contumeliously calls the Orthodox accounting those to be carnal who rejected the prophesie of Montanus and those only spiritual alluding unto 1 Cor. 2. who received and embraced it Herein he defends the set Fasts and stations observed by the Montanists Of the name Psychicus Baronius gives us this account Ignominiae causâ— Orthodoxos Psychicos nominare fuit ut autor est Irenaeus lib. 1. cap. 1. Valentini haeresiarchae inventum qui Psychicos nominabat homines qui non essent sicut ipse ut aiebat spirituales Transiit vox eadem ad Cataphrygas qui aequè omnes non suscipientes Paracletum Psychicos appellabant 29. Of prayer which Hilary calls volumen aptissimum wherein he commendeth and commenteth upon the Lords Prayer adding somewhat of the adjuncts of prayer The title and subject hereof seem to intimate that it was a mistake in Sixtus Senensis to imagine that he wrote two books upon this subject one whereof he intitles in orationem dominicam the other de oratione 30. An Apology against the Gentiles in the behalf of the Christians wherein he notably and at large defends their innocency clearing them of the crimes falsely charged upon them and fully evincing the groundlesness of the adversaries hatred to and unjust proceedings against them imitating herein Iustin and Aristides who had undertaken the same task before him who yet he far transcends both in sharpness of wit and soundness of Learning how boldly doth he stand up against the Gentiles how constantly maintain the purity of our faith what Authors doth he not read which of their disciplines doth he not touch so that this book alone is abundantly sufficient to convince the pertinacy of the Gentiles It contains in it saith Ierom cunctam saeculi disciplinam wherein he is more elegant than ordinary the strength whereof was such that in likelyhood it was the thing that prevaii'd to the mitigation of the enemies fury and in some measure the cessation of the persecution then raised against the Christians It was written by him as both Pamelius and Baronius conjâ—ctâ—â—â— in the seventh year of the Emperor Severus An. Christi 201. Of the excellency hereof Prateolus thus speaks proculdubiò inquit verum est quum acris ardentis ingenii non ferens gentilium insolentiam atque saevitiam quâ in Christianos ferebantur omnes ingenii sui nervos in borum defensionem intendit incomparabiles interim eruditionis eloquentiae suae opes isthic oftentans 31. Ad nationes libri duo set forth and published singly by Iacobus Cothofrâ—dus I.C. which by divers arguments he would prove to be Tertullians also that they were written before his Apologetick as a Prodrome or preparatory to it as his book de testimonio animâ— followed after and was added as a third way whereby he attempted the Gentiles viz. by testimonies drawn from the soul and by those forms of speech wherein they named God in common use among them He also shews it to differ from his Apologetick because in these books he directs himself unto the Nations in general but in that only unto the Governors and Presidents of the Roman Empire besides these are purely Elenctical wherein he undertakes not to defend the cause of the Christians as in the other he doth but reproves the iniquity of the Nations against the Christians and shews the vanity of the Gentile Gods Ierom mentions these books contra gentes as distinct from his Apology quid inquit Tertulliano eruditius quid acutius Apologeticus ejus contra gentes libri cunctam saeculi continent Disciplinam Of these following it is doubted whether they be his or no. 1. An Epistle concerning Judaical meats wherein he shews that the difference between clean and unclean meats injoyned unto the Jews is taken away and abolished under the Gospel Pamelius thinks this Epistle to be none of his but rather Novatians whose name therefore he prefixeth to it thus Novatiani Romanae Ecclesiae presbyteri de cibis Iudâ—icis epistola It seems saith Bellarmine to have been sent by some Bishop unto his own people but Tertullian was no Bishop yet I determine nothing Both the Stile saith Rivet and the Texts of Scripture otherwise Translated then in Tertullian as also that the Author remembers his withdrawing in the time of persecution which Tertullian is every where against plainly shew it to be none of his 2. Of the Trinity concerning which Ruffin and others do report that certain of the Macedonian Hereticks who were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 finding somewhat in Tertullians book of the Trinity which was for their advantage inserted it among the Epistles of Cyprian causing them to be dispersed about Constantinople and sold at a low rate that so being the more bought up and read what was unsound therein might be the sooner embraced for the Authority of so great an Author by which means as they supposed their cause would be credited and promoted But saith Ierom there is no such matter for that book of the Trinity is neither Tertullians nor Cyprians but Novatians as both by the title and propriety of the stile doth evidently appear characterem alium genus dieendi nitidius in eo notat Laurentius Hence Ierom speaking of Novatian He wrote saith he grande volumen a great volum of the Trinity making as it were an Epitome of Tertullians work upon this subject which many ignorantly think to be Cyprians this piece of Novatians exceeding in bulk that of Tertullians now extant it must needs refer unto some book of his on that subject now wanting unless we will make which is absurd the Epitome to be larger then the book it self whose compend it is Bellarmine supposeth it to be beyond all doubt that this book is none of Tertullians because the heresie of Sabellius which began almost an hundred years after Tertullians time is therein by name refuted with whom Pamelius accords adding this as another reason of his confidence that the Author in the sixth Chapter denieth Corporeal Lineaments in God which Tertullian more then once affirms How ever it be it is a learned and elegant book though yet there are some things to be found in it not agreeable to the Christian Faith and I conclude saith Sculteius that whoever was the Author it is written according to the genius of Tertullian and therefore deservedly set forth under his name seeing it agrees so well with that Noble work of his against Praxeas Baronius tells us that those of the Eastern Church did receive it as the legitimate writing of Tertullian 3. Of Repentance wherein he discourseth of the excellency and utility thereof perswading to beware of recidivation and returning unto sin again after repentance particularly directing himself unto the Catechumens who for that they believed their sins would be all blotted out and wash'd away in Baptism were not so careful as
be none of Cyprians 3. Of the praise of Martyrdom unto Moses and Maximus wherein pennis eloquentiae se mirificè extulit But the stile is so elaborate and unequal that Erasmus supposeth no man is of so dull a scent but he must needs perceive it to be far different from that of Cyprian He thinks it therefore to be an Essay of some one that would exercise his pen wherein he shewed more care then wit and more affectation then ability Cardinal Baronius is very angry with him for this his censure calling him Mome telling us that he that will prudently compare it with the Apologetick unto Demetrian or his Epistle unto Donatus will easily perceive by the same lineaments of their faces that they proceeded from the same Author But the wit and wisdom of Erasmus dictator ille rei literariae and his ingenuity in this kind are sufficiently known and approved of by the Learned And as he was able so was he no less diligent in comparing one thing with another that he might the better give a right judgment So that the cavil might well have been spared and deserves little to be regarded as issuing rather from heat and interest then from candid and impartial animadversion The truth is both the Cardinal and the Canon Pamelius looked on it as advantageous and making somewhat for their market affording them a considerable authority for the Doctrines of Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints who therefore strain hard and would fain perswade us that it is Cyprians though they be levissima argumenta very trivial and slender arguments whereby they endeavor to make it appear so to be 4. Unto Novatian the Heretick that hope of pardon ought not to be denied unto the Lapsi such as fell in time of persecution which saith Erasmus the stile will not suffer us to believe that it is Cyprians But withal it is so Eloquent and Learned that he judgeth it not altogether unworthy of Cyprian yet rather thinks that Cornelius Bishop of Rome wrote it which conjecture he grounds upon the words of Ierom whom herein Honorius Augustodunensis follows and explains saying Cornelius wrote a very large Epistle unto Novatian and Fabius 5. Of the Cardinal or Principal works of Christ unto his ascension unto the Father which besides the Preface consisteth of twelve Chapters or Sermons 1. Of the Nativity of Christ. 2. Of his Circumcision 3. Of the Star and Wisemen 4. Of the Baptism of Christ and manifestation of the Trinity 5. Of his Fasting and Temptations 6. Of the Lords Supper and first institution of the Sacrament consummating all Sacraments wherein is comprehended the sense and consent of Orthodox Antiquity and the Catholick Church concerning the Lords Supper 7. Of washing the Disciples feet 8. Of Annointing with Oyl and other Sacraments 9. Of the passion of Christ. 10. Of his Resurrection 11. Of his Ascension 12. Of the Holy Ghost All these are urged as the authority of Cyprian by divers Romish Champions for the maintenance of many of their unsound Doctrines though it be doubted of by themselves for sundry weighty reasons among the rest these following 1. The stile is lower than Cyprian's useth to be 2. The Author in serm de tentatione sâ—ith that the Devil fell from Heaven before the creation of man contrary unto the opinion of Cyprian in his Treatise de telo invidiâ 3. In the Preface he gives unto Cornelius Bishop of Rome the Title of sublimitas veâ—ra your Highness whereas Cyprian always stiles him brother and Collegue The stile saith Erasmus argues it to be none of Cyprian's though it be the work of some learned man whereof that age had store Non Cypriani quidem inquit Casaubonus sed non indignus Cypriano And Bellarmin himself elsewhere affirms that the author of these Sermons without doubt lived long since Cyprian yea after the time of Augustine and taxeth the boldness of him that first put Cornelius his name in the fore front of this Book But in a very ancient Manuscript in the Library of All-Souls Colledge in Oxford the Author is called Arnaldus Bâ—naâ—illacensis who lived in the time of Bernard unto whom he hath written one or two Epistles and the Book is dedicated not unto Cornelius who lived about the year of Christ 220. but unto Adrian the Fourth who lived about the year 1154. and succeeded Eugenius the Third unto whom Bernard wrote his Book of Consideration Also that Learned Antiquary the Reverend Vsher saith he hath seen besides the abovenamed another Manuscript in the publick Library at Oxford wherein this Book bears the name of the said Arnaldus as the author thereof Taking it then for granted that it is none of Cyprian's let us give it its due in the words of Scultetus It is a Book full of Religious Piety and of great use to Preachers for they are popular declamations which do breath affections stirred up by the spirit of God 6. Of Dicers which Game he proves by many arguments to be unworthy of a Christian especially an Ecclesiastical man But it certainly appears to be none of his by the stile and seems to be written in the corrupter times of the Church Bellarmin and Pamelius speak doubtfully of it the former supposing it rather to be written by some one of the Bishops of Rome as plainly appears from the Author 's assuming unto himself the Presidentship of the universal Church and to be Christ's Vicar which indeed none ever dared to do but that proud Prelate of Rome 7. Of the Mountains Sina and Sion against the Jews being a mystical interpretation of them the stile shews it to be none of his as both Bellarmin and Pamelius confess yea it is altogether different both from the stile and also the Genius of Cyprian and is stuffed with such allegories and expositions of Scripture as are far from the Learning Piety and Simplicity of this Blessed Martyr 8. As for those Poems viz. Genesis Sodoâ—â— ad Senatorem Pamelius hath adjudged them rather unto Tertullian because of the stile and because Cyprian was never ranked among the Christian Poets but only by Fabricius he might have added Gyraldus so that he leaves the matter doubtful And saith Bellarmin we have no certain ground whence to conclude it So also for the Hymn de Pascha in many Manuscripts it is ascribed â—nto Victorinus Pictaviensis But saith Bellarâ—in of them Opera sunt gravia docta S. Cyprianâ— digna To which I add the Verses de Sanctae Crucis ligno which Lilius Gyraldâ—s ascribes unto Cyprian being sixty nine Heroicks in number Quos inquit ego legi si semel legatis iterum saepe legetis But as I find them no where else mentioned as Cyprian's so I conceive Pamelius would not have failed to rank them among the rest had he seen
flemines augures item reges sacrificuli quique sunt sacerdotes antistites religionum Convocent nos ad concionem cohortentur nos ad suscipiendos cultus Deorum persuadeant multos esse quorum numine ac providentiâ regantur â—â—nia ostendant origines initia sacrorum ac deorum quomodo sint mortalibus tradita qui sons quae ratio sit explicent proferant quae â—â—rces in cultu quae poena in contempta maneat quare ab hominibus se coli velint quid illis si beati sunt humana pietas conferat Quae â—mnia non asseveratione propriâ nec enim â—â—let quicquam mortalis hominis authoritas sed divinis aliquibus testimoniis confirment ficuti nos facimus Doccant isti hoc modo si qua illis fiducia veritatis est loquantur audeant inquam disputare nobiscum aliquid ejusmodi jam profecto ab aniculis quasâ— conâ—emnunt à pueris nostratibus error illorum ac sultitia irridebitur c. § 3. Of the books that he wrote many have been devoured by time which hath left scarce any thing of them remaining besides the names of which I find mentioned 1. His Symposium or banquet which he wrote in Africa while he was but a youth in the Schools or say the Centurists unto the youths of Africa and as Trithemius hath it in Hexameter verse 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or his journey from Africa unto Nicomedia in Hexameter verse this shews him to have been also an excellent Poet of which I conceive Damasus is to be understood if not rather of his Epistles or of both who gives us an account of the number and nature of them thus I confess unto you that those books of Lactantius which you sent me of late I therefore willingly do not read because in them many Epistles are extended unto the space of a thousand verses or lines and they do rarely dispute of our Doctrine whence it comes to pass both that their length begets a loathing in the Reader and if any be short they are more fit for the Schools then for us disputing of verse or meeter of the Situation of Regions or Countries and Philosophers 3. His book which he Entituled Grammaticus 4. Ad Asclepiadem lib. 2. apud Trithemium l. 1. 5. Of Persecution 6. Four books of Epistles unto Probus 7. Two books of Epistles unto Severus 8. Two books of Epistles unto Demetrian his Auditor or Scholar All these Ierom reckons up in his Catalogue He also make mentions of the eighth book of his Epistles unto Demetrian so that it seems he wrote so many unto him Unless we may suppose that all his Epistles were gathered into one volume which make up the number of eight books whereof the two last and so one of them the eight were unto Demetrian 9. His book of Paradise in Hexameter verse All these are lost and perished none of them being now to be found Those that at this day are extant under his name are these that follow viz. 1. Seven books of Institutions against the Gentiles which with an high and Heroick Spirit he wrote under Constantine the Great for so he himself speaks Hoc opus inquit nunc nominis tui auspicio inchoabimus Constantine Imperator maxime Baronius calls them luculentissimos libros That which occasioned the writing of them was the cunning and calumniating books especially of two great enemies of Christianity the one whereof professing himself a man of chief note among the Philosophers wrote three books against the Christian Name and Religion whom Baronius supposeth to be Porphyrius an Apostate who at this time excelled among the Platonicks and set forth bitter Commentaries against the Christians which then no other Philosopher did And therefore by Cyril not unjustly stiled the father of Calumnies The other being of the number of the judges and one that was the principal Author of the persecution then raised against the Christians in the City of Nicomedia and whole province of Bithynia wrote two books not against the Christians lest he should seem enviously to inveigh against them but unto the Christians that he might be thought gently and with humanity to advise them which books he intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Baronius thinks his name to be Hierocles a crafty fellow concealing the wolf under the sheeps skin that by his fallacious title he might ensnare the Reader To confute these and to render the truth oppressed with reproaches more illustrious and shining with her own beauty Lactantius undertook this Noble task of Writing his seven most excellent books of Institutions Thus Baronius in annal ad an 302. § 43. ad 61. Of which in general Lactantius himself thus speaks Quanquam inquit Tertullianus candem causam plenè peroraverit in co libro cui Apologetico nomen est tamen quoniam aliud est accusantibus respondere quod in defensione aut negatione solâ positum est aliud instituere quod nos facimus in quo necesse est totius doctrine substantiam contineri non defugi hunc laborem ut implerem materiam quam Cyprianâ—s non executus est in eâ oratione quâ Demetrianum sicut ipse ait oblatrantem atque obstrepentem veritati redarguere conatur Loctant Institut Lib. 5. cap. 4. The several books are Entituled by these several Names 1. Of False Religion wherein he shews the Religion of the gods to be false After the proem asserting providence and that there is but one God which he proves by the testimonies and Authorities of the Prophets Poets Philosophers Sibyls and of Apollo also refuting the Gentile gods and their Religion in the general and of the Romans in particular he proveth that they were born at a certain time lived most wickedly and at length did undergo the Law of all Mortals Of this and his book de opificio dei Chytraeus thus speaks Prima pars operis inquit quae Ethnicas idolomanias Philosophicas de deo summo bono opiniones taxat liber de opifieio Dei in structurâ corporis animo humano eruditus lectu utilissimus est 2. Of the Original of error and that the Religion of the Gods is vain which he evinceth by divers arguments shewing that the causes of all errors in this kind are these two First The defection of Cham and the posterity of pious Noah from God Secondly The cunning and craft of the Devil Thirdly Of false Wisdom wherein he demonstrate the vanity of Philosophy and Philosophers instancing in the Epicures Stoicks Pythagoreans and the rest shewing how false their chief tenets and opinions be and lastly that Philosophy is not true wisdom 4. Of true Wisdom which comprehends the Doctrine of Christ his Person Name Nativity two Natures Miracles and Passion and afterward he declares the causes of Heresies to be Avarice Pride Ignorance of the Scripture and admiration of false Prophets 5. Of Justice that 't is not to
resembled the face of the Apostles He excelled both in piety and learning being so admirably endued with both that he was no less famous for the one than for the other stiled therefore by Epiphanius a sacer Irenaeus holy man so singularly accomplished and fitted for the work he was designed and called unto as that he became praeclarum organum a choice instrument for the good of the Churches of Christ. Admirably well skilled he was in all sorts of Learning both sacred and secular very studious and ready in the Holy Scriptures having by this means attained unto a more than ordinary measure of understanding and insight into them And how notably instructed and furnished with knowledge in the Arts and Sciences is abundantly manifested by his subtil investigation of abstruse Heresies which though wonderfully obscure and confused he representeth and sets forth to publick view with very great perspicuity and order as also by his most acute and quick disputations wherein he throughly discovers their vanity and as soundly confuteth them So that it is most evident saith Erasmus that he was very exact in all the liberal Scienceâ— Yea how diligently he had read over the Books both of the ancient Philosophers Thales Anaximander Anaxagoras Democritus Empedocles Plato Aristotle c. As also of the Poets Tragick Comick and Lyrick may be gathered from hence in that he clearly evinceth those Heresies which he impugned to have been taken and to have had their original from those prophane Authors the names only being changed So that he was not without cause stiled by Tertullian Omnium doctrinarum curiosissimum exploratorem a most curious inquirer or searcher into all sorts of Doctrines very large is Epiphanius his Encomium of him who held him in high esteem as appears by the great use he made of him Old Irenaeus saith he every way adorned by the Holy Ghost brought into the Field by the Lord as a valiant and expert Soldier and Champion and annointed with Heavenly Gifts and Graces according to the true faith and knowledge contended against all the arguments of sottish Hereticks and most exactly confuted them Add hereunto which put a lustre upon all the rest that he was of a very meek and modest spirit a great lover and as studious a preserver of peace among Brethren but withal no less earnest and zealous in the cause of God and a bitter adversary of the wretched Hereticks of his time Magnus to give you Erasmus his words to this purpose Ecclesiae propuâ—nator ac pro sui nominis â—ugurio pacis Ecclesiasticae vindex § 3. He wrote divers learned Books upon several subjects and occasions the greater part whereof indeed all to one through the injury and neglect of foregoing ages are quite lost not any of them remaining and extant at this day and they are such as we find mention of 1. A brief Volume against the Gentiles And saith Ierom another of discipline but herein is he mistaken and those that follow him as Honorius Augustodunensis Trithemiâ—â— c. who supposed that they were two distinct Books whereas by Eusebius it appears 't was but one and the same Volume for thus he speaks of it Extat adhuc liber illius adversus Gentes compendiosissimus summopere necessarius de scientia inscriptus 2. A declaration of the manner and way Possevin of the Apostles preaching unto a certain Brother one Marcianus 3. A Book intituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 variorum tractatuum saith Ierom variarum dictionum inquiunt centuriatores or a disquisition of sundry things Possevin 4. A Book or an Epistle de schismate unto Blastus 5. A Book de Monarchiâ or that God is not the author of Sin unto Florinus whose Doctrine he being of this opinion he proves to be both impious and blasphemous 6. A Book entituled Ogdoas or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 written also for Florinus who was bewitched with the errours of Valentinus which Ierom calls commentarium egregium an excellent commentary in the close whereof we have these words containing a solemn obtestation which both Eusebius and Ierom thought worthy of special notice Adjurâ— te c. I adjure thee whosoever thou art that copyest out or transcribest this Book by our Lord Jesus Christ and by his glorious coming wherein he shall judge the quick and the dead that thou compare what thou hast written and correct it diligently by the exemplar from whence 't is transcribed and also that thou do likewise write out this adjuration and insert it into the copy so taken The like hereunto is that of Ruffinus in his preface in his Translation of Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is found among the Epistles of Ierom charging both the Transcriber and Reader not to add or diminish to insert or alter any thing therein but to be exact even to a Letter c. 7. Divers Epistles unto Victor and many other Pastors of Churches about the Controversies of Easter as also against those who at Rome did corrupt the sincerity of the Churches 8. Volateran saith that he wrote an Ecclesiastical History quam mutuatus est Euseâ—ius testemque citat 9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse as saith Sixtus Senensis But these two latter are very questionable seeing that neither Eusebius nor Ierom in his Catalogues not Honorius Aâ—gustudonensis nor Trithemius make mention of any such That of his which to this day the World injoys is only a Volume containing five Books against the Heresies of the Gnosticks and Valentinians whâ—ch was thus intitled as both Eusebius and Photius have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of redargution and the eversion of knowledge falsly so called a learned and most famous piece full fraught with Learning and Piety This too it seems was almost lost at least as to the Western Churches For saith Gregory we have long and diligently made inquiry after the Writings of Irenaeus but hitherto not any of them could be found Erasmus therefore tells us he that might well call him his as being by his industry brought to light after it had been almost buried and recovered from the dust being mouldy and moth-eaten And should they have remained in perpetual oblivion the loss had been exceeding great for saith he his writings do breath forth the ancient vigour of the Gospel yea his very phrase came from a breast prepared for Martyrdom for the Martyrs have a certain serious bold and masculine kind of speech It hath been a question and doubted by some learned men whether he wrote these Books in the Greek or Latine Tongue because they are now not to be found but in the Latin only yet was he a Greek by Nation and his phrase savours of that Language having many Grecisms in it Erasmus a man of more than ordinary perspicacity and judgement this way rather inclined to think it
for the benefit of posterity those things which he had heard and received from the Ancient Presbyters In which book he remembers Melito Irenaeus and certain others whose expositions he inserts and makes use of 2. A book thus intituled Quis dives salvetur So Eusebius or as Ierom Quisnam dives ille sit qui salvetur A Treatise Learnedly composed saith Nicephorus and worthy to be perused whence saith Possevine Eusebius took that famous story of the Young man by the Apostle Iohn recommended to the care of a certain Bishop who afterward became very debaucht and gave himself to all kind of vice but was again by the same Apostle in an admirable manner recalled and recovered who so list may read this story at large in Eusebius liâ— 3. cap. 21. 3. His disputations of Fasting which as also the following Nicephorus calls Homilies Honorius Augusto dunensis divides the title but amiss setting down as two distinct Books De Iojunio unus De Disceptatione unus contrary to Ierome whose catalogue with some others he epitomized Trithemius also is guilty of the same errour 4. De Obtrectatione or of slander 5. An exhortatory unto patience composed for such as were newly baptized 6. Of the Canons of the Church or an Ecclesiastical Canon and against those who follow the errour of the Jews which Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he peculiarly dedicated it unto Alexander Bishop of Ierusalem Trithemius and the Centurists make these two distinct Books wherein they may be presumed to be mistaken seeing herein they differ from Eusebius and Ierom the latter of the two the Centurists entitle thus Of those who in the Scriptures follow the sence of the Jews 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eight Books of Dispositions Informations or Institutions fetching the name haply from 2 Tim. 1. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein he goeth over the whole body of the Scriptures in a brief Commentary or compendious explanation of them if not rather some special places of both Testaments the scope of the whole work seeming to be an interpretation of Genesis Exodus the Psalms the Epistles of Paul and those called Catholical and lastly of the Book called Ecclesiasticus yea he omits not some of those that are Apâ—cryphal altogether and generally rejected viz. the Revelation under the name of Peter and the Epistle of Barnabas Heinsius gives us this account of them These Books saith he as the Inscription teacheth us did contain an institution or delineation of the Doctrine of Christianity not so much methodical dogmatical and artificial as free and bound up or restrained by no rules for he interpreted divers places of the Sacred Scriptures out of which without doubt he gathered a Body of Doctrine The want of these Books cannot be accounted any great loss if the report of Photius concerning them be a truth For saith he although in some things he seems to be Orthodox and sound in his judgment yet in others he discourseth altogether fabulously and impiously as in asserting the matter whereof the world was made to be eternal in ranking Christ among the number of things created in mentioning with allowance and approbation the Pythagorean 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or transmigration of Souls and that many worlds were before Adam that the word was not truly made flesh but only seemed so to be together with very many such like passages withal adding as admiring and amazed that such an one as Clement should be the author of them all which either he himself or else some other under his name blasphemously uttereth which latter saith Andrew Schoâ—tus and Possevine is the more likely for the Arrians had corrupted his writings as Ruffine reporteth in his Apology for Origen and the Doctrine contained in his other Books is more sound and orthodox Besides these there is elsewhere mention of the following Treatises 8. Of the Resurrection 9. Of Continence 10. Of Marriage of these three he himself speaks in his Books of Stromes and particularly of the last in his Paedagogus lib. 3. cap. 8. where we have a summary of the contents of it viz. how the Wife ought to live with her Husband of the Administration of the Government of the Family the use of Servants and what things ought to be done by her apart of the time of Marriage and of those things which appertain to women 11. Sozomen saith that he compiled an History and indeed Suidas makes mention of one Clemens 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Historian who wrote of the Roman Kings and Emperours but Baronius supposeth they meant not this but another Clement and the truth is they both speak of a Clement indefinitely without any addition of the Alexandrian or otherwise 12. Many Epistles 13. He also promised a Commentary upon Genesis which accordingly he clearly and entirely performed upon the whole Book as some do affirm whom herein saith Sixtus Senensis I will neither give credit unto nor gainsay Of the second sort of his Books viz. those remaining and commonly received at this day are only the three following 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his admonition or exhortation unto the Gentiles adversus Gentes liber unus saith Ierom. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 his Schoolmaster comprised in three Books 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eight Books of Stromes a work variously woven after the manner of Tapestry mixed with testimonies taken out of the Sacred Scriptures as also Poets Philosophers and Historians whence he got the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 contextor or the Weaver He himself gives the reason of the name and why these Books were so entituled by him Est in exiguo quidem spacio inquit multa genitalis copia semine eorum dogmotum quae comprehenduntur in hoc opere tanquam ager omnibus herbis plenus Vnde etiam propriam habent inscriptionem stromata commentariorum c. Again Permixtim nobis instar prati variata est stromatum descriptio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of its proper and primitive signification the most learned Casaubon gives us this account Solitos veteres stragulam vestem pellibus involvere loris constringere etiam Iurisconsulti testes sunt Constat autem ex-veterum lectione stragula superiora involucrum istud quod antiquiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 recentiores 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocarunt varâ—â—s coloribus distincta ferè fuisse Inde translatae eae dictiones ad res significandas varietate insignes cujusmodi fuit piscis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dictus ob coloris aurei virgas per totum illius corpus productas inquit Athenaeus lib. 7. Similiter viri docti excerpta sua ex variis auctoribus aut propria etiam scripta sed veterum referta testimoniis soliti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vel 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appellare ut Clemens Alexandrinus c. Those Books and Commentaries saith Martianus Victorinus men call Stromata
