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A01080 A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons & euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the ciuile lawes of the Empiere, as also all other lawes of the world, with a large discourse of the difference betwene the. ii. gouernements of kingdomes: whereof the one is onely regall, and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned. written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past, by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight ... And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster.; De laudibus legum Angliae. English and Latin Fortescue, John, Sir, 1394?-1476?; Mulcaster, Robert. 16th Century 1567 (1567) STC 11194; ESTC S102454 98,618 567

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Scire igitur te volo quod nō solū Deutro leges sed et ōnes leges humāe sacre sūt quô lex sub his verbis diffinitur Lex est sāctio sancta iubēs honesta et prohibēs contraria sanctum etenim esse oportet qd ’ esse sanctū diffinitum est Ius etiam discribi perhibetur quod illud est ars boni et equi cuius merito quis nos sacerdotes appellat Sacerd ’ enī quasi sacra dās vel sacra docēs per ethimologiā dicitur quia vt dicunt iura leges sacrae sūt quô eas ministrantes et docentes sacerdotes appellantur A deo etiam sunt omnes leges editae quae ab homine ꝓmulgātur Nā cū dicat Apostolꝰ quod omnis potestas a domino deo est leges ab homine conditae qui ad hoc a domino recipit potestatem etiam a deo constituuntur dicente auctore causarū quic quid facit causa secunda facit et causa prima altiori et nobiliori modo Quare Iosaphat rex Iuda ait Iudicibus suis iudicia q̄ vos profertis iudicia dei sunt secundo Paralipo xix cap. Ex quibus erudiris quod leges licet humanas ad discere ē addiscere leges sacras et editiōes dei quo earū studiū nō vacat a dulcedine cōsolationis sc̄ae Nec tamē vt tu coniicis dulcedo hm̄odi causa fuit cur Moyses reges Israel Deutero legere p̄ceꝑat Nam causa hec nō plus reges quā plebeos ad eius lecturā ꝓuocat nec plꝰ Deuter. librū quā alios Pētateucō libros legere pulsat causa ista cū non minus libri illi quā Deutero sacris abūdent carismatibus in quibus meditari ꝑsanctū est quare nō aliā fuisse causā mādati huius quā quia ī Deutronom̄ plus quā ī aliis libris veteris testamēti legꝭ īseruntur quibus rex Israel ppl’m populum regere obnoxius est eiusdē mandati circūstantiae manifeste nos informant Quo et te prīceps eadē causa nō minus quā reges Israel exhortatur vt legum quibus populum in futurum reges tu sis solers indagator Nā quod Regi Israel dictū est omni Regi populi videntis deum ticipè dictum fuisse intelligendum est an tunc non conuenienter vtiliterque proposui tibi mandatum Regibus Israel latū de eorū lege addiscenda Dum nedum eius exemplū sed et eius auctoritas figuralis te erudiuit et obligauit ad consimiliter faciendum de legibus regni quod annuēte domino hereditaturus es ¶ Here the Chauncelour proueth that a prince by the lawes may be made happy and blessed Cap. 4. NOt onely to the ītent you should feare god so beecome wise do y e lawes w t y e prophet call you saiyng Come childrē heare me I will teache you y e feare of the lorde but also that you may aspire vnto felicitie and blessednes as farre fourthe as in this life theye maye bee atteyned do the lawes wyll you moste gracious prince to bee studious of them For all the philosophers which haue so diuersly resoned of felicitie haue all agreed together in this ōe point that felicitie or blessednes is y e ende of al mās desire and therefore theye cal it chief goodnes Howbeit y e peripatetiks placed it in vertue the Stoikes ī honestie the Epicures in pleasure But seeing y e Stoikes defined honestie to be that whiche is wel laudably done withe vertue and the Epicures helde nothing to be pleasant witheoute vertue therefore all those sectes as saiethe Leonarde Arretine in his Introduction to morall Philosophie agreed in this that it is onely vertue that causethe felicitie Wherefore Aristotle also in y e seuēth booke of his politiques defining felicitie saieth that it is the perfect vse of vertues Thꝰ much being now presupposed I wold haue you to cōsider these things also y e folow Mās lawes are nothing els but certein rules whereby Iustice is perfectlye taught But that Iustyce which the lawes do shew is not the same that is called Commutatiue or Distributiue or any other particular vertue but it is a perfecte vertue expressed by the name of Iustice legall Whyche the foresaid Leonerd dothe therefore affyrme to bee perfecte beecause it excludeth all vice and teachethe all vertue For whiche cause also it is woorthelye called by the name of al vertue Whereof Homere saiethe and likewise Aristotle in the fifthe booke of Morall philosophie that it is y e chiefest of al vertues and that neither Lucyfer nor Hesperꝰ are so bright beaming as it is Moreouer this Iustice is y e thīg whereuppon al princelye care depēdeth and resteth witheoute the whiche the kinge can neither rightly iudge nor yet duely fight But thys beeing once obteyned and perfectly kept then all the hole deuty required in a kyng is iustly perfourmed Nowe then seeynge that the perfecte vse of vertues is felicytie and that Iustice vsed amongest menne whyche can not bee obteyned vnto nor learned but by the lawe is not onelye the effecte of vertues but is all vertue it selfe hereof it folowethe that the practiser of Iustice is by the lawe happie and so thereby hee is made blessed forsomuche as blessednes or happynes and felicitie are bothe one in this short and transitorie lyfe of the whiche lyfe throughe Iustice hee enioyeth the chiefe principall goodnes And yet the lawe is not hable to perfourme these thinges withoute the assistence of grace witheoute the whiche also you can not learn nor couet eyther lawe or vertue For as saieth Pariss in his booke intituled Cur deus homo the inward vertue of man wherin his desieringe is placed is so throughe originall sinne defaced and corrupte that it esteemeth vicious workes for pleasaunt vertuous woorkes for vnpleasaunt Wherefore in that some men applye and endeuour themselues to the loue and folowing of vertues it proceedethe of the bountiful goodnes of god and not of the power of man Is ther not then special cause why the lawes whiche beinge preuented and accompanied wythe grace do performe all the premisses should with all diligent trauaile be learned Seinge that whoso hathe perfectlye atteyned thereunto the same shall enioye felicitie the ende performāce as y e Philosophers say of mās desire by meās wherof hee shall in this life be blessed in y e he nowe possesseth y e chief goodnes therof Doubtles if these thinges moue you not whiche shal haue the rule and gouernement of a kingdom yet the woordes of the prophet shal moue you yea force you to the studie of the law whiche words be these Be ye learned you y t are iudges of the earth Here y e ꝓphet exhorteth not to y e learnīg of a base arte or a handy-craft for he saieth not Be ye learned you y t are the īhabiters of the earth neyther doth he counsel to the learninge of
