sent froÌ„ the Catholique to the Bishop of Rome in his time that the iurisdiction of the Catholique of Armenia was then farre larger as namely that he had aboue a thousand Bishops vnder his obedience Except Otho perhaps mistooke as I verily beleeue he did obedience for communion for as touching the communion which the Armenians mainteined with other Iacobites it extended indeede verie farre But the iurisdiction of Armenia for ought I can finde in any record of antiquitie contained onely foure prouinces namely the two Armeniaes before mentioned the greater and lesse and the two prouinces of Cilicia In which small circuit that such a multitude of Bishopâ— should bee found is vtterly vncredible especially because we finde registers extant both of the Bishops of the two Armeniaes in the * Tom. 1. Iuris Oriental l. 2. Nouell of Leo-Sophus the Emperour touching the precedence of Metropolitans and likewise of the bishops of Cilicia in * De Bel. sacro l. 14 c. 12. Guilielmus Tyrius and all of them put together exceede not the number of thirtie And although I finde that * Nouel 31. cap. 1. Iustinian diuided the two Armeniaes into foure prouinces which yet to haue beene after reduced ' againe into two the Nouell of Leo euen now mentioned assureth vs yet were not for that cause the number of Bishops encreased anie whit the more Now touching the properties of their religion 1. They are charged with the opinion of one nature in Christ 1 Niceph. hist. Ecclesiastic l. 18. c. 53. yet not as Eutyches imagined it one namely by a permixtion and confusion of the diuine and humane natures but yet by such a coniunction and coalition of them that they both together make but one compounded nature in our Sauiour as the body and soule but one compound nature in man But neuerthelesse it seemeth by the confession of the Armenians which wee haue extant touching the Trinitie sent by the mandate of the Catholique of Armenia Confess Armenior Art 26 27.28.29.30 c. to the Patriarch of Constantinople not 50 yeares agoe that at this present they haue vtterly renounced that phantasie 2 Alfons a Castro l. 5. cont Haeres Titul de Dâ—o Haeresi 13. Boem de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. 2. They beleeue the Holy Ghost proceedeth onely from the father 3. They celebrate the sacrament of the Eucharist with vnleauened bread as the Romans doe 4. They denie the true body of Christ to be really in the sacrament of the Eucharist vnder the Species of bread wine 3 Nicephoâ— loc sup citato Luturgia Armen apud Cassandrum de Liturgijs Guido sum de heresib They mingle not water with wine in the Eucharist An auncient opinion property of theirs for I finde it * Concil Constantinop 3. Can. 32. recorded of them and condemned in the sixt generall councell 4 Niceph. loc citat Liturg. Armenior vbi supra But they retaine it notwithstanding still 5. They receaue infants presently after baptisme to the communion of the Eucharist affirming that baptisme cannot bee conferred without the Eucharist 5 Boem de Morib gent. l 2. c. 10. Guid sum de heresib 6. They denie the virtue of conferring grace to belong to the sacraments Guido loc alleg They reiect purgatorie and pray not for the dead 6 Guido in Sum. de haeresib Alfons a Castr l. 12. coâ—t Haeres Tit. de Purgâ—torio haeresi 1. BoeÌ„ loc citato Th. a Ies. l. 7. pa. 1. c 17. 7. They beleeue that the soules of holy men obtaine not blessednesse till the vniuersall iudgement Th. a Ies. l 7. pa. 1. c. 17. They admit married priests and as Burchardus hath recorded deser terr sanct pa. 2. c. 2. § 9. admit none to be secular priests 7 Bellon Obsâ—ru l. 3. c. 12. Postel in Lingua Tzeruiana except they be married They rebaptise those that come to their communion from the Latine Church Guid. Sum. de heresib but exclude their second mariage 8 Boem loc citat 8. They abstaine from eating vncleane beasts 9 Nichol. Peregr Orient l. 4. c. 19. Boter Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. Dioscoriani 9. They eate flesh on fridaies betweene Easter and Ascension day 10. They fast lent most strictly without egges milkemeats flesh oile wine c. onely with fruites herbes 10 Vitriac histor Orient c. 7.9 rootes and pulse 11. They celebrate not Christmasse day when other Christians doe Decâ—mb 25. but fast on it And in stead of it 11 Vitriac loc citato celebrate the feast of our Sauiours baptisme namely on the day of the Epiphanie 12 Boter loco â—itato 12. They solemnise the feast of the Annunciation the sixt day of Aprill The purification the 14 of Februarie c. Of the Maronites CHAP. XXV THe Maronites who were so named not of an heretique called Maron as many falsely write Prateol de sect Heretic in verb. Maronitae But of a holy man of that name for wee finde mentioned in the booke of Councels the Monastery of S t. Maron Concil Constantinop sub Men. act 5. the Monks only wherof at first were termed Maronites they are fouÌ„d in small numbers in Aleppo Damascus Tripolie of Syria and in Cyprus But their maine habitation is in the Mountaine Libanus Which although it containe in circuit about * Posseuin Appar Sacr. in Maronitae 700 miles and is possessed onely in a manner by the Maronites who for that priuiledge namely to keepe themselues free from the mixture of Mahumetans pay the Turke * Namely for euery one aboue 12 yeares old 17 Sultanines by the yeare the Sultanine weigheth a dramme of gold about 7 s 6 d of our money and for euery space of grounde 16. spannes square one Sultanine yearely as is recorded by Posseuine large tribute yet of all sects of Christians they are the least as being esteemed not to passe in all * Boter Relat. pa. 3. l 2. c. de Maroniti Posseuin loco citato 12000 houses all in scattered villages beside a few Monasteries by reason of the indisposition of Libanus in most places for frequent habitation For beside the craggednesse or steepenesse of that Mountaine which maketh many parts of it in a maner inaccessible the higher Ridges of it which by Brocardus his relation are so eminent Brocard in Dâ—sâ—r Terr sâ—nctae Tacit historiar l. vltimo that they may be discerned 40 leagues off are also couered in a manner continually with snow which it retaineth as Tacitus with * Vitâ—iac hist. Oâ—iâ—nt c. 84. Postell descâ—ipt Syrâ—ae pag 33. others hath left recorded notwithstanding the heat of that climate euen in the nearest approach of the Sun And is scarcely as hath been obserued by Postell in one Summer of thirtie to be found cleare of it for which very cause and no other that Mountaine seemeth to haue gotten the name of Lebanon For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the