sweet and precious amongst Men unto this day had not the dead fly corrupted and marr'd the savour of the fragrant oyntment Let Vincentius Lyrniensis be heard an ancient Father too and if any thing be wanting above he will supply it and make his encomium full He is saith he accounted the chief among the Latins for who more learned then this Man who more exercised in things both divine and humane In the wonderful vastness and capacity of his mind he comprehended all Philosophy and all the sects of Philosophers the authors and assertors of those sects together with all their Discipline all variety of History yea of all kinds of study Was not his Wit so weighty and vehement that he propounded almost nothing to himself to be overcome and master'd by him which he either brake not through with the sharpness or else dashâ— in pieces with the ponderousness of it Moreover who can set forth the praises of his speech which is so invironed with I know not what strength of reason that whom he could not perswade he doth even force to yeild to his consent in whom there are as many sentences as words and as many victories as reasons as Marcion Apelles Praxeas Hermâ—genes the Jews the Gentiles Gnosticks and others knew full well whose blasphemies he overthrew with the many and mighty mounts and batteries of his Volumes as it were with certain thunderbolts And yet even this man by much more eloquent than happy not holding the ancient Faith even he also became in Ecclesiâ magna tentatio a great temptation in the Churcâ— of God § 3. As he was a Man of great abilities sâ— was he of no less industry as appears by those lasting monuments of his learned and elaborate Volumes Acutus Scriptor gravis inquit Danaeus qui totum hominem desideret imò etiam saepè ingenii communem captum superet who was had in great estimation especially by holy Cyprian so that he suffered no day to pass without the diligent reading and perusal of some part of him testifying the extraordinary respect which he bare toward him by the words he was wont to use when he called for him saying Da Magistrum reach hither my Master whom also in many things he imitated borrowing even his words and expressions from him and transcribing many passages out of him which he inserted into his own books many other also of the Ancients that followed him made use of him viz. Ierom Ambrose Fortunatus Basil Isidore c which plainly shews that they had him in great veneration As the ancient Ethnicks honoured Homer the Prince of Poets and particularly Arcesilaus the Academick who was so delighted with and studious of him that he would always read somewhat of him before he went to sleep as also in the morning when he arose saying that he went ad Amasium to his beloved Of his works some are wanting but the most remaining unto this day Of the first sort are 1. His Treatise of the troubles attending marriage unto a Philosopher his friend which he wrote when he was but young â—um adhuc esset adolescens lusit in hac materiâ before as Pamelius thinks but in the judgement of Baronius after his conversion 2. His book of the Garments of Aaron which Ierom mentions in his Epistle to Fabiola 3. Of the hope of the faithful wherein he declares himself to be a Millenary himself mentions it advers Marcionem lib. 3. 4. Of Paradise which he thus speaks of himself habes etiam de Paradiso a nobis libellum quo constituimus omnem animum apud inferos sequestrari in die Domini 5. Against Apelles who with Lucian the Heretick having been the Disciple of Marcion and falling upon errours of his own differing from his Master became the author of a Sect that from him have the name of Apelletiani as Tertullian stiles them or Apelleiani as Epiphanius or Apellitae as Augustine or Apelliaci as Rhenanus alluding unto them as the denyers of the Flesh of Christ which was their errour Quasi sine pelle sive cute hoc est carne ut Horatius Iudaeum vocat Apellam quòd sine pelle sit nempe quòd praeputium non habeat Against these Hereticks did Tertullian write this Book inscribed adversus Apelletianos 6. Six Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Of Rapture which saith Pamelius seem rather to have been written in Greek than Latine and a seventh which he wrote particularly against Appollonius who with Victor are the only two Latin Fathers that preceded Tertullian who hath the third place among them in Ieroms Catalogue wherein he endeavours to defend whatever the other reproved him for These were written after his defection against the Church containing in them divers of his wild Montanistical conceits which therefore may well be wanting without any detriment the bad by much over-weighing the good that was in them they might haply be suppress'd by some who wished well unto the peace of the Church and surely the loss of them would have proved a gain had the errours contained in them been with them buried in everlasting oblivion It 's a mistake of Platina to say that he wrote six Books of Ecstacy against Apollonius whereas 't was only a seventh So it is also of Honorius Augustodunensis who reckons but five of Ecstasie and six against Apollonius and of Trithemius who records but one of each which he saith he had seen so that they seem to have been extant even unto his time 7. A Book against Marcion as he himself intimates written by him in his yonger years somewhat overhastily as Ierom speaks of an Allegorical exposition of the Prophet Obadiab composed by himself in his youth liberè profiteor illud fuisse puerilis ingenii in libris quoque contra Marcionem Septimius Tertullianus hoc idem passus est 8. Of the submission of the Soul 9. Of the superstition of that age these two saith Gothfredus among the rest were in the Index of the Books of Tertullian which was prefix'd unto that Ancient Manuscript out of which he took those two Books of his ad Nationes which he published 10. That the Soul is corporeal volumen hoc suppressum putamus inquit Rhenanus To which added 11. De Fato 12. De Nuptiarum angustiis ad Amicum philosophum 13. De mundis immundis animalibus 14. De circumcisione 15. De Trinitate 16. De censu animae adversus Hermogenem which Pamelius hath in his Catalogue also 17. Trithemius sets down in his Catalogue a Book of his Contra omnes Haereses which begins with Divorum Haereticorum 18. The Book of English Homilies tom 2. part 2. against the peril of idolatry mentions his Book Contra coronandi morem which I find no where else spoken off unless it be the same with his Book De coronâ Militis 19. Bishop Andrews in
bonus est benedicat te Deus Deus videt omnia Deo commendo Deus reddet Deus inter nos judicabit c. His last words in this Treatise are remarkable which are these Mâ—ritò igitur omnis anima rea testis est in tantum rea erroris in quantum testis veritatiâ— stabit ante aulas Dei die judicii nihil habens dicere Deum praedicabas non requirebas Daemonia abominabaris ilâ—a adorabas judicium Dei appellabas nec esse credebas inferna supplicia praesumebas non praecavebas Christianum nomen sapiebas Christianum persâ—quebaris 22. Of the Soul wherein he handles divers questions and discusseth many controversies with the Philosophers about the essence operations adjuncts and various state of the Soul which he would have to be corporeal endued with form and figure and to be propagated and derived from the substance of the Father to the body of the Son and engendred with the body encreasing and extending it self together with it and many other the like dreams he hath in the maintaining whereof he useth so much subtilty strength of reason and eloquence as that they are the words of the learned Daille you will hardly meet with throughout the whole stock of Antiquity a more excellent and more elegant piece than this Book of his yet was it composed by him when he was turned Cataphrygian Hence Bellarmine having made use of a passage taken from hence for the proof of Purgatory the most Reverend Vsher thus replies he must give us leave saith he to put him in mind with what spirit Tertullian was lead when he wrote that Book de animâ and with what authority he strengtâ—eâ—eth that conceit of mens paying in Hell for their small faults before the Resurrection namely of the Paraclete by whom if he mean Montanus the Arch-Heretick as there is small cause to doubt that he doth we need not much envy the Cardinal for raising up so worshipful a Patron of his Purgatory 23. Of Spectacles or Plays written as Pamelius conceives in the twelfth year of Severus the Emperour in which were exhibited unto the people those plays that were called Ludi seculares because they were presented only once in an age or an hundred years unto which therefore the people were solemnly invited by a publick cry made in these words Convenite ad ludos spectandos quos neque spectavit quisquam neque spectaturus est Come ye unto those Spectacles which no man now beheld or shall behold again Hereupon Tertullian in this Book which he wrote both in Greek and Latine makes it evident that these plays had their original from idolatry and were full of all kind of cruelty and obscenity and that therefore it was utterly unlawful for Christians to behold them and that they should provoke the truth of God against them should they not fear to be present at them Therefore Constantine the Great did by a law prohibit the setting forth and frequenting of such kind of plays And herein our Author doth so largely treat of the several sorts of play which then were wont to be made use of that a curious Reader needs no other commentary fully to acquaint himself with those Antiquities 24. Of Baptism against Quintilla one of the Disciples of Montanus who denyed or took away Baptism by water of whom he scoffingly thus speaks Optimè novit pisciculoâ— necare de aquâ auferens He therefore proves that it is not an empty or idle Ceremony but of great force and virtue setting down the form and manner together with the Rites observed by the Ancients in the administration thereof and resolves divers questions about it This also was written both in Greek and Latine 25. Scorpiacum a Book against the Gnosticks so called from one Scorpianus an Heretick against whom particularly it was intended saith Pamelius but more probably from the nature of it being an antidote against the bite and sting of the Scorpion to which purpose Ierom thus speaks Scribit adversum haerâ—sim tuam quae olim erupit contra Ecclesiam ne in hoc quasi repertor novi sceleris glorieris Tertullianus vir eruditissimus insigne volumen quod Scorpiacum vocat rectissimo nomine quia arcuato vulnere in Ecclesiae corpuâ— vâ—nena diffudit quae olim appellabatur Cainâ— Haeresis multo tempore dormiens vel sepultâ— nunc à dormitantio suscitata est These Hereticks vilified Martyrdom teaching that it was not to be undergone because God would not the death of a Sinner and Christ had died that we might not die By this Doctrine they did much harm to many weak ones in the Church who to save themselves would deny Christ and offer incense Against these Tertullian herein opposeth himself proving Martyrdom to be good and setting forth the excellency thereof by many examples And in thus doing he deserved well had he not unhappy man ran afterwards into the other extreme of the Montanists who magnified Martyrdom too much denying the lawfulness of flight to avoid danger in that case as these did too much undervalue it 26. Of Idolatry written about the same time with his Book de spectaculis wherein being desirous to take away all kind of idolatry lest Christians should longer labour under gross ignorance herein he shews the original of it and how many ways and not only in the worshipping of Idols they may be guilty of it all which they ought to beware of and avoid and not to comply with Idolaters in their Festivals Solemnities and such like observations 27. Of Chastity which was written upon this occasion Zephyrinus Bishop of Rome having published an Edict in which he gave notice unto all the faithful that the Catholick Church receives such as repent though they had fallen into the sins of Fornication and Adultery Tertullian herein opposeth him as may be gathered from his own words I do hear saith he that there is an Edict published and that a pâ—remptory one Pontifex scilicet maximus Episcopus Episcoporum dicit ego moechiae fornicationis delicta paenitentiae functis dimitto O edictum cui adscribi non poterit Bonum factum Erit ergò hic adversus Psychicos so he used to call the Orthodox after he became a Montanist And herein he undertakes to answer all the arguments brought for this practice denying that such ought to be received Ierom saith that he wrote this book against repentance and wonders at the man that he should think those publicans and sinners with whom Christ did eat to be Gentiles and not Jews the better to defend his error weakly grounding his opinion upon that in Deut. 23. non erit pendeâ—s vectigal ex filiis Israel This book he wrote against the Church 28. Of Fasting against the Psychiici So as we have said he
with two Books upon the thirtieth Chapter 11. A huge number of Homilies upon Ieremy the most whereof are lost 12. Upon the Lamentations nine Tomes Of which saith Eusebius we have seen five 13. Upon Ezekiel twenty and five Tomes the which he wrote being at Athens besides many Homilies 14. Upon the twelve Minor Prophets many Tracts Whereof saith Eusebius we have found twenty and five in the whole which Ierom saith he found copied out by Pamphilius among these were one upon Hosea of which Ierom thus Origenes parvum de hoc Prophetâ scripsit Libellum cui hunc titulum imposuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. quare in Osee appellatur Ephraim volens ostendere quaecunque contra eum dicuntur ad haereticorum referenda personam c. II. Vpon the New Testament 1. Upon Matthew one Book containing his Scholia or brief Annotations upon obscure places Also twenty five Homilies upon divers places of the Gospel Six and twenty saith Trithemius and Nicephorus speaks of five Books of his upon Matthew 2. Upon Luke five Tomes and many Homilies 3. Upon the Epistle to the Galatians five Tomes also one Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or of choice passages besides not a few Homllies 4. Upon the Epistle to the Ephesians three Volumes or Commentaries of which Ierom makes mention in these words Illud quoque 〈◊〉 praefatione commoneo ut sciatis Origenem tria â—â—lumina in hanc Epistolam conseripsissc quem nos ex parte secuti sumus 5. Upon the Epistle to the Colossians three books 6. Upon the first Epistle of the Thessalonians divers books for Ierom maketh mention of the third volumn upon this Epistle wherein saith he he discourseth with much variety and prudence 7. Upon the Epistle to Titus one book 8. Upon the Epistle to the Hebrews many books all which through the injury of time and violence of his adversaries are lost and now not to be found The books that are extant at this day under his name are these following 1. Seventeen Homilies upon the book of Genesis which are said to be interpreted by Ierom whose name is prefixed to them but falsly as Crynaeus supposeth for indeed it was done by Ruffinus as appears by the liberty that he takes to add detract and change what he pleased which it seems was his manner sed haec non est inquit Erasmus libertas interpretis sed licentia potiùs contaminantis scripta aliena Again Ruffino peculiaris est ista temeritas viz. ea quae vertiâ— truncare augere immutare ex alieno opere suum facere cujus unicum studium fuisse videtur omnes illustrium autorum libros attrectando contaminare Haâ— aâ—rte vir glorie cupidus putavit se reperisse viam quâ vel invitis omnibus tereretur manibus hominum Certainly saith the Learned Daille he hath so filthily mangled and so licentiously confounded the writings of Origen which he hath translated into Latine that you will hardly find a page where he hath not either cut off or added or at least altered something A soul fault in a translator in whom fidelity as the chief vertue is required and most commendable Such is his dealing in this kind that the Reader is often uncertain whether he read Origen or Ruffine Which thing Ierom often and tartly taxeth him for and particularly for his unworthy translation of his book of principles or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls and that fitly enough and not without â—est cause an infamous interpretation Let it suffice once for all to have given this hint of the manner of Ruffine in his translation of divers books of Origen And that this translation of these Homilies upon Genesis is his appears from what Ruffine himself hath said in his Peroration added unto the Commentary upon the Epistle to the Romans wherein he professeth that he translated Origen upon Genesis And probable it is that the transcribers prefixed Ieroms name as the more gracious and acceptable Grynaeus hath taken pains for the benefit of the Reader to set down as he hath done before all the rest of the works of Origen in his Edition of them the several Theological Common places handled in these homilies adding moreover that by them the diligent Reader will confess that he hath light upon a rich storehouse of Christian Philosophy replenished with all kind of Spiritual treasures 2. Upon Exodus thirteen Homilies translated also by Ruffinus though for the gaining of the more credit unto them the name of Ierom be here also prefixed as the interpretor of them 3. Upon Leviticus sixteen Homilies eighteen say some where the same craft is made use of in the alteration of the name of the translator as in the former By some over-bold impostor these are ascribed unto Cyril of Alexandria under the title of so many books or a Commentary whereas it is manifest they are not Commentaries but Homilies for the Author excuseth his brevity to his auditors by reason of the straits of time and that he intended not a large exposition of the words but to touch some few things briefly for their edification The stile saith Bellarmine and similitude of the Doctrines contained in them shew them plainly to be Origens 4. Upon Numbers twenty eight Homilies some say but twenty six Cent. 3. cap. 10. Sixt. Senens lib. 4. and Scultetus in Medulâ which its likely was translated by Ierom because Ruffine speaking of his translation of Genesis Exodus Leviticus Iosuah and Iudges makes no mention of Numbers and saith Erasmus out of Gennadius Ruffine translated all of Origen except what was done by Ierom. Yet that there are some additions of the interpretor in this piece is apparent saith Grynaeus in homil 2. in cap. 2. Yea these Homilies by their phrase seem to be the work of some Latine Author for in Chap. 12. he expounds the difference between excudere and excidere which could have no place in a Greek 5. Upon Iosuah twenty and six Homilies where we have also the name of Ierom as the interpretor instead of Ruffine as also a Preface pretended to be his but so frigid and and foolish that a more certain argument cannot be desired to perswade us that neither the one nor other is Ieroms and Erâ—smus gives instance in divers particulars 6. Upon Iudges nine Homilies where we have the same mistake of the interpretor liber inquit Grynaeus satis bonus Here also the Etymology of rex à regendo gives cause to suspect that these came out of the same shop with those upon Numbers 7. Upon the book of the Kings or one Homily upon the first and second Chapters of the first of Samuel 8. Upon the book of Iob a large explation divided into three books from the beginning of the History unto
wherein by the Bishops of the Island assembled it was decreed that none should read the works of Origen The like was also done shortly after in a Synod convened by Theophilus himself in his own Province Upon which divers of Origens followers fled from thence unto Constantinople imploring the aid of Chrysostom who admitted them to communicate with him and this was it that occasioned the great contention between Chrysostom and Epiphanius upon his coming thither so that they parted in great heat He was also anathematized together with those that adhered unto him and held his errours by the fifth general Council which was held at Constantinople under Iustinian the Emperour wherein they stile him the abomination of desolation Malè sanum impium Deoque repugnantem and his opinions deliramenta insanias exclaming thus against them O dementiam inscientiam hominis insani Paganorum disciplinae explicatoris mente caecutientis studentisque Christianorum fidei miscere fabulas c. Epiphanius calls him Dei Ecclesiae hostem as also the Father of Arius and root of other Heresies He utters many things saith Photius blasphemously and other very absurd and full of impiety Ierom also is very sharp against him though one that admired his wit and parts in plerisq inquit haereticum non nego and tells us that with a sacrilegious Tongue he blasphemeth that his Opinions were venemous dissonant from the holy Scriptures and offer violence unto them professing that he was always an adversary to his Doctrines Yet withal he thus adds I am not wont saith he to insult over the errours of those whose wit I admire and if any one shall object or oppose to us his errours let him hear this freely that sometime even great Homer himself may nod or slumber let us not imitate his Vices whose Vertues we cannot follow Caesarius the brother of Nazianzen stiles him that impious Origen and his Doctrines pestiferous yea â—ugae trifles and toys And among the later Writters Beza saith of him that he was a select instrument of Sathan and stiles him Impurissimus ille Scriptor quem exoptem velex lectorum manibus excuâ—i aut summo cum judicio à studiosis tractari On the other side some did no less magnifie and admire him pleading and apologizing in his behalf Basil Chrysostom Nazianzen and Ierom did most highly esteem the Doctrine Allegories and Tropologies of Origen extolling him unto heaven with their praises those that did apologize for him were among other Pamphilus the Martyr and Eusehius commonly sirnamed Pamphili for the singular friendship that was between them by whom were written six Books in defence of Origen which Ierom calls latissimum elaboratum opus five whereof were the 〈◊〉 labour of them both and the sixth of Eusebius alone after the death of Pamphilus as appears from the word of Eusebius himself lib. 6. cap. 20. Quae inquit de ejus gestis sunt ad cognoscendum necessaria ea ex Apologia quae à nobis Pamphili sancti nostri temporis martyris operâ adjutis elucubrata est illam enim ego Pamphilus quo ora malevolorum obtrectatorum â—amae Origenis detrahentium obturaremus mutuis vigiliis accuratè eleboravimus licet facilè colligere Photius gives us this account here of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. i. e. Lecti sunt Pamphili martyris Eusebii pro Origene libri sex quorum quinque sunt a Pamphilo in carcere praesente etiam Eusebio elaborati Sextus verò postquam jam Martyr ferro privatus vitâ ad unicè desideratum Deum migrarat ab Eusebio est absolutus These were seconded by Ruffine who undertook the same task setting forth an Apology for Origen or rather the Apology of Eusebius for so it s commonly called by him translated into Latin unto which he added a Volume of his own bearing this title of the adulteration of the Books of Origen These were followed by some learned men of the latter times viz. Iohannes Picus the noble Earl of Mirandula and Phaenix of his time Vir ingenii penè prodigiosi in omni artium scientiarum linguarum varietate usque ad miraculum exculti Also Gilbert Genebrard a Parisian Divine and Professor there of the Hebrew Tongue And Iacobus Merlinus Victurniensis Sacrae Theologiae Professor who endeavours to vindicate both the holiness of his life and the soundness of his Doctrine Moreover such an equipoise was there in him of good and evil that with Sampson Solomon and Trajan though I conceive the medley is as Monkish as the scruple he is put into the number of those concerning whom 't is equally difficult to determine whether they were saved or not But surely that bold Shaveling went too far beyond his bounds who in his Book intituled Pratum Spirituale which is supposed to be written by Abbot Iohn Moschus reports that a certain brother doubting whether Nestorius were in an errour or no was by one appearing unto him for his satisfaction conducted to Hell where among other Hereticks he saw Origen tormented in those flames the Earl of Mirandula is of a contrary judgement But the Jesuit Possevine plainly tells us that whosoever was the Author many of the relations in that Book deserve but small credit being indeed little better than down right lyes among which he gives an instance in this not unlike that of Origen that in a Vision Chrysostom should be seen placed in heaven above all the Doctors and Martyrs But enough of such stuff However evident it is that he was very erroneous yea scarce any one of the Ancients more whether we respect the multiplicity or quality of his errours So that as the Orthodox that came after him were much beholding unto him as of great advantage to them in the interpretation of the Scriptuâ—es So did the Hereticks take from him the hints of many of their foulest Heresies for which cause as Epiphanius calls him the fountain and Father of Arius so did the Errour of Pelagius saith Ierom spring from him Doctrina tuâ— Origenis ramusculus est Yea there is scarce any sect that had not its rise and beginning from him The grounds whereof as Vincentius Lyrinensis conceives were such as these His abusing the grace of God too insolently his overmuch indulging his own wit and trusting to himself his undervalueing the simplicity of the Christian Religion his presuming himself wiser then others and his interpreting some Scriptures after a new manner contemning Ecclesiastical traditions and the Authority of the Ancients Epiphanius imputes it unto this because he would suffer no part of the holy Scriptures to pass without his interpretation therefore he fell into error Yet do his Apologisers labor to free him laying the fault of the errors fathered upon him unto the charge of others Ruffine pleads in his behalf that he was abused by