make earneste intercession for it and also y t you beecome a studious sercher of goddes lawe of the holye scripture For scripture saieth that all men are vaine in whō is not y e knowlege of god in the xiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome Wherefore moste noble prince while you are yet yong while your soule is as it were a smoothe blanke table write in it these thinges lest heereafter you happen to take pleasure in writīg lessōs of lesse profit therin For as a certeine wyse man sayeth Whereof the vessel newe did first receue the taste Therein when it is olde the sent will euer last What handycrastes mā dothe so negligentlye regard y e profite of his child whōe while hee is yong he wil not see brought vp in such an occupacion as thereby hee maye afterwarde obtaine to leade a mery life So the carpenter teacheth his sonne to cutt with an axe y e smyth his to stryke w t an hammer and whome he entendethe to make a spirituall minister him he procureth to be trained vp in learning So likewise is it conuenient y t a kinges sonne which shal gouern the people after his father bee in his youthe instructed in the lawes Whiche order if the ruelers of the worlde would obserue then the worlde should be gouerned with muche more Iustice then now it is Vnto whom if you wyll followe myne exhortacion you shall minister no smale example NOnne tunc Princeps se renissime hec te satis concitant ad legis rudimenta cū per ea iustitiā induere valeas quo et appellaberis iustus ignorantiae quoque legis euitare poteris ignominiam ac per legem felicitate fruens beatus esse poteris in hac vita et demum filiali timore indutus qui dei sapientia est charitatem quae amor in deū est imperturbatus consequeris qua deo adherens per Apostoli sententiam fies vnus spiritus cum eo Sed quia ista sine gratia lex operari nequit tibi illam super omnia implorare necesse est legis quoque diuinae et sanctarum scripturarum indagare scientiam Cum dicat scriptura sacra quod vani sunt omnes in quibus non subest scientia dei Sapienciae cap. xiij His igitur princeps dum adolescens es et anima tua velut tabula rasa depinge eam ne in futurum ipsa figuris minoris frugi delectabilius depingatur Quia etiam vt sapiens quidam ait quod noua testa capit inueterata sapit Quis artifex tam negligēs profectus suae prolis est vt nō eā dum pubescit artibus instruat quibus postea vitae solatia nanciscatur Sic lignarius faber secare dolabro ferrarius ferire malleo filiū instruit et quē in spiritualibus ministrar ’ cupit literis imbui facit Sic et principi filium suum qui post eum populū regulabit legibus instrui dū minor est conuenit qualiter si fecerīt rectores orbis mundus iste ampliori quam iam est iustitia regeretur quibus si tu vt iam hortor facias exemplum non minimum ministrabis ¶ Now the Prince yeldeth himselfe to the studye of the lawes though he be yet disquieted with certeine doubtes Ca. 7. THus when the Chaūcellour had sayde hee helde hys peace to whom the Prince beganne on this wise to speake You haue ouercome me welbe loued Chauncellour w t your moste plesant talke wherw t you haue īflamed my mynde with a feruēt desire towarde the knowledge of the lawe Howbee it ii thynges there bee that doe tosse my mynde to and fro and so disquiet it that lyke a shyppe in the raging waues it knoweth not whiche waye to inclyne for ease The one is while it consydereth howe manye yeares the studentes of the lawez bestowe therein before they canne attain to sufficient knowledge of the same Whiche causeth my mynde also to dreade leaste that I shoulde likewyse spende the yeares of my youthe The other is whether I shall applye my selfe to the studye of the lawes of England or of the Ciuile laws which through out the whole worlde are chieflye esteemed For people maye not be gouerned but by righte good lawes and as the Philosophier saithe nature coueteth that which is best Wherfore I would gladlye heare your councell in this behalfe To whome the Chauncellour made thys aunswere These matters O Kynges sonne are not hydde vnder so deepe and darke misteries that they require any greate delyberacyon or aduysement And therefore what I thinke best hearein I wil not hyde SIlente extunc Cancellario Princeps ipse sic exorsus est Vicisti me vir egregie suauissima oratione tua qua et animum meum ardore non minimo legis fecisti sitire documenta Sed tamē duobus me huc illucque agitantibus animus ipse affligitur vt tanquam in turbido mari cimba nesciat quorsum dirigere proras Vnū est dum recolit quot annorū curriculis leges ad discentes earum studio se conferunt antequam sufficientem earundem peritiam nanciscātur quô timet animus ipse ne consimiliter ego preteream animos iuuentutis meae Alterum est an Angliae Legum vel Ciuilium quae per orbem percelebres sunt studio operam dabo Nam non nisi optimis legibus populum regere licet etiam vt dicit Philosophus natura deprecatur optima quare libenter super his quid tu consulis ascultaremus Cui Cancellarius Non sunt hec fili Regis tantis celata misteriis vt deliberatione ege ant ingenti quare quid in his mihi visum est prodere non differemus ¶ So muche knowledge of the lawe as is necessary for a Prince is soone had Cha. 8. ARistotle in the firste booke of his naturall Philosophy saith y e then we suppose our selues to haue the knowlege of euerye thinge when wee know the causes and beginninges therof euen to the principles vppon the which text the comentatour saieth that the philosopher by beginninges or principles did vnderstāde the causes efficient by y e terme Causes he vnderstoode causes finall by Elementes matter and fourme But in the lawe there are no matter and fourme as in thinges natural and compounde How beit ther be in them certeine Elementes out of the which they procede as out of mater fourm These are custōs statuts the lawe of nature of y e which all the ●awes of the roialme haue their beginning euen as all natural thinges haue of matter fourme and as all things that are written and read do cōsist of letters which also are called elementes But Principles or beeginninges whiche are as the commentarye saieth causes efficient they are certein vniuersal propositions which they that bee learned in the lawes of England and likewyse y e Mathematicals do terme Maximes the Rethoricians do call the same Paradoxes and the Ciuiliās terme thē rueles of the law These in dede cānot
the fathers condicion then to the mothers Seynge that Adam speakīge of marryed couples sayde ▪ They shal be ii in one fleshe which our lord expoundynge in the ghospell sayethe Nowe are they not ii but one fleshe And forsomuch as y e mal ’ as more worthi cōteineth the female then the whole flesh so vnited must haue relation to the male as to the worthyer wherefore the lorde called Adam Eue not by the name of Eue but because they were bothe one fleshe he called them bothe in the name of Adam the man as it apeareth in y e fifthe chapter of genesis The Ciuile lawes also holde that women do euer glister with the shyenynge beames of their husbāds Wherefore in the title begynnynge withe these wordes Qui se prosessione excusant in y e nynth boke L. fi the text sayeth thus we auaunce women w t the honoure of their husbandes and with the kīred of their husbādes we worshippe thē in y e court we decree matters to passe in the name of their husbandes into y e house and surname of their husbandes do we translate them But if afterward a woman marrye with a man of baser degree thē leseth she her former dignitie and foloweth the cōdiciō of her latter husbād And forsomuche as all children specially male children bear the fathers name not the mothers whereof then shoulde it cōe that y e sonne by reasō of the mother should lese the honour or chaunge the condiciō of the father whose nāe neuerthelesse he shall styll keepe Specially seeynge the mother herself receaueth of the same father honour worshippe dignitie which honour worshippe and dignitie of the husbande cā neuer be disteined or īpeached through y e fault of the wyfe Truely that lawe may well bee demed cruell which with out any cause cōmittethe to bondage the free mās sonne and which disheritinge the innocent sonne of the īnocent free father adiudgeth his lāde to an vnworthie straunger whiche also withe y e base state of bōdage in y e sōne defaceth the name of the free father Cruell also of necessite must that lawe be compted which augmenteth thraldom and diminisheth libertie or freedom For libertie is y e thinge that mās nature euer coueteth For by mā for synne did bondage first enter But freedome is graffed in mans nature of god whereof if men be depriued he is euer disierous to recouer y e same agayne lyke as all other thinges do that are spoiled of their naturall libertie wherefore wycked and cruell is he to be deemed that fauoureth not libertie which thīges the lawes of England duely consydering do in all respectes shew fauour to libertie And thoughe the same lawes iudge hī thrall whom a boundeman ī wedlock begetteth of a free womā yet here by cā not these lawes be reputed seuere and cruel For a woman which by mariage hath submitted