Canaanite Math. 15.22 is in Marke called a Syrophoenician Marc. 7.26 2. Where meÌ„tion is made in Iosua Ios. 5.1 of the Kings of Canaan they are in the Septuagints translation named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 3. To put it out of questioÌ„ All that coast from Sidon to Azzah that was Gaza neere to Gerar is registred by * Gen. 10.19 Moses to haue beene possessed by the posterity of Chanaan Of which coast the more northren part aboue the promontory of Carmell or rather from the riuer Chorseus Kison the Iewes called it that nere the promontory of Carmel Strab. l. 16. noÌ„ long ante med Plin. l. 5. c. 12. Ptâ—lem Tab. 4. Aâ—ae Dionys Alex. in Periegesi entreth the sea to the city of Orthosia aboue Sidon northward is by Strabo Plinie Ptolomy and others referred to Phoenicia although Strabo extend that name along all the maritime coast of Palestina also to the confines of Aegypt as Dionysius Periegetes also doth placing Ioppa and Gaza and Elath in Phoenicia which very tract to haue bin the seuerall possessions of Zidon and Cheth Girgashi and Harki and Aruadi and Chamathi sixe of the eleuen sonnes of Canaan the other fiue inhabiting more to the south in Palestina they that are skilful in the ancient Chorography of the Holy land cannot be ignorant Seeing therefore out of this part of the land of Canaan for in this part Tyrus was the Carthaginians and other colonies of the Phaenicians in Afrique came it is out of all doubt that they were of the Chananites progenie August expos â—â—â—hoat epist. ad Roman in med and for such in very deede and no other they reputed and professed themselues to be for as Austine hath left recorded who was borne liued among them the country people of the Puniques when they were asked touching themselues what they were they would make answere that they were Channai meaning as Austine himselfe doth interprete them Canaanites Certaine therefore it is that the natiue Punique langauge was not the Chanaanitish tongue but that I added for explication this clause or the olde Hebrew meaning by the olde Hebrew that which was vulgarly spoken among the Iewes before the captiuity you will perhaps suspect my credite and bee offended for I am not ignorant how superstitiously Diuines for the most part are affected toward the Hebrew tongue yet when I had set downe the Africans language to haue beene the Canaanitish tongue I thought good to adde for plainesse sake or the old Hebrew because J take them indeede to be the very same language and that Abraham and his posterity brought it not out of Chaldaea but learned it in the land of Chanaan Neither is this opinion of mine a meere paradox and fantasie but I haue * Postel lib. de Phoenic lit c. 2. §. 5. Arias Monta. L. Chanaan ca. 9. Gâ—â—ebrard l. 1. Chron. an Dâ—lunij 131 Scalâ—â— â—d seâ— in diâ—t â—â—rte in ep â—d V. â—ertâ—e ad Tomson three or foure of the best skilled in the language and antiquities of that nation that the later times could afford of the same minde And certainly by * Isa. 19.18 Isaiah it is called in direct termes the language of Chanaan And it is moreouer manifest that the names of the places and cities of Chanaan the olde names I meane by which they were called before the Israelites dwelt in them as is to be seene in the whole course of the books of Moses and of Ioshuah were Hebrew names touching which point although I could produce other forceable reasons such as might except my fantasie delude me vex the best wit in the world to giue them iust solution yet I will adde no more both to auoide prolixity and because I shall haue in another place fitter occasion But to speake particularly of the Punique tongue which hath brought vs into this discourse and which I proued before to be the Canaanitish language it is not only * Augu. in ser. 35. de verb. Dom. in EuaÌ„gel sec. LucaÌ„ in one place pronounced by Augustine who knew it well no man better to haue neer affinitie with the Hebrew tong which also the * As in the Punique tongue Salus three Augustin in expos inchoat epist. ad Roman Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Edom bloud Enar. Psalm 136. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mamon lucre De Sermon Dom. in Mont. l. 2. c. 14. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Bal. the Lord. Quaest. in Iudie cap. 16. Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Samen Heauen Ibid. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Messe to annoint Tract 15. in Ioan. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alma a Virgine Hieron in c. 7. Isai. Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gadir a fence or wall Plinie l. 4. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and some other that diligence might obserue Punick words dispearsed in the writings of Augustine and of others as many as come to my remembrance proue to be true But more effectually in * Aug l. 2 coÌ„t litter Petiliani â—ap 104. an other place to agree with it in very many yea almost in euerie worde Which speech seeing they could in no sort haue from the Israelites being not of Abrahams posterity both because no such transmigration of them is remembred in the holy histories and for that the Punique colonies are specially mentioned to haue beene deduced from Tyre which neuer came into the possession of the Israelites but from the Canaanites whose of-spring they were It followeth therupon that the language of the Canaanites was either the very same or exceeding neere the Hebrew And certainely touching the difference that was betweene the Hebrew and the Punique I make no doubt but the great distance from their primitiue habitation and their conuersation with strangers among whom they were planted and together with both the length of time which is wont to bring alteration to all the languages in the world were the causes of it And although that Punique speech in Plautus which is the onely continued speech of that language Plauâ— iâ— Pâ—e nulo Act. 6. that to my knowledge remaineth extant in any Author haue no such great conuenience with the Hebrew tongue yet I assure my selfe the faults corruptions that haue crept into it by many transcriptions to haue beene the cause of so great difference by reason whereof it is much changed from what at the first it was when Plautus writ it about 1800. yeares agoe And specially because in transcribing thereof there would be so much the lesse care taken as the language was lesse vnderstood by the writers and by the readers and so the escapes lesse subiect to obseruation and controlement Of the largenesse of the Slauonish Turkish and Arabique languages CHAP. VIII MAny are the nations that haue for their vulgar language the Slauonish tongue in Europe some in Asia Among which the principall in Europe are the Slauonians themselues inhabiting Dalmatia Liburnia the West