about weighty affairs his manner was to decree nothing without his colleagues neither would he pertinaciously love and adhere unto his own apprehensions but rather embrace what was by others profitably and wholesomely suggested 2. His Charity and compassion to those in want and durance for immediately upon his conversion he parted with what he had and gave it for the relief of the Poor He was as Iob speaks of himself eyes to the blind and feet to the lame a Father unto the Put and the cause which he knew not he searched out he brake the jaws of the Wicked and plucked the spoil out of his Teeth And when many had been taken Captives by the barbarous Goths or Scythians he sent an hundred thousand Sestertia from the Church for the redeeming of them so himself speaks misimus inquit Sestertia centum millia nummû◠quae isthic in Ecclesiâ cui de Domini indulgentiâ praesumus Cleri plebis apud nos consistentia collatione collecta sunt The sum being so vast Pamelius conjectures it ought to be only Sestertia centum and that millia nummûm added for explications sake is from the Margin crept into the Text or else he thinks it should be thus read Sestertium centum millia nummûm Yea while he was in exile he not only wrote but also sent relief unto those poor Christians who were condemned unto the Mines He manifested also this Grace in his Indulgence to forgive and receive those offenders who repenting returned unto the Church Hear his own words Remitto omnia inquit multa dissimulo studio voto colligendae fraternitatis etiam quae in Deum commissa sunt non pleno judicio Religionis examino delictis plusquam oportet remittendo penè ipse delinquo amplector prompâ—â plenâ dilectione cum paenitentiâ revertentes peccatum suum satisfactione humili simplici constâ—entes 3. His patience in bearing injuries and wrongs whereof he gave an ample testimony in his behaviour toward those who opposed him when he was chosen Bishop Oh how patiently did he bear with them and with what a deal of clemency did he forgive them reckoning them among his friends to the admiration of many 4. His equanimity and peaceableness being a very great lover and maintainer of unity among Brethren which he was studious to preserve and hold even with those that dissented from him as appears in the grand difference between him and Stephen Bishop of Rome and others about the rebaptization of Hereticks for as himself did not break Communion by separating from them so neither did he cease to perswade others also that they should bear with one another in love endeavouring to keep the unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace his words that he used in the Council of Carthage speaks out this sweet temper of his Spirit Super est inquit Collegae dilectissimi ut de hac ipsâ re quid singuli sentiamus proferamus neminem judicantes aut à jure Communionis aliquem si diversum senserit amoventes To these many more might be added as his contempt of riches keeping under of his body purity of Life diametrically opposite to the lusts of his former conversation gravity joyned with humanity equi-distant both from arrogancy and baseness fidelity prudence industry watchings and the like which more at large are commemorated and recorded by Pontius and Nazianzen in all which regards he was very eminent Hence Vincentius stiles him illud Sanctorum omnium Episcoporum Martyrum lumen beatissimum Cyprianum He may be instead of many saith Erasmus whether you respect eloquence or Doctrine or the dignity of a Pastor or a brest every where breathing forth the vigour of an Apostolical Spirit or the glory of Martyrdom Whose writings saith Scultetus have in them so happy a genius that although they were interwoven with divers errours yet they found some Doctors of the Church not only admirers of the more sound Doctrine but candid Interpreters even of the errours contained in them How transcendent a Man he was in the judgement of the great Augustin is evident and may be collected from the Titles he gives him wherein the Epithets which for the most part he makes use of such as are Doctor Suavissimus lucidissimus pacis amantissimus excellentissimae gratiae also Martyr beatissimus fortissimus gloriosissimus c. A Man saith he whose praise I cannot reach to whose many Letters I compare not my writings whose Wit I love with whose mouth I am delighted whose Charity I admire and whose Martyrdom I reverence Add hereto the Encomium of Prudentius whose words are Tenet ille Regna coeli Nec minùs involitat terris nec ab hoc recedit orbe Disserit eloquitur tractat docet instruit prophetat Nec Lybiae populos tantum regit exitusque in ortum Solis usque obitum Gallos fovet imbuit Britanuos Praesidet Hesperiae Christum serit ultimis Hiberis Let me shut up all with the words of Pontius I pass by saith he many other and great things which the Volume lest it swell too big suffers me not more largely to relate of which let it suffice to have said this only that if the Gentiles might have heard them at their Bars they would perhaps forthwith have believed and become Christians § 3. The monuments of this excellent and choice spirit were many Sole clariora lively representing as in a glass his great worth and wherein though dead he yet liveth and speaketh Of which Augustin had so venerable an esteem that he accounted all his own works not equal unto one of Cyprian's Epistles And Ierom giving directions unto the noble Widow Laeta for the pious education of her Daughter Paula recommends the works of Cyprian to her continual perusal Cypriani inquit opuscula semper in manu teneat Cujus singula prope verba spirant Martyrium They are but fragments as it were that remain and the loss of what is wanting is much bewailed by Erasmus Of those many that are lost I find but few mentioned in any Authors so that it seems not only the Books themselves but even their very Names and Titles are exstinct with them Paulus Diaconus reckoneth among the innumerable Volumes as he hath it which he wrote a very profitable Chronicle compiled by him Also that he discoursed most excellently upon the Evangelists and other Books of the Scripture But how little credit this report deserves will appear from the words of Ierom a Man as well as most acquainted with the writings of those that went before him who tells us that he never commented upon the sacred Scriptures being wholly taken up with the exercise of vertue totus in exereitatione alià s exhortatione virtutum and occupied or hindred by the straits of persecution Unless his three books of testimonies unto Quirinus which
be found among the Gentiles and that they are deceived who think Christians to be fools and that their sin is great and inexcusable who persecute the Church pretending it to be for their good viz. That they may bring them unto a right mind 6. Of true Worship which consists in this that the mind of the worshipper be presented blameless unto God discoursing at large of vertue and vice as the ways leading unto heaven and hell and conâ—luding that the best Sacrifices which we can offer unto God are these two integrity of mind and the praise of his name 7. Of the Divine Reward and the last Judgment the sum whereof he himself thus sets down the world saith he was made that we might be born we are born that we may acknowledg God the Creator of the world and our selves we acknowledg him that we may worship him we worship him that we may obtain immortality as the reward of our labors we receive the reward of immortality that we may for ever serve and be an eternal Kingdom unto the most High God our Father 2. Of the Anger of God some Philosophers denying it he proves by nine several arguments that God is angry and answers the objections to the contrary He wrote this book unto Donatus and it is highly commended by Ierom who calls it a most fair or elegant book which he wrote in a learned and and eloquent stile 3. Of the Workmanship of God unto Demetrian his Auditor a learned piece and most profitable to be read It was written by him to this end that by the wonderful structure of man he might prove the Providence of God He therefore takes a view of and looks into the several members of the body and in them shews how great the power of Divine Providence is withal removing the cavils of the Epicures against it And toward the end discourseth of the Soul for the same purpose 4. An Epitome of his Institutions which wants the beginning and is clearly saith Baptista Ignatius but a fragment being a repetition of the chief heads of doctrine contained in that larger work All these saith Bellarmine are without controversie the works of Lactantius There are besides these certain Poems that appear and have been published unto the world under his name concerning which it is very questionable whether they be his or no seeing that neither Ierom nor Trithemius take any notice of them nor did Thomasius is he tells us find them in any Ancient Copies The Titles of them are these following 1. Of the Phoenix they are not saith Thomasius the verses of Lactantius but written by some most elegant Poet who yet I believe saith he was not a Christian for he calls his Phoenix the Priest of the Sun and speaks of Phoebus as if he were in very deed a god 2. Of the day of the Resurrection of the Lord which for elegancy is no way comparable unto the former whence it evidently appears that they are not of the same Author and Authority Thomasius saith that he found them in the Vaticane Library among the works of the Christian Poet Venantius Fortunatus Bishop of Poictiers And whereas in the Ordinary Editions the Poem begins with this Distich Salve festa dies By the Authority of the Vaticane copy he placeth it twenty Distichs off immediately before that Mobilitas anni Which from his copy he amends thus Nobilitas anni and in the Pentameter for Stridula cuncta he puts Stridula puncta And out of the same copy he adds unto the Poem ten verses more then are usually found both because they very well agree with it and also because in the end of the Poem be these Numeral Letters CX to make up which those ten were to be added yea I find an hundred and twelve verses of this Poem in the Parisian Edition of the Poems of Venantius 3. Of the Passion of the Lord of which Poem Thomasius tells us he could no where find any footsteps at all and therefore unlikely to have Lactantius for the Author Yea the Author both of this and the former is very doubtful saith Bellarmine because some do deny them to be his though hereof we have no certain Argument His verses of Christs Passion saith Mr. Perkins are counterfeit for they contradict all his true writings in these words Flecte genu lignumque crucis venerabile adora Perkins problem For saith Illiricus in Catalog test veritat lib. 4. He vehemently inveigheth against Images 4. As for the Arguments upon the several Fables of Ovids Metamorphosis and the Annotations upon Statius his Thebais by Gesner and Glareanus attributed unto Lactantius which they account most worthy to be read the diversity of the Stile speaks them not to be his they rather belong saith Poâ—sevine unto Luctatius Placidus a Grammarian The Commentaries upon Thebais saith Gregorius Gyraldus are not of Lactantius for in them many things almost word for word are taken out of Servius the Grammarian who lived more then an age after Firmianus they are the work of one Placidus Lactantius or as some Learned men call him Placidus Lutatius thus he §4 His stile is so accurate and polite that he excelled all those of his time vit omnium inquit Eusebius suo tempore eloquentissimus and hath justly merited the name of the Christian Cicero coming nearest of any unto that Prince of Orators in whom chiefly the Latine Tongue was fully ripe and grown unto the highest pitch of all perfection Ierom therefore stiles him a certain River as it were of Tullian eloquence and he that shall Read his works saith he will find in them an Epitome of Cicero's Dialogues And as he followed his Master Arnobius so did he saith Goddeschalcus Stewchius almost overtake him for however Arnobius might go before him in the strength of his arguments and weight of things yet doth Lactantius so recompence that in elegancy of speech and gravity of sentences that it is a hard matter to know which to prefer before other the clearness and neatness of his Language was wonderful being the most eloquent of all the Christians his sound is plainly Ciceronian to whom Erasmus ascribes faelicem facilitatem fuit eloquentiae Ciceronianae inquit Gyraldus inter Christianos praecipuus aemulator §5 There are to be found in his writings many grave sentences and excellent passages that may be of great use unto the Reader though in the Doctrine of Christianity he come short of many others his principal scope being the discovery and confutation of heathenish idolatry and superstition which he happily performed Non multum potest juvare lectorem inquit Chemnitius tautùm enim ferâ— contra Paganismum disputat Amongst divers things in him not unworthy of serious observation take these that follow 1. Speaking unto those who having been accustomed unto polite Orations or Poems pleasing and delightful to the ear do
held at Ariminum in Italy and Seleucia in Isauria wherein is set forth the levity and inconstancy of the Arians there present in the matter of the faith This Bellarmine supposeth may well be taken for his book against Valens and Vrsatius mentioned by Ierom two Arian Bishops who saith Marianus deceived the Fathers in those Synods faining themselves Orthodox An Epistle of Athanasius and ninety Bishops of Egypt and Lybia unto the Bishops in Africa against the Arians wherein the decrees of the Council of Nice are defended and the Synod of Ariminum is shewn to be superfluous that of Nice being sufficient 37. An Epistle unto all the Orthodox wherever when persecution was by the Arians raised against them 38. An Epistle unto Iohn and Antiochus two Presbyters also another unto Palladius nihil continent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 39. An Epistle unto Dracontius whom flying away he by divers arguments perswades to return unto the Church of Alexandria whereof he was Bishop elect and that he would not hearken unto those that would deter him from so doing It is saith Espencaeus a learned Epistle 40. An Epistle unto Marcellinus concerning the interpretation of the Psalms which seems to be the same that Ierom calls of the Titles of the Psalms stiled by Sixtus Senensis thus In Psalterium Davidis ad Marcellinum de titulis et vi psalmorum Isagogicus libellus Of which Cassiodorus thus Testis est inquit Athanasii episcopi sermo magnificus qui virtutes psalmorum indagabili veritate discutiens omnia illic esse probat quaecunque sanctae scripturae ambitu continentur It is by Mr. Perkins put among the suspected works 41 A treatise of the Sabbath and Circumcision in the Latine Parisian Edition Anno 1581. It is joyned as his enarration upon those words Matth. 11. 27. All things are delivered unto me of my Father c. being the seventh in this Catalogue Unto which is added in the same Latine Edition a Compendium of what had been formerly written against those who affirm the Holy Ghost to be a creature 42. Upon those words Matth. 12. 32. Whosoever speaketh against the Son of man c. suspected 43. A Sermon upon the passion and cross of the Lord the phrase saith Erasmus savoureth not of Athanasius Also it altogether forbids oaths which Athanasius doth not It is therefore supposititious Herein also the questions unto Antiochus are cited which are not of this Author Besides the Author foolishly makes Christ to feign words of humane frailty when hanging upon the Cross he so cryed out Eli Eli Lama Sabachthani which yet the true Athanasius saith were truly spoken of him according to his humane nature Sixtus Senensis calls it eloquentissimam concionem 44. A Sermon upon Matth. 21. 2. Go into the village over against you c. It seems to be a fragment taken out of some other work or commentary wherein the Author as playing with them wresteth the Scriptures saith Erasmus it is forged 45. A Sermon of the most holy Virgin the Mother of God or of the Annunciation it is evidently spurious for the Author is large in refuting the error of Nestorius and presseth the Monothelites both which errors were unknown as not sprung up in the time of Athanasius The Author also lightly and almost childishly derives the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and moreover saith that the attributes of God are not the very substance of God sed circa substantiam versari which is discrepant from the manner of Athanasius who is wont to speak very considerately It appears by many passages that the Author hereof lived after the sixth general Council 46. Of Virginity a Sermon or Meditation it is dubious If it be of Athanasius's penning he did saith Erasmus strangely let fall his stile and I may add saith Seultetus that he also laid aside his Theological gravity if he prescribed those childish rules unto a Virgin which saith the Author whoso observeth shall be found among the third order of Angels and also teacheth that no man can be assured of his salvation before his death 47. An homily of the sower it is suspected as being found only in an English book 48. A Sermon against all heresies it is none of his but some doting fellow est vilis et confusus ut plurimum 49. An oration of the ascension of Christ which because of the flourishing stile thereof Scultetus is scrupulous to ascribe it unto Athanasiusâ— 50. An oration or history of Melchisedech in the end whereof the Author speaks of the fathers of the Nicene Council as dead long before it 's therefore spurious 51. A brief oration against the Arians I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian edition by Nannius 52. The declaration of Leviticus it is suspected 53. Short colloquies between Iovianus and certain Arians against Athanasius Also 54. Of the incarnation of the Word of God both which are no where to be found but in the last Parisian edition 55. The Symbol or Creed of Athanasius by Scultetus judged to be dubious he having met with it in no book among the works of Athanasius only in one it is read without the name of the Author It hath been a great dispute among the learned saith Pelargus whose it should be Some ascribing it unto Athanasius and others unto some later Author as yet unknown 56. An Epistle of Iovianus the Emperour unto Athanasius and Athanasius his answer therâ—unto 57. An Epistle unto Ammun a Monk it is dubious 58. A fragment of a festival Epistle containing a catalogue of the canonical books of the old and new Testament it is dubious I believe it saith Scultetus to have been taken out of his Synopsis 59. An Epistle unto Ruffinianus 60. Theological definitions said to be collected by Clement and other holy men It is supposititious and by Scultetus ranked among those which seem to be written with no judgment It seems not to have been of Athanasius his writing because therein Gregory Nyssene is cited who in all likelyhood had not begun to write till after the death of Athanasius Besides the Author speaks so distinctly of the two Natures of Christ in one Hypostasis that it seems to be altogether of a later date then the Council of Chalcedon 61. A brief Synopsis or Compendium of the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament Wherein first he sets down a Catalogue of the Canonical and Non-canonical books Secondly he shews by whom each was written whence it had its name and what it doth contain Thirdly he names the books of both Testaments that are contradicted or accounted Apocryphal 62. Five Dialogues of the Trinity Also 63. Twenty Sermons against divers Hesies which are Pious and Learned and therefore most worthy to be read The phrase shews them to
salutatio quidem ei extiterit cum his praetereunti communis I shall close his encomium in the words of Venantius who was also Bishop of Poictiers about the year of Christ 575. And a Poet of chief note according to the time he lived in He in four books of Heroick Verse wrote the life of S. Martin by whose help he had been cured as it is reported of a great pain in his eyes in the first of which books he thus speaks in the praise of our Hilary Summus apex fidei virtutis amoris Hilarius famae radios jactabat in orbem Buccina terribilis tuba legis praeco Tonantis Pulchrior electro ter cocto ardentior auro Largior Eridano Rhodano torrentior amplo Vberior Nilo generoso sparsior Hystro Cordis inundantis docilis ructare fluenta Fontibus ingenii sitienta pectora rorans Doctor Apostolicus vacuans ratione sophistas Dogmate luce side informans virtute sequaces Which may be thus Englished Hilary top of honour faith and grace Whose fame doth dart its rays in every place The laws shrill Trumpet preacher of the most High Fairer than Amber sparkling far and nigh More than refined Gold larger than Po More vehement than Rhone of swiftest flow For fruitfulness passing th' Egyptian Nile Outstretching generous Ister many a Mile Whose swelling heart freely its streams out spues And with his wit the thirsty brests bedews Doctor Apostolick skilful to unty The cunning knots of subtile Sophistry And by sound doctrine to inform aright His followers with virtue faith and light § 3. As for the Writings of this Worthy many of them have felt the force of time which hath rak'd them up in the dust so that they are withdrawn from the view and use of the present as also of some preceding Ages The little of them which with their names have been preserved unto this day is that which follows viz. 1. His commentary or tractates upon the Book of Iob which is little else than a translation of Origen For herein and in his comment upon the Psalms are to be found almost forty thousand verses quadraginta fermè millia versuum Origenis in Iob et Psalmos transtulit translated out of that Author in which he keeps to the sence though not unto his words These were extant in Ieroms time for he had the sight of them 2. His comment upon the Canticles which Ierom only heard of but it came not to his hands 3. Of Mysteries 4. Of the Septenary or uneven number a book mentioned by Ierom dedicated unto Fortunatus This book saith Victorius is extant under the name of Cyprian but that 't is rather Hilary's appears saith he from the stile Ieroms authority ascribing it to him and its dedication unto Fortunatus who was Hilary's great friend as his Poems do testifie 5. His book or commentary as Possevin calls it against Dioscorus a Physician or against Salust a Prefect wherein though it were but short yet was it a learned and accurate piece he shewed what he could do with his Pen putting out all the strength both of his wit and eloquence which is wanting not without the great loss of the History of the affairs of France and other Countries 6. His book against Valens and Vrsatius two pestilent Arians who had infected with their heresie Italy Illiricum and the East containing the History of the Acts of the councils of Ariminum and Seleucia which is lost unless perhaps it be contained in his book of of Synods 7. A defence of the Catholick Faith 8. Of heresies 9. A book of Chronicles or an history from the beginning of the world unto the time of Christ. 10. A book of hymns he was the first among the Catholicks that set forth hymns and verses Declarat inquit Erasmus phrasis et compositio Hilariani sermonis in carmine non infoelicem fuisse Et fortassis aliquot hymni quos hodiè canit ecclesia non indoctos sed incerti authoris illius sunt 11. Divers Epistles a work mentioned by Sulpitius Severus which reporteth the great age of Osius the famous Bishop of Corduba as being above an hundred year old The most of them seem to have been written after his return from banishment into France wherein condemning the Arian heresie he labours to reduce therefrom those Western Bishops who by the Eastern in the Council of Seleucia had been by cunning and craft deceived and drawn into it 12. Whereas the Centurists speak of a book of his concerning the rebaptization of hereticks I suppose it belongs not to our but another Hilary who was a Deacon in the Church of Rome and of Cyprian's mind in the point of rebaptization of those that had been baptized by hereticks and particularly the Arians He indeed wrote certain books upon this subject of whom Ierom is to be understood calling hlm the Worlds Deucalion as one that thought the whole World would have perished in the baptism of Hereticks as in a second flood had not he restored it by another Baptism There are extant to this day these following books which are generally conceived to be his 1. Twelve books of the Trinity against the Arians which he wrote when he was banished into Phrygia being the first among the Latine Fathers that dealt upon this subject A work in this regard of no small advantage unto the Reader that therein he expounds divers places not a little obscure in the Gospel of Iohn and Epistles of Paul no less happily than accurately The first of these books as it seems he writ last for it contains an account or sum of the whole work setting down particularly the subjects or contents of each of the other books It is an elaborate piece of much strength and commended even by the adversaries themselves 2. Three books or Apologues unto Constantius the Emperour who much favoured the faction of the Ariaus All which Erasmus thinks to be imperfect for saith he they promise something exact and laborious but perform not accordingly being as it were suddenly silent The first of these he conceives to have been written after the death of that Emperour because he therein deals more freely and sharply with him whereas in the other two he is more fair and moderate Baronius supposeth the first as well as the two later to have been written while the Emperour was alive and therefore that the book mentioned by Ierome to be written after the death of Constantius is not now extant because he saith that by this free confession he tended to martyrdom whereunto he exhorteth others by the like liberty of speaking which would have seemed ridiculous if the persecutor had been now dead But saith Bellarmine perhaps these different opinions may be reconciled by thus saying That at the Writing of the first Epistle Hilary thought
whom formerly he had followed he forthwith fell upon this course and so became a Christian. As touching the former of these Relations it is nothing improbable that the admirable and extraordinary constancy of Christians in their greatest Sufferings for Christ might be an inducement unto him to enquire after the Doctrine and Religion which they professed the truth whereof they could so willingly and chearfully seal with their blood a notable demonstration of the excellency and divine original thereof and so might it make way to his conversion Many instances might be given of the strange effects that such Spectacles have produced in the hearts of those that have been the Spectators Trajan himself who moved the persecution against the Christians hearing good Ignatius at that time when the Lions were ready to be let loose upon him to utter those words I am the wheat of Christ whom the teeth of wild Beasts must grind to make me pure Bread for God With admiration breaks out into these words Grandis est tolerantia Christianorum Great is the patience of the Christians Who of the Greeks would suffer so much for his God To whom Ignatius meekly replyed Not by mine own but by the strength of Christ do I undergo all this But as for the latter whether he had such an apparition or no and directions given him by his old man what course he should take that he might come to the knowledge of the truth Penes lectorem esto I leave unto the prudent Reader to judge yet was not Augustin's tolle lege altogether unlike it neither are Histories wholly barren and silent in relations of the like kind The gravity and piety of the Author may justly challenge from us a suspension at least of our censure and stir us up to take notice of the variety of ways that God hath who can if in his infinite wisdom he see it meet go out of the way of his ordinary providence to bring his great counsels to pass and the things he hath purposed to his chosen from eternity After that he had once given up his name to Christ he became a most notable Champion and Defender of the Christian Faith against the Enemies thereof in every kind especially the Heathen Philosophers the bitter opposers of it with whom he maintained with a great spirit many sharp conflicts and disputes for the vindication of it from their calumnies for which work he was singularly furnished and instructed being well studyed and exercised in the Doctrine of the Gentiles and eminently skilled in Philosophy as the very addition to his name more than intimates being commonly stiled Iustin the Philosopher Moreover he was very ready and expert in the Scriptures as may be eminently seen in his Colloquies with Triphon the Jew whom as another Apollos and eloquent man and mighty in the Scriptures he mightily convinced that Jesus was the Christ and had undoubtedly won him to embrace the Faith had he not rather chosen to imitate the inbred obstinacy of his Nation than yield to manifest and invincible truth as saith the publisher and perfecter of that Latine Translation and Edition which Gelenius had began and enterprised but could not finish being prevented by death § 2. He was an holy man and a Friend of God leading a life very much exercised in virtue an eminent lover and worshipper of Christ which he abundantly manifested in being one of the first that in those times of hot persecution wherein the very name of Christian was accounted a crime sufficient for them to be proceeded against with utmost rigour took unto him the boldness to be the Christians Advocate a Title peculiarly given to one Vetius Epagathus who being moved with indignation at the unjust proceedings used against the Christians desired that he might be heard in their behalf undertaking to prove that no impiety was to be found in them for which cause he was afterward stiled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Advocate of the Christians publickly to plead their cause to clear their innocence and to vindicate them from the groundless calumnies wherewith they were aspersed by their Adversaries in his Learned Apologies which he tendred unto the Emperours and Senate of Rome As did also about the same time Aristides and Quadratus who all three presented their Apologies unto the Emperour Adrian the like did Athenagoras unto Aurelius Antoninus and Commodus the next succeeding Emperours Wherein having with singular zeal broken the Ice they were afterward followed by divers amongst the rest Apollinaris Bishop of Hierapolis Apollonius a Noble-man and Senator of Rome Melito Bishop of Sardis Tertullian c. He was one that had attained the height and top of Philosophy both Christian and prophane abounding in the riches of Learning and History but little studious to set out the native beauty of his Philosophy with the borrowed colours of the Art of Oratory and therefore though his Books be otherwise full of strength and stuffed with knowledge yet have they but little relish or savour of the sauce of Art nor do they with winning inticements and cunning insinuations allure vulgar Auditors So much he himself freely confesseth I shall saith he deal with you out of the Scriptures not shewing much Art in the choice and quaintness of words for I am not endewed with such a faculty only God hath given me grace to understand the Scriptures So that there is to be found in him more solidity and strength of argument than of the flowers and flourishes of Rhetorick And yet is not this later altogether wanting in his writings in the judgement of the Author of the Parisian Edition For that he was an Oratour saith he is apparent from hence that his Apologies for the Christians prevailed so far with the Emperours that the rigour and cruelty that was formerly exercised toward them was much mitigated and abated which to effect no small piece of Rhetorick was requisite The success whereof Eusebius gives us an account of to this purpose The Emperour upon the receit of his Apology became more mild setting forth his decree at Ephesus wherein among other these words concerning the Christians are to be read Concerning these Men many of the Presidents of the Provinces have heretofore written to my Father Adrian to whom he wrote back again that such should not be molested unless they were found to have attempted something against the Roman Empire And many have informed me also concerning them to whom I returned a like answer as my Father had done If therefore hereafter any one shall persist to occasion trouble unto such as such Let him that is accused be freed from the accusation and let the accuser undergo punishment § 3. Of the Books which he wrote in the general Eusebius thus speaks Iustin hath left behind him unto Posterity many Monuments of a mind accurately instructed and full fraught with profit in every kind which seem to