herself to a boundeman is made one fleshe withe him wherefore as y e forsaid lawes determine she foloweth the state of his conditiō and of her owne free wyll hathe made her selfe a bonde womā not forced thereto by the law muche lyke to such as in kynges courtes become bondemen or sell thēselfs into bondage without any compulsiō at all And howe then can the lawe determine that childe to be free whom suche a mother hathe thus borne For the husband can neuer be in so much subiection to his wyfe thoughe she be a right greate ladye as this womā is subiect to the bondeman whom she hathe made her lorde insomuche as y e lorde sayeth to al wifes Thou shalt be vnder the power of thy husbonde he shall haue dominion ouer thee And what is it that these Ciuilians saye of the fruite of a good or euyll tree Is not euerye wyfe of a fre or thral condition accordynge to y ● state of her husbād And in whose ground hathe y t husbande planted while his wyfe is one fleshe w t him Not in his owne And what thē if he haue graffed a slyppe of a swete nature ī a stock of a sower tree So y t y e tre be his owne shall not the fruites thoughe they eū sauer of the stocke be his owne fruites So the childe which the wyfe bareth is the husbandes issue whether the wyfe be free or thrall Howbeit y e lawes of England decree that if a bonde woman without the cōsēt of her lorde bee maryed to a free man though they can not be deuorced beecause the ghospell saieth whom god hathe conioyned let not man seperate yet shal her lorde recouer agaynst the same free man all the dammages that hee hathe susteyned by reason of the losse of his vassall or bond woman This nowe as I suppose is the somme and fourm of the law of Englande in the case nowe declared What therefore is your opinion most excellēt prince in the same case And whether of these two lawes doe you esteeme to be of more worthinesse excellencye Leges ciuiles s̄actiūt qd ꝑtꝰ sēper sequitur vētrem vt si mulier seruilis cōdicionis nubat viro cōdicionis liberae Proles eorū seruꝰ erit et ecōūso seruꝰ maritatꝰ liberae nō nisi liberos gignit Sed lex Anglioe nunquā matris sed sēper patris condicionē imitari partū iudicat Vt ex libera etiā ex natiua non nisi liberū liber generet et non nisi seruū in matrimonio ꝓ creare potest seruꝰ Que putas legū harū melior ē in sētētiis suis crudelis ē lex q̄ liberi prolē sine culpa subdit seruituti Nec minꝰ crudelis cēsetur quae liberae sobolē sine merito redigit in seruitutē Legistae vero dīcūt leges Ciuiles p̄ualere in his iudiciis suis Nā dicūt qd non potest arbor malafructꝰ bonos facere Neque arbor bona fructus malos facere Ac ōni● legis sētētia est qd plātatio q̄libet cedit solo quo īseritur Certior quoque multo ē ꝑtꝰ q̄ eū fuderūt viscer ’ quam quis eum pater procreauit Ad hec legis Angliae cōsulti dicūt qd ꝑtꝰ ex legittimo thoro nō certiꝰ noscit matrem quā genitorē suū Nā am bae leges q̄ iam contendunt vniformiter dicūt qd ipse est pater quem nuptiae demōstrāt Nunquid tunc magis est cōueniens vt filii cōditio ad patris potiꝰ quā ad matris conditionem referatur cum de cōiugatis dixerat Adā erunt ipsi duo in carne vna qd dominꝰ exponēs in euangelio ait Iam non sūt duo sed vna caro et cum masculinum concipiat femininum ad masculinū qd dignius est referri debet tota caro sic facta vna Quare Adam et Euam vocauit dominus non Euā sed quia caro vna ipsi erant ambos eos vocauit ipse nomine viri vide licet Adam vt patet Genesis quinto capit ’ Ipsae quoque
¶ A learned commendation of the politique lawes of Englande vvherin by moste pitthy reasons euident demonstrations they are plainelye proued farre to excell aswell the Ciuile lawes of the Empiere as also all other lawes of the world with a large discourse of the difference betwene the .ii. gouernements of kingdomes whereof the one is onely regall and the other consisteth of regall and polityque administration conioyned Written in latine aboue an hundred yeares past by the learned and right honorable maister Fortescue knight lorde Chauncellour of Englād in y e time of Kinge Henrye the .vi. And newly translated into Englishe by Robert Mulcaster Pio lectori IStius non minus pij quá eruditi opusculi exemplar nactus quū antiquitatem venerandam vna cum eruditione ac pietate coniunxcrim Non potui optime lector aut patrie tam ingratus aut antiquitatis tam in officiosus cultor esse vt te illius lectione diutius fraudarem Continet enim in se vt cetera taceam politicarum et ciuilium nostre Anglie legum quibus preclara et florentissima hec respublica sub illustrissimo et nūquam satis laudato principe nostro Rege Henrico octauo eiusque progenitoribus regibus Anglie hactenus felicissime fuerit erecta instituta gubernata doctissimum encomion Vnde easdem nostras leges non solum romanorum Cesarum sed et omnium aliarum nationum constitutiones multis parasangis prudentia iustitia equitate precellere facile prespici●s Eme ergo lege et fruere ac labores nostros boni consule Vale. To the right woorshipfull Ihon VValshe Esquier one of the Queene her learned Iusticers of her highnes Court of Commen plees Robert Mulcaster wisheth long lyfe and health IT happened mee of late right woorshipfull syr to light vpon this little Treatise whiche I incontinent desired to renne ouer because yt semed to discourse vpon some poyntes of the lawes of our Countrye wherof I my selfe then was nowe am a Student When I had ouer ronne it my desire to read it became nothing counteruailable with the gladnes that I hadde reade it for my desire to reade it came vpon hope to fynd some profitable lessons for my study but my gladnes after reading sprang of y e excellency of thargumēt wheron I did not dreame neither to fynd so riche a Treasure in so simple an habite And because I wished all menne to haue parte of my delight me thought it good to translate it into Englishe forth of Lattine in whiche toung it was fyrste written The aucthour of the book was one maister Fortescue knight Seriaunt at the law and for his Skill and vertues preferred by kinge Henry the .vi. to be Chauncellour of this realme The entrie of the booke it selfe sheweth where and vppon what occasion it was written It was written in Berry in Fraunce where Prince Edwarde sonne to Henry the vi afterward slaine at Tewkesbury by Edward the .iiii. dyd then remayne with his mother Queene Margaret in the house of Renate her father duke of Angeow and king of Cicile during the tyme that Edward the fourth reigned in this Realme and Henry the .vi. was fledd into Scotland The occasyon was this The Chauncellour beīg fledde into Fraunce with the yong Prince perceiuing his delight to be all bent to Chyualrye as a thing of greatest neede consydering he ment by force the restituciō of his father and thereby his own to the kingdome of England tooke occasion for that his hope was to see the Prince reigne heare to moue him to a diuision of his affaires as he armed him selfe against y e enemy so to adourne him selfe againste his being kinge with skill of lawes whiche doe preserue eche state so in peace that it maye if neede be warre and so garde it in warre that it may haue peace in eie Th argument is this that the skill of the Countrie lawes is neadefull for the Prince althoughe not so deepe as the purposed professours yet so full as to their honour may ought to fall in Princes And for that the Prince should think y e thing to be a Princely knowledge he taketh occasiō by comparing the gouernement of this Realme w t others and the lawes of this lande with the Ciuill with whome it is of all men lightly compared and the betternesse of poyntes wherein they bothe trauayle and prouisions by the one wiselyer foreseene then by the other to proue the singularitie of this state whiche it behoued the Prince to learne seyng hee was lyke to succeade hys father and to vnderstād the lawes whiche maketh the state to bee so singuler The particularies I referre to the booke wherof thus much I doe and no lesse coulde well saye Why I dyd choose your woorship to be protectour of my laboures I shall not neede tedyously to touche it shal be suffycient to saye that in choise of manye I pycked