney to take their feete and to séeke redresse
to haue lien in the hart of England both bycause it séemeth likely that the common place of méeting should be most fitly appointed in the midst of the Realme and for that it is manifest by the hystorie that it was in the domini of the King of Mercia whiche I feare not to call midle England But for as much as I once read a note made by one Talbot a Prebendarie of Norwiche and a diligent trauayler in the Englishe hystorie vpon the margine of an auncient written copie of William Malmsburies booke De Pontificibus in whiche he expounded Clouesho to be Cliffe at Hoo neare Rochester and for that I doe not finde the expresse name Cloueshoo in all the catalogue of that precinct whiche was sometime the kingdome of Mercia although there be diuers places therin that beare the name of Cliffe as wel as this I am contented to subscribe to Talbots opiniō but with this protestation that if at any time hereafter I finde a better I will be no longer bounde to followe him And thus haue I now visited the places of chief note that lye in the skirtes of the Diocese whervnto if I had added a fewe other that be within the body of the same I would no lesse gladly then I must necessarily finishe and close vp this winters trauayle Swanscombe called in Saxon Spegenscomb that is the camp of Sweyn the Dane that encamped at Grenehithe hard by AS the whole Shyre of Kent oweth to Swanscomb euerlasting name for the fruition of her auncient franchises obtained there So I for the more honourable memorie of the place can gladly afoord it roome both at the beginning and towarde the ende of my labour The matter for the whiche it is especially renowmed is already bewrayed in the discourse of the auncient estate of this Shyre wherevnto I will referre you And at this time make note of a thing or twaine besides and so passe ouer to the residue The Manor of Swanscombe is holden of Rochester Castle and oweth seruice towarde the defence of the same being as it were one of the principall Captaines to whome that charge was of auncient time committed and hauing subiect vnto it sundry Knightes fees as petie Captaines or inferiour souldiours bound to serue vnder her banner there The Churche at Swanscombe was muche haunted in times past for Sainct Hildeferthes helpe a Bishop by coniecture of his picture yet standing in the vpper windowe of the Southe I le although his name is not read in all the Catalogue of the Sarons to whom suche as were distracted ranne for restitution of their wits as thicke as men were wont to sayle to Anticyra for Hell●borus This cure was perfourmed by warmth close kéepeing and good diet meanes not onely not straunge or miraculous but méere naturall ordinarie and resonable And therefore as one the one side they might truely be thought mad men and altered in their wits that frequented this pylgrymage for any opinion of extraordinarie woorking So on the other side S. Hildeferth of all the Saintes that I knowe might best be spared séeing we haue the keper of Bethleem who ceaseth not euen tyll this day to woorke mightely in the same kinde of Myracle ¶ Mepham aunciently written MeapaHam SImon Mepham the Archebishop that performed the solemnities at the inauguration of King Edward the third had both his name natiuity of this towne although Polydore Virgil hath no mencion of the man at all in his hystorie or catalogue of Archebishops either not finding or forgetting that euer there was any suche It is probable also that the same Bishop built the church at Mepham for the vse of the poore which William Courtney one of his Successours repaired fowre score yeares after and annexed therunto fowre new houses for the same ende and purpose Besides these notes it hath chaunced mée to sée an antiquitie of Mepham whiche both for the profite and pleasure that I conceiued therof I think méete to insert thoughe happely some other man may say that I doe therein and in many others also nothinge els but Antiquiora Diphtera loqui Neuerthelesse to the ende that it may appeare what the auncient forme and phrase of a Testament was how the Husbande and the wife ioyned in making their Testamentes how landes were deuisable by testament in olde time by what wordes estates of inheritaunce were wont to be created how the Lordes consent was thought requisite to the testament of the tenaunt and how it was procured by a guift of Heriot which as Bracton sayeth was done at the first Magis de gratia quam de iure Furthermore that you may sée how this Towne of Mepham and sundry others came at the first to Christes church Saint Augustines and Rochester and finally that you may know as well what aduauncement to Gentrie was then in vse as also what weapons iewels and ornaments were at that time worne and occupied I wyll set before your eye the last will and testament of one Byrhtric and his wife which was a man of great wealth and possessions within this Shire and had his abideing at Mepham more then sixe hundreth yeares agoe Ðis This is is ByrHtrices Birtricks and and Aelfsƿyðe Elfswithes His his ƿifes wyues niHsta last cƿide þe Hi cƿaedon on MeapaHam on Heora maga testament declaration whiche they declared at Mepham in their kinsfolks geƿitnesse hearing witnesse ꝧ ƿaes ƿulfstan Vcca that was Wulstan Vcca and and ƿulfsie Wulfsie His his broðor brother and and sired Syred Aelfrides Elfrides suna sonne and and ƿulfsie Wulfsie se the blaca blacke and and ƿine wyne preost the priest and and Aelfgar Elsgar on of MeapaHam Mepham and and ƿulfeH Wulfey ordeges Ordeys suna sonne and and AelfeH Elfey His his broðor brother and and byrHtƿara Birtwar Aelfrices laf Elfrices widowe and and bryHtric Britric Hise maeg her cousine and Aelfstan bisceop Elfstane the Bishop Aerest His cyne Hlaford aenne First to his naturall Lord beaH on HundeaHtotigan one bracelet of foure score mancysen Markes of goldes golde and and ane one Handsecs hatchet dagger handknife of on as eal sƿa miclan muche and and feoƿer Horse and foure horses tƿa geraedede two of them trapped and and tƿa two sƿrd swordes gefetelsode trimmed and and tƿegen two Hafocas hawkes and and ealle all His his Heador Hundas houndes hedgehoundes And þaere And to the Lords wife Hlaefdian Ladie aenne one beaH bracelet on of þrittigan thirtie mancusan markes of goldes golde and and aenne one stedan horse stede palfrey to to forespraece intreate ꝧ se cƿyde standan moste that this testament stande maye And And for for His his saƿle soule and and His his yldrena elders auncestors into Sct. Andree to Sainct Androes Rochester tƿa two sulung plowland aet at denetune Dentun And Hio for Hire saƿle and Hyre yldrena And they bothe for their soules and their elders tƿa aet langafelda two at Longfield ploughlande And And þider in