be the first after the Apostolical times that have come to our hands Of these some are lost and perished only we find the names or titles of them recorded by himself and others of this sort are as Ierom hath them 1. A Volume against the Gentiles wherein he disputeth of the nature of Devils 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de exilio daemonum of the Exile of Devils saith Suidas 2. A fourth Volume against the Gentiles which he entituled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a refutation Trithemius calls it castigationum lib. 1. 3. Of the Monarchy of God of which more anon 4. A Book which he called Psaltes 5. Of the Soul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Scholastical discourse wherein various questions being propounded he annexed the opinions of the heathen Philosophers which he promised to answer and to give his own judgement concerning them in a certain other Commentary 6. Against Marcion the Heretick lib. 1. saith Trithemius how many for number it 's uncertain Books saith Photius necessary to be read stiled by Ierom insignia Volumina famous and excellent Volumes 7. Against all Heresies or Sects as Suidas a profitable work saith Photius 8. A Commentary upon Genesis 9. A Commentary upon the Apocalypse so Ierom in the life of the Apostle Iohn Being banished saith he into the Isle of Patmos he wrote the Apocalypse which Iustin Martyr and Irenaeus do interpret 10. Possevine saith that in the Catalogues of Greek Manuscript Books which came to his hands is to be seen such an Inscription as this Iustini Philosophi Martyris Explicatio in St. Dionysii Areopagitae Episcopi Atheniensis Hierarchiam Ecclesiasticam mysticam Theologiam 11. An Epistle ad Papam mentioned by himself in his Epistle to Zena and Sirenus The Books now extant under his name are of two sorts 1. Some genuine and by all granted to be his viz. 1. Paraenesis his exhortation to the Grecians wherein he exhorts them to embrace the Christian Religion as being of greater Authority and of more antiquity than the Heathenish and in the end shews them the way how they may attain it 2. An Oration unto the Greeks wherein he lays down the reasons why he forsook their Rites and invites them to embrace the Christian Religion Yet is neither of these mentioned by Eiâ—sebius or Ierom. 3. His first Apology unto the Senate of Rome which Bellarmine conceives to be the later and not given up unto the Senate as our Books have it but unto Marcus and Lucius the Successors of Pius and that this common deceit was hence occasioned because the first Apology as they are usually placed wants the beginning and therefore it could not be known unto whom it was directed Herein 1. He complains of their most unjust proceedings in punishing the Christians meerly for the name 2. He makes answer unto those things which were objected to them by the Gentiles 3. He requests them that to their decree if they should publish any thing concerning this thing they would publickly annex this Apology that the innocency of the Christians might be known unto all 4. His second Apology which he tendred unto Antoninus Pius to his Sons and to the whole Senate and people of Rome which Baronius calls fortem gravem Apologiam a strong and grave Apology first named both by Eusebius and Ierom and therefore likely to be the first of the two The sum whereof Baronius gives us in these words Multa exprobrat de iniquissimis in Christianos judiciis c i. e. He much upbraids them for their most unjust proceedings against the Christians viz. for that without any inquiry into cause or matter they were adjudged to death as the most impious and flagitious of all Men and that for no other reason but because they were Christians the very name being accounted crime enough Wherefore he doth notably clear them from the several calumnies cast upon them and fully demonstrates their innocency by many arguments particularly that they were not such as they were commonly fam'd to be viz. Atheists because though they worshipped not the gods of the heathen yet they knew the true God and performed that service that was agreeable unto him Also that they looked not for an earthly kingdom as was suspected of them for which cause the Romans stood in fear of a Rebellion and their defection from them but a Divine and Heavenly that made them most willing to run the hazard and suffer the loss of this present life which they never could do were they possessed with any desires of reigning in the World Moreover he wipes off those blasphemies wherewith the Christians were loaded for their worshipping of a crucified Man by such as were altogether ignorant of the mystery of the Cross of Christ. Shewing that the Religion of such as worshipped the gods was but a vain and sordid superstition He likewise Learnedly and copiously discourseth of the Divinity of Christ and of his incarnation or assuming our Nature and unfolds many things of the mystery of the Cross and by many clear and convincing arguments proves the verity of the Christian Faith withal insinuating their harmless Life exact observance of chastity patience obedience peaceableness gentleness and love even to their very enemies Lastly he lays before them the Rites or manner observed by the Christians in their sacred Mysteries viz. Baptism and the Lord's Supper c. because of the slanders that were raised and scattered abroad concerning them as if horrible and abominable things were practiced by them such indeed as are not to be once named among them in their secret meetings upon such occasions All which he performed with such admirable liberty and boldness as became so zealous and Advocate in so good a cause wherein the magnanimity of his Spirit moved with an holy indignation may evidently be discern'd by the seriousness of the matter contained in it and the solidity of the arguments by which what he undertook is fully proved 5. A Dialogue or Colloquy with Tryphon a Jew which Morel calls Illustris disputatio a notable disputation in Ephesus a most famous City of Asia with Tryphon the chief of the Jewish Synagogue continued by the space of two whole days for the truth of the Christian Religion wherein he proves the Jews to be incredulous contumacious blasphemers of Christ and Christians Infidels and corrupters of the Scriptures falsly interpreting the words of the Prophets and most clearly demonstrates by innumerable testimonies fetched from the old Law that Jesus our Saviour is the true Messiah whom the Prophets foretold should come 6. An Epistle to Zena and Serenus which comprehends the whole life of a Christian man whom he instructs in all the duties belonging to him of which yet Bellarmine makes some doubt whether it be his or no. 7. An Epistle unto Diognetus wherein he shews why the Christians have left the Jews and Greeks
what their life and doctrine is and why they contemn death As not the two first so neither are these two last mentioned by Eusebius or Ierom yet are all these seven conceived to be the proper works of Iustine Besides these there are other extant under his name which yet are either question'd or conceived to be none of his but supposititious falsly ascribed to him They may be discerned from those that are genuine either by the diversity of the Stile or some other evident Notes distinguished the one from the other And they are these that follow 1. His Book de Monarchia the Stile whereof is not unlike that of Iustine yet is it doubtful whether he were the Author of it 1. Because the Title differs from that mentioned by Eusebius Ierom Photius and Suidas who intitle the Book written by him de Monarchia Dei whereas this is only de Monarchia 2. In that he tells that he fetcheth Testimonies not only from our own Authors i. e. the sacred Scriptures but also Writings of the Heathens whereas in this now extant the later sort of Testimonies only are to be found Gelenius also in his Latin Edition of the Works of Iustin which he saith comprehended all those then extant leaves this out altogether Perionius therefore concludes that either this that we now have is not perfect but wants many pages or else for certain Iustin wrote another Book upon this Subject Miraeus is of this judgement that half of the other Book de Monarchia remains and that half of one Book de Monarchia Dei is lost The sum of it is to exhort the Greeks to leave their idolatry and to worship the true God whom their Poets did acknowledge to be the only Creator and Governour of all things but made no reckoning at all of their feigned gods 2. An exposition of the true Faith or of a right Confession of the holy and coessential Trinity Which by divers Arguments may evidently be proved to be none of his especially 1. By the Stile which seems to differ from that of Iustin being more curt and neat than his 2. Because he speaks much more apertly and distinctly of the Mysteries of the Trinity and Incarnation than the Writers of that age are wont to do 3. None of the Ancients make mention of it 4. The words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. were not then so usual in the Church nor are they any where to be found in the Writings of Iustin when as yet he sometimes professedly handles the Doctrine of the Trinity Bellarmine himself therefore is doubtful of it Ambigo saith he â—n ejus sit and well he might there being so much cause But whoever were the Author of it it is an excellent and profitable discourse and worthy of such an Author as Iustin. Herein he shews that there is indeed but one God who is known in the Father Son and holy Spirit and that these three have but one and the same Essence as also discourseth of the Incarnation of the Word who is Mediator according to both Natures the manner of the Union whereof in Christ is ineffable 3. A confutation of certain Opinions of Aristotle which saith Possevine Iustin did not write neither will Baronius undertake to determine whether it be his or no. Eusebins Ierom and Suidas mention it not for which cause it is justly rejected as not written by Iustin though Photius speak of it as his and it have no evident note of falshood in the judgement of Bellarmine Therefore saith he I have nothing to say one way or other 4. Certain Questions propounded by the Christians to the Gentiles and their Answers to them together with a confutation of those Answers Which piece as the Stile bewrays it to be none of Iustins so may it easily be discerned also from the often mention of the Manichees in the confutation of the answer to the first question who arose above an hundred years after Iustin. 5. Certain questions propounded by the Greeks or Gentiles with the answers of the Christians unto them Which are ranked with the former by the Centurists 6. This answers to 146 questions unto the Orthodoxes it seem not to Iustins saith Possevine the same thinks Bellarmine yea that this is certain many things contained in them do plainly evince As 1. Some words which were not in use in the Church till a long time after Iustin. e. g. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 2. In them is cited Irenaeus Quest. 115. whom he stiles a Martyr yet did Iustin die some fourty years before viz. An. 165. where Irenaeus suffered Martyrdom an 205. according to the account of Baronius Also Origen is quoted Quest. 82. 86. who yet was long after Iustin. 3. Divers passages are here to be found which are cross to what is contained in the genuine Writings of Iustin. e. g. That the Witch of Endor did but delude the eye that they seemed to see Samuel when 't was not he Quest. 52. whereas Iustin asserteth that 't was the true Samuel that was raised Also Quest. 112. the Angel that spake with Iacob and Moses and other of the Patriarchs is said to be a created Angel and that for his office committed to him he was honoured with the name of God Whereas Iustin earnestly contends and affirms that that Angel was Christ the Son of God Add hereto that the stile shews them to be counterfeit which seems saith Sixtus Senensis not unlike unto that of Theodoret in his questions upon the Octoteuch and it is conceived that they were written by some one who lived about that time Besides all this there are among them so many questions and answers unworthy of the Piety Candour and Learning of Iustin that if they be compared with his true Writings they will be found to differ no less than Gold and Lead the one from the other Upon how frail a foundation then are those unsound Doctrines of the Papists built for the proof whereof these spurious Writings are often alledged viz. the lawful use of the Cross the Virgin Mary without sin keeping and worshipping of Reliques religious Vows Baptism necessary unto Salvation the use of Chrism Ceremonies of the Mass Free-will and that Confirmation is a Sacrament § 4. The stile that Iustin used was vehement and worthy of one that handled serious matters but it came nearer to that of the Philosopher than to that of the Orator which is the reason why he is sometimes obscure § 2. Many things of special Note and very observable are to be met withal in this ancient Author among the rest are such as these 1. He acquaints us with the manner of the Christians performance of the duties of worship in their publick Assemblies which was thus Upon the day which is called Sunday saith he or the first day of the Week are the Meetings or publick Assemblies
was then administred he acquaints us saying As many as are perswaded and do believe those things that are taught and spoken by us to be true and promise to live accordingly they are taught to pray fasting and to beg of God the pardon of their former sins we praying and fasting together with them Then are they brought by us unto the place where the water is and are regenerated after the same manner of Regeneration wherewith we were regenerated For in the name of the Father and Lord God of all and of our Saviour Jesus Christ and of the Holy Spirit they are then washed in Water And through the Water we obtain remission of those sins which we had before committed And this washing is called illumination because the minds of those that learn these things are enlightned 6. We make account that we cannot suffer any harm from any one unless we be convicted to be evil-doers or discovered to be wicked persons You may indeed put us to death but you cannot hurt us 7. Such was the innocency and tenderness of Christians that whereas saith he before we believed we did murther one another now we not only do not oppugn or War against our enemies but that we may not lie nor deceive the Inquisitors confessing Christ we die willingly 8. So great was the courage and resolution of Christians that although saith he it were decreed to be a capital crime for any to teach or even to profess the name of Christ we notwithstanding both embrace and teach it 9. Concerning the Translation of the Septuagint he gives this account That Ptolemy King of Egypt erecting a Library at Alexandria and understanding that the Jews had ancient Books which they diligently kept he sent for seventy wise men from Ierusalem who were skill'd both in the Greek and Hebrew Tongues and committed unto them the care of translating those Books And that being free from all disturbance they might make the quicker dispatch of the translation he commanded a like number of Cells or little Rooms to be made not in the City it self but about seven furlongs from it where the Pharos was built that each one should finish his interpretation by himself alone requiring the servants attending them to be in every regard serviceable to them only to hinder them from conversing together to the end that the exact truth of the Interpretation might be known by their consent And coming to know that these seventy men used not only the same sense but also the same words in the translation and that they differ'd no not so much as in one word one from another but had written in the same words of the same things being hereat astonished and believing the Interpretation to be accomplished by divine assistance he judged the men worthy of all honour as loving and beloved of God and with many gifts commanded them to return again into their own Country And having the books in admiration as there was cause and consecrating them unto God he laid them up there in the Library These things we relate unto you O ye Greeks not as fables and feigned stories but as those who have been at Alexandria and have seen the footsteps of those Cells yet remaining in Pharos This we report as having heard it from the Inhabitants who have received the memorable things of their Countrey by tradition from their Ancestors Which also you may understand from others and chiefly from those wise and approved Men who have recorded these things namely Philo and Iosephus 10. Concerning the Sibyls thus O ye Greeks If you have not greater regard unto the fond or false imagination of them that are no gods then unto your own salvation give credit unto the most ancient Sibyls whose Books happen to be preserved in the whole World teaching you from a certain powerful Inspiration by Oracles concerning those who are called but are not gods and plainly and manifestly foretelling the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ and of all things that were to be done by him For the knowledge of these things will be a necessary Praeludium or preparation unto the Prophecies or to the reading of the Prophecies of holy Men. § 6. Though his excellencies were great yet were they accompanied with many imperfections viz. his slips and errours that he had which we shall briefly point at and give notice of and they were such as these 1. He was an express Chiliast or Millenary and a most earnest maintainer of that opinion as were many of the Ancients beside him viz. Irenaeus Apollinarius Bishop of Hierapolis Nepos an Egyptian Bishop Tertullian Lactaâ—tius Victorinus c. The first broacher of this errour was Papias the Auditor or Disciple of Iohn not the Apostle but he who was called Presbyter or Senior and whose the two latter Epistles of Iohn are by some conceived to be This man was passing eloquent but of a weak and slender judgement as by his Books appears yet did he occasion very many Ecclesiastical Men to fall into this errour who had respect unto his Antiquity and among the rest Iustin as appears in divers places of his Books particularly in his Dialogue with Tryphon the Jew who pressing him after this manner Tell me truly saith he do you acknowledge that the City Ierusalem shall be built again and that your people shall be there gathered together and live in pleasures with Christ c. To whom I thus replyed saith he I am not such a wretch O Tryphon as to speak otherwise then I think I have confessed unto thee before that my self and many others are of the same mind as ye fully know it shall be even so but withal I have signified unto thee that some Christians of a pure and pious judgement do not acknowledge this But as for me and those Christians who are of a right judgement in all things we do know that there shall be a Resurrection of the Flesh and a thousand years in Ierusalem re-built beautified and enlarged as the Prophets Ezekiel Esay and others have published And afterward that there shall be an Universal and Everlasting Resurrection of all together and a Judgement as a certain Man of our own whose name was Iohn one of the Twelve Apostles of Christ in that Revelation which he had hath foretold 2. He entertained a gross Judaical conceit concerning some of the Angels of whom he hath these words That God having made the World and put the Earth in subjection unto Man He committed the care of Men themselves and of the things under the Heavens unto certain Angels whom he had appointed hereunto but the Angels transgressing the Ordinance of God were overcome with the company of Women on whom they begat those Children which are called Daemons and moreover they brought the rest of mankind into servitude unto themselves and sowed Murthers Adulteries Wars and all kind of wickedness among Men This errour took its rise
written by him in Latin yet would not peremptorily conclude it For saith he it is not clear to me whether of the two he wrote in though I rather soppose that he wrote in Latin but was more expert in the Greek and therefore speaking Latin he is bold to make use of Greek figures and forms of speech But most are of another mind judging the Greek to have been the Original Language werein his Books were written And that they were afterward translated by himself saith Feuardentius to cover over the faults of the Translator which are not a few or lest the Testimonies alleadged from the translation should lose of their Authority and Weight or which is most likely by some other All consent in this saith Baronius that he wrote In Greek he wrote many excellent Volumes in the Greek Tongue saith Sixtus Senensis and saith Rhenanus proculdubio without doubt he wrote in Greek for else would not Ierom have ranked him among the Greek Fathers nor have made Tertullian as he doth the third but the fourth as he should among the Latins Pamelius also thinks that both he and those first Roman Bishops unto his time wrote rather in Greek than Latine which things considered it 's a wonder that Erasmus should herein be of the mind he was The Latin Copy of Irenaeus saith Cornatius is an exceeding faulty Translation and may better be restored out of Epiphanius than afford any help in the translating of Epiphanius so that marvailous it is that Erasmus a man otherwise endued with a piercing judgement in things of this Nature should think that Irenaeus did wrâ—tein Latin To the same purpose speaks the great Scaliger I do admire saith he that from such a feverish Latin Interpreter as he is whom now we have Erasmus should imagine both that 't is the true Irenaeus and that he imitates the Greeks That Latin Interpreter was most foolish and either omitted or depraved many things which he understood not The fragments which are extant in Epiphanius also the History of the things done by Irenaeus in Eusebius do sufficiently prove both that the man was a Grecian and wrote in Greek neither is it to be doubted of c. The Greek Copy therefore written by himself is long since perished only there are some remains of it to be found scattered in several Authors who saw and made use thereof Thus we have seven and twenty Chapters of of his first Book by Epiphanius inserted into his Panarium who took a good part of his second and third Books word for word out of Iuneus and some few fragments in Eusebiuâ— and Theodoret by comparing of which witâ— the Translation we now have it will easily appear how great a loss the Church sustains in the want of it For instead of eleganâ— Greek we have nothing else in the Ireâ—eâ—â— now extant but rude and ill-favoured Latinâ— Nor indeed can a Translation especially 〈◊〉 of Greek into Latin equal the Original seeing that as Ierom speaks the Latin Tongue râ—ceives not the propriety of the Greek The Contents of the five Books of this excellent Volume to give you a brief accouâ—â— of them from Grynaeus are these 1. In thâ— first he at large sets down the dismal and diabolical Errours of the Valentinians together with a narration of the discords and impieties of those wretched Hereticks Whâ—â—â— opinions saith Erasmus are so horrid thâ—â— the very bringing of them to light is confutation sufficient yea the very terms as wâ—â— as the opinions are so monstrous saith the saâ—â— Author that it would even turn the stomach and tire the patience of any one but to peruâ—â— them over 2. In the second he treats of the one Eternal True Omnipotent and Omniscient God besides whom there is none other And that not any feigned Demiurgus or Angels but this eternal God alone Father Son and holy Ghost did out of nothing produce this whole Fabrick both of Heaven and Earth and gave being to Angels Men and all inferiour Creatures and refuses the Errours of the Gnosticks concerning the same shewing what they stole from the Philosophers to deceive the simple withal and wounding yea overcoming them with Weapons or Arguments fetched out of their own Magazines and Armory 3. In the third which is partly polemical and partly exegetical he discovers and proves the Hereticks to be foully guilty of that heynous crime of corrupting and curtailing the sacred Scriptures and evidently demonstrates the perpetual consent of the Prophets and Apostles concerning our Lord Jesus Christ God and Man 4. In the fourth he clearly and by solid Arguments proves that one and the same God was the Author of both the Testaments the Old and the New and that therein he hath revealed himself and his Will concerning the Restitution and Salvation by Jesus Christ of all men that do repent largely discoursing of the power of the Will and of our imperfection and being gotten out of the craggy and intricate places he enters into a large field explaining many Scriptures depraved by the Hereticks 5. In the fifth and last Book having made a repetition of divers things formerly handled he comes to confute the vain conceits of the Gnosticks concerning the utter perishing of the bodies of men and proves that our bodies shall not only be raised by Christ at the last day but also that the very bodies of the Saints shall injoy eternal life and be saved together with their Souls In the handling whereof he gives a notable experiment as the diligent Reader may observe of a clear head and as of a choice a spirit whence his weighty arguments sharpned with holy Zeal do pierce deeply into the very hearts of the Enemies of the Truth to their shameful prostration and utter overthrow for great is the Truth and will prevail He is one of the Ancients and the only one among those contained in this Decade that had the good hap not to have his name abused by being prefixed to the Books he never wrote nor the bastard-brats of others to be father'd upon him § 4. As for his Stile 't is somewhat obscure and intricate yea he is oftentimes neglectinâ— of his words and speaks improperly ye such is the subject he discourseth of that â— will hardly admit of clear and plain expressions He himself disclaims Eloquence aâ— dwelling among the Celtae a people of a barbarous speech Look not saith he for the art of Oratory which we have not learned but what simply truly and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in â— vulgar manner we have written in Love iâ— Love receive Yet understand him of affected Rhetorick and not that he was altogether ignorant of that art which could not be seeing that in a subject so thorny and perplex his stile is perspicuous digested and coherent So that considering the matter he handleth 't is no wonder he is so obscure and that so little art
and of light to illuminate but also and that chiefly to bring that unto some good and profitable end and issue that hath been devised by wicked men and to use those things profitably which seem to be evil Again nothing comes to pass without the will of the Lord of all It remains therefore that we briefly say that things of this Nature viz. persecutions c. do come to pass the Lord not letting or hindring them for this only salves both the Divine Providence and Goodness for we ought not to imagine that he doth effectually cause afflictions far be it from us so to think but we ought to perswade our selves that he doth not hinder those who are the authors of them but make use of the bold attempts of adversaries unto a good end 7. God who is good and gracious chastiseth for three causes 1. That he who is chastised may become better than he was 2. That such as may or shall be saved being admonished by Examples may be prepared 3. That he who is injured may not be contemned and apt or exposed to more injury 8. Speaking of the several sorts of Officers in the Church he makes mention only of those three commonly received viz. Bishops Elders and Deacons 9. Reprehension is as it were a kind of Chirurgery of the affections of the Soul and admonition is as it were a kind of dyet for the sick soul which counselleth and adviseth unto those things that are to be taken and forbids such as are to be forborn 10. He calls pleasure 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Metropolis or principal seat of Vice 11. As touching the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews because I find it recorded by Eusebius Nicephorus and others I thought good not to omit it he affirmeth it to be Pauls undoubtly whom he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the divine Apostle and therefore written in the Hebrew Tongue for the Hebrews sakes but faithfully translated by Luke who was the Disciple of Paul and published unto the Gentiles or Greeks and therefore we find in it the like phrase or manner of speech as is used in the Acts of the Apostles And that we have not the wonted superscription prefixed in this Epistle viz. Paul an Apostle c. he gives this reason of it For saith he writing unto the Hebrews because of the ill opinion they had conceived of him he very wisely concealed his name left upon the sight thereof they should be dismayed and refuse to read the Epistle And also even as Macarius the Elder said for as much as the Lord himself was the Messenger of the Almighty and sent unto the Hebrews Paul for modesties sake or out of his humility being the Apostle of the Gentiles wrote not himself the Apostle of the Hebrews partly for the honour due to Christ and partly also for that he being the Apostle of the Gentiles did freely and boldly write unto the Hebrews 12. Of the Order of the Evangelists according unto the tradition of the Elders he thus writeth The Gospels which contain the Genealogies are placed and accounted the first viz. Matthew and Luke The Gospel according to Mark was written upon this occasion when Peter preached openly at Rome and published the Gospel by lively voice many of his Auditors entreated Mark having been a hearer and follower of that Apostle a long time and one that well remembred his words to deliver unto them in writing such things as he had heard Peter Preach before which thing when Peter afterward understood to be done though he had not given command that it should be done yet being done he forbad it not Iohn last of all seeing in the other Evangelists the Humanity of Christ set forth at large being intreated by the Disciples and filled with the holy Ghost he wrote chiefly of his Divinity 13. By the Gnostick in our Author in whom this term is freequently used we are to understand the compleat and perfect Christian whom he so stiles in opposition unto those foul Hereticks and false Christians who for the excellency of knowledge which they vainly boasted of proudly assumed and appropriated unto themselves this name and title of Gnosticks or knowing men by which they are commonly known Against these he opposeth the true Gnostick for the information and description of whom he wrote his Books of Stromes as the inscription set down by Eusebius and more at large by Photius doth more than intimate though especially and particularly he discourseth upon this subject in the sixth and seventh Books wherein he treateth of the Affections Science Speech Prayers Love both to God and to the Truth of the benignity Sacrifices and Contemplation of the true Gnostick In which description he is so exact that he therein shews rather what a one a Christian should be than what any one is there being no such example to be found such as was the pourtraict of a wise man by the Stoicks and of a common-wealth by Plato whom herein our Author imitated 14. He shews whence several Heresies have their several names Some saith he take their names from the Authors of them as from Valentinus Marcion and Basilides although they boast that they bring the opinion of Mathias for both the Doctrine and Tradition of all the Apostles was one and the same Some are named from the place as the Peratici Others from the Nation as the Heresie of the Phrygians Some from their profession as the Encratitae because they abstained from Marriage Wine and the eating of Flesh others from their proper opinions as the Docitae and Haematitae Some from their hypotheses and the things which they honoured as those which are called Cainists and Ophiani Others from those things which they nefariously perpetrated and dared as those of the Simoniani who are called Entychitae Of which last Danaeus thus speaks Canistae qui ab amoribus turpissimis ita sunt appellati fuerunt tetriores quanquam Clement strom lib. 7. putat fuisse Eutychitas sed errorem subesse in condicibus impressis nemo qui aliorum de eisdem rebus scripta legerit dubitabit 15. In the first Book of Stromes undertaking to demonstrate the antiquity of the Christian Religion and that it was before the Philosophy of the Heathen he proves that Moses who flourished in the time of Inachus the King of the Argives was more ancient than any of the Greek Poets Philosophers or Wise men yea most of their gods to which end he sets down and reckons the times of the Kingdoms of the Jews Persians Macedonians and Romans and so presents us with an exact and accurate Chronology from the time of Moses unto the death of Emperour Commodus in whose Successors reigns viz. Severus for Pertinax who came between them held the Empire but a few Months he wrote these Books as Eusebius concludes for thus he Clemens writing his Books of Stromes