you alone not doubting your lyking in allowynge seeing myne eleccion in dedycatynge and so commyttinge to thalmightye the good preseruacion of your worship I humblye take my leaue this xii of October Robert Mulcaster The introduction into the matter DVring y e cruell rage of y e late mortall warrez w tin the royalme of Englāde whē the most vertuous and godly king Henry the sixt w t Queene Margaret his wife y e kīgz daughter of Iherusalem and Scicile their onely sonne Edwarde prince of Wales were forced to fly the land the kīg himself afterward in the same ciuil tumult falling into the blody hands of his deadly enemies his own subiectz was of them cōmitted to prisō wher he a lōg tyme remained in straite captiuitie the queene y e prīce her sonne thus banished out of their countrey making their abode in y e duchy of Berry a dominion of y e foresaid kīg of Ierus The Prince shortlye after growing to mannes state applied him selfe wholy to the feates of armes muche delytinge to ryde vpon wilde and vnbroken horses not sparing w t spurres to break their fiercenes He practysed also sometymes w t the pyke sometimes w t y e sworde other warlyke weapons after the maner guyse of warriors accordinge to the vse of martial discipline to assaile strike his companiōs I mean y e yong mē y e attended vpō hys ꝑson Which thing whē a certein aūciēt knight being chaūcellour to y e forsaide kīg of Englād saw who also in y e miserable tyme did there remain in exile hee spake thus to y e prīce SEuiēte dudū in regno Anglie nephandissima rabie illa qua piissimus ibidem rex H. sextus cum Margareta Regina consorte sua filia regis Iherusalem et Scicilie ac eorum vnigenito Edwardo principe Wallie inde propulsi sūt sub qua et demum rex ipse H. a subditis suis deprehēsus carceris diutinū passus est horrorem dū regina ipsa cum sobole patria sic extorrens in ducatu Berren̄
predicti Regis Iherusalem dn̄io morabātur Princeps ille mox vt factus est adultus militari totum se contulit disciplinae et sepe ferocibus et quasi indomitis insedens caballis eos calcaribus ▪ vrgens quandoque lancea quandoque mucrone aliis quoque instrumentis bellicis sodales suos iuuenes sibi seruientes bellantiū more inuadere ferireque iuxta martis gimnasij rudimenta delectabatur Quod cernens miles quidam grandaeuus predicti regis Angliae Cancellarius qui etiam ibidem sub hac clade exulabat Principē sic affatur ¶ First he moueth the Prince to the knowledge of the lawe Chap. 1 YOur singuler towardenes most gracious prīce maketh me right gladde when I beholde how ernestlye you dooe embrace martiall feates For it is conueniēt for youre grace to be thus delyted not onlye for that you are a souldyour but muche rather for that you shal be a kīg For yt is the offyce and duytie of a Kyng to fight the batailes of his people and also rightlye to iudge them as in the viii chapiter of the firste booke of Kinges you are plainelye taught Wherfore I would wish your grace to be w t as ernest zeal geuē to y e studie of y e lawz as you ar to y e knowledge of arms because that like as warres by force of chiualrye are ended euen so iudgementes by the lawes are determined which thing Iustinian the Emperour well and wisely and aduisedly pondering in the beginninge of the preface of his book saith thus It behoueth the emperiall maiesty not onli to be garded with armez but also to be armed with lawes to the end y t he mai be able rightly to execute y e gouernem̄t of bothe times aswell of warre as of peace Howbe it for youre more earnest endeuoir to the study of the law the exhortatiō of the chiefest lawmaker Moyses sometyme capytaine of the Synagoge ought to be of much more force with you then the woordes of Iustinian wheras in the xvii chapiter of the book of Deuteronomie hee doothe by the auctority of god straitlye charge the kinges of Israell to be readers of y e lawe al the daies of theire lyfe sayeng thus When the kyng shall sitte vppon the princelye seate of hys kingdome hee shall write him out thys lawe in a booke takynge the copye thereof of the priestes the Leuites and he shal haue it with him and hee shall read it al the dayes of hys life that he may learne to feare the lorde his god to keepe his commaundementes and ordinaunces written in this lawe And Helynandus expoūdyng the same saith thus A Prince therefore must not be ignorant of y e law neither is it tollerable y t hee vnder the pretence of warrefare shoulde be vnskilfull in the lawe And a littel after he is cōmaūded sayeth hee to receyue the coppye of the lawe of the priestes the Leuites that is to saye of catholik and learned men Thus muche he For the booke of Deuteronomie is the booke of the lawes wherwith the Kynges of Israell were bounde to rule and gouerne they re Subiectes Thys booke doth Moyses commaunde kinges too reade that they may learne to feare God and keepe his commaundementes which are writen in the lawe Beholde the effecte of the lawe is to feare God Whereunto man cannot attayne onelesse he firste knowe the will of God whiche is written in the lawe For the principall poynte of all seruyce is to knowe the wyll and pleasure of the lord or maister to whome seruyce ys due Howbeit the lawmaker Moyses first ī this charge mencioneth the effecte of the lawe that is the feare of God and nexte he allureth vs to the keepinge of the cause thereof that is to saye of Goddes commaundementes For in the mynde and intent of the exhorter the effect goethe before the cause But what feare is thys whyche the lawes do propoū to y e obseruerz therof Surely it is not that fear wherof it is written that perfect charitie or loue expellethe feare Yet thys same feare thoughe it bee bond seruile oftentimes prouoketh kinges to the reading of the lawes but it procedeth not out of the law But that feare wherof Moyses here speaketh whiche also procedeth out of the lawes is the selfe same feare that the prophet speaketh of saynge The feare of the lorde is holy endureth for euer euer This is such a louīg feare as natural children beare to their deare parētz commenly termed the reuerence of y e child toward his parents Whereunto there is no punishement due as a thinge wrought by loue For this feare proceedeth out of the lawes which teach to do the wil of god so that it deserueth no punishement But the glorye of the Lorde is vppon them that feare hym and he doth glorify them Yea thys feare is eeuen that same feare whereof Iob after that he had dyuerslye searched for wisedome sayeth thus Beeholde the feare of the lord is perfecte wisedome and to forsake euill is vnderstandinge That the forsakinge of euill is the vnderstandinge of the feare of god this do the lawes teache whereby it foloweth that the same fear procedeth out of them Gaudeo vero se renissime Princeps super nobilissima indole tua videns quanta auiditate militares tu amplecteris actus conuenit nāque tibi taliter delectari nedum quia miles es sed amplius quia rex futurus es Regis nēpe officiū pugnare est bella populi sui et eos rectissime iudicare vt primo regum cap. viii clarissime tu doceris Quare vt armorum vtinam et legum studiis simili zelo te deditū cōtēplarer Cum vt armis bella ita legibus iudicia peragantur que Iustinianus Augustus equissima librans mente in initio prohemii libri sui institutionum ait Imperatoriā magestatem non solum armis decoratam sed et legibus oportet esse armatam vt vtrumque tempus bellorum et pacis recte possit gubernari Tū vt ad legum studia seruide tu āheles Maximus legis lator ille Moyses olim Synagoge dux multo forcius Cesare te īuitat dum regibus Israel diuina autoritate ipse precipiat eorum leges legere omnibus diebus vite sue sic dicens Postquam sederit rex in solio regni sui describet sibi Deuteronomij Leges in volumine accipiens exēplar a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus habebit secū legetque illud omnibus diebus vite sue vt discat timere dn̄m deū suū custodire verba ceremonias eius que in lege scripta sūt Deutero ca. xvij quod exponens Helynādus dicit Princeps ergo nō debet iuris ignarus esse nec pretextu militiae legē permittitur ignorare Et post pauca a sacerdotibus Leuitice tribus assumere iubetur exemplar legis id est a viris catholicis et litteratis Hec ille Liber quippe Deute est