and the Person they dare not say there be in Christ two Natures for feare they should slip into Nestorius heresie of two Persons Which heresie of one onely Nature in our Sauiour beginning with Eutyches although after dispersing it selfe into many branches hath euer since the time of the Counsell of Chalcedon by which Eutychianisme was condemned and for it the Patriarch of Alexandria * Concil Chalced. Action 3. Dioscorus deposed beene nourished and maintayned as by other Christians of the East so specially by the Aegyptians Insomuch that not onely sundry Patriarchs of Alexandria and Antiochia but specially of Alexandria together with many other Bishops of the East parts their Suffragans and adherents are recorded to haue maintained and aduanced Euagr. l 3. c. 5.6.22.30.33 c. Leont de Sect. Action 5. Niceph. l. 16. c. 2.4 5. l. 18. c. 45. sequent that heresie of Eutyches but we finde moreouer manie Synodes of those parts registred or remembred in Euagrius Leontius Nicephorus and the booke called * Synod 97.101.103 108 109 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 brought to light by Pappus c. wherin in the behalfe of that heresie the decrees of the Councell of Chalcedon were condemned In which counsell although we reade of the greatest Confluence of Bishops that euer mette about the Establishment of any point in Christian religion and yet beside the 630 Bishops present in that Councell there are extant in the * Ad sin Concil Chalcedon Tom. 2. Concil Binij Booke of Councels the suffrages of about 30 prouinciall Synodes that by their Epistles to the Emperour Leo confirmed it together with all the Bishops of the West by whom it was likewise receiued yet notwithstanding all this that heresie so preuailed in the East parts and specially in Aegypt wherof we now entreat that from that time to this it was neuer cleared of it But as there was neuer heresie that so grieuously wounded the Church of God as that of Eutyches except perhaps Arrianisme so was no part of the Church so deepely and deadly wounded by it as that of Aegypt So that euen at this day although the wound be in some sort healed yet the wemme or scarre still remaineth For it is not many yeares since by certaine lesuits Agents for the Bishop of Rome some conferences were had with the Patriarch of Alexandria and his Synode Boter Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c. de Christiani de Egitto wherein although they confessed if true relation be made of that conference that Christ is true God and true Man yet did they purposely refraine from mentioning two natures in Christ lest they should by little and little slippe into the heresie of two persons Now as touching their Ecclesiastical gouernment they are subiect to the Patriarch of Alexandria * Chitrae de â—at Ecclesiar pag. 21. whose Patriarchall seat is at this present translated and so long hath beene to the Citie of Caire in * Legatio Alexâ—ndrin ap Baâ—on Tom. â— in fine either of which Cities Caire and Alexandria there remaine at this day but three Christian temples a peece Whereas Burchardus recordeth of his time about 320 years agoe that in one of them Caire there were aboue 40. Burch descr ter sanct par 2. c. 3. But yet to the Iurisdiction of this Patriarch belong not onely the natiue Christians of Aegypt who are but very few considering the exceeding populousnesse of that Nation for they are esteemed as I sayd before not to passe 50000 which in Burchardus his time are by him recorded to haue beene aboue 300000. Id. pa. 2. c. 3. together with the small Remainder of Christians that are found about the Bay of Arabia and in Mount Sinai Eastward or in Afrique as farre as the greater Syrtis Westward but the Christians likewise of Aethiopia acknowledge obedience to him 〈…〉 cap. 1â—5 For although Aluarez in his storie of Aethiopia haue related as he doth also some other matters touching the ancienter condition of the Church too grossely and boldly that the Christians of Nubia till their defection from Christianity were of the Popes dependance and Iurisdiction and receiued their Bishops by his consecration and say nothing of the Patriarch of Alexandria yet certainely that they were not so is manifest for besides that Saligniacus himselfe the Popes protonotary and whose trauaile had taught him some knowledge of the East parts directly denieth the Nubians professing of obedience to the Bishop of Rome obseruing that they were gouerned by a Prelate of their owne whom they termed the Priest of the law Itiner Tom. 8. c. 2. Beside that direct testimonie of his I say there be other Euidences First because there cannot be produced any Instance out of any Ecclesiasticall history either ancient or moderne as I am certainely perswaded to that effect Secondly because the fathers of the Nicene counsell as we finde in * Nicen. Concil l. 3. c. 36. Gelasius Cizicenus are knowen to haue assigned Aethiopia whereof Nubia is a part to the Patriarch of Alexandria his Iurisdiction Thirdly because the Patriarchship of Alexandria lyeth directly betweene Nubia and Rome as being immediately at the backe of Aegypt Fourthly because the Nubians were in religion Iacobites as a Roman Cardinal Vitriacus Brocardus and others haue recorded Vitriac histor â—rient c. 76. Brocard deâ—â—ript Terre sanct and as their baptising with fire remembred by Burchardus and Saligniacus did manifestly import Burch descr terr sanct pa. 2. c. 3. § 7. Saligniac Itin. Tom 8. c. 2. of which sect the Patriarch of Alexandria is knowen to be which had the Pope the assignement or confirmation of their prelates it is vtterly vnlike they should haue been Fiftly because in time of their necessitie being left destitute of Bishops and Ministers if they had pertained to the Bishop of Rome his Iurisdiction they would rather haue had recourse to him for repaire of the decayed and ruinous state of their Church who both plentifully could and no doubt readily would haue relieued them rather then suffered them to depart as they haue done from the Christian faith To him I say they would rather haue resorted for supply then to the K. of Habassia * Aluarez loâ—o prox citato as they did being of another patriarchall Iurisdiction Certaine therefore it seemeth that Nubia while it was Christian belonged not to Rome but to Alexandria By whom if the Nubians in their distresses were not relieued no man can wonder that knoweth the great want and misery of the Church of Aegypt Of the Habassines CHAP. XXIII NOW touching the Habassines or midland Aethiopians whether they haue obtained that name by reason of their habitations in houses which the Aegyptians called Auases Strab. l. 2. et l. as Strabo hath obserued for the ancient books haâ—e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in difference from them which dwelling neerer the Bay of Arabia were called Trogloditae 〈◊〉