repute and also his place in the Church which excommunicated and owned him no longer Hence also it came to pass that having erred so fouly his writings were of little authority and lost much of their esteem being prohibited to be read by Gelasius and because absurd opinions were in them mingled with other things they were by the orthodox condemned and reckoned in the number of Apocryphal books He was saith Bellarmine an arch Heretick and in matters dogmatical of very small account Ierom therefore being by Helvidius prest with the authority of Tertulian in his heat thus â—oundly replies I say no more of him but that he was no man of the Church Nevertheless that especially for which he was adjudged and proceeded against as an Heretick was this that betaking him to the Cataphrygians or Montanists whom before he had opposed he began to condemn second marriages contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle 1 Tim. 5. 14. as no better then fornication which opinion he was the rather moved to embrace saith Rhenanus because he thought that the last day which elegantly he calls diem expeditionis lib. 1. ad uxorem was near at hand as also did Ierom and other of the Ancients grounding upon that of the Apostle 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉 time is short it remaineth that they that 〈◊〉 wives be as though they had none 〈◊〉 hereto he added which compleated his fault that being divided from the Cataphrygians he â— length gathered conventicles of his own and became the Authour of that sâ—ct which from him are called and known by the name of Tertullianists Doubtless the fall of this worthy Man struck a very great fear with admiration into the hearts of the faithful when they saw one so eminent and learned such a lover of truth and in every regard so accomplished to miscarry In this sad condition did he remain unto the end of his life for ought that appears in History to the contrary which mentions his fall but not his rise and recovery herein greatly to be pittied that having with so much zeal and strength maintained the Doctrine of Christianity against the adversaries thereof he should at length unworthily desert the truth and become a champion of the grossest errours It is iniquity and maketh a Man a transgressor to build again the things which he had destroyed and a point of greatest folly to begin in the spirit but to end in the flesh let him that thinketh he standeth take heed lest he fall Yet I shall not omit to give you the judgement and charitable thoughts of the learned Daille concerning him We are to take notice saith he that his Montanism put no separation at all betwixt him and other Christians save only in point of Discipline which he according to the severity of his nature would have to be most harsh and rigorous for as for his Doctrine it is very evident that he constantly kept to the very same rule and the same Faith that the Catholicks did And this is evident enough out of all those books which were written by him during the time of his being a Montanist wherein he never disputeth or contendeth about any thing save only about Discipline § 2. He is a very ancient Authour neaâ— neighbour unto the Apostles times the very first among all the Latin Fathers and Ecclesiastical Writers whose works are come to our hands then whom the Christian World scarce hath an Elder who preceeded all the Councils those in the Acts only excepted and the first that strenuously asserted and vindicated the Doctrines of the Gospel against all the cunning cavils and bold attempts of prophane Hereticks He was a Man of a sharp wit and vehement spirit very bold and undaunted which he notably discovered in his plea and Apology for the Christians wherein he budgeth not a jot from that constancy that became him not caring and little curious to curry favour as knowing well he had a just and honest cause in hand Vehementi ardore magnoque affectu pro orthodoxâ religione scribit disputaâ— pugnat ut liqueat eum nihil fingere verae pietatis atque Martyrii amantibus semper gratissimus So accomplisht was he and exactly skilful in all kind of Learning as no Man more in the judgement of Ierom in so much as he accounted that what himself had was but very little in comparison also I pray saith he to Fabiola ne meam 〈…〉 comparetis compare not my drop to his stream vir undecunque doctissimus being excellently insighted into Philosophy a most accurate disputant throughly exercised in the Art of Rhetorick and most compleatly furnished with the knowledge of all Antiquity He had diligently perused all sorts of Authors a large Catalogue whereof is set down by Pamelius Grammarians Poets Historians Philosophers Mathematicians Orators Civilians c. from whence this industrious and busie Bee as from so many flowers gathered that honey wherewith his Hive was so replenished He was no less acquainted with the Greek then with the Latin Tongue as appears from his being conversant in Authors as well Greek as Latin the most of Ecclesiasticks that had gone before him having written in Greek Shortly in the judgement of Erasmus he was inter Latinos Theologus multò omnium doctissimus After his conversion he bent his studies to Divinity and spent night and day in reading not only Ecclesiastical Writers but chiefly the sacred Scriptures wherein his books shew him to be more than ordinarily versed in citing whereof he follows the Interpretation of the Septuagint in the old Testament and the Greek Text in the new in translating whereof in a peculiar manner and different from all others it 's very manifest that he was no mean Grecian but familiarly acquainted with that Tongue He had a notably faculty in teaching and could do much that way wherein as also in writing he excelled both in fulness and gravity yet would he sometimes have such sprinklings of the salt of his wit among as that he would move laughter in his Auditors with his merry conceits whom herein Ierom too often imitates He was as eminent and as exemplary in his life as other ways non loquitur solùm magna verùm etiam indubiè vixit not only speaking great things but without doubt acting and living accordingly as Minutius Felix his contemporary in his Octavio speaks of the Christians of that time non eloquimur magnâ— sed vivimus Of a comely behaviour innocent and harmless ubique mirum magnumque animi Zelum in Deum spirat full of zeal toward God and of great austerity insomuch as his over-valuing of continence watchings fastings c. gave Proclus his Seducer no small advantage and became one of those baits whereby he was at length insnared These things had made his name and memory
his Speech against Mr. Traske mentions a Book of Tertullian's De Sabbato Iudaico which saith he we have lost His Works that are extant follow here in their order as Rhenanus and others have set them down 1. Of Patience wherein he ingeniously describes that grace presenting us with a lively draught of it pressing with divers notable arguments to it and proving that neither losses in Estate nor provocations reproaches nor the death of friends the desire of revenge nor divine castigations are just causes of impatience 2. Of the Flesh of Christ that it was true and real Humane Flesh which he took against Marcion affirming him to be clothed only with imaginary flesh and not born also against Apelles who granted him to have a solid body but withal held that he took it not of the Virgin Mary but borrowed it of the Stars and Coelestial Substances which he restored again when he ascended 3. Of the Resurrection of the Flesh Liber verè aure us a truly golden Book saith Guâ—lther wherein he proves it luculentismis firmissimis argumentis most clearly and strongly 1. Because the dignity of the flesh is such that it ought to be raised 2. The Power of God is such that it may be raised 3. The Justice of God requires that it should be raised up 4. The Testimonies of Scripture are clear that it shall be raised 4. Of Prescriptions against Hereticks an expression borowed from the Civil Law used by Civilians pro exceptione perpetuâ Prâ—escriptio inquit Altenstaig est jus ex tempore capiens firmitatem In what sense it is here to be understood take Scultetus his words Cum inquit vindicanti rem suam domino possessio longi temporis objicitur praescribi ei dicitur eaque praescriptio longi temporis praecisâ locutiâ—â— pro Praescriptio ex longi temporis possessione appellatur Sic Praescriptionem haereticorum Ecclesiae vocat Tertullianus illud omne quod jâ—riâ— cujusdam specie haeretici Ecclesiae contrà haereticis Orthodoxi opponebant A most excellent eloquent and convincing Commentary a choice and truly golden piece saith Zanchy wherein being willing to put a stop if possible to that spreading gangrene he delivers unto the Faithful certain Rules by which they might be enabled to discern who are Hereticks and the better know how to deal with them 5. Against the Jews wherein he convinceth them of their errours in denying the Gentiles admittance unto the Gospel as 1 Thess. 2. 16. in ascribing too much unto the Law of Moses and urging the Ceremonies as necessary unto Salvation which he proves to be temporary and mutable and that they were accordingly changed by the coming of Christ as was fore-prophesied whom they deny to come therefore doth he from the Scriptures largely discourse of and prove the Nativity Kingdom and Passion of Christ as also the calling of the Gentiles rejection of the Jews destruction of Ierusalem and the second coming of Christ. 6. Five Books against Marcion of whom Eusebius reports that meeting Polycarp and asking him Dost thou know us Polycarp replyed I know thee to be first born of Sathan Among other his wicked errours this was one That there were two Gods one who was the Father of Christ whom he called good clement and merciful the other the Creator of the World whom he called not only just as Cerdon his Master had done from whom he sprung but also cruel and evil for which cause he is justly branded by Clement of Alexandria with this Note 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an ungrateful wretch towards his Creator the God of Nature This our Author strongly confutes proving the the Creator of the World to be the only true God and the Father of Christ. 7. Against Hermogenes who was an African our Authors Country-man and by Profession a Painter The Errour he held which here Tertullian confutes was that the matter whereof all things were made was coeternal with God which errour he therefore embraced because he hoped by this means to excuse God from being the author of evil Which saith he proceeded not from the Creator but from the matteâ— whereof things were created Vix alibi 〈◊〉 est argumentis Scarce any where doth he argâ—â— more strongly than in dealing with this Heretick whom he followeth closely and pressâ—â— hardly every where 8. Against the Valentinians who brought in and mixed their strange Platonical Fableâ—â— crimina potiùs quà m numina inquit Tertullianus with the Doctrines of Christianityâ— fancying no less than thirty Aeones crimiâ—â— potius c. Gods Male and Female Born Maâ—â—rying and begotten not unlike the Heathâ—â— Poet Hesiod Errours so gross and sottâ—â—â— that they are altogether unworthy of a graâ—â— discussion the bare narration of them â—â—ing a sufficient confutation etiam solâ—â— modò demonstrare destruere est which thâ—â—fore our Author for the most part contâ—â— himself withal as deserving rather scorn â—â—derision than a serious consideration 〈◊〉 in this Book makes mention of Irenaeus 〈◊〉 before him had written on this Subject quem penè ad verbum est imitatus for its apparent he took his relation from thâ—â— adding little thereto beside quips and jests 9. Against Praxeas who deny'd the 〈◊〉 of persons in the Godhead affirâ—â— that there was no God but the Father 〈◊〉 that he was born of the Virgin Mary 〈◊〉 upon the Cross and was Jesus Christ 〈◊〉 Hereticks who held this opinion as they 〈◊〉 the name of Praxeani from their Author 〈◊〉 also of Patripassiani from their Errour 〈◊〉 they said it was God the Father that suffeâ—â— Which Heresie Tertullian reâ—els proving 〈◊〉 sundry arguments the Doctrine of the Trinity This Book he wrote after his middle age and when he was tainted with Montanism for herein we have him speaking of the Paraclete and new Prophesie it s therefore warily to be read In nullo libro câ—ntiùs legi debit inquit Rhenanus quam in eo quem adversus Praxeam scripsit unde periculum esse possit imprudenti lectori 10. Of the Souldiers crown or garland which was written upon this occasion A Christian Souldier coming to the Tribune to receive the Emperous donative brought his Crown or Garland of Flowers in his hand which the rest as the manner was wore on their heads for which being question'd he boldly alledged this reason that he was a Christian and therefore that it was not lawful for him to observe that Ethnick Custom hereupon he was hal'd unto the prison to be punished This act of his being censured by many as unadvised and needless Tertullian in this Book undertakes the defence of it proving it to be unlawful for Christians to comply with the Heathens therein 1. From Custom and Tradition instancing in many particulars observed by Tradition and shewing the force of it 2. From Nature 3. From the
Original of wearing those Crowns in honour of the Heathen Gods Wherein he with much zeal opposeth whatsoever becometh not the profession of Christianity earnestly pressing Christians unto constancy in that way which they have entred into without â—â—rgiversation He in this tract also discovers his Montanism for answering the censurers of the Souldier planè superest inquit 〈◊〉 etiam martyria recusare meditentur qui prophetias ejusdem Spiritus Sancti respuerunt it 〈◊〉 therefore written after he was a Montaniâ—â— from whom he received all those idle Ceremonies which here he makes mention of 〈◊〉 the Centurists very profitably conjecture though Pamelius would fain have it otherwise 11. To the Martyrs which Book he 〈◊〉 unto those that were in prison whom hâ— stiles Designatos destined unto suffering for the Testimony of Jesus comforting confirming and exhorting them to constancy shewing the commodity or benefit of a prison that the Spirit is ready though the 〈◊〉 be weak and that even Heathens for 〈◊〉 glory have endured the utmost 12. Of the vailing of Virgins this 〈◊〉 wrote as well in Greek as in Latin whiâ—â— may be collected from those his first worâ—â— Proprium jam negocium passus meae opiniâ—â—â— Latinè quoque ostendam virgines nostras 〈◊〉 oportere Wherein he proves that Virgâ—â— ought to wear a veil upon their heads 〈◊〉 he was moved to do by a contrary custom 〈◊〉 those of Carthage whose Virgins used 〈◊〉 come into the Congregations unveiled 〈◊〉 so they might the more easily get them Husbands And whereas some objected that 〈◊〉 Apostle 1 Cor. 11. 10. Spake of married Women only our Author shews that he meant 〈◊〉 of Virgins also He concludes this Boâ—â— with these words which plainly shew it 〈◊〉 be his Haec cum bonâ pace legentibus c. 〈◊〉 those who with good and peaceable 〈◊〉 read these things preferring profit before custom peace and grace from our Lord Jesus be multiplyed upon them with Septimius Tertullian whose work this is 13. Of the habit of Women wherein he exhorts unto Christian modesty wishing them to avoid excess in their apparel and for this end to remember the condition that Eve hath brought them into that evil Angels were the first inventers of strange fashions and that gold and silver were not ordained of God for such an use 14. Of the decking or adorning of women a Book of a much like subject with the foregoing only herein he particularly blames curiosity about their hair and skin exhorting them not to addict themselves unto paintings and what might set off their Beauty 15. Unto his Wife two Books wherein 1. He adviseth her in case he should die before her not to marry again 2. He exhorts Christian Women to abstain from marrying with Heathens setting down the inconveniences of such Marriages viz. that they cannot so freely attend the Duties of Christianity and commends those of one Christian with another because such may have full liberty in their whole Duty which he thus particularly sets down Liberè aeger visitatur indigens sustentatur eleemosynae sine tormento sacrificia sine scrupulo quotidiana diligentia sine impedimento non furtiva signatio non trepida gratulatio non mutae benedictio sonant inter duos Psalmi Hymni mutuò provocant quis Deo meliùs â—anat talia Christus videns audiens gaudet 16. Of flight in time of persecution being consulted by one Fabius a Presbyter whether it were lawful to flie at such a time 〈◊〉 wrote this Treatise by way of answer wheâ—â— in he holds that in such cases a Christiâ—â— ought not to flie but rather valiantly to 〈◊〉 for the name of Christ and that that Precept Matth. 10. 23. When they shall persecute you in one City flee ye into another 〈◊〉 temporal and concern'd that time and stated the Church only But saith Peter Mony who will so diligently weigh his reasons 〈◊〉 find that they have in them much more eleâ—gancy than strength This Book was 〈◊〉 written against the Church after his defectâ—â—â— the errour herein maintained being one 〈◊〉 those he had learned from Montanus of 〈◊〉 Baronius taxeth him somewhat tartly 〈◊〉 Montanistarum inquit de non 〈◊〉 nec securitatem redimendo Tertullianus in pâ—â—ceps semel infeliciter actus edito eâ de 〈◊〉 mentario validissimè tutari conatus est 〈◊〉 admodum 17. Unto Scapula the President of Câ—thage whom because he threatened the Câ—â—stians with utmost punishment unless 〈◊〉 would abjure and deny Christ he depreâ—â— and admonisheth not to persist in his 〈◊〉 lest he should bring the wrath of God 〈◊〉 himself and the whole City as it had 〈◊〉 others whereof he giveth divers instances 18. An exhortation to Chastity whâ—â— he perswadeth his Friend who had lost 〈◊〉 wife to abstain from marrying again câ—â—cluding from those words 1 Cor. 7. 29. 〈◊〉 time is short That the last day was not 〈◊〉 off and therefore he should forbear as 〈◊〉 because of the impediment arising from marriage Here in his heat he condemns second marriage accounting it as Montanus had done but little better than adultery This Book is another of those which he wrote against the Church 1. Of once marrying or single marriage wherein he shews this discipline not to be new but ancient and peculiar unto Christians What in the former Treatise he only perswaded in this he magisterially enjoyns more openly condemning second marriage they are both of the same subject and in divers places agreeing even in the same words This is the fifth of those Books which he wrote against the Church after his defection 20. Of the Cloak written upon this occasion when Tertullian had laid aside his Gown the Roman Weed and taken on a Cloak as more becoming Christian Simplicity he was by one branded with the note of inconstancy hereupon in vindication of himself he writes this Book therein shewing the antiquity and commodious use of the Cloak This being the Garment of the Greeks which they were wont to cast over their other Garments hence it came to pass that by way of reproach the Christians using it were called Grecians and when they went abroad they commonly heard this nickname or taunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alluding unto their Garment Also because of the simplicity or meanness both of it and those that used it it grew into contempt and it became a Proverb among the Carthaginians a togâ ad pallium from the Gown to the Cloak noting the change from a more eminent to a meaner estate and condition from riches to poverty 21. Of the testimony of the Soul wherein by a prosopopoea he fetcheth arguments from the Soul it self even of Ethnicks whereby he convinceth them of their Atheism and abominable Idolatries among the rest from those speeches frequent in the mouths of such as are not Christians e. g. Si Deus voluerit Deus
it is that most Mens stiles do differ as well as their faces suus cuique stilus est inquit Erasmus quisque suum quendam habet gustum peculiarem every one hath somewhat peculiar to him in this particâ—lar Accordingly our Author being a Man â—cris vehementis Ingenii of a rough sharp and vehement spirit makes use of a stile answerable viz. quick and crabbed and consequently harsh and obscure which he did of purpose affecting it as most agreeable to his Genius so that his expressions are such even in things that are plain and easie This Rhenanus renders as the reason why his writings had so many faults or Errataes in them viz. â—eglectus autâ—ris quo multis annis non est lectotum manibus tritus ipsâ—m dicendi gâ—nus affectatum Africanum affectati stili durities molestiam addit quod etiam magis effecit ut minùs legâ—retur quà m quidvis aliud Which betided the Poet Persius qui consulâ—ò est obscurus suisque scriptis caliginem tenebras exindustriâ objecit for being by one taken in hand and perceived to be so dark and cloudy he was fairly laid aside with such like words as these Si nolâ—t intelligi non legetur 4. His converse in the Greek Authors whom he diligently read being very skilful in that Tongue idenim temporis nihil extabaâ— inquit Rhenanus apud Latinos in sacris praeter testamentum utrumque tantum Victor Apollonius scripserant opuscula hence it is that transcribing much from them he retains their phrases though he quote not his Authors which was the manner of the first ages viz. to cite none by name but the sacred Scriptures only especially if they had drawn the Water out of the Wells of the Greeks and imitates their manner of speaking By his assiduous perusal of their Books saith Pamelius adeò Graecas loquendi formulas imbiberit ut etiam Latinè seribens illarum oblivisci nequiret he so drank in their forms of speech that when he comes to write in Latin he cannot forget them and both himself and Rhenanus have taken notice of many phrases in him which he borrows from the Greeks and wherein he conforms unto them Most of these I find observed by that Learned French-man Mr. Iohn Daille in his choice Treatise concerning the right use of the Fathers What shall I say saith he of Tertullian who besides his natural harshness and roughness which you meet with in him throughout and that Carthagmian spirit and genius which is common to him with the rest of the African writers hath yet shadowed and over-cast his conceptions with so much learning and with so many new terms and passages out of the Law and with such variety of all visions subtilties and nice points as that the greatest stock both of learning and attention that you can bring with you will be all little enough to fit you for a perfect understanding of him § 5. This father is full fraught with and abounds in grave and excellent sentences some few whereof I shall here insert which may serve a little to acquaint us with the state of those times in reference unto both the Doctrine and Discipline then professed and practised in the Chuches of Christ. 1. Take a view of his Symbol or Creed containing a summary of the faith which was generally received and maintained in his time Altogether one the only immoveable and irreformable rule as he stiles it which is this To believe that there is but one God nor he any other beside the Creator of the world who made all things of nought by his word first of all sent forth Colos. 1. 16 17. That word to be call'd his Son in the name of God variously seen by the Patriarchs always heard by the Prophets last of all brought down by the Spirit of God the Father and Power into the Virgin Mary made flesh in her womb and of her born a man and that he is Jesus Christ moreover that he preached a new law and a new promise of the Kingdom of Heaven that he wrought or did wonders was fastned to the Cross arose the third day that being taken up into heaven he sate down on the right of the Father sent the power of the Ghost in his stead that he might guide or act believers that he shall come in glory to take the Saints into the fruition of eternal life and heavenly promises and to adjudge the wicked unto perpetual fire a resurrection of each part being made with the restitution of the flesh This rule instituted by Christ as shall be proved hath no question made of it among us but which Heresies bring in and which makes Hereticks A compend or brief hereof is to be seen in the beginning of his book of the veiling of Virgins as also in that against Praxeas the Heretick unto which he subjoyns these words This Law of Faith remaining other things that concern discipline and conversation do admit of a newness of Correction the grace of God working and making a proficiency unto the end So that where there is a consent in the fundamental and substantial truths of the Gospel differences in things of less moment may be born with nor should they cause divisions among Christians That rule holding here that Opinionum varietas opinantium unitas non sunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He adds that this rule hath ran down from the beginning of the Gospel even before any heresie sprung up insomuch as from hence this appears to be a firm Truth id esse verum quodcunque primum id esse adulterum quodcunque posterius Again The Church acknowledgeth one God Creatour of the universe and Jesus Christ of the Virgine Mary the Son of God the Creator and the resurrection of the flesh it mingleth the Law and the Prophets with the Evangelical and Apostolical writings and from thence drinks in that faith It signs with water clotheth with the holy Ghost which Pamelius understands of confirmation feeds with the Eucharist exhorteth with Martyrdom and so receives none against this institution 2. He prescribes and lays down this for a sure rule by which the truth may be known viz. If the Lord Jesus Christ did send out the Apostles to Preach other Preachers are not to be received then those whom Christ did institute because neither doth any other know the Father but the Son and he to whom the Son hath revealed him neither doth the Son seem to have revealed him unto any others save to the Apostles whom he sent to Preach Now what they have preached i.e. what Christ revealed to them ought no other way to be proved then by the same Churches which the Apostles themselves founded preaching unto them as well by a lively voice as they say as afterward by Epistles If these things be so it is then evident that
what use he made we shall hereafter declare Leaving Alexandria he went unto Rome in the time when Zephyrinus was Bishop there a little before his death as Baronius conjectures the cause why he undertook this journey was the great desire that he had to see the most ancient Church of the Romans where having made but a little stay he returned unâ—â— Alexandria again and there diligently attended his charge the success of his pains being the gaining of many to the embracing of the truth and the recovering of others from errour among whom one Ambrose addicted unto the Valentinian Heresie or as Ierom reports unto that of Marcion or as others partly a Marcionist and partly a Sabellian was brought to see and forsake his error and afterward called to the Office of a Deacon in the Church of Alexandria famous for his confession of the name of Christ a man noble rich and learned The same of Origen was now spread abroad even unto other Countries for a certain Soldier sent from the Governour of Arabia comes to Alexandria bringing with him Letters unto Demetrius the Bishop there and also unto him who was then Lieutenant of Egypt requesting them with all speed to dispatch Origen unto him that he might instruct him and his people in the Doctrine of Christianity for although there had before been a Church of Christ in Arabia yet it is credible that the Duke or Governour with his Court had persisted in his Heathenish Impiety even unto the time of Origen it being observed that for the most part the propagation of the Christian Religion begins with the lowest of the people and gradually by little and little ascends unto the Governours of Common wealths Origen accordingly goeth thither and having happily accomplished the end of his journey he not long after returneth again unto Alexandria where through a sedition finding all in a combustion and tumult and his Scholars scattered so that there was no abiding for him there no nor in any other place of Egypt in safety he left his Country and betook himself unto Caesarea a City of Palestina where he was earnestly entreated by the Bishops of that Province to expound the Scriptures though he were not as yet called to the Ministry Legatione ad eum missâ Episcopi permisere ut dissereret de sacris literis so Nicephorus reports it This act of his condescending to their request was much distasted by Demetrius who in a Letter which he wrote unto those Bishops thus speaks of it that such a practice was never heard of nor could there any where the like Precedent be found that Lay-men in the presence of Bishops have taught in the Church But they in defence of what had been done returning an answer unto him have therein such words as these we know not for what cause you report a manifest untruth since there have been such sound as in open assemblies have taught the people yea when as there were present learned men that could profit the people and moreover holy Bishops at that time also exhorting them to preach for example at Laranda Euelpis was requested of Neon at Icouium Paulinus was requested by Celsus at Synada Theodorus by Atticus who were godly Brethren It is like also that this was practised in other places though unknown to us Thus was Origen being a young man honoured of Bishops that were strangers unto him But the storm of civil dissentions being blown over and both Demetrius and the Deacons of the Church by Letters earnestly soliciting him to return he leaves Palestine and comes back again unto Alexandria and there applyeth himself to his accustomed manner of teaching Not long after Mammaea the Mother of the Emperour Alexander Severus a most pious and religious woman Christianissima inquit Trithemius quae a Christianissimo non abhorâ—â—it inquit Osiander hearing of the Eloquence and Apostolical Life of Origen and â—iving then at Antioch with her Son sent for him by some Soldiers to come unto her accounting it no small happiness if she might see him and hear his wisdom in the holy Scriptures which all men admired To whom he accordingly repaired and staying a while with her he instructed her in the Doctrine of Christianity which found so good acceptance with her that she became both a lover of it and a favourer of those who professed it not that she was now first brought to the knowledge and embracing of it as some conceive audito Origene Christianâ— facta est but rather further confirmed therein who so far prevailed with her Son that not only the persecution against the Christians ceased but they also had a place granted them for the exercise of Religion and were had in high esteem with him Having here detained him a while she at length dismissed him with honour who again betook him to his School at Alexandria And now did he begin to comment upon the holy Scriptures being much instigated thereunto by Ambrose whom he had reduced from errour as hath been before said who for his encouragement furnished him with necessaries for that purpose allowing parchments and no less than seven Notaries who by turns took from his mouth and wrote what he dictated unto them and as many Libraries maintained all at the charge of Ambrose who transcribed or copied out more fairly what the other had formerly taken and that this was the difference between the Notarii and the Librarii may be gathered from Erasmus his calling the one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or swift the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or fair writers Notariorum inquit Baronius erat scribere Librariorum exscribere Ierom saith Miraeus calls those Notaries who with a swift hand took the words of him that did dictate and sometimes they wrote by notes or characters but those Librarii or Scriveners who afterward more accurately committed the things so taken unto Books Of this Turuebus thus speaks Scribere notis non est compendio quodam literarum verba complecti ad celeritatem sed quibusdam fictis signis comprehendere idque docebantur pueri non tantùm scribere Cassianus enim Martyr qui puerorum sâ—ilis confossus Christo animam reddit notis scribere docuit Prudentias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hym. 9. Magister literarum sederat Verba notis brevibus comprendere cuncta pertius Raptimque punctis dicta praepetibus sequi Aliud enim esse notis aliud literis scribere ostendit Manilius lib. 4. cap. 1 his verbis Hic scriptor erit felix cui litera verbum est Quique notis linguam superet cursumque loquentis Martial also the Epigrammatist of the Notary thus Currant verba licet manus est vâ—locior illis Nondum lingua suum dextra peregit opus So thirsty after the knowledge of the Scriptures and so pressing upon Origen unto this work was Ambrose whom he therefore calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