bee proued by force of argumentes or by demōstracions logicall but as it is saide in the seconde booke of Posterior̄ they are knowen by induction by the waye of sense and memorye Wherefore in the firste booke of hys naturall Philosophye Aristotle sayth that principles are not made of others nor one of them of an other but all other bee made of them And accordinge thereunto in the firste booke of his Topikes hee writeth that euery principle is a sufficient proofe of it selfe And therefore the Philosopher saieth that suche as denye them ought not to bee disputed or reasoned withall because that as hee writeth in the sixthe booke of his morall Philosophie there is no reasō to be geuen for principlez Wherefore whosoeuer they be that couet to profite in y e knowlege of any faculties they must nedez first be furnished w t principles For by them are opened the causes finall vnto the which by the direction of reason through the knowledge of y e principles we doe attaine wherfore these iii. vz prīciples causes and elem̄tz beinge vnknowen the science whereof they are is altogether vnknowen And the same .iii. beeinge knowen the science also whereof they are is thought to be knowē not determinatly or p̄cisely but suꝑficially after a cōfuse vniuersall sorte Thus wee thinke our selues to haue the knowledge of godds lawes when wee vnderstande our selues to knowe faith charitie and hope and also the Sacramentes of the churche and the commaundementes of God leauynge to the prelates of the Churche the other misteries of theologye Wherefore the lord saith vntoo his disciples To you it is geeuen to know the misterie of the kyngdome of God but to other in Parables that seeynge they maye not see And the Apostle sayeth Not to bee wyser then it beehoueth And in another place Not beeinge highe in wisedome In like maner O moste worthy Prince it shall not bee needefull for you with longe study to searche out the secrete misteries of the lawe of Englande It shall suffice for you as you haue profited in grammer so also to profite in lawe Vntoo the perfection of grammer springinge out of Etimologie Orthographie Prosodie Construction as out of .iiii. fountaines you haue not exactlye attayned and yet you are so sufficiently grounded in grammer that you may well be called a Gramarrien Likewise shal you be wel worthy to be called a lawier if you serch out y e prīciplz causes of y e lawes euen to y e elementz after y e maner of a scholar or a learner For it shal not be needefull or expediēt for you by the trauel of your owne wytte to studie out the hydde mysteries of y e lawe But let y e geare be lefte to your iudges mē of lawe whiche in the royalme of Englande are called Seriauntz at lawe and to other professours of the lawe commēly called apprentices For you shall better execute iudgementes by other then by your self Neither hathe it bene seēe that any kynge of Englonde hathe pronounced iudgement with his owne mouthe And yet neuerthelesse all the iudgements of the royalme are his thoughe by other they be vttered and pronoūced Lyke as also kynge Iosaphat affirmed the sentences of all the iudges to bee the iudgemēts of god Wherfore most gracious prīce you shall in shorte tyme with little labour be sufficiently learned in the lawes of Englād so that you do applie your mynd to the obteynynge therof For Seneca in an epistle to Lucillus sayethe There is nothīge which earnest traueill and diligent care atchieueth not And so wel do I knowe the prompte towardnes of your nature y ● I dare be bolde to saye that in those lawes thoughe the exacte knowelege of thē suche as is required ī iudges can skante be gotten in the space of xx yeares you shall sufficiently in one yeare attayne to somuche vnderstandynge as is cōueniēt for a prīce Neither in the meāe time shall you neglect and omitt the studie of martiall discipline wherevnto you are so feruently geuen but durynge all the same yeare in steade of recreatiō you shall vse the practise thereof of at your pleasure Philosophus in primo Phisicorum dicit quod tunc vnumquodque scire arbitramur cum causas et principia eius cognoscamus vsque ad elementa Super quem textum cōmentator dicit qd ’ Aristotꝰ ꝑ principia intellexit causas efficientes ꝑ causas intellexit causas finales et per elemēta materiam et formam In legibus vero non sunt materia et forma vt in Phisicis et compositis Sed tamen sunt in eis elemēta quaedam vnde ipsae ꝓfluūt vt ex materia et forma quae sunt consuetudines statuta et ius naturae ex quibus sunt omnia iura regni vt ex materia et forma sunt quaeque naturalia et vt ex litteris quae etiam elementa appellantur sunt omnia quae leguntur Principia autem quae commentator dicit esse causas efficientes sūt quaedam vniuersalia quae in legibus Angliae docti similiter et Mathematici maximas vocant Rethorici paradoxas Ciuilistae regulas iuris denomināt ipsa reuera non argumētorum vi aut demonstrationibus logicis dinoscuntur Sed vt secundo posteriorum docetur inductione via sensus et memoriae adipiscuntur quare et primo phisicorum philosophus dicit qd ’ principia non fiunt ex aliis neque ex alterutris sed ex illis alia fiunt quô primo topicorum scribitur quod vnūquodque principiorum est sibi ipsi fides Vnde cum negantibus ea dicit philosophus non est disputandum quia vt scribitur vi Ethicorum ad Principia non est ratio Igitur principiis imbuendi sunt quiqui gliscunt aliquas intelligere facultates Ex eis etenim reuelantur causae finales ad quas rationis ductu per principiorum agnitionem peruenitur vnde his tribus videlicet principijs causis et elementis ignoratis scientia de qua ipsa sunt penitus ignoratur Et his cognitis etiam scientiam illam cognitam esse non determinatè sed inconfusô et vniuersaliter arbītratur Sic Legem diuinam nos nosse in dicamus dum fidem charitatem et spem sacramēta quoque ecclesiae ac dei mandata nos intelligere sētiamus cetera theologiae misteria ecclesiae presidentibus relinquentes Quare dominus discipulis suis ait Vobis datum est nosse misterium regni dei ceteris autem in parabolis vt videntes non videant c. Et Apostolus dixit non plus sapere quam oportet sapere alibi non alta sapiētes Sic et tibi prīceps necesse non erit 〈◊〉 misteria legis angliae longo disciplinatu rimare sufficiēt tibi vt ī gramatica tu profecisti etiā in legibus proficias Gramaticae vero perfectionem que ex Ethimologia Ortographia Prosodia et Syntaxi quasi ex quatuor fontibus profluit
non specie tenus induisti et tamen gramatica sufficienter eruditus es ita vt merito gramaticus denominoris Consimiliter quoque denomīari legista mereberis si legum prīcipia et causas vsq̄ ad ●limenta discipuli more indagaueris Nō enī expediet tibi ꝓpria sensus indagine legis sacramenta rimar● sed relinquātur illa iudicibus tuis et aduocatis qui in regno Angliae seruientes ad legem appellātur similiter et aliis iuris ꝑitis quos apprentīcios vulgus denominat Melius enī per alios quā per te ipsum iuditia reddes quó proprio ore nullus regum Angliae iudicium proferre visus ē et tamē sua sunt ōnia iudicia regni licet per alios ipsa reddātur sicut et Iudicum oīm sententias Iosaphat asseruit esse iuditia dei Quare tu prīceps serenissime paruo tempore parua industria sufficienter eris in legibus regni Angliae eruditus dummodo ad eius apprehentionem tu conferas animum tuū Dicit namque Seneca in epistola ad Lucillum Nil est quod pertinax opera et diligens cura non expugnat Nosco namque ingenii tui ꝑspicacitatē quo audact ’ ꝓnuncio qd in legibus illis licet earū peritia qualis iudicibus necessaria est vix viginti annorum lugubris adquiratur tu doctrinam principi congruā in anno vno sufficienter nancisceris nec īterim militarem disciplinā ad quam tam ardēt ’ anhelas negliges sed ea recreationis loco etiam anno illo tu ad libitum perfrueris A Kynge whose gouernement is politique eā not chaunge the lawes of hís royalme THe secōd poynte most worthy prīce whereof you stāde in feare shall ī lyke maner and as easeli as the other be confuted For you stande in doubt