prouintiae Africae Of which Emperors sister also dwelling at Leptis it is the Cittie we now call Tripolie in Barbarie and comming to see him Spartian in Seuero post mâ—d Spartianus hath left written that she so badly spake the Latine tongue yet was * Antonin in Itinerario Hieron in Proem l. 2. Com. Epist. ad Galatâ—n fine Leptis a Roman Colonie that the Emperour blushed at it Secondly long after that Hierome hath recorded of his time that the Africans had somewhat altered their lanuage from the Phaenicians the language therefore then remained for else how could he pronounce of the present difference Thirdly Augustine somewhat yonger then Hierom though liuing at the same time writeth not onely that * August de Câ—u Dei L. 16. C. 6. hee knew diuerse nations in Afrique that spake the Punique tongue but also more particularly in * Id. Serm. 25. de verb. Apost another place mentioning a knowne Punique prouerb he would speake it he said in the Latine because all his auditors for Hippo where he preached was a Roman Colonie vnderstood not the Punique tongue And some * Id. Expos. in Chrat epist ad Roman other passages could I alleage out of Augustine for the direct confirmation of this point if these were not euident and effectuall enough Lastly Leo Africanus Leo 1. Africa Lt. descript Africae cap. de Ling. Africanis a man of late time and good reputation affirmeth that there remaine yet in Barbarie very many descended of the old inhabitants that speake the African tongue whereby it is apparent that it was neuer extinguished by the Romanes Secondly touching the ancient Gallique tongue that it also remained and was not abolished by the Romane in the time of Strabo who flourished vnder Tiberius Caesars gouernment it appeareth in the fourth booke of his Geographie Sâ—rab l 4. â—â— princip writing that the Aquitani differed altogether in language from the other Gaules and they somewhat among themselues Nor after that in Tacitus his time Tacit. in 〈◊〉 Agricola noting that the language of Fraunce differed little from that of Brittaine No nor long after that in Alexander Seuerus his time for beside the authority of Vlpian before alleaged out of the Digestes it is manifest by Lampridius also Lamprid. in Alexand. Seuero longe post med who in the life of the said Alexander remembreth of a Druide woman that when hee was passing along in his expedition against the Germaines through Fraunce cried out after him in the Gallique tong what needed that obseruation of the Gallique tongue if it were the Romane goe thy way quoth she and looke not for the victory Strab. l. 4. lâ—â—â—ante med trust not thy souldiers And though Strabo he alleadged by some to prooue the vulgarnesse of the Latine tongue in Fraunce yet is it manifest that he speaketh nof of all the Gaules but of certaine onely in the prouince of Narbona about Rhodanus for which part of Fraunce there was speciall reason both for the more auncient and ordinarie conuersing of the Romanes in that region aboue all the rest for of all the seuenteene prouinces of Fraunce that of Narbona was first reduced into the forme of a Prouince And the Cittie of Narbona it selfe being a Mart town of exceeding traffique in those daies was the * Vel. Paâ—â—â—cul l. â— first foraine Colonie that the Romanes planted out of Italie Carthage onely excepted And yet furthermore as Plinie hath recorded many townes there were in that prouince Plin. l. 3. c. 4. infranchized and indued with the libertie and right of the Latins And yet for all this Strabo saith not that the Romane tongue was the nâ—â—iue or vulgar language in that part but that for the more part they spake it Thirdly concerning the Spanish tongue Howsoeuer Viues writ that the languages of Fraunce and Spaine were vtterly extinguished by the Romanes and that the Latine was become * Vid. Annot. ad August de â—â—â— Deâ— l. 19. c. 7. Vernacula Hispaniâ— as also Galliae Italiae and * â—d l. 3. de tradend Disâ—â—p some others of the same nation vaunt that had not the barbarous nations corrupted it the Latine tongue would haue beene at this day as pure in Spaine as it was in Rome it selfe in Tullies time yet neuerthelesse manifest it is that the Spanish tongue was neuer vtterly suppressed by the Latine For to omit that of Strabo * Marm. Sâ—â—â—l de Reb. Hispaniaed 5. c. 4. that there were diuerse languages in the parts of Spaine as also in * Strab. l. 3. paul a principio Id l. 4. in princip another place that the speech of Aquitaine was liker the language of the Spaniards then of the other Gaules It is a common consent of the best Historians and Antiquaries of Spaine * Marian de Reb. Hispan l. 1. c. 5. Marmâ—punc Sâ—cul de reb Hispan l 4 câ—lâ—m Alâ—b that the Cantabrian tongue which yet remaineth in the North part of Spaine and hath no rellish in a manner at all of the Roman was either the ancient or at least one of the ancient languages of Spaine And although * Strab. l. 3. c. 1 Strabo hath recorded that the Romane tongue was spoken in Spaine yet he speaketh not indefinitely but addeth a limitation namely about Baetis And that in that part of Spaine the Romane tongue so preuailed the reason is easie to be assigned by that we finde in Plinie Plin. 3. c. â— Veâ—◠〈◊〉 l. 2. Namely that in Baetica were eight Roman Colonies eight Municipall Citties and 29 others indued with the right and libertie of the Latines Lastly to speake of the Pannonian tongue Pannonia contained Hungarie Austria Stiria and Carinthia it is certaine that the Romane did not extinguish it For first Patercuâ—us who is the onely author that I know alleadged for that purpose saith not that it was become the language of the Country for how could it being but euen then newly conquered by Tiberius Caesar but onely that in the time of Augustus by Tiberius his meanes the knowledge of the Roman tongue was spred in all Pannonia And Secondly Tacitus after Tiberius his time Taâ—â— dâ—â—â—oâ—iâ— Germ. prope fin hath recorded that the Osi in Germanie might be knowne to be no Germanes by the Pannonian tongue which * Lib. cod â—â—ruma med a little before in the same booke he plainely acknowledged to be spoken euen then in Pannonia And as for these reasons it may well seeme that the Roman tongue became not the vulgar language in any of these parts of the Empire which yet are specially instanced for the large vulgarity of it So haue I other reasons to perswade mee that it was not in those parts nor in any other forraine Countries subiect to the Empire either generally or perfectly spoken Not generally I say because it is hard to conceaue that any whole Countries specially because so large as the