of Grammar in the famous City of Alexandria A task of no small difficulty to the dispatch whereof was requisite besides elegancy of Speech insight into most authors and acquaintance with history and antiquity together with a competent measure of knowledge in Poetry Rhetorick Logick Arithmetick Cosmography and Musick all which being so young he had attained unto with wonderful celerity as Ierom testifies He had diligently studied the writings of the several Sects of Philophers viz. Pythagoreans Stoicks c. but was specially conversant in Plato in which kind of Learning he grew to such an height that he became famous even among the Heathenish Philosophers in so much as many and those of chiefest rank among them resorted unto him and attended upon his Lectures in what esteem they had him may be gathered from the words of Porphyrius in 〈◊〉 Plotim Cum inquit Origenes aliquando Romae venisset in Scholas Plotinns qui tum publicè ibidem profitebatur statim genas rubore suffusus assurgere voluâ—t Sermiones verò ab Origene continuare rogatus respondit studium loquendi cessare quando qui loquitur â—uimadvertit se ad illos qui idem ipsi noverint verba facturum atqâ—e ita cum pauca quaedam disseruisset inde surrexit These bitter enemies of Christian Religion Porphyrius Proclus alii inquit Rhodiginas fatentur eum exactissimam omnium disciplinarum liberalium â—â—gniâ—â—onem tenere Yea they frequently make honorable mention of him in the books written by them and would sometimes refer unto him the resolution of perplex doubts and questions Some of them also have dedicated their books unto him and others have delivered to him what they had written as unto the censure of a Master so great was the Reverence they bare him and in such account was he had amongst them He was Philosophorum omnium sui temporis princeps tanâ—â— ingenii ut nulla eum lingua 〈…〉 latuerit And is stiled by the great Atâ—â—nasius Admirabilis summae 〈◊〉 vir But these philosophical studies did he addict himself unto only as a step unto a higher form he prized the Arts as things that might be of great use for the confutation of the Heathens as also a help to the contemplation of Divine Mysteries and a meet handmaid to serve and wait upon her Mistress Theology and in this regard as he judged them profitable and necessary for himself so did he exhort and perswade others unto the study of them Nor indeed are they of small advantage as they do fit the vessel for the receit of more precious liquor sublimating the understanding and so disposing it to apprehend those higher things contained in the Scriptures for thus do Histories make men wise Poets witty the Mathematicks subtil natural Philosophy deep Moral grave Logick and Rhetorick able to contend as that Noble Scholar hath observed To the study of the Scriptures therefore did he chiefly apply himself wherein he found such sweetness and took so much delight that he thought nothing worthy of his time or pains in comparison of them quis ardentem inquit Hieronymus in Scripturis animum non miretur both day and night was he thus exercised neither did he account his meat or sleep sweet unto him if not seasoned with reading somewhat of those Sacred Oracles judging it an unworthy thing that the meaner part of man should be refreshed and the better and more Noble neglected To which he joyned fervent prayer as the best key to unlock that Cabinet that so he might come to and enjoy the precious jewel contained therein lectio orationem inquit Hiâ—ronymus excepit oratio lectionem By this means the holy Scriptures became so familiar unto him through continual use and his being daily conversant in them that by the help of a most strong and happy memory he had gotten them by heart ad unguem â—bsolutus in divinis literis and as it were at his fingers end herein even another Esdras and for that he was of a searching and soaring wit he confined not himself to the low and obvious sense of the words but would mount aloft into the sublime and mysterious meaning of them yet herein is he blamed by many and not without cause as being too studious of allegories in allegoriis inquit Erasmus superstitiosior est interim violentior nimium in hoc intentus ut destruat historicum sensum quasi locus non sit allegoriae illo incolumi In these he was to excessive and immoderate though in the framing of them he took much pains and is very happy in many of them But the truth is had he followed the Counsel given to Iearus Medio tutissimus ibis He might have avoided his fate and not by singeing his wings have fallen into such a gulf of errors as he did through his audaciousness this way And because he saw that he wanted one principal help to the more accurate finding out of the meaning of the Scriptures he contrary to his age being somewhat old and also to the custom of his country fell upon the study of the Hebrew Tongue the difficulties whereof he easily overcame and to the wonder of Greece attained unto a competent measure of skill in that language in a few not to say months but days Being thus furnished he diligently improved his talent affording the help not only of his frequent lectures to his contemporaries but also of his learned Commentaries to posterity for the better understanding of the Scriptures sweating night and day in the study of the explanation of them Nor is this the meanest flower in the Garland of his praise that he was the first among the Fathers that undertook a work of this nature an enterprize of no small difficulty seeing he was to go in an untrodden path none of those that lived before him affording him any help or direction herein Primus inquit Rhenanus quasi glaciem scidit juxâ—â— proverbium in enarrandis Scripturis Divinis divinae rei primus inventor Homo pen◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit Sixtus Senensis quâ— primus aggressus est explanationem omnium divinarum Scripturarum nondum ob ingentem earum difficultatem ab aliquo attentatam Erasmus therefore setting him in the front of all the ancient Commentators both Greek and Latin adds these words Origenes inquit inter Commentatores sic est primus ut nemo cuâ— illo conferri possit And indeed who among them all can say that he is not beholding to him All that followed took from him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 their hints both of Teaching and Writing so that they were not a little holpen by him Basil and Gregory Nazianzen who collected the Philocalia call him omniâ—â— Theologorum cotem maximum secundum Apostolos Ecclesiarum Magistrum And as all the Latin Poets followed Ennins so saith Ranulphus
Plato that he had rather err with Origen than be of a right judgement with others Thus far Vincentius Origen thus every way excellent was withal a wonderfully industrious and laborious Man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inquit Athanasius wholly spending his time and improving his vast abilities in the work of the Lord and for the behoof of the Church and this he did partly by Preaching for which employment he was compleatly furnished being so familiarly acquainted with and ready in the holy Scriptures which he abundantly made use of beautifying and adorning therewith as with so many precious gems his discourses throughout Gentium Testimonia â—usquam adhibet nisi quoties id res ipsa postulat quum nullum autorum genus non exactè tenuerit sed totus hujus Sermo inquit Erasmus Sâ—crorum Voluminum sententiis undique seu gemmeis emblematibus distinctus est sed adeò commodé in loco insertis ut nihilo seciùs curâ—â—t oratio dicas esse non ascita sed ibi nata 〈◊〉 aliunde quaesita sed suâ sponte praesto esse And this he did the rather and I therefore add it because it is a notable testimony that the Scriptures at that time were read by all sorts of persons in the vulgar Tongue or that in use among them because in that Age the common people did understand the words of the Scripture being frequently exercised in the reading of the sacred Volumes For then even Weavers and Spinsters had those Books at home which as often as they had leasure they carefully perused neither to the understanding of them was their need of any other Language than that which the illiterate vulgar did make use of and certainly that reading brought this profit with it that they sate in the Church more docil or teachable before him that expounded the mysteries of the Scriptures unto them He had an admirable faculty of speaking ex tempore as he did many of those Homilies which were thought worthy of the publick view such were his six and twenty Homilies upon Ioshua Oratiunculâ—s viginti sex in Iesum Nave quas ex tempare in Ecclesiâ peroravit Adamantius senex ex Graeco Latinè tibi pro virium meâ—rum parvitate disserui inquit Ruffinus Also his explanation of the Epistle to the Romans His sixteen Homilies upon Leviticus c. quotidiâ— quasi ex tempore Scripturas ad populum enaâ—rabat Of which kind of speaking Meriâ— Casaubon thus reports in his Treatise of Enthusiasm For that faculty of the Sophists saith he of extemporary speaking upon any subject it was their common profession that is most certain and it was accordingly performed by many of them with singular dexterity to the great amazement of all their Auditors such was Callisthenes the Sophist or Philosopher The Tarsenses of Asia are by the Ancients noted as for their love to Learning in general so particularly to have excelled in this faculty And Quintilian a sober solid Man makes this a chief end and fruit of long pains and exercises in the Art of Rhetorick to attain to such a faculty as to be able upon any sudden occasion to speak pertinently without any premeditation thus he Origen was also very zealous and lively in his delivery for he loved the things which he spake and of such we use to speak with affection and delight His Sermons were commonly short for he would never exceed an hour lest he should cloy his Auditors judging it better to preach often than long In reproving he always remembred Christian moderation sharp he would be yet never bitter but for nothing he would more blame them then for seldom and slack coming to the hearing of the Word and for oscitancy when they came accounting diligence or negligence this way one principal note of proficiency or deficiency in Piety He observed this method First plainly and briâ—fly to expound the History then would he stir them up to observe the Mystical and Allâ—gorical sense and lastly handle some moral places making application of what he had delivered and unfolded Partly also by writing did he improve his abilities and dictating unto those that wrote whereunto of himself he was backward but set upon it by the inst gation of Ambrâ—se Christianae fidei confâ—ssor iâ—signis inquit Trithemius qui etiam ad offâ—cium diaconâ— tus meruit promoveri vir certè doctissimus librorum studiosus amator who pressed him hereunto above measure giving him no rest and exacted from him a continual or daily task His works were innumerable written by himself and others from his mouth many whereof Ierom saith he had gotten together and perused but not all For who of us saith he can read so much as he wrote Some affirm as from Ierom that he composed six thousand Volumes though yet Ierom himself deny it For saith he look over the Catalogue of his Books contained in the third Volume of the life of Pamphilus written by Eusebius and you shall not find the third part of that number yet did he utter above a thousand Tracts in the Church and besides set forth Commentaries innumerable in a word no man ever wrote more for which cause Suidas stiles him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the Composer Ierom in his Epistle unto Paula the Mother of Eustocbiuâ—â— now not extant reckons up all the Monuments of Origens Wit comparing him unto that learned Varro who by that time he had arrived unto the age of eighty four years which yet it seems he exceeded for Pliny mentions the eighty and eighth of his age had written four hundred and ninety Books of whom Terentianus a Carthaginian Poet thus speaks Vir docâ—â—â—â—mus undecunque Varro qui tam multa legit ut aliquando scribere vacasse miremur 〈◊〉 multa scripsit quà m multa vix quemquam legere potuisse credamus Such another was Didymus of Alexandria sirnamed also Chalcenterus Nobilis grammaticus qui Iulii Caesaris evo floruit quod indefesso labore libris assideret who is reported to have written above three thousand and five hundred Books as Meursius and Suidas four thousand saith Seneca but withal handling such trivial things quae inquit erant dedâ—scenda si scires that it cannot be said of him as Erasmus of Origen In Origene nihil ineptum aut redundans Briefly his Works were such and so many That saith the learned Daille had we them all intire they would perhaps be able to give us more light and satisfaction about the present Controversies in Religion than all the rest of the Fathers His Works on the Scriptures are by Ieroâ— distinguished into three sorts or classes nullam scripturae partem ille praetermisit in quâ non scripserit inquit Erasmus the first sort he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ociosa i. e. brief Annotations upon obscure and difficult places when
malo amissum and not much unlike our Learned Whitaker His labour saith he was incredible in gathering together all these Editions which being all thus brought into one body proved a most Divine Work the loss whereof is a great detriment to the Church and well might Ambrose say of him Multorum interpretationes diligenti discussit indagine 4. He also set forth another Translation for daily use composed of the Septuagint and that of Theodotion being a third from them both it a ut nova videretur inquit Bellarminus which may be said to be not so much a Translation as an Emendation of the Septuagint Wherein he added some things out of Theodotions Translation which he found wanting in the Septuagint and these additions he noted with an Asterisk or shining Star but those passages quae Hebraicè nou erant dicta which were not to be found in the Hebrew he pierced through with a Spit or Spear Of which Ierom thus speaks Vbicunque virgulae i.e. obeli sunt significatur quòd Septuaginta plus dixerint quà m habetur in Hebraew ubi autem asterisci i.e. stellulae praelucentes ex Theodotionis editione ab Origine additum est Again Sed quod majoris est andaciae in editione Septuaginta Theodotionis editionem miscuit Origines asteriscis videlicet designans quae minùs fuerant virgulis quae ex superfiuo videbantur apposita Isidore gives us this account of the notes Asteriscus inquit apponitur in iis quae omissa sunt ut illucescant per eam notam quae de esse videntur Obelus apponitur in verbis vel sententiis superfluè iteratis five in iis locis ubi lectio aliquâ falsitate notata est This work he undertook because the Septuagint had been through the carelesness of Notaries and Transcribers not a little corrupted and depraved Cum manum inquit Masius Septuaginta interpretationi admovere ausus est Origenes erat etiam tum perverfissima And though some have judged it rather a corruption than a correction of the Septuagint yet was it indeed a diligent collation of those two interpretations and a Work very profitable unto all it being a most accurate restitution of the Septuagint to its purity Concerning which Emendation Andreas Masius a man saith Daille of singular and profound Learning yet of such candor and integrity as renders him more admired than his Knowledge doth thus speaks In correcting and conserving that interpretation of the Septuagint to their no small praise did Helychius take great pains Lucianus more Origen most of all by whose industry he saith he was provoked to deliver unto the age wherein he lived the Septuagint Translation sound and intire in that one History of Iosuah as Adamantius had done the whole throughout This Edition was afterwards so far approved of that it quickly filled all Libraries and was received and made use of in their daily readings by all the Churches of of Palestine and Syria so that it was accounted as the vulgar Translation 2. He wrote ten Books of Stromes in imitation of Clemens his Master whose Work so intitled consisteth of eight Books wherein comparing the Scriptures and Philosophers together he confirms the Doctrine of Christianity by the sayings of those Heathens but the two last of these Books were spent in the exposition of the Prophesie of Daniel and the Epistle to the Galatians 3. His Books of the Interpretion of Hebrew names contained in the Scriptures mentioned by the Author of the answers unto certain questions propounded by the Orthodox falsely ascribed unto Iustin Martyr which Ierom who herein imitated him reckons among the excellent Monuments of his Wit wherein he took pains as a Christian to supply what Philo as a Jew had omitted 4. Of the Resurrection two Books 5. Of Prayer 6. A Dialogue between him and one Candidus a Defender of the Valentinian Heresie In whom saith Ierom I confess I have beheld as it were two Andabatae or blind-folded Champions encountring each other Of Baronius thus Non inquit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantùm pluribus scatebat erroribus sed blasphemiis refertissimus dialogus ille erat quocum Candido haeretico de dogmatibus fusiùs desputavit 7. Of Martyrdom or a Book of Martyrs which he dedicated unto Ambrose and Protoctaetus Ministers of Câ—sarea for that they both suffered no small affliction enduring most constantly examination and confession in the time of Maximinus the Emperour a cruel persecutor who out of spite that he bare unto the house of Alexander his Predecessor which harboured many of the faithful gave commandment that the Governors only of the Churches as principal Authors of the Doctrine of our Saviour should be put to death Of which Book saith Vincentius Bellovacensis scribit tantâ dictrictâ spiritus virtute ut ejus sententiis tanquam validissimis nervis multos ad martyrium stabiliret 8. Above an hundred Epistles which being scattered here and there were collected and comprised by Eusebius in several volumes to the end they should be no more dispersed 9. Five Books against Hereticks 10. An Epitome of the History of Susanna Moreover he commented upon most of the Books of the Old and New Testament of which Works of his besides those now extant these are recorded in several Authors viz. I. Vpon the Old Testament 1. A continued explanation of the four first Chapters of Genesis in thirteen Tomes but twelve saith Eusebius 2. One Book of Annotations upon Exodus also the like upon Leviticus 3. One Homily upon the Song of Hannah 1 King 2. 4. One Homily upon Solomon's judgement between the two Harlots 2 King 3. 5. Many Homilies or Tracts upon the Books of Iob. 6. A brief exposition or an Enchiridion upon the whole Book of Psalms also larger explanations thereupon at the request of Ambrose He was the first saith Ierom that commented upon the whole Psalter Trithemius saith that he wrote one hundred and fifty Tracts upon the Psalms which equals the number of them 7. A Commentary upon the Proverbs of Solomon 8. Explanations upon the Book Ecclesiastes Kimedoncius cites a Testimony out of Origen Homil. 1. in Ecclesiasten 9. Ten Books of Commentaries upon the Canticles five whereof he wrote at Athens the other five returning from Cesarea A worthy Work requiring much time labour and cost to translate for which cause Ierom omitted it and would not attempt or adventure upon it In this Work containing well nigh twenty thousand Verses he discourseth so magnificently and clearly saith Ierom that as in the rest he overcame all others so in this he overcame himself 10. Annotations upon the whole Prophesie of Esay also continued explanations from the first Chapter unto the thirtieth of which thirty Tomes came to our hands saith Eusebius together
Ruffine out of it objects a passage against him 14. Upon Matthew his Commentaries which are to be ranked among his Tomes as the Greek Titles declare though some have imprudently divided them into Tracts or Homilies whereas there is not the least footstep of that kind of writing to be found in them for his Homilies always end in a Doxology having sometimes a short Prayer joyned therewith It contains thirty eight Homilies say some but thirty five say others wherein we have an exposition of a great part of this Gospel viz. from the thirteenth unto the seven and twentyeth Chapter It is a piece saith Erasmus most worthy to be read Origen is ardent every where but no where more than when he handleth the sayings and doings of Christ and in my judgement saith he no one of the Evangelists doth more fully comprehend the Life and Doctrine of Christ then Matthew Yet Ambrose conceiveth our Author to be far meaner in the new Testament than in the Old The Translator in all probability was Ruffine as may be gathered though the Preface be wanting from the liberty which he takes in translating It seems saith GryneuS to be the writing of some Latin demptis iis quae vertit Erasmu◠who translated a good part of this work viz. from the thirteenth Chapter unto the twentyeth verse of the sixteenth Chapter Docti dubitant an tractatus in Matthaeum tribui debeant Origeni 15. Upon Luke thirty and nine Homilies of which without doubt Ierom was the Translator seeing he professeth so much in his Preface And because they are not so elaborate and are sprinkled with some errours that were condemned he excuseth them as written by Origen when but young as those upon Matthew when he was old He is no where in his Homilies so short and concise as in these Three and thirty of them are a continued exposition of this Gospel from the beginning thereof unto the midst of the fourth Chapter The six latter of them are an enarration of divers places scattered here and there Est liber optimus inquit Grynaeus habet tamen aliquas salebras It 's an Interpretation saith Merlin which those that envyed him have prophaned with sundry errours so that many think it not to be his because of the many errours inserted therein 16. Upon Iohn thirty and two Tomes Ierom speaks of thirty and nine which he durst not undertake to translate for the Bulk of them They all lay hid till of late Perionius a Monk of Cassinas found nine Tomes of them in an old Greek Copy which he light on in the King of France his Library and turned into Latin yet were they in many places maimed and inconsequent These were afterward by some obscure Grecian divided into thirty and two Tomes that they might be the more desired and sell the dearer by whom Ambrose of Millain a Monk of Cassina was deluded though a Man sagacious enough and of a quick Wit who translated and published them in thirty and two Tomes as now they are which saith he in his Postscript let the Reader know I have done with utmost diligence and fidelity so that it is not at all changed from what it was as written by the Authour 17. Certain Homilies upon divers places of the Evangelists which without doubt are not all Origens some of them saith Erasmus it 's apparent are not his but of some Latin Author and the rest impudently corrupted by Ruffine They are ten in number whereof seven are upon certain places of Matthew two upon Iohn viz upon part of the first and part of the twentyeth Chapters and one upon the Epiphany without a certain Text. The fifth upon Matthew seems to be of some Latin Authour for saith he Spiritu◠Sanctus is of the Neuter Gender not of the Masculine as with us where he plainly discovers himself to be a Latin For the eighth saith Merlin many think it to be Origens though it be not fully his stile The ninth is a meer Cento patch't up the former part thereof with somewhat taken out of Origens thirty fourth tract upon Matthew the latter part with two fragments the one taken out of Gregory's Morals chap. 14. and some others later then Origen yea the stile of these fragments shew that they are none of his The Homily upon the first of Iohn is apparently none of his there being mention made of the Manichees and Arians both which arose long after Origen and withal the Author saith that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Graecos sunt Masculini Generis The Homily upon the twentyeth of Iohn cannot be his for it is clearly of a Latin stile And if some be of Latin Authors the rest may justly be suspected to be so too Yet are these cited by those of Rome as Origens to prove the real presence of Christ in the Eucharist that Dionysius the Areopagite is the Authour of the Ecclesiastical Hierarchy and what is the use and benefit of making the sign of the Cross with the fingers 18. Commentaries upon the Epistle to the Romans in ten Books as we have them divided by Merlin and Grynaeus though Sixtus Senensis Trithemius and some others make them fifteen Ierom is supposed to be the interpreter though it do appear both from the preface and especially from the peroration that Ruffine was the translatour of them who saith that he had contracted the whole work almost one half how great an injury to deprive the Church of such a treasure Yet is Salmeron of a contrary judgment upon the same grounds Ex Epistolâ ad Heraclium inquit quae loco prooemii praefigitur libris Origenis in Epist. ad Romanos ex peroratione in quâ se Hieronymus interpretem illorum non tantùm verbis sed etiam stylo satis prodit constat Hieronymum eos Latinos reddidisse 19. Four Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod vel de principiis vel de potestatibus dici potest inquit Ruffinus of principles or of powers which he wrote in emulation of one Longinus a Philosopher well known unto him as Baronius conceives who in those times had set forth a Commentary almost of the same argument This is the Book the interpretation whereof occasioned so hot a contest between Ierom and Ruffine who both performed that task wherein especially Ierom chargeth him with false dealing for that he added some things subtracted others and took liberty to change what he pleased whereas for his part he desired faithfully to discharge the duty of an interpreter I saith he simply expressed what I found in the Greek my care was to change nothing Again I leave it to your judgment what pains I did undergo in translating the Books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seeing that to change any thing that was in the