whether it be bett̄ for you to geue your mynde to y e studie of the lawes of Englande or of the Ciuile lawes because they throughe out y e whole worlde are auāced in glorie and renowne aboue all other mās lawes Let not this scruple of mynde trouble you O most noble prīce For y e kynge of Englāde can not alter nor change the lawes of his royalme at his pleasure For why he gouerneth his people by power not onely roial but also politique Yf his power ouer thē were royall onely then he myght chāge y e lawes of his royalme charg his subiectz w t tallag other burdenz without their cōsēt And suche is the dominiō that the ciuile lawes purport when they saye The prīceis pleasure hath y e force of a lawe But from this muche differeth y e power of a kynge whose gouernment ouer his people is politique For he can neither chaūge lawes with out the consent of his subiectz nor yett charge thē with straunge imposicions agaynst their wylles Wherefore his people do frankely freely enioye and occupye their owne goodz beynge rueled by such lawes as y ey thē selfz desyer Neither are they pylled either of y eir owne kynge or of any other Lyk pleasur also fredō haue y e subiectes of a Kīg rulīg ōely by power roial so longe as he falleth not in to tyrannie Of such a kynge speaketh Aristotle in the thirde booke of his Ciuile philosophie saieynge that it is better for a Citie to be gouerned by a good kynge then by a good lawe But forsomuche as a kīge is not euer suche a mā therefor Saīt Thomas ī y e booke whiche he wrote to y e kīg of Cyprus of the gouernaunce of princeis wisheth y e state of a roialme to be such y t it may not be in the kyngs power too oppresse his people w t tyrannye Whiche thynge is ꝑfourmed onely whyle the power royall is restrayned by power politique Reioyce therefore O souereigne prince and be gladde that the lawe of your royalme whereī you sha●l succede is suche For it shall exhibite and minister to you and your people no small securitie and comforte with suche lawes as saieth the same Saint Thomas should all mankynde haue bene gouerned if in paradise they had not transgressed gods cōmaūdemēt with such lawes also was the Synnagoge rueled whil it serued vnder god onely as kīge who adopted the sāe to him for a peculiar kyngdōe But at the last whē at their request they had a mā kynge sett ouer them they were then vnder royall lawes onely brought verie lowe And yett vnder the sāe lawes while good kyngs were y eir rulers they liued welthely whē wilfull and tyranoꝰ kynges had the gouernemēt of them thē they cōtinued in great discomfort and miserie as the booke of kynges doth more playnely declare But forsomuch as I suppose I haue sufficiently debated this mater in my worke whiche at your request I cōpiled of y e natur̄ of y e law of Natur̄ therfor at this tīe I surceasse to speake therof any more SEcundum vero Prīceps qd ▪ tu formidas conconsimili nec maiori opera elidetur Dubitas nēpe an Anglorum legum vel ciuilium studio te conferas dū Ciuiles supra humāas cūctas leges alias fāa per orbē extollat gloriosa Non te cōturbet fili regis hec mentis euagatio Nam non potest rex Angliae ad libitū suum leges mutare regni sui Principatu nā que nedum regali sed et politico ipse suo populo dominatur Si regali tantū ipse p̄esset eis Leges regni sui mutar ’ ille posset tallagia quoque et cetera onera eis imponere ipsis incōsultis quale dominiū denotāt leges ciuiles cū dicant quod principi placuit legis habet vigorē Sed lōge aliter potest rex politicè imperans gèti suae quia nec leges ipse sine subditorū assēsu mutare poterit nec subiectum populū renitētē onerare impositionibus peregrinis quare populun eius liberê fruitur bonꝭ suis legibus quas cupit regulatus nec per regem suum aut quemuis aliū depilatur cōsimiliter tamen plaudit populus sub rege regaliter tantū principāte dūmodo ipse in tyrannidem nō labatur de quali rege dicit philosophus iii politicorū qd melius ē Ciuitatē regi viro optimo quā lege optima Sed quia nō sēper cōtīgit p̄sidētē populo huiusmodi esse virum sctūs Thomas in libro qeum Regi Cipri scripsit de regimine prīcipū optar ’ cēsetur regnū sic īstitui vt rex non libere valeat populū tirānide gubernare qd solū fit dū potest ’ Regia lege politica cohibetur Gaude igitur prīceps optime talē esse legē regni in quē●u successurus es quia et tibi et populo ipsa securitatem prestabit nō minimam et solamen Tali lege vt dicit idem sāctus regulatum fuisset totū genus humanum si in paradiso dei mandatum non preterisset tali etiam lege rege bat
’ sinagoga dū sub solo deo rege qui eam in regnū peculiare adoptabat illa militabat sed demum eius petitione Rege homine sibi cōstituto sub lege tātum regali ipsa de inceps humiliata est Sub qua tamen dum optimi reges sibi prefuerunt ipsa plausit et cum discoli ei preessebant ipsa ī consolabiliter lugebat vt regū liber hec destinctiꝰ manifestauit Tamē q̄a de materia ista in opusculo qd tui contemplacione de natura legis naturae exaraui sufficienter puto me diceptasse plꝰ inde loqui iam de sisto Here the prince demaūdeth a question Cap. 10. Immediatly the prīce thꝰ said Howe cōmeth this to passe good Chauncellour that ōe kynge maye gouerne his people by power royal onely and y e an other kynge cā haue no such power seīg bothe this kynges are ī dignitie equall I cannot chose but muche muse and marueil why ī power they should thus differ TVnc princeps illico sic ait Vnde hoc cācellarie qd Rex vnus plebem suā regaliter tātū regere valeat et regi alteri potestas huiusmodi denegatur equalis fastigii cū sint reges ambo Cur in potestate sint ipsi dispares nequeo nō admirari The aunswere to this question is here omitted for that in another worke it is handeled at large Cap. 11. I haue sufficiētly qd the chaūcellour declared in my foresaid worke y t the Kynge whose gouernemēt is politique is of no lesse power then he that royally ruelethe his people after his owne pleasure howbeit they differ ī autoritie ouer their subiets as in the sāe worke I haue shewed saye I styll Of whiche differēce I wyll opē vnto you the cause as I can CAncellarius Non minoris esse potestatis regem politicê imperātem quā qui vt vult regaliter regit populum suum in supradicto opusculo sufficiēter est ostensum Diuersae tamē autoritatis eos ī subditos suos ibidem vt iam nulla tenꝰ denegaui cuius diūsitatis causā vt potero tibi pādā Howe Kingedomes rueled by royall gouernement onely first beganne Cap. 12. Men ī tymes passed excellynge in power gredie of dignitie glorie did many tymes by plaīe force subdue vnto them their neighbours the nations adioynyng and cōpelled them to do thē seruice and to obeye their cōmaundements which cōmaundemētz afterward they decreed too be vnto those people verie lawes And by longe sufferaūce of the sāe y e people so subdued beyng by their subduers defended from the iniuries of other agreed consented to lyue vnder the dominion of the same their subduers thīkīge it better for thē to be vnder y e ēpiere of ōe mā whiche might be hable to defēde thē agaīst other thē to be ī daūger to be opp̄ssed of all such as would violētli offer them any wronge And thus certein kingedōes were begonne And those subduers thꝰ rulīg y e people vnto thē subdued tooke vpō thē of ruelīge to be called Rulers which our language termethe kynges And their ruele or dominiō was named onely royall or kingly So Nemroth was the first y t gott vnto hīself a kingedōe And yett ī the holie scripturs he is not called a kīge but a stout or mightie hūter before y e lorde For lyke as a hūter subdueth wyld beasts lyuīge at their libertie so did he brīge mē vnder his obediēt So did Belꝰ subdue y e Assyrians Ninꝰ the most ꝑte of Asia So also did the Romaines vsurpe the empier of the whole worlde And thus almost were the kīgdōes of all nations begonne Wherefore the lorde beinge displeased withe the children of Israell requierīge to haue a Kynge as then all other natiōs had commaūded the lawe regall to be declared vnto thē by y e prophett Which lawe regal was no other thinge but the pleasure of the kynge their gouernour as in the first book of the kynges more fully it is cōteyned Nowe you