Antonin in Itinerario Plin. Iun. in Epist. l. 8. ad Caâ—â—â—â— I answere that both * Plin. Sec. Histor nat l. 5. c. 4. Hippo wherof Augustine was Bishop and Velleius l. 1. Appian l. de Bel. Punicis is fine Carthage wherof Cyprian was Archbishop were Romane Colonies consisting for the most part of the progenie of Romanes for which sort of Citties there was speciall reason Although neither in the Colonies themselues as it seemeth the Romane tong was altogether vncorrupt both for that which I alleadged before out of Spartianus of Seuerus his sister dwelling at Leptis and for that which I remembred out of Augustine for Hippo where they spake * Enarâ— Psal. 138. Ossum * â— 2. de doc Christ c. 13. Floriet and * Tract 7. â—â— Ioannem Dolus for Os and Florehit and dolor yet were both Leptis Hippo Romane Colonies And yet it appeareth further by Augustine that in their translations of the Scriptures and in the Psalms sung in their Churches they had these corruptions where yet as it is like their most corrupt and vulgar latine had not place To the third I answere that two reasons of it may be assigned One that learned men would rather write in the learned and grammaticall then in the vulgar and prouinciall latine Another that the workes of vnlearned men would hardly continue till our times seeing euen of the learned ancieÌ„t writings but few of infinite haue remained Furthermore it is obserued of the Germane tongue by Tschudas and of the French by Genebrard Tschud Des. â—â—pt Alpinae cap. 36. Genebr l. 4. Chron. Secul 11. that it is very little aboue 400. yeares since bookes began to be written in both those languages and yet it is out of all doubt that the tongues are much ancienter To the fourth I say that there is no language which of ordinary course is not subiect to change although there were no forraine occasion at all which the very fancies of men weary of old words as of old things is able enough to worke which may be wel proued by obseruations and instances of former changes in this very tongue the latine whereof I now dispute Quintâ—â— Iust Orator l. 1. ca. 6. For Quintilian recordeth that the verses of the Salij which were saide to bee composed by Numa could hardly bee vnderstood of their Priests in the latter time of the common wealth Fest. in DictioÌ„ Latine loqui for the absolutenesse of the speech And Festus in his booke de verborum significatione who liued in Augustus Caesars time hath left in obseruation that the Latine speech which saith he is so named of Latium was then in such manner changed that scarslie any part of it remained in knowledge The lawes also of the Romane Kings and of the Decemuiri Fulu Visin not ad Anton. August de Lâ—gâ—h et Senâ—tusconsult called the Lawes of the twelue Tables collected and published in their owne wordes by Fuluius Vrsinus are no lesse euident testimonies if they be compared with the later latin of the great alteration of that language Furthermore Polyb. l. 3. Polybius hath also recorded that the articles of league betwixt the people of Rome of Carthage made presently after the expulsion of the Kings from Rome could very hardly in his time be vnderstood by reason of the old forsaken words by any of the best skilled antiquaries in Rome In which time notwithstanding they receiued very few strangers into their Cittie which mixture might cause such alteration and the difference of time was but about 350. yeares And yet to adde one instance more of a shorter reuolution of time and a cleerer euidence of the change that the Roman tongue was subiect to and that when no forraine cause thereof can bee alleadged There remaineth at this day as it is certainly * Vid. Paul Merul. Cosin par 2. l. â— c. 18 et Celsu Câ—â—tad in Tractâ— de Orig. ling. Vulgaris Ital Cap. 7. c. recorded in the Capitoll at Rome though much defaced by the iniury of time a piller they call it Columnam rostratam that is decked with beakes of ships dedicated to the memory of Duillius a Roman Consull vpon a nauale victory obtained againg the Carthaginians in the first punicke war not past 150. yeares before Ciceroes time when the Roman tongue ascended to the highest flourish of Elegancie that euer it obtained And thus the words of the Pillar are those that may be read as I find theÌ„ obserued with the later latine vnder theÌ„ Exemet Leciones Macistratos Castreis Exfociont Exemit Legiones Magistratus Castris Effugiunt Pucnandod Cepet Enque Nauebos Marid Consol. Pugnando Cepit Inque Nauibus Mari. Consul Primos Ornauet Nauebous Claseis Paenicas Sumas Primus Ornauit Nauibus Classes Punicas Summas Cartaciniensis Dictatored Altod. Socieis Triresmos Carthaginiensis Dictatore Alto. Socijs Triremes Naueis Captom Numei Naualed Praedad Poplo c. Naues Captum Nummi Nauali Praeda. Populo c. Where you see in many words e for i c. for g o for u and somtime for e and d superfluously added to the end of many words But to let forrain toungs passe of the great alteration that time is wont to worke in languages our owne tongue may afford vs examples euident enough wherein since the times neere after and about the Conquest the change hath beene so great as I my selfe haue seen some euidences made in the time of King Henrie the first whereof I was able to vnderstand but few words To which purpose also a certaine remembrance is to bee found in Holinsheds Chronicle in the end of the Conquerours raigne in a Charter giuen by him to the Citie of London Of the ancient Languages of Italie Spaine Fraunce and Afrique CHAP. VII BVt if the discourse of these points of Antiquitie in handling whereof I haue declared that while the Roman Empire flourished it neuer abolished the vulgar languages in Fraunce or Spaine or Afrique howsoeuer in Italie If that discourse I say mooue in you perhaps a desire to know what the ancient vulgar languages of these parts were I will also in that point out of my reading and search into Antiquitie giue you the best satisfaction that I can And first for Italie Certaine it is that many were the ancient tongues in the seuerall Prouinces of it tongues I say not dialects for they were many more In Apulia the Mesapian tongue In Tuscanie and Vmbria the Hetruscan both of them vtterly perished Inscript ver pag. 143.144.145.146 Yet in the booke of ancient Inscriptions set forth by Gruter and Scaliger there be some few monuments registred of these languages but not vnderstood now of any man In Calabria both the higher and lower and farre along the maritime coast of the Tyrrhene sea the Greeke In Latium now Campagna di Roma The Latine In Lombardie and Liguria the old tongue of Fraunce whatsoeuer it was