Greek would not have been the part vertentis sed evertentis of a turner or translatour but of 〈◊〉 overturner and to express the same word for word would not become him that desires to keep the elegancy of speech My end saith he was to discover an Heretick that I might vindicate the Church from Heresie And the truth is Origen is no where more foully erroneous than in this Book wherein there is more bad than good it being full stuffed with gross errours Toti inquit Scultetus scatent erroribus so that it can hardly be believed how much in that work he betrayed the Christian Faith which he had received from his Predecessours And as Plotinus said of the forenamed Longinus that he was studious of Learning yet not at all a Philosopher so may it be truly affirmed of Origen as touching this Book that therein he meant to seem a Philosopher rather than a Christian the truth is it is most obscure and full of difficulties Scias inquit Hieronymus detestanda tibi in eis libâ—is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse quam plurima juxta sermonem Domini inter scorpiones colubros incedendum In the close of which Epistle he shews with what caution these Books are to be read withal making an enumeration of the errours contained in them it being intended by Ierom as an antidote against them Binnius calls this piece Multarum Heresium promptuarium The translation of these Books which we now have as Grynaeus conceives is Ruffine's for in his Marginal Notes we sometimes meet with these words loquitur Ruffinus 20. Eight Books against Celsus the Philosopher of the Sect of Epicurus who had most bitterly inveighed against and traduced the Christian Religion This is the only work of Origen upon which the incomparably judicious Erasmus past not his censure being prevented by death the want whereof as also of his Coronis is much to be bewailed considering that by reason of his singular learning and long exercise in the study of the Ancients it cannot but be presumed he would have gone through and performed it in a most excellent manner Origen undertook this work by the instigation of Ambrose who was much grieved to see that the Christian Religion should be so reproached Celsus stiled his Book the word of truth though little were contained in it but what was foolish weak and false and unworthy of a prudent man whose objections and slanders as also those of all other both Gentiles and Jews Origen in his answer which Baronius calls celeberrimum commentarium most notably wipes off and refuteth A piece it is of much use especially unto the History of those times which by it self is set forth in Greek and Latine by Dâ—vid Haeschelius who gives this commendation of it Celso argumentis rationibus Origenes ita respondit ut haud sciam an quicquam in hoc genere solidius atque eruditius existet He set upon this work after that he had arrived unto maturity of age viz. being then more than sixty years old 21. Of the right faith in one God or three Dialogues against the Marcionists which are mentioned by Bellarmine as two distinct pieces of Origen though indeed they be but one and the same For so the learned Doctour Humphries that translated it into Latine out of a Greek Manuscript that he obtained of Frobenius and set forth anno 1557. as Perionius had done the year before out of a Greek Copy which he found in the King's Library entitles it Of the right Faith in one God against the three principles of Megethius the Marcionite These two interpreters made use of two very different Copies but it is evident that that which Dr. Humphries followed was the more distinct and full It is questionable whether this is Origen's or no 1. Because the Author speaks of Kings and Princes that piously believe now there were none such in Origen's time 2. No ancient Author of Note hath recorded this disputation wherein an Ethnick viz. Eutropius a Greek Philosopher being made the Judge the Church by Origen should get the victory for the issue was as is affirmed the conversion of Eutropius unto Christianity together with many others who in the close of the disputation celebrated the praise of Origen with this acclamation David hath slain the Tyrant Goliah and Adamantius hath cut the throat of that opinion which fought against God 3. Besides it is strange that this should not come to the notice of Eusebius or in case it did that he should be silent herein who so diligently sought out whatsoever might make for the commendation of Origen The Dialogues against the Marcioâ—ites saith Vsher were collected for the most part out of the writings of Maximus who lived in the time of the Emperours Commodus and Severus Of which Maximus Ierom tells us Quòd famosam quaestionem insigni volumine ventilavit Vnde malum Quòd materia à Deo facta sit 22. The lamentation of Origen which he himself wrote with his own hand in the Greek Tongue when after his fall and denyal of his Master Christ Jesus he wandred to and fro with great grief and torment of conscience the which Ierom translated into Latine these are the words of Doctor Meredith Hanâ—er prefixed to this Lamentation set down in his English Translation and Edition of Eusebius between the first and second Chapters of the seventh Book having immediately before given us out of Suidas the story of his fall As touching his fall viz. that he should chuse rather to offer incense unto Idol than to have his Body defiled by an Ethiopian though Epiphanius who was no friend to our Author and Suidas also deliver it for a truth yet doth Baronius upon weighty grounds conceive it to be rather a meer fiction and slander of those that were his enemies who envying endeavoured this way to darkâ—â— the same of Origen and saith Dâ—ille that I may not dissemble I profess my self much enclined to be of the Cardinal's opinion who thinks this story to be an arrant fable and that it was foisted into Epiphanius or else as I rather believe was taken upon trust by himself for this Father hath shewed himself in this as in many other things a little overcredulous Now the story it self being questionable and so sandy a foundation the superstructure must needs be weak nor is the censure of Erasmus without cause that these Lamentations were neither written by Origen nor translated by Ierom but the figment of some idle and unlearned brain who studyed by this means to cast a blemish upon this excellent wit It is therefore by Gelasius ranked among the Apocrypha 23. There is another piece which because it is inserted in the catalogue of the works of Origen I thought good not to pass it over altogether unmentioned it is stiled by the name of Philocalia or as Bellarmine
reverence which is meet do consider the sayings of the Prophets even then when he reads and carefully looks into them it is certain that having his mind and sense strickâ—n or moved by some more Divine inspiration he shall know and acknowledge that those words which he reads are of God and not uttered by Man and of himself he shall perceive that those Books were written not by humane Art nor mortal eloquence but in a divine and lofty stile 4. Of the fulness of the Scriptures thus It becomes us to believe the sacred Scriptures not to have one Apex or Tittle void of the Wisdom of God The Prophets receiving of his fulness sung or spake those things which they took of his fulness Therefore the sacred Scriptures do breath the fulness of the Spirit and there is nothing either in the Prophecy or the Law or Gospel or in the Apostle which descendeth not from the fulness of the Divine Majesty 5. Of the great efficacy and utility of the Scriptures thus Because all Scripture is given by Divine Inspiration and is profitable in Scripturis sanctis est vis quaedam quae legenti etiam fine explanatione sufficit we ought to believe it to be so though we feel not the benefit thereof As Physicians are wont sometimes to give some meat or drink for the clearing of the sight yet in taking of it we perceive not any benefit but afterwards when its vertue reacheth it it by little and little purgeth the sight after this manner we ought to believe the holy Scriptures to be profitable unto the Soul although for the present our sense or reason reach not nor attain unto the understanding of it 6. That Children ought to be baptized thus the Church hath received from the Apostles this tradition to give or administer Baptism even unto Infants for they to whom the secrets of divine Mysteries were committed knew that there is in all the inbred filth of sin that ought to be washed away by Water and the Spirit 7. Of the Sabbath thus Let us see how a Christian ought to observe and keep the Sabbath Upon the Sabbath none of the businesses of the World ought to be done if therefore thou cease from all worldly labours and do no such work but attend spiritual imployments come to the Assembles apply thine ear unto the holy Scriptures read and Sermons think of heavenly things be sollicitous about the future hope have before thine eyes the judgement to come look not unto things visible and that are present but unto invisible and that shall be This is the observation of a Christian Sabbath 8. Concerning excommunication and that it ought to be performed by the Church thus If any one having been admonished and rebuked for a fault once again and the third time shall shew no amendment there remains no remedy but cutting off For so saith the Lord If thy right offend thee cut it off i. e. If I that seem to thee to be a right hand and am call'd a Presbyter and seem to preach the Word of God if I shall do any contrary unto Ecclesiastical Discipline and the Rule of the Gospel so that I give a scandal or offence unto the Church let the whole Church conspiring with one consent cut me off their right hand Again those whose sins are manifest we ought to cast off but where the sin is not evident we ought not to eject 9. Out of those Prophesies or Books of the Scripture which contains Histories we may receive benefit not only or so much from the narration of the things as from what is figuratively signified by them seeing that with greatest Wisdom they are so written and dispensed that they do agree or suit with either the simple and vulgar among Believers or with the excellent that are willing and able to search them more throughly 10. He reciteth the Canonical Books of the Old Testament as they are now reckoned viz. twenty and two in number after the number of the Hebrew Letters And besides these saith he there are Books of the Machabees Of the Epistle to the Hebrews he thus speaks The character of the Epistle to the Hebrews saith he setteth not forth the stile of Paul who confesseth himself to be rude in speech for the phrase of that Epistle savoureth very much of the Greek Tongue whosoever he be that hath any judgement or discerning of phrases will confess the same I truly for mine own part that I may speak as I think do say that the Doctrine of this Epistle is the Apostles for undoubted but the phrase and order another mans who noted the sayings of the Apostle and contrived such things as he had heard of his Master into short and compendious notes 11. That Christ cometh and goeth and is not always enjoyed nor alike present with his people thus God is my witness that I have often times beheld the Bride groom coming unto me and to be very much with me who suddenly withdrawing I could not find what I sought for I therefore again desire his coming and sometimes he cometh again and when he appeareth and was held in my hands he again slips away and being gone he is again sought for by me and this he doth often till I truly hold him fast 12. Against the Observations of ones Birth-day as an annual Festival thus It is no where recorded in the Scripture that any of the Saints did keep a Festival or hold a great Feast upon the day of his Birth only sinners rejoyce for such a Nativity as did Pharaoh and Herod § 6. But as his worth was great being great from his infancy and his excellencies many his deeds even from the Cradle deserving in the judgement of Eusebius to be recorded and transmitted unto Posterity so were they equalled by his defects and blemishes and as for the one he was justly had in high esteem so did the other no less detract from his reputation which occasioned that speech so commonly made use of concerning him that where he did well no man did better and where he did ill no man did worse Cui inquit Cassiodorus illud convenienter aptari potest quod Virgilius dum Ennium legeret à quodam quid faceret inquifitus respondit Aurum ex stercore quaero Hence it came to pass that divers of the Ancients were so divided in their judgements and had such hot contests about him Some vilifying and opposing him as did Theophilus Bishop of Alexandria and Epiphanius Bishop of Salamis a City of Cyprus who speaking of the multitude of Books which he wrote cryes out O inanis operarie O empty scribler He was also perswaded by Letters which he received from the said Theophilus qui scripsit adversum Originem unum grande volumen in quo omnia penè ejus dicta ipsum pariter damnat c. to summon a Council at Cyprus
in his Commentary upon the 43. Chapter of Augustin de haeresibus and Nicelas Choniates in his treasury of the Orthodox faith Lib. 4. Haeres 31. who there thus speaks of him that for natural and moral philosophy he was a Doctor acceptable unto all but for matters Dogmatical or of Faith of Theological speculation he shewed himself the most absurd of all that went before or followed after him Which also those frequent passages of Ierom do shew where he saith I commended him as an interpretor but not as a Dogmatist Again I call Origen ours for his learning and wit not for the truth of his opinions and Doctrine Lastly as I ever attributed unto Origen the Interpretation and idioms or proprieties of Scripture So I most constantly took from him truth in his opinions For this cause also having at his request sent unto Avitus his Translation of Origens books 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the close of his Epistle he prescribes this as an antidote against the errors therein contained Whosoever saith he will read these books and go toward the land of promise with his feet shod lest he be bitten of Serpents and smitten with the forked wound of the Scorpion let him read this book or Epistle wherein are declared the dangerous passages contained in those books that so he may know before he begin his journy what things he must shun avoid Hence Beza gives this censure of him certainly saith he this writer is every way so impure whether he wrote so himself or whether his writings were afterward depraved that in matters controversial he deserves no authority in the Church Yet notwithstanding in the judgment of some the good that was in him exceeded the evil so that although he were guilty of the errors imputed unto him yet being a man of so much learning he deserves to be pittied whose faults saith Haymo if there be any in his books may be overcome by the Celestial splendor of those things which are faithfully written by him And saith Scultetus this age might well bear the precipitate publication of his works by Ambrose or the malevolent depravation of them if withal they had all come to our hands Many of his errors began first to be entertained by the Monks and Disciplinarians in Egypt from whose Cells being vented they spread abroad and were embraced and maintained by very many unto whom as a Sect or swarm of Hereticks deriving their errors from Origen was given the name of Origenists or Adamantians who continued long even unto the time of Gregory the great for he testifieth that some of them were remaining in his days Adversus Origenistas inquit Baronius longa admodum periculosa fuit Ecclesiae concertatio § 7. Now as touching the last scene of his life his going off the Theatre of this world I find no large mention made of it That his sufferings for Christ were neither few nor small though he suffered not martyrdom is abundantly testified So that in the judgment of Merline as also of Mirandula he came but little short of it and deserves the palm semper Deo inquit Pontius Diaconus mancipata devotio dicatis hominibus pro martyrio deputatur And saith Haymo voluntate Martyr fuit though he laid not down his life yet he lost not the Honor of Martyrdom For they were many and sore things which he did undergo even in his old age besides what in former time had beâ—ided him at what time the persecution against the Church raged under the Emperor Decius whereof Eusebius makes report in these words drawing toward the close of Origen about which the most part of the sixth book is spent what things they were saith he and how great which hapned to Origen in that persecution and how he died the spiteful Devil pursuing him with his whole troop striving against him with all might and every kind of sleight that possibly could be invented and especially against him above all the rest which then were persecuted to death and what and how great things he sustained for the Doctrine of Christ imprisonments and torments of body scourging at Iron stakes stench of close prison and how for the space of many days his feet lay stretched four paces asunder in the stocks and how that constantly he endured the threats of fire and all that the enemy could terrifie him with and what end he made after the judge had wrought by all means possible to save his life and what speeches he uttered very profitable for such as need consolation sundry of his Epistles truly faithfully and curiously penn'd do declare He lived the space of sixty nine years of which reckoning from the time that he was by Demetrius made Catechist in the School of Alexandria he spent above fifty most laboriously in teaching and writing in the affairs and care of the Church in refuting Heresies and in the exercise of Piety and many notable vertues But notwithstanding all his labours and worth his age and end as well as the former part of his life were accompanied with poverty so small recompence and reward had he from men who haply could be well contented freely to afford him their praises but kept fast their purses sic virtus laudatur alget And for this rich Ambrose above all other deserves most blame that at his death was not more mindful of his old and indigent friend Origen Hence it came to pass that he ended his days in a mean and miserable condition miserabiliter inquit Nicephorus infoelix obiit dying in the famous City of Tyre where also he was buried in the reign of the Emperors Gallus and Volusian and in the year of Christ. 256. Cyprianus § 1. CYprianus called also Thascius was born at Carthage one of the chief Cities of Africa he was very rich and of great note and power there being one of the Senatorian Order and among them held the first or chief place his breeding was liberal and ingenuous from his tender years being trained up in and seasoned with the knowledge of the Arts wherein his proficiency was such that among the rest he became an excellent Rhetorician and publickly professed and taught that art at Carhage being had in very great esteem among them but all this while an Ethnick without the knowledge of Christ yea a most bitter persecutor of the Christians withal à Magician and skilled in those curious arts though this last be very improbable in the judgment both of Baronius and Pamelius How long he continued in this condition is uncertain yet that he was well stricken in years before converted unto Christianity may be conjectured 1. Partly from his own words for while being a Gentile he thought of receiving the Christian Faith he conflicted with such reasonings as these he conceived it a hard and difficult thing as sometime did Nicodemus for a man to
it which in a lofty strain he stirs them up unto for so Augustin ad virginitatem magno accendit eloquio Cyprianus In this Tract as in others also he much imitates his Master as he calls him Tertullian upon the like subject 2. De Lapsis 1. Of such as fell in time of persecution which Erasmus calls by the name of Sermo this with the two following was written shortly after his return from exile peace being restored unto the Church wherein congratulating the Confessors and blessing God for their invincible constancy under the Cross he greatly bewails the fall of such as by the threatenings of the adversary were drawn to sacrifice and did not rather withdraw according unto the counsel of Christ blaming them that before their repentance they would even extort communion and peace from some Presbyters without the consent of the Bishop and lastly by divers arguments he exhorts them unto a publick acknowledgment of their sin and to give satisfaction unto the Church Herein also he imitates Tertulian in his Book of repentance 3. Of the unity of the Church some do add the word Catholick and this Pamelius as himself more than once boastingly tells us from the fifty first Epistle first found out to be the true Title of this Book which Erasmus and some others do stile A Treatise of the Simplicity of Prelates and Augustine an Epistle touching unity A golden Book written by occasion of the Novatian Rent or Schism that he might deter his Carthaginians from siding with Novatus who were too much inclining unto and not so averse from him as they should have been Wherein he earnestly presseth the Pastours carefully to preserve unity in the Church by many weighty arguments shewing the original and sourse of Heresies to be the contempt of the truth and celestial Doctrine of Christ commending unity in the Church and in the close he discourseth of the Duty of those who stand firm in the unity of the Church viz. to shun the society of Schismaticks This excellent piece of Cyprian the Vassals of the Romish See have been most busily tampering with and as palpably corrupting for their advantage in point of the Popes Supremacy having boldly foysted in here and there as they thought fit whole periods and sentences against the faith of the best and most uncorrupted Manuscripts the additions are these following 1. He built his Church on him alone viz. Peter and commanded him to feed his Sheep 2. He established one Chair 3. The Primacy was given unto Peter to shew that there was but one Church of Christ and but one Chair 4. He that forsakes the Chair of Peter on which the Church was founded doth he hope himself to be in the Church Of these last words saith Philander after Theophilus had named six Editions of Cyprian in which they are not indeed I confess the words were wanting till Pamelius a Canon of Bruges found them in an old written Copy lying in the Abby of Cambron All these additions will evidently appear unto any one who without having recourse unto other copies will but compare Erasmus and Pamelius their Editions together He that desireth to be farther satisfyed in the foul fraud of these shameless forgers in this particular let him please to peruse the learned Doctor Reynolds in his conference with Hart chap. 5. division 2. Bilson in his difference c. part 1. pag. 89. and Doctor Iames of the Corruption of the Fathers part 2. So many have been the mutations additions detractions and variations of this small Book that the laborious abovenamed Doctor Iames in a little Treatise written by him which he entituled Cyprian restored or revived hath observed no less than two hundred and eighty eight of them by a diligent collation of four manuscript Copies this the bold Jesuit Possevine in his Apparatus inserts as his own which the Doctor thus chargeth him with It hath pleased him saith he in his first Tome at the word Cyprian to steal a Treatise of mine and concealing my name mutatis mutandis chopping and changing some few words at his pleasure to publish it unto the world Sic noâ— non nobis mellificamus apes A most unworthy act and at least deserving the brand of base ingenuity a fault that Crinitus blames in Macrobius who having been much beholding unto A. Gellius makes no acknowledgment thereof Cum sit inquit obnoxiae mentis ingenii maximè infaelicis uunquam fateri peâ— quos authores profeceris 4. Of the Lord's Prayer which Treatise Augustine thus commends I admonish saith he and much exhort you to read diligently that Book of Blessed Cyprian which he wrote of the Lord's Prayer and as the Lord shall help you to understand and commit it to memory he writes it unto one Valentinus and the Monks that were with him In this piece commending this prayer he shews how we ought to draw near unto God then explains the several parts and petitions of it unto which he subjoyns somewhat of the necessity of prayer how the mind ought to be composed in this duty and when it should be performed Herein also he imitates Tertullian de Oratione Est inquit Sixtuì Senensis sanctae venustae brevitatis explaâ—â—tio 5. Unto Demetrianus the Proconsul of Africa an Apologetical or invective Oration Erasmus wonders why any should rather call it a Treatise then an Epistle Wherein using a more elaborate stile he clears the Christians of those calumnies that were cast upon them by Demetrian and other Ethnicks who imputed it unto the Christians not worshipping the Gods that those grievous judgments of famine pestilence and war did so rage in the Romane Empire the true cause whereof he shews to be their contempt of Christianity which he proves by divers â—â—guments and closeth with an exhortation unto the Gentiles to come unto God and to believe on Jesus Christ. In this likewise he imitates his Master Tertullian in his Apology and in his book against Scapula but is blamed by Lactantius for not handling the matter as he ought because he dealt with an Heathen by Scripture testimonies which Demetrian esteemed as fained and vain who should have been refuted by reason and arguments grounded thereupon yet herein is he defended by Baronius who labors to excuse him 6. Of the vanity of idols or that idols are not gods wherein he proves that they were men and consequently that the worshipping of them can be no way profitable And that there is but one true God and Lord of all whom the Christians worship Erasmus suspects it to be a fragment of a larger work because it begins so abruptly Of which piece Ierom thus speaks commending his wit and skill with what brevity with what knowledge of all Histories with what splendor of words and sense hath Cyprian discussed that idols are not Gods Herein also as he imitated Tertullian in his
Apology so likewise doth he Minutius Foelix in his Octavius or Minutius him for they lived near about the same time 7. Of Mortality written by him in a time wherein the pestilence invaded and raged in divers provinces and chiefly Alexandria and the rest of Egypt Vsher calls it a famous Treatise wherein by divers arguments he armeth Christians against the fear of death and admonisheth them not to grieve immoderately for those that die shewing what are the fruits of death and of how great advantage it is unto them that die in Lord. A book saith Augustine laudably known to many yea almost to all that love Ecclesiastical writings in quo dicit mortem fidelibus utilem reperiri quoniam peccandi periculis hominem subtrahit in non peccandi securitatem constituit 8. Of works and almsdeeds Augustin calls it an Epistle and Ierom grande volumen a great volum wherein he exhorteth those that were able to contribute toward the relieving of the poor who by pestilence famine and other calamities had been reduced unto great exigencies 9. Of the good of Patience wherein virtutem hanc per effecta magnificè amplificat commending the practice of it from the example of God Christ the Saints proving also both by Scripture and reason that 't is not only profitable but also necessary for a Christian. Baronius shews us the occasion of the writing hereof Veritus inquit magnopere Cyprianus ne inter Episcopos obortis contentionibus magno aliquo sebismate Catholica scinderetur Ecclesia ad â—ntevertenda futura mala egregium illud propâ—ylacticon praeparavit antidotum libellum illum de bono Patientiae scribens quò demonstraret absque patientiâ impossibile esse servari inter fratres mutuam charitatem And Cyprian himself in his Epistle to Iubaianus concerning the rebaptization of hereticks having said in the last paragraph that he would not for Hereticks contend with his fellow Bishops he shuts up all with these words servatur à nobis patienter firmiter charitas â—nimi collegii honor vinculum fidei concordia sacerdotii Propter hoc etiam libellum de bono patientiae quantum valuit nostra mediâ—critas permittente Domino inspirante conscripsimus quem ad te pro mutuâ dilectione transmisimus In this book also he much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject with a pious and commendable emulation for he feared lest as it afterward fell out the writings of so eminent a man should be lost or laid aside many even then abstaining from the reading of him because he had so unhappily separated from the Church 10. Of zeal he takes this word here in the worse sense and envy which by many arguments he dehorteth from shewing whence it proceeds and how much evil it produceth Sermo praeclarus inquit Keckermanâ—us egregia coneio Augustine calls this Tract also an Epistle and Ierom librum valdè optimum The occasion of the writing of this as of the former Treatise also was the controversie and great contest that arose between Stephen Bishop of Rome and the African Bishops about the Baptizing of Hereticks 11. An exhortation to Martyrdom written unto Fortunatus distinguished into twelve Chapters containing so many arguments whereby he presseth unto Martyrdom which are collected almost verbatim out of the Scriptures Baronius and Pamelius are very confident that it is Cyprians and much wonder that any should ascribe it unto Hilary which yet Marianus Victorinus doth as confidently induced hereunto by the stile and authority of Ierom. For which cause the industrious Mr. Cooke doubts not to rank it among the works falsly ascribed unto this Father 12. Three books of Testimonies unto Quirinus being none other then a rapsody or collection of several places of Scripture The two first against the Jews In the one he shews that the Jews have departed from God and so have lost that grace and indulgence which formerly was afforded unto them and that the Gentiles from among all nations have succeeded them and come into their place The other contains the mystery of Christ that he came according as the Scriptures had foretold and hath done and performed all things by which he might be known In the third which the Centurists stile de disciplina Christianorum he instructs Quirinus in a Christian life it being a Collection of Divine Precepts and Commands which may be the more easie and profitable for the Readers for that being but a few and digested into a Breviary they are the sooner Read over and more frequently repeated Pamelius cannot wonder enough at the censure of Erasmus that it should seem more probable unto him that these books are not Cyprians Yet is this sagacious censor seconded by Scultetus who renders some reasons why he should make question of it viz. that some Greek forms of speech are used in the third book which are not to be sound in the other works of Cyprian withal he adds that many things do offer themselves unto the diligent Reader by which without any great ado they may be distinguished from what of this Father is genuine 13. The sentences or suffrages of the Council of Carthage concerning the baptizing of Hereticks which is none other than a rehearsal of what was done and said in that Council as things were taken by the publick Notaries whereof he gives an account unto Quirinus This piece shuts up the second Tome in Pamelius his Edition His third Tome contains those books that are doubted of or falsly ascribed unto Cyprian though in his preface Pamelius makes them to be of three sorts First Some that by the stile and Scriptures cited do certainly appear to be his genuine works but how true this is we shall hereafter examine Secondly Others of which there is some doubt yet are there many things to perswade us that they are his or at least of some Author no less Ancient then he 3. Some that are certainly found to be none of his But though divers pieces have his name affixed unto them that he was never the Author of yet saith Erasmus herein was he more happy then some others that nothing is ascribed unto him but what is Learned and proceeded from great men These are first his book of Spectacles which he shews 't is unlawful for Christians to be present at and behold A book which neither Trithemius nor the Centurists nor Erasmus take notice of and therefore not without cause suspected which also the stile gives sufficient ground for Herein the Author much imitates Tertullian upon the same subject 2. Of Discipline or the good of chastity wherein many passages are almost verbatim taken out of Tertullian Bellarmine and Pamelius conceive it to be Cyprians 'T is a work of an uncertain but Learned Author so that 't were pitty it should be lost saith Erasmus yet in his judgement the stile plainly shews it to