vnderstande as I suppose most noble prīce the fourme and fassion of the begynnyng of those Kyngedomes that be regally possessed and rueled Wherefore nowe I wyll assaye to make plaīe vnto you how by what meāes y e gouernemēt of the Kyngdō politique toke his first entraunce begynynge to the ende and intent y e when you knowe the begynnynges of them both it may be right easye for you thereby too discerne the cause of the diuersitie which in your questiō is conteyned HOmines quō dam potentia praepollētes auidi dignitatis et gloriae vicinas sepe gentes sibi viribꝰ subiugarūt ac ipsis seruire obtem perare quoque iussionibꝰ suis cōpulerunt quas iussiones extunc leges hominibus illis esse ipsi sanctierunt Quarū ꝑpetione diutina subiectus sic populꝰ dum ꝑ subitiētes a ceterorū iniuriis defēdebatur in subicientiū dominiū cōsentierūt Oportuniꝰ esse arbitrātes se vnius subdi Iꝑio quo erga alios defēder ’ quā ōniū eos īfestar ’ volētiū opp̄ssionibꝰ expōi Sicque regna quaedá inchoata sūt et subicientes illi dū subiectum populū sic rexerūt a regendo sibi nomē regis vsurpa rūt eorū quoque dominatꝰ tātū regalis dictꝰ est Sic Nēbrogh primus sibi regnū cōparauit tamē non rex ipse sed Robustꝰ venator corā domino sacris litteris appellatus est Quia vt venator feras libertat ’ fruētes ipse homines sibi cōpescuit obedire Sic Belus assirios et Ninus quā magnā Asiae ꝑtē ditioni suae subegerunt Sic et Rōani orbis iperiū vsurpar ’ qualit ’ ferè in omnibus gentibus regna īchoata sunt Quare dum filii Israel regem postu●abāt sicut tunc habuerunt omnes gētes dominus inde offensus legem regalem eis per prophetam explanari mandauit Quae nō aliud fuit quā placitum regis eis preessentis vt in primo Regum libro plenius edocetur Habes nunc ni fallor princeps clarissim̄ formam exordii regnorum regaliter possessorū Quare quomodo regnū politicè regulatū p̄mitꝰ erupit etiam iā propalare conabor vt cognitis amborum regnorum initiis causam diuersitatis quam tu queris inde elicer● tibi facillimum sit Howe Kyngedomes of politique gouernaūce were first begonne Cap. 13. SAint Austē ī y e xxiii chapter of his xix booke De ciuitate dei saith y e a People is a multitude of men associated by the consent of lawe and communion of wealthe And yett such a people beynge headless that is to saye without a heade is not worthye to be called a bodie For as in thynges naturall when the heade is cutt of the residue is not called a bodie but a truncheon so likewyse in thinges politique a cominalte w tout a head is in no wise corporate Wherefore Aristotle ī the first booke of his ciuile philosophie saieth y e whēsoeuer ōe is made of many
amonge y e sāe one shal be the rueler and the other shal be rueled wherfore a people that wyll rayse thēselfs into a kingdome or into any other bodie politique must euer appointe one to be chiefe rueler of the whole bodie which in kīgdōes is called a kīge After this kīde of order as out of the embryō rieseth a bodie natural ruled by ōe head euen so of a multitude of people arieseth a kyngedōe whiche is a bodie mistical goūned by ōe mā as by an head And like as in a natural body as saieth the Philosopher the hart is y e first y e liueth hauig w tin it bloud which it distributeth among all y e other members whereby they are quickened doe lyue sēblably in a bodye politik y e intēt of y e people is the first liuely thīg hauing w tin it bloud y t is to say politike prouision for the vtilitie welth of the same people which it dealeth furth imparteth aswel to the head as to al y e mēbers of the same body wherby y e body is nourished mainteined Furthermore the lawe vnder the which a multitude of men is made a people representeth the sēblance of synews ī y e body natural Because that lyke as by synewes the ioynyng of the bodie is made sounde so by the lawe which taketh the name a ligando y t is to witte of byndynge suche a misticall bodie is knytt and preserued together And the members bones of the same bodye whereby is represented y e soundenes of the wealth wherby that bodie is susteyned do by the lawes as the naturall bodie by synewes reteyne eueryone their proper fūctions And as the head of a bodi natural cā not chaūge his sinewes nor cā not denie or witholde from his inferiour mēbers their peculiar powers seueral nourishm̄tz of bloud no more cā a kīge which is y e head of a bodie politik chaūge the lawes of y e bodie nor withdrawe from the same people their proper substāce against their wills and consentes in that behalfe Nowe you vnderstande most noble prince the fourme of institucion of a kīgdome politique wherebye you maye measure the power whiche the king therof maye exercise ouer the lawe and subiectes of the same For such a kinge ys made and ordeyned for y e defence of the lawe of his subiectes and of theire bodies and goodes whereunto he receaueth power of his people so y t hee can not gouern his people by any other power Wherfore to satisfy your request in y t you desire to be certified how it cōmeth to pas that in y e powers of kings ther is so great diuersitie suerly in mine opinion the diuersitie of the institutiōz or first ordinances of those dignities whiche I haue nowe declared is the onelye cause of this foresayde difference as of the premisses by the discourse of reason you maye easelye gather For thus y e kingdome of Englande oute of Brutes retinue of the Troians whiche he brought out of the coastes of Italie and Greece firste grewe to a politique regall dominion Thus also Scotland which somtime was subiect to Englande as a Dukedome thereof was aduaūced to a politik and roiall kingdome Many other kīgdōs also had thus their first begīninge not onely of regal but also of politique gouernement Wherefore Diodorus Siculus in his seconde boke of olde histories thus writeth of the Egiptiās The Egiptien kings liued first not after y e licentious maner of other rulers whose will pleasure is in steede of law but they kept thēselfes as priuate persones in subiection of the lawes And this did they willingly beeing perswaded that by obeyinge the laws thei should bee blessed For of suche rulers as folowed theire owne lusts they supposed many thinges to be done whereby they were brought in daunger of diuers harmes and perylles And in his fowerth boke thus he writethe The Ethiopian kinge as sone as hee is created he ordereth his life accordīg to y e laws and doth al things after y e maner and custom of hys countrey assigninge neyther rewarde nor punishment to anye man otherthen the law made by his predecessours appointethe He reportethe likewise of the kinge of Saba in Arabia the happie and of certein other kinges whiche in olde time honorablye reigned SAnctus Augustinꝰ in libro xix de ciuitate dei capitulo xxiii dicit Quod populus ēcetus hominū iuris consensu et vtilitatis cōmunione sociatus Nec tamē populus huiusmodi dum Acephelꝰ id est sine capite est corpus vocare meretur Quia vt in naturalibus capite detruncato residuū nō corpꝰ sed trūcū appellamꝰ sicet in politicis sine capite cōmunitas nullatenus corporatur Quo p̄mo politic̄ dicit philosophus quôd quādocūque ex pluribꝰ cōstituitur vnū inter illa vnū erit regēs et alia erūt recta Quare populū se in regnum aliudue corpꝰ politic̄ erigere volētē sēꝑ oport ’ vnū p̄ficere totius corporis illiꝰ regitiuū quē regē nōin̄ solit ’ ē Hoc ordin̄ sicut ex embrione corpꝰ surgit phisi cū vno capite regulatum sic ex populo erumpit regnum qd corpus extat misticū vno hoīe vt capite gubernatū Et sicut in naturali corꝑe vt dicit philosophus cor est primum viuēs habēs in se sāguinē quē emittit in oīa eius mēbra vnde illa vegetāt ’ et viuūt sic ī corꝑe politico intētio populi primū viuidū est habēs in se sanguinē vz ꝓuisionē politicā vtilit ’ populi illiꝰ quā in caput et in oīa mēbra eiusdē corꝑis ipsa trāsmittit quo corpus illud alitur vegetatur Lex vero sub qua cetꝰ hominū populus efficitur neruorū corporis phisici tenet ration̄ q̄a sicut ꝑ neruos cōpago corporis solidatur sic per legem quae a ligando dicitur corpus huiusmodi misticum ligatur et seruatur in vnū et eius dem corporis mēbra ac ossa quae veritatis qua cōmunitas illa sustentatur soliditatē denotāt per legem vt corpus naturale per neruos propria retinent iura Et vt non potest caput corporis phisici neruos suos cōmutare neque mēbris suis ꝓp̄as vires et ꝓp̄a sāguinis alim̄ta denegare nec rex qui caput corpor ’ politici ē mutar ’ potest leges corpor ’ illiꝰ nec eiusdē populi substātias ꝓprias subtrahere reclamantibꝰ eis aut inuitis Hēs ex hoc iā prīceps institutiōis politici Regni formā ex qua metiri poteris potesta tē quā rex eiꝰ in leges ipsiꝰ aut subditos valeat exercer ’ Ad tutelā nāque legis subditorū ac eorū corpū et bonorū rex hm̄odi erectꝰ est et ad hāc potestatē a populo effluxā ipse hēt quô ei nō licet potestate alia suo populo dn̄ari Quare vt
he is bounde by his lawes to paye therefore eyther presentlye in hande or elles at a daye to bee limitted and sette by the higher officers of his house For by his lawes he maye take awaye none of his subiectes goodes witheoute due satisfaction for the same Neyther dothe the kinge there eyther by him selfe or by his seruauntes and officers leuie vppon his subiectes tallages subsidies or anye other burdeins or alter theire lawes or make newe laws without the expresse consente and agreemente of his whole royalme in his parliamente Wherefore euerye inhabiter of that royalme vseth enioyeth at his pleasure all the fruites that his land or cattall bearethe withe all the profites commodytyes whiche by his owne trauayle or by the labour of others he gaineth by land or by water not hindered by the iniurie or wronge deteinement of anye man but that hee shal bee allowed a reasonable recompence And hereby it commethe to passe that the men of that lande are ryche hauynge abundaunce of golde and siluer and other thinges necessarie for the mayntenaunce of mans lyfe Theye drynke no water oneles it bee so that soome for deuotion and vppon a zeale of penaunce do absteyne from other drinkes They eate plentyfullye of all kyndes of fleshe and fyshe They weare fine wollen cloth in al their apparell Theye haue allso abundaunce of bed coueryngs in their houses and of all other wollen stuffe They haue greate store of all hustlements and implements of houshold They are plentifullye furnished withe all instrumentes of husbandry al other thinges that are requisite to the accomplishement of a quiet and wealthie lyfe accordyng to their estates degrees Neither are they sued in y e law but onelye beefore ordinarye iudges wherebye the lawes of the lande theye are iustlye intreated Neyther are theye arrested or impleaded for theire moueables or possessiōs or arreigned of ani offēce criminal be it neū so great outragious but after the lawes of the lande and before the iudges aforesaide And thys are the fruites whiche gouernement politique and regall conioyned doothe beare and brynge fourthe Whereof nowe appeare euidentlye vnto yowe the experiences of the effectes of the lawe whiche some of your progenitoures trauayled to abolishe Before allso yowe sawe plainlye the effects of the other lawe whyche theye with suche earneste endeuoure laboured to aduaunce and place in steade of this lawe So that by the fruites of them bothe you maye knowe what theye are And did not ambition ryotte and wanton luste whiche youre said progenitoures esteemed aboue the wealthe of the realme moue them to this alteracion Consider therefore moste worthie prince and that earnestlye this that foloweth IN regno Angliae nullus perhendinat in alterius domo inuito domino si non in hospiciis publicis vbi tunc pro omnibus quae ibidem expēdit ip̄e plenariê soluet ante eiꝰ abinde recessum nec impunê quisque bona alterius capit sine voluntate proprietarij eorūdē neque in regno illo prepeditur aliquis sibi de sale aut quibuscunque mercimoniis aliis ad propriū arbitrium et de quocunque venditore prouidere Rex tn̄ necessaria domus suae per rationabile preciū iuxta cōstabulariorum villarum discretiones assidendum inuitis possessoribus ꝑ officiarios suos capere potest sed nihillominus ipse precium illud in manibus vel ad diē ꝑ maiores officiarios domus suae limitādū soluere ꝑ leges suas obnoxius est quia nullius subditorū suorum bona iuxta leges illas ip̄e deripere potest sine satisfactione debita ꝓ eisdē Neque rex ibidē ꝑ se aut ministros suos tallagia subsidia aut q̄uis onera alia īponit legijs suis aut leges eorū mutat vel nouas condit sine cōcessione vel assēsu tociꝰ regni sui in parliamēto suo exp̄sso Quare incola ōnis regni illius fructubus quos sibi parit terra sua et quos gignit pecus eius emolumētis quoque ōībus q̄ industria ꝓria vel aliena ip̄e terra marique lucratur ad libitū ꝓpriū vtitur nulliꝰ p̄peditus īiuria vel rapina quin ad minꝰ īde debitas cōseq̄tur emēdas vnde inhabitātes terrā illā locupletes sunt abūdātes auro et argēto etcūctis necessarijs vitae Aquā ip̄i nō bibūt nisi q̄ ob deuotiōis et penitēciae zelū aliquā do ab alijs potubꝰ se abstinēt Omni genere carniū et pisciū ip̄i in copia vescūtur q̄bus patria illa nō modicè est referta pannis de lanis bonis ipsi induūtur in oībus operimentis suis etiam abundāt in lectisterniis et quo libet suppellectili cui lana congruit in oībus domibus suis nec non opulenti ipsi sunt in ōnibus hustilimentis domus necessariis culturae et ōnibus q̄ ad quietam et felicem vitā exiguntur secundū status suos Nec in placitum ipsi ducuntur nisi coram iudicibus ordinariis vbi illi per leges terrae iuste tractantur Nec allocuti siue implacitati sunt de mobilibus aut possessionibus suis vel arrettati de crimine aliquo qualiter cūque magno et enormi nisi secundum leges terrae illius et coram iudicibus antedictis Et hij sunt fructus quos parit regimē politicum et regale ex quibus tibi iam apparent experienciae effectus legis quam quidam progenitorum tuorum abicere conati sunt Superius quoque tibi apparent effectus legis alterius quam tanto zelo loco legis istius ipsi nisi sunt inducere vt ex fructubus earum tu agnoscas eas et nonne ambicio luxus et libido quos predicti ꝓgenitores tui regni bono preferebant eos ad hoc commercium concitabant Considera igitur princeps optime et iam alia que sequentur A comparison of the worthines of bothe the regiments Cap. 37. SAīt Thomas in his boke whiche he wrote to y e kīg of Cyprꝰ of y e regimēt of princes saieth y t y e king is geeuē for y e kingdome not the kingedome for the king Whereupon it foloweth that al kingelye power muste bee applyed to the wealthe of his kyngdome Whiche thynge in effecte consistethe in the defēce therof frō forreyne inuasions and in the maītenaunce of his subiectes and their goodes from the iniuries and extortions of the inhabitauntes of the same Wherfore that kīg whiche is not hable to perfourme these things must of necessitie be iudged impotent and weake But if he bee so ouercome of hys owne affections and lustz or so oppressed wythe pouertie that hee canne not wytheholde hys handes from the pyllynge of hys subiectes whereby hymselfe impouerisheth them and sufferethe them not to lyue and to bee susteyned vppon theire owne substaunces howe muche more weake or feble is he ī this respect to be iudged then if hee weare not hable to defend them agaīst the
quam facit lex predicta ciuilis quae cito et quasi īultū luxuriae crimē remittit ¶ Speciall causes why base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimony ensuing Chap. 40. MOre ouer the Ciuile lawes say y t your natural or bastard sonne is y e sōne of y e people Wherof a certein metriciā writeth in this wise To whom the people father is to hī is father none all To whom the people father is wel fatherles we may him call And while suche a chylde had no father at y e tyme of his birthe surelye nature knoweth not howe he could afterward come by a father For if one woman shoulde beare two children of twoe fornicatours and the one of them shoulde afterward marrye her Whether of these twooe children shoulde by this marriage bee legittimat Oppiniō may somewhat ꝑswade but reason cannot fynde seeing the time was once when bothe those chyldren beeinge iudged the children of the people did not knowe theire fathers It were therefore vnreasonable that a child afterwarde borne in the same wedlocke whose generation