be not to bee found at this time an hundred housholds of Iewes Boter Relat pa. â— l. 2. c. de Gindei Onely of all the townes of Palestina Tiberias which Amurath the great Turke gaue to Aluarez Mendez a Iew and Staffâ—letto are somewhat peopled with them Neither haue they at this present for any thing that is certainly knowen any other region in the world seuerall to themselues Yet because there be some prouinces wherein they are obserued specially to abound as others also whence they are excluded and banished I will consider a little of their present condition The first Country of Christendome whence the Iewes were expelled with out hope of returne was our Country of England whence they were banished Anno 1290 by King Edward the first Not long after they were likewise banished France An. 1307. by Philippus Pulcher Onely of all the Countryes of France in the Iurisdiction of Auignon the Popes state some are remaining Out of Spaine An. 1492 by Ferdinand and shortly after out of Portugall An 1497 by Emanuel Out of the Kingdome of Naples and Sicilie An. 1539. by Charles the 5. In other regions of Europe they are found and in some of them in great numbers as in Germanie Bohem Polonia Lituania Russia and part of Italie specially Venice and Rome In Greece also a great multitude wherein two Citties beside all them of other places Constantinople and Thessalonica are esteemed to be about 160000 Iewes As also they are to be found by plentifull numbers in many parts of the Turks dominion both in Asia and Afrique And for Asia specially in Aleppo in Tripoli in Damascus in Rhodes and almost in euery City of great trade and traffique in the Turkâ—sh Empire As likewise in diuers parts of the Persian gouernment in Arabia also lastly in India namely about Cranganor and in some other more remote regions And to come to Afrique they are not only foundin the Cities of Alexandria and Cair in Aegypt but as in many other regions places of Afrique so principally in the Cities of Fess and Tremisen and specially in the Hilles of Sensaua and Demen in the Kingdome of Maroccho many of which last are by Leo Africanus specially noted to be of that Sect Leo African l. 2. c. 36. c. which the Iewes name * For of the Iewes as touching their religion there bee in these times three fects The first which is the greatest of them is named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who beside the holy scriptures imbrace the Talmud also for Authenticall and for that cause they are also termed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The second are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which receiue onely the scriptures And the Third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Samaritans at this day but very few which of all the holy Scriptures admit onely the Pentateuch or bookes of Moses Karraim and by the other Iewes of Afrique are reputed no better then heretiques But yet beside these and such like dispersions of the Iewish Nation that may be elsewhere in the world there is a phantasie of many learned men not vnwoorthy some diligent consideration that the Tartars of Scythia who about the yeare 1200 or a little before became first knowen abroad in the world by that name and hold at this day a great part of Asia in subiection That those Tartars I say are of the * Postell Descript Syriae cap. 1. Genebrad Chron. l. 1. Boteâ— Relat. pa. 1. l. 2. c. vlâ—ima parte della Tartaria pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gindei Israelites progeny Namely of the ten Tribes which by Salmanazar and some of his predecessours were carried captiue into Assyria Which although it be as I said no other then a vain and cappriccious phantasie yet hath it not onely found acceptance and entertainement with sundrie learned and vnderstanding men but reason and authority are produced or pretended to establish it for a truth For first It is alleaged that the word Tatari or Totari for so indeed they are rightly called as * Leunclau in Pandect Hist. Turcic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Heb. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Syr. learned men obserue and not Tartari signifieth in the Syriaque and Hebrew tongues a Residue or Remainder such as these Tartars are supposed to bee of the Ten Tribes Secondly because as the Patrons of this phantasie say they haue alwaies embraced the ancient character of Iudaisme Circumcision And thirdly 2 Esdras 13. v. 41.42.43.44.45 the authority of supposed Esdras the very spring I take it whence hath flowed this streame of opinion is alleaged Namely that the Tenne Tribes tooke this course to themselues that they would leaue the multitude of the heathen and goe foorth into a farther Country where neuer mankinde dwelt That they might there keepe their statutes which they neuer kept in their owne land And that they entred in at the narrow passages of the Riuer Euphrates The most high shewing them signes and staying the Springs of the floud till they were passed ouer And that their Iourney was great euen of a yeare and a halfe and the region is called Arsareth But to the first of these arguments I may answere that the Tartars obtained that name neither from Hebrew nor Syriaque originall and appellation but from the riuer Tartar saith Leunclauius Leunclau in Pand. histor Turcic §. 3. and * Boem de Morib gent. l. 2. c. 10. Haitti lib. de Tartaris cap. 16. others Or else from the Region as sayth Haitho where the principall of them anciently dwelled Secondly that the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew or Syriaque signification importing a residue or remainder can but full ill as it seemes be applied to the Tartars in relation of the Israelites whom they exceedingly surpasse in multitude as ouerspreading halfe the vast continent of Asia or thereabout For all the Nations of Asia from the great riuers of Wolgha and Oby Eastward and from the Caspian sea the riuer Oxus the Countryes of India and China northward are contained vnder the Appellation of Tartars and yet without these bounds many Tartars there are both toward the West and South And what if the innumerable people of so many Nations as are knowen to inhabite and ouerspread the huge continent of America be also of the same of-spring Certainely if I bee not greatly deceiued they are no other For first that their originall must bee deriued from Asia is apparent because as he that readeth the relations and histories of those Countryes of America may easily obserue they haue no rellish nor resemblance at all of the Arts or learning or ciuility of Europe And their colour restifieth they are not of the Africans progenie there being not found in all that large Continent any blacke men except a few about the Riuer of S. Martha in a small Countrey called Quarequa which by force and violence of some tempest are
Chaboras being part of Taurus and seuering Assyria from Armenia and Media and Hara the other hilly parts in the north side of Assyria as seemeth more agreeable to the obseruations of Beniamin Tudelensis for about those parts he found in his trauail the greatest multitudes of the Israelites then in the places aleaged I would vnderstand by Ashur not the Empire or dominion but the peculiar kingdome of Assyria Calach and Chabor and Hara and Gozan vnto this day which limitation of time vnto this day must at least of necessitie import the time wherein that history of their remaining in Ashur recorded in the books of the Kings of the Chronicles was writteÌ„ Of which later either Esdras himselfe was the Author as in the iudgmeÌ„t * R. Dau. Kimchi R. Shelomo ex sententia senioruÌ„ apud Sixt. Senens Biblioth Sanctae lib. 1. of learned men he is reputed therfore could not as it seemeth be the Author of that apocryphall history Abulens in praef ParalipoÌ„ in QuaestioÌ„ 5. or at least if Esdras were not the Author yet that the Author whosoeuer he was liued and writ that history of the Chronicles after the return of the Iewes from the captiuity or in the end of it that is in Esdras time is euident by the end of the booke where Cyrus his benignity for restoring of the Iewes his proclamation for their returne to Ierusalem is recorded and that in the very same words wherein Esdras in the beginning of his own booke hath registred them At that time therfore it is euident that the Israelites were not departed out of the dominions of Ashur No nor long after that in Iosephus his time Ioseph Antiq. l. 11. c. who hath recorded that euen then the tenne Tribes remained beyond Euphrates and were there growne into innumerable multitudes neither yet many hundred yeares after Iosephus was dead for R. Beniamin a Iew that liued but about 440. yeares agoe and trauailed diligently those parts of the world and many other to visite his dispersed countrimen hath in his Itinerary left obserued not only that he found exceeding far greater multitudes of the Israelites Beniamin in Itiner pag. 57.58.59.70.71.74 75.76.77.78.80.81.86 to be then remaining in those prouinces of the ancient dominion of Ashur then he found in other places possessing * Pag. 75. 87 large regions and * Pag. 76. c. many cities so that in the cities of some one Region * Pag cad 300000. Iewes were by him numbred obseruing specially that in the parts of Media many thousand Israelites of the progeny of them that Salmanaser ledde into captiuity were then remaining but withall he setteth downe particularly and precisely the very places of those regions where certaine of the Tribes were seated there grown into great multitudes As namely in * Pag. 77. one place the Tribes of Ruben Gad and Manasse And in * Pag. 87. an other the 4. Tribes of Dan Asher Zebulon and Naphtali But yet if there were neither authority of holy Scripture nor experience to refell this fable the fancies that haue sprung of it yet ordinary reason at least of men that are not ignorant of Geography and are meanly skilled in the affaires of the world may easily discerne the futility of it For first what neede was there of such a miracle 2. Esdr. 13. as to * And the most high theÌ„ shewed them signes stayed the springs of the floud Euphrates till they were pasâ—ed ouer â—ecs 44. stay the course of Euphrates for the Israelites passage from Assyria or Media toward Tartary the riuer lying far to the west both of the one region and of the other no way crossing or impeaching their iourney which lay northward betweene that riuer and the Caspian Sea Or how might those poore captiue Israelites disarmed as they were and dispersed in sundry Prouinces of the Assyrian Empire and being vnder the ouersight and gouernment of Assyrian presidents be able to leaue the places where by the Kings commandement they were to inhabite Or They tooke this counsel to themselues that they would leaue the multitude of the Heathen v. 41. if the Israelites were able by force to depart and free themselues from the dominion of the king of Ashur yet were they so wise also as to forsake the places where they were peaceably setled and venture their small remainders vpon perils and vncertainties namely to finde out a place where neuer mankind dwelt Or if their stomacke serued them so well and their wit so ill as in such manner to forsake Assyria And goe forth into a country where neuer mankind dwelt v. 41. yet were they also able to make themselues way euen a way as hee saith of 18. moneths passage through the fierce and mighty nations of Scythia whom neither the conquerours of the Israelites the Assyrians I meane nor the Persians and I might adde also the Grecians and the Romans were neuer able to subdue but were in the after times subdued by them for that the parts of Scythia should bee without Inhabitants in Scythia it must bee where they would find that country where neuer mankind dwelt or else it is not in Tartary is scarse credible as wherof we read in histories * Iustin. hist. l. 2. in princip to haue coÌ„tended with Aegypt for antiquity of habitation to haue preuailed and for the aboundance of people to bee termed Hominum Officina Insomuch that the greatest occasion of swarming abroad of those nations of Scythia and of their ouerwhelming of Asia Europe with their infinite multitudes and colonies is in histories recorded to be lacke of room for habitation in their owne countries And lastly to make an end of this tedious discourse with the ende of their imagined tedious iourney what ancient Geographer or Historian is there set our Esdras aside that euer remembred of such a Region as Arsareth where they are saide to haue seated themselues True it is indeed that I find the city of Arsaratha Beros lib. 3. Ptolem. Geog. l. 5. c. 13. et in Tab. 3. Asiae mentioned both in Berosus fragments and in Ptolomie placed neer the issue of the riuer Araxes into the Caspian sea and it was perhaps one of the Israelitish colonies planted in the confines of the empire of Assyria for it may well bee that Arsaratha is but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the City or the hill of the remainder or perhaps 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the last letter of the first word cut of in the Greeke pronunciation for sounds sake the Land of the remainder but the tale of eighteene months iourney wil no more agree with this citie then the region of Arsareth doth with Geography or Historie So that me thinks this forged story of the Israelites voyage and habitation in such remote regions where neuer mankind dwelt sauoureth of the same phantastical and Talmudical
Theodoret. l. 5. de Carand Graecor Affe â—â—ibus post med that flourished in the time of the Ephesine and Chalcedon councels almost 1200 yeares agoe hath left testified As also in the following times yet auncieÌ„t we reade of the like translations of the Scriptures to haue beene made by * Vâ—sco in Chron. Hispâ—n ad An. 717. Iohn Archbishop of Siuill into the Arabique about An. 717 which then was the vulgar speech of that part of Spaine and some part of it into the Saxon or English by Beda about the same time Into the Slauonique by * Ioâ—n Treuis l. 5. c. 24. Methodius about An. 860. c. Into the Italian by * Auentin l. 4. Annal. Iacobus de Voragine about An. 1290. c. * Sixt. Senens Bâ—bl Saâ—ct l. 4. in Iacobus Archiepiscopus Genuensis And now to intreate of those sects of Christians that celebrate their liturgies in learned and forraine tongues which the vulgar people doe not vnderstand I finde onely three languages wherein they are all performed Vitriac Histor Orient â—a 77. Barbos in Vol. â— de Viaggi apud Raâ—uâ—â— pag. 3â—3 Vâ—liam l 2. c. 1â— Boter Rel. par 3. l. 2. c d. Nestoriani Namely the Greeke the Latine and the Chaldee or Syriaque tongues And First touching the Chaldee or Syriaque in it are celebrated the liturgies of the Nestorians as Vitriacus Baâ—bosa Vâ—llamont Boterâ— and others haue recorded for Genebrard that pronounceth peremptorily the Hebrew tongue and not the Syriaque to be the vsuall language wherein all the orientall nations minister their diuine seruice bewraies but too much Genebrard Chronog l. 3. ad An. Chr. 3â— both his bouldnesse and his ignorance as being not able I am certainely perswaded to produce any historie or other lawfull testimonie that recordeth the Liturgies of any Christians in all the East to be performed in the Hebrew tongue But yet it may bee obserued that where in sundrie writers we finde it mentioned that the Nâ—storians exercise their diuine offices in the Chaldee we are not to vnderstand them of the pure and auncient but of the degenerate or Iewish Chaldee which beside the Chaldee and Hebrew whereof it is principally tempered and compounded hath much mixture also both of Greeke and Arabique such as the Iewes language was after our Sauiour and his Apostles time that is in a word the Syriaque for the Iewish Chaldee to declare this point a little better is of two sorts One of those that returned not againe after the captiuitie to Ierusalem but setled themselues to inhabite about Babilon whose language although somewhat degenerating also from the right Chaldee is termed the Babilonian tongue of which sort the Iewes dialect of Neardea in Mesopotamia the compilers of the Babilonian Talmud was The other of those that returned from the captiuitie whose language is properly termed the Syrian or Ierusalem Chaldee varying somewhat farther from the natiue Chaldee then the former by reason of the mixture of forraine words Arabique Greeke Roman and others which in course of time it contracted In which dialect the Talmud and Targum both named of Ierusalem and the bookes of the later Rabbines are written And in this second sort of Chaldee is the holy scripture by the East Christians translated and their Liturgies at this day celebrated Oser de Râ—b Emmanuel l. 3 Posseuin in Appar sacr in Diamâ—eriense Concilium Linschot l. 1. c. 15. Secondly of the Indians that they in like sort performe their Liturgie not in the Hebrew as is confidently affirmed by Genebrard but in the Chaldee or Syriaque is testified by Osorius Posseuine Linschot c. and confirmed by their Liturgie extant in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum which is there remembred to be translated out of the Syriaque Bibl. Vet. Patr. in Auctario Tom. 2. in fine And so doe Thirdly the Iacobites Namely they of Mesopotamia of Babilon of Palestine of Syria and of Cyprus which are peculiarly knowne by that appellation Vitriac Histor Orient c. 76. Of whom Vitriacus long since obserued that they read the diuine scriptures in a language vnknowne to the Lay people And that language by the new Testament * Vide Widmanstad in paraefat Testamenti Syriaci brought from them by Moses Mardenus into Europe to bee printed for the more commodious dispersing of it abroade in their Churches we now certainely know to be the Syriaque tongue euen as it is also knowne and * Post. de lingua Chaldaic Boter Rel. pa. 3. l. 2. c. de Gia cobiti recorded touching the rest of their diuine seruice that it is performed in the same Syriaque language which they terme the Chaldee And it is thought that the Liturgie commonly termed Anaphora Basiâ—ij which we haue by Masius translated out of the Syriaque into Latine and is found in Bibliotheca Veterum Patrum is the Iacobites Liturgie Biblioth Vet. Paâ— Tom. 6. pag. 27. which language although it be now vnknowne among them their clarkes or learned men excepted yet that it was vulgarly vnderstood when that liturgie was first ordained the long answers of the people to the priest in their praiers which wee finde in it may be demonstrations But touching the old testament which they haue also as Arias writes he hath heard from their owne relations Arias Montan. in Admonit praefix Biblijs Reg. de Versione Syriaca Postel iâ— Lingua Chaldaica and Postell that he hath seene vsuall in all those East parts in the Syriaque tongue it is specially obserued by Arias Monatanus to be translated not out of the Hebrew but out of the Greeke of Origens emendation And Fourthly of the Cophti or Christians of Aegypt it is likewise * Boter Relat. pa. 3. l. 3. c de Christiani dell Egitto obserued that they celebrate their liturgies in the same language reading yet the Gospell after it is done in the Chaldee in the Arabique tongue which is now and long hath beene the vulgar language of Aegypt And it may further appeare beside the testimonie of histories by the Liturgie of Seuerus Patriarch of Alexandria in vse among them translated out of Syriaque into latine by Guido Fabritius And Fifthly Posscuâ—n in Appar sacro in Maronitae Postel de ling. Chaldaica Villam l. 2. c. 24. the Maronites in their Liturgies which Posseuine obserueth to bee the Liturgies of Peter of Iames and of Sixtus vse the same Syriaque language the Arabique being also their vulgar as beside Posseuine Postell also and Villamont and others haue recorded And so doe Sixtly and lastly to make an end of this reckoning the poore Christians of the Isle of Zocotora an Island after Barros his dimension of 60 miles in length and 27 in bredth without the bay of Arabia Barros de Asia Decad. 2. l. 1. cap. 3. for although I finde it questioned touching the religion whether they bee Iacobites or Nestorians Iuan Barros affirming the first and it may