and learning among whom Tertulâ—ian and Augustin were chief but scarcely unto any one happened the genuine purity of the Roman Language but only unto Cyprian Thus Erasmus Like a pure fountain he flows sweetly and smoothly and withal he is so plain and open which is the chief virtue of speech that you cannot discern saith Lactantius whether any one were more comly in speaking or more facil in explicating or more powerful in perswading Prudentius also in this regard thus extols him O nive candidius linguae genus O novum saporem Vt liquor Ambrosius cor mitigat imbuit palatum Sedem animae penetrat mentem fovet pererrat artus His phrase is most elegant saith Sixtus Senensis and next unto Ciceronian Candour And in the judgment of Alsted as Lactantius may be truly accounted the Christian's Cicero so may Cyprian their Caesar for these two among the Latines added ornament unto Christian Doctrine Now Caesar saith Vives is egregiously useful for dayly speech unto whom Tully gives the praise of a pure and uncorrupted dialect Quintilian of elegancy whom he peculiarly studyed and Mr. Ascham in that learned and grave discourse which he calls his Schoolmaster judgeth that in Caesar's Commentaries which are to be read with all curiosity without all exception to be made either by friend or foe is seen the unspotted propriety of the Latine Tongue even when it was in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 at the highest pitch of all perfectness yet is his phrase various sometimes he soars aloft and is very copious with abundance of words as in his Epistle unto Donatus another time he falls as low as in his Epistle unto Caecilius of the Sacrament of the Lord's Cup but most commonly he is temperate and keeps the middle way between these extremes as in his Treatise of the Habit of Virgins In a word he was saith Hyperius plain vehement serious and not unhappily fluent his words breathing a venerable elegancy as the things which he wrote did piety and martyrdom whereof I now proceed to give a taste § 5. In his Treatise of the vanity of Idols we have a sum of his Faith which Froben in his Index affixed unto the edition of Erasmus stiles the most elegant Creed or Symbol of Cyprian containing the Doctrines of Christ his Deity Incarnation Miracles Death Resurrection Ascension and second coming His words are these Indulgentiae Dei gratiae disciplinaeque arbiter magister sermo filius Dei mittitur qui per Prophetas omnes retrò illuminator doctor humani generis praedicabatur Hic est virtus Dei hic ratio hic sapientia ejus gloria hic in Virginem illabitur carnem Spiritu Sancto cooperante induitur Deus cum homine miscetur hic Deus noster hic Christus est qui mediator duorum hominem induit quem perducat ad Patrem quòd homo est Christus esse voluit ut homo possit esse quòd Christus est Cum Christus Iesus secundùm a Prophetis ante praedicta verbo vocis imperio daemonia de hominibus excuteret leprosos purgaret illuminaret caecos claudis gressum daret mortuos rursus animaret cogeret sibi element a famulari servire ventos maria obedire inferos cedere Iudâ—ei qui illum crediderant hominem tontùm de humilitate carnis corporis existimabant magum de licentiâ potestatis Hunc Magistri eorum atque primores hoc est quos doctrina illâ ille sapientiâ revincebat accensi irâ indignatione provocati postremò detentum Pontio Pilato qui tunc ex parte Romanâ Syriam procuraâ—at tradiderunt crucem ejus mortem suffragiis violentis ac pertinacibus flagitantes Crucifixâ—s prevento carnis officio spiritum sponte dimisit die tertio rursus a mortuis sponte surrexit Apparuit discipulis talis ut fuerat agnoscendum se videntibus praebuit simul junctus substantiae corporalis firmitate conspicuus ad dies quadraginta remoratus est ut dâ— vel ab eo ad praecepta vitalia instrui possent discerent que docerent Tunc in Coelum circumfusâ nube sublatus est ut hominem quem dilexit quem induit quem a morte protexit ad patrem victor imponeret jam venturos è Coelo ad poenam Diaboli ad censuram generis humani ultoris vigore judicis potestate 2. Concerning the Article of Christ's descent into Hell the Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed thus speaks We are saith he verily to know that it is not to be found in the Creed of the Roman Church neither in the Oriental Churches yet the force of the words seemeth to be the same with those wherein he is said to be buryed 3. Of the Canonical Books of the Old and New Testament the same Author of the Exposition of the Apostles Creed having enumerated the same Books that we do These saith he are they which the Fathers concluded within the Canon out of which they would have the assertions of our Faith to consist But we are to know further that there are other Books which our Predecessors called not Canonical but Ecclesiastical as the Books of Wisdom Ecclesiasticus Toby Iudith and Maccabees all which they would indeed have to be read in the Churches but yet not to be produced for the confirmation of the Faith 4. Of how little esteem custom ought to be if not founded upon truth he pithily shews in that short sentence Consuetudo sine veritate vetustas erroris est Custom without truth is but mouldy errour In vain therefore saith he do some that are overcome by reason oppose or object custom unto us as if custom were greater than truth or that in Spirituals were not to be followed which for the better hath been revealed by the Holy Ghost Again if Christ alone must be heard as Matth. 17. 5. we ought not to heed what another before us thought fit to be done but what Christ who is before all first did Neither ought we to follow the custom of man but the truth of God 5. He understands by Tradition nothing but that which is delivered in the Scripture Let nothing be innovated saith Stephen unto him but what is delivered He replyeth whence is this Tradition whether doth it descend from the authority of the Lord and the Gospel or doth it come from the Apostles Commands and Epistles for those things are to be done that are Written If therefore this speaking of the Rebaptization of Hereticks or receiving them into the Church only by imposition of hands which later was Stephens opinion against Cyprian be either commanded in the Evangelists or contained in the Epistles or Acts of the Apostles let it be observed as a Divine and Holy Tradition 6. That the Baptism of children was then received and practised in the Church and that performed by aspersion as valid as that
have been both written by the same Author not Athanasius but one Maximus a very Learned Man many years after the death of Athanasius Scultetus tells us that he hath seen the name of Maximus upon a certain old Parchment in which these Dialogues were wrapt up This Maximus was a Constantinopolitane Monk who lived in the time of Pope Honorius a Monothelite and died Ann. Six hundred fifty seven The Catalogue of whose book mentioned by Photius or which are in the Vaticane Library contains divers that have the very same title with those which are inserted among the works of Athanasius 64. A book of divers questions of the Sacred Scripture unto King Antiochus which appears to be supposititious because first Athanasius himself is therein cited quaest 23. and that under the name of Athanasius the Great which would have argued too much arrogance Secondly Many things are to be found therein which are dissonant from the judgment of Athanasius Thirdly The Mystical Theology of Dionysius Areopagita is alledged therein which I suppose saith Sixtus Senensis was altogether unknown in the time of Athanasius he conjectures it to have been collected out of the writings of the Fathers by some studious man Fourthly The questions are variously reckoned in some Copies there being only fourty and six in others one hundred sixty and two Fifthly Gregory Nazianzen is twice named in it Also there are cited Gregory Nyssen and Epiphanius as ancient authors yet was Athanasius before them also Chrysostom Scala Iohannis Maximus Nicephorus c. all of them juniors unto Athanasius Sixthly Yea quaest 108. the Romans are said to be a kind of Franks whence he evidently appears to be a late author for all those of the West are called Franks in the Turks Dominions Luce ergò clarius est inquit Cocus libellum hunc filium esse populi nec novisse parentem suum Yet is the authority hereof urged by many of the Romanists to prove that there are nine orders of Angels that the Saints departed do know all things images lawful distinction of sins orders of Monks necessity of baptism Sacrament of pennance prayer for the dead Antichrist to be a certain person the sacrifice of the Altar c. 65. Questions of the words and interpretations of the Evangelical parables they are supposititious for they are gathered out of Chrysostom Cyril of Alexandria and Gregory Nyssen their very names being expressed 66. Certain other Anonymous questions which appear to be spurious in all likelyhood the work of some late Greek for in them the procession of the holy Ghost from the Son is denied 67. The life of Antony the Monk That such a narration was written by Athanasius both Nazianzen and Ierome do affirm But that this now extant should be the same believe it who will I doubt not saith Scultelus but that it is the figment of some foolish man for endeavoring to shew how in the whole course of his life Antony imitated Christ he talks childishly and ridiculously and there are many things in it saith Tossanus that are fabulous and savour not of the gravity and simplicity of Athanasius Besides some report Antony to have been a Lawyer and very learned but this Author makes him altogether illiterate But that this is an Ancient Legend appears from hence that Damaseen cites a place out of it Yet is it but a Fable and no more notwithstanding all Bellarmines vain confidence to the contrary 68. A Sermon in Parasceuen or the preparation which I find no where mentioned but in the Parisian Edition by Nannius only Possevine saith that it was first set forth in Greek and Latine in the Antwerp Edition 69. Certain fragments of Athanasius upon the Psalms taken out of Nicetas his Catena with some other out of other Authors 70. Eleven books of the united Deity of the Trinity others reckon but seven they are found only in Latine and seem to have been written in that Language and not Translated out of the Greek as appears partly from the Stile and partly because the Author tells us how those things are expressed by the Greeks which he wrote in Latine he also confutes one Vrbicus Potentinus a disciple or follower of Eunomius which Athanasius could not do 71. A disputation concerning the Faith held at Laodicea between Athanasius and Arius it is clearly Commentitious and Counterfeit nor can it be a true disputation between those two for Athanasius is here brought in as a Deacon disputing in the second year of Constantius whereas it appears that Athanasius was made Bishop long before viz. In the one and twentieth year of Constantine the Great and Arius infamously died in the one and thirtieth year of the same Emperor who therefore could not dispute in the Reign of Constantius 2. Herein is mention made of Photinus the Heretick as if from him Arius had Learned his Heresie whereas Photinus was after Arius It seems rather to be that Dialogue which was written by Vigilius Bishop of Trent against Sabellius Photinus and Arius which he therefore set forth under the name of Athanasius that saith he persons present might seem to deal with those that were present 72. An exhortation unto the Monks It is forged 73. An Epistle unto Pope Mark for the exemplars of the Nicene Council with the answer of Mark thereunto both which without doubt are supposititious for this Mark was dead at that time when as 't is pretended this answer was written also at this time was Athanasius in banishment in France and so could not write from Alexandria So that both these Epistles and also the seventy pretended Canons of the Council of Nice contained in them are none other then a meer forgery 74. A Sermon upon the passion of our Saviour which is a meer patch taken almost verbatim out of the Sermon upon the same subject being the forth in this Catalogue 75. Of the passion of the image of Christ Crucified at Beryth in Syria It savors of the Golden Legend And that it cannot be the work of Athanasius may evidently appear from the title that Anciently was wont to be prefixed hereunto which was this D. Athanasii Archiepiscopi Alexandrini de passione imaginis Domini nostri Iesu Christi qualiter crucifixa est in Syria in urbe quae Berythus dicitur temporibus Constantini senioris Irenae uxoris ejus Now it is known unto all that Athanasius was dead some Centuries of years before the reign of those two abovementioned This Fable is by Sigebert referred unto the year Seven hundred sixty five about which time the question about worshipping of images was agitated It must needs therefore be the work of some later Author saith the Learned Daille so tastless a piece and so unworthy the gallantry and clearness of that great wit that he must be thought not to have common sense that can find in
yet is he not two but one Christ. One not by conversion of the Godhead into flesh but by taking the manhood into God One altogether not by confusion of substance but by unity of Person For as the reasonable soul and flesh is one Man so God and Man is one Christ. Who suffered for our salvation descended into hell rose again the third day from the dead He ascended into heaven he fifteth on the right hand of the Father God Almighty from whence he shall come to judge the quick and the dead At whose coming all men shall rise again with their bodies and shall give account for their own works And they that have done good shall go into life everlasting and they that have done evil into everlasting fire This is the Catholick Faith which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved As for the censures annexed hereunto viz. 1. In the beginning except a man keep the Catholick faith 2. In the middle he that will be saved must thus think and 3. In the end this is the Catholick faith which except a man believe faithfully he cannot be saved I thought good to give you Dr. Hammond's apprehensions of them how they ought to be understood His words are these I suppose saith he they must be interpreted by their opposition to those heresies that had invaded the Church and which were acts of carnality in them that broach'd and maintain'd them against the apostolick doctrine and contradictory to that foundation which had been resolved on as necessary to bring the world to the obedience of Christ and were therefore to be anathematiz'd after this manner and with detestation branded and banished out of the Church Not that it was hereby defined to be a damnable sin to fail in the understanding or believing the full matter of any of those explications before they were propounded and when it might more reasonably be deemed not to be any fault of the will to which this were imputable Thus he 2. The canonical books of the old and new Testament owned by him are the same with those which the reformed Churches acknowledge for such of which he thus speaks All scripture of us who are Christians was divinely inspired The books thereof are not infinite but finite and comprehended in a certain Canon which having set down of the Old Testament as they are now with us he adds the Canonical books therefore of the Old Testament are twenty and two equal for number unto the Hebrew Letters or alphabet for so many elements of Letters there are among the Hebrews But saith he besides these there are other books of the Old Testament not Canonical which are read only unto the Catechumens and of these he names the Wisdom of Solomon the Wisdom of Iesus the Son of Syrach the fragment of Esther Iudith and Tobith for the books of the Maccabees he made no account of them yet he afterward mentions four books of the Maccabees with some others He also reckons the Canonical Books of the New Testament which saith he are as it were certain sure anchors and supporters or pillars of our Faith as having been written by the Apostles of Christ themselves who both conversed with him and were instructed by him 3. The sacred and divinely inspired Scriptures saith he are of themselves sufficient for the discovery of the truth In the reading whereof this is faithfully to be observed viz. unto what times they are directed to what person and for what cause they are written lest things be severed from their reasons and so the unskilful reading any thing different from them should deviate from the right understanding of them 4. As touching the way whereby the knowledge of the Scriptures may be attained he thus speaks To the searching and true understanding of the Scriptures there is need of a holy life a pure mind and virtue which is according to Christ that the mind running thorow that path may attain unto those things which it doth desire as far as humane nature may understand things divine 5. The holy Scripture saith he doth not contradict it self for unto a hearer desirous of truth it doth interpret it self 6. Concerning the worshipping of Christ we adore saith he not the Creature God forbid Such madness belongs unto Ethuicks and Arians but we adore the Lord of things created the incarnate Word of God for although the Flesh be in it self a part of things created yet is it made the Body of God Neither yet do we give adoration unto such a body by it self severed from the word neither adoring the Word do we put the Word far from the Flesh but knowing that it is said the Word was made Flesh we acknowledge it even now in the Flesh to be God 7. He gives this interpretation of those words of Christ Mark 13. 32. But of that day and that hour knoweth no man no not the Angels which are in heaven neither the Son but the Father The Son saith he knew it as God but not as man wherefore he said not neither the Son of God lest the divinity should seem to be ignorant but simply neither the Son that this might be the ignorance of the Son as man And for this cause when he speaks of the Angels he added not a higher degree saying neither the Holy Spirit but was silent here by a double reason affirming the truth of the thing for admit that the Spirit knows then much more the Word as the Word from whom even the Spirit receives was not ignorant of it 8. Speaking of the mystery of the two natures in Christ What need is there saith he of dispute and strife about words it's more profitable to believe and reverence and silently to adore I acknowledge him to be true God from heaven impâ—ssible I acknowledge the same of the seed of David as touching the Flesh a man of the earth passible I do not curiousty inquire why the same is passible and impassible or why God and man lest being curiously inquisitive why and how I should miss of the good propounded unto us For we ought first to believe and adore and in the second place to seek from above a reason of these things not from beneath to inquire of Flesh and Blood but from divine and heavenly revelation 9. What the faith of the Church was concerning the Trinity he thus delivers Let us see that very tradition from the beginning and that Doctrine and Faith of the Catholick Church which Christ indeed gave but the Apostles preached and kept For in this Church are we founded and whoso falls from thence cannot be said to be a Christian. The holy and perfect Trinity therefore in the Father Son and Holy Ghost receives the reason of the Deity possesseth nothing forraign or superinduced from without nor consisteth of the Creator and Creature but the whole is of the Creator and Maker of all things like it self and
him to have been dead though indeed he were then alive 3. His book against the Arians or agaâ—nst Auxentius Bishop of Millain written unto the Bishops and people detesting the Arian heresie which by Ierom is stiled an elegant book wherein he accuseth the said Bishop as infected with Arianism To which is annexed an Epistle of Auxentius wherein he cleareth himself as not guilty of the crime laid to his charge 4. His book of Synods unto the Bishops of France whom he congratulates that in the midst of so great tumults as are in the world they had kept themselves free from the Arian faction wherein he declares in what meetings of the Bishops the Arian heresie had been condemned This book as himself testifieth he translated out of Greek but with this liberty that neglecting the words he kept still to the sense and where the place invites him so to do he adds and intermingles somewhat of his own Of which Chemnitius thus speaks He gathered together saith he the opinions of the Greeks concerning the Trinity and unless he had collected the decrees of the Eastern Synods we should have known nothing of them as touching their opinions and doctrinâ—s 5. His commentary upon the Gospel of Matthew which he divided into thirty and three Canons by which name it is called of some Going through almost the whole of that Evangelist in a succinct and brief but learned and solid explanation Being more delighted with the allegorical than literal sense herein imitating Origen out of whom I doubt not saith Erasmus he translated this whole work it doth so in all things savour both of the wit and phrase of Origen For as it containeth many choice things which do proclaim the Author to have been most absolutely skilled in the sacred Scriptures so is he sometimes too superstitious and violent in his allegories a peculiar fault to be found in almost all the commentaries of Origen 6. His commentary upon the Psalms not the whole but upon the first and second then from the one and fiftieth unto the sixty and second according to Ierom's reckoning but as now extant in Erasmus his edition from the one and fiftyeth unto the end of the sixty and ninth which addition Sixtus Senensis saith he had read being printed Also from the hundred and nineteenth unto the end of the book only that upon the last Psalm is imperfect the last leaf saith Erasmus in the manuscripts being either torn or worn away as it oftentimes falls out This work is rather an imitation than a translation of Origen for he adds somewhat of his own some do affirm that he set forth tractates upon the whole book of the Psalms and that it was extant in Spain But commonly no more is to be found than the above mentioned as also his book of the Synods being very large Ierom transcribed with his own hand at Triers for he had him in very high esteem There are also some books abroad under his name which are justly suspected and taken for spurious As 1. An Epistle unto Abram or Afram his Daughter which is a mere toy of some idle and unlearned man it hath nothing in it worthy of Hilary much less that which follows viz. 2. An Hymn which hath in it neither rhythm nor reason yet doth Ierom testifie of Hilary that he wrote in verse and perhaps some of those hymns which at this day are sung in the Church whose Author is unknown may be his He was so far skill'd this way that Gyraldus gives him a place and ranks him among the Christian Poets Bellarmine and Possevin had but small reason upon so slender a ground as they have to affirm both of these to be his without doubt 3. A book of the unity of the Father and the Son which whether it were his or no seems very uncertain seeing Ierom makes no mention of it It seems to be a rhapsody of some studious man taken partly out of the second but for the most part out of the ninth book of the Trinity who omitted and added what he pleased With this as a distinct book from it Bellarmine joyns another of the essence of the Father and the Son which yet I find not named by any other Author Indeed there is an appendix unto the former of the various names of Christ which Bellarmine mentions not the phrase whereof differs much from Hilary's The Author whereof would fain imitate Hilary which he was not negligent in the performance of They are grave and learned books saith Bellarmine of his two and not unworthy the spirit and eloquence of Hilary 4. An Epistle unto Augustine concerning the remains of the Pelagian heresie which cannot be Hilary's because that heresie was not known in his time 5. Another Epistle unto Augustine being the eighty and eighth in number among Augustines in which he propounds certain questions to be resolved but neither this nor the â—ormer are our Hilary's who was dead before Augustine became a Christian and yet in his answer he stiles him his Son They both seem to belong unto another Hilary that was afterward made Bishop of Arles who together with Prosper of Aquitain defended the cause of Augustine against the French Semipelagians The former of the Epistles gave occasion unto Augustine to write his treatises of the predestination of the Saints and of the good of perseverance to which are prefix'd this Epistle together with one from Prosper concerning the same matter 6. A fragment concerning the things that were done in the Council of Ariminum rejected by Baronius 7. An heroick Poem stiled Genesis written unto Pope Leo who lived Ann. 440. at what time Hilary had left this life And therefore it cannot be his but may better be ascribed unto the abovenamed Hilary Bishop of Arles 8. A fragment of the Trinity which contains his creed but of little credit as being no where else mentioned It might happily be an extract out of his work upon this subject § 4. As for his stile it is perplex and thâ—rny such as should he handle matters in themselves very clear yet would it be both hard to be understood and easie to be depraved Very lofty he is after the Gallicane manner for this seems to be peculiar unto the wit and genius of that nation as appears in Sulpitius Severus Eucherius and of late the famous Budaeus adeo sublimis ut tubam sonare credas non bominem adeò faeliciter elaboratus ut eruditum lectorem nunquam satiet trivialiter literatos procul submoveat and being adorned with the Flowers of Greece he is sometimes involved in long periods so that he is far above the reach of and in vain perused by unskilful Readers which yet Sixtus Senensis thinketh ought to be referred unto his books of the Trinity wherein he imitated Quintilian both in his
drawn from the testimony of Irenaeus who in his fifth book against heresies towards the end hath these words As one of our own who for the testimony of God was adjudged to the beasts said I am the Wheat of God c. Solut. Irenaeus saith not that he wrote those words but only that he spake so Then it cannot be gathered that he saw any writing of Ignatius Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 denotes indifferently both the thing uttered by the voice and those delivered in writing also so Tit. 1. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of themselves even a prophet of their own said this was written by Epimenides the Poet. So then notwithstanding the expression 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he might have that sentence from some writing of Ignatius 2. Ierom and others report that those words were uttered by him when he was adjudged to the beasts which was no small while before he encountred them For after his sentence pronounced he was led from Syria to Rome a long journey wherein he writ his genuine Epistles of which that to the Romans was one containing the words pronounced by him So that probable it is that he spake those words more than once between the time of his being sentenced aud executed and therefore may well be conceived to have made mention of them in an Epistle 2. Mr. Dallee concludes that Irenaeus never saw or knew of any Epistle of Ignatius 1. Because he brings the Authority of such as were Elders before him and disciples of the Apoles against the error of Florinus and of Polycarp by name but mentions not Ignatius Answ. 1. His not mentioning of Ignatius is but a slender argument to prove that he saw not any Epistle of his he might have some reason unknown to us of this his silence 2. Ignatius is no less contained in the word Elders than Polycarp for he saith in general that Florinus never had his doctrine delivered to him from those Elders the disciples of the Apostles which expression Elders comprehends and may be understood of Ignatius as well as Polycrap who were both the Disciples of the Apostle Iohn 3. In that fragment of his Epistle to Florinus he saith this only of Polycarp I saith he saw thee Florinus when I was yet a boy with Polycarp in the lesser Asia c. and then adds if that holy and Apostolick Elder had heard any such thing he would streight have stopp'd his ears This therefore is but a weak Proof that he never saw any of Ignatius his epistles but rather the contrary he being as well as Polycarp comprehended in the name Elders 2. Because where he mentions the difference between Anicetus Bishop of Rome and Polycarp about the observation of Easter he speaks not a word of Ignatius especially considering that peremptory saying of his in his Epistle to the Philippians that if any one observed Easter with the Iews he is partaker with those that slew the Lord and his Apostles Anicetus might well have objected this to Polycarp p. 270. Answ. You have little reason to say that the Epistle to the Philippians was altogether unknown to Irenaeus because he made not use of this passage to Anicetus for 't is conceived that those words fell not from the Pen of Ignatius but were since foisted in by some one that corrupted that Epistle we grant that Irenaeus never read those words there nor could he well seeing they were not at that time there to be found Yet might he see that Epistle as it came out of the hands of Ignatius which had no such blemish in it 3. Because he is of a contrary mind unto Ignatius about the time of Christs abode upon earth Ignatius rightly conceiving that being baptized about the thirtieth year of his Age he remained on earth but three Passovers after that time whereas Irenaeus thinks that he taught to his fortieth or fiftieth year Answ. 1. Irenaeus was not bound to follow Ignatius in every thing if he had a peculiar apprehension of his own in this matter what eminent men have not in some things had the like wherein yet sometimes they have been in the wrong 2. Irenaeus erring herein thought he had reason for his opinion Mr. Parker lib. 4. § 13. de descensu speaks in his behalf This tradition saith he of Irenaeus carried in it a certain shew of truth and seems to have a foundation from the Scriptures He i. e. Christ was called Master and had the perfect age of a Master he came to save every Age therefore he passed through every one thou art not yet fifty year old Ioh. 8. 65. therefore was he forty or upward for the Jews lyed not or missed twenty years Also Irenaeus brings in men of great name for Authors namely the Elders which had lived with Iohn in Asia He quotes for this Iren. lib. 2. cap. 39. 40. No marvel then that he was mistaken and his dissent from Ignatius herein is but of little strength to prove that he was altogether unacquainted with Ignatius his Epistles I may here make use of Mr. Dallee's words cap. 9. p. 282. where speaking of the disagreement of Clemens Alexandrinus from Ignatius about the time of Christs preaching after his baptism whereas Ignatius saith it was three years Clemens saith it was but one he hath this passage If Clemens had known the judgment of so great a man as Ignatius without doubt he either for his piety would have followed it or for his learning he would certainly have brought reasons and confirm'd it why he thought not that to be followed thus he And this we find Irenaeus to have done viz. To have produced reasons 3. The third Argument or objection made by the dissenters is drawn from the testimony of Origen in whom are to be seen two passages of Ignatius that are found in his Epistles the former in bom in Luc. cap. 6. where naming Ignatius I saith he found written in an epistle of his that the virginity of Mary was hidden from the Prince of this world epist. ad Ephes. The latter out of his prologue to his commentary on the Canticles where he thus speaks I remember that one of the Saints spake thus of Christ My love was crucified So Ignatius in his Epistle to the Romans Solut. The latter of these passages he saith that he spake but not that he writ so Answ. 1. The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies speaking either with the voice or by writing As doth also the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the same import as Act. 17. 28. As some of your own Poets have said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 instancing in a saying of Aratus in his Poem entituled Phaenomena 2. He might both speak write so too see his answer to his Solution of the first argument from the testimony of Irenaeus 2. Solut. Each place saith he alledged out of Origen is of uncertain and doubtful Authority Answ. 1. If those places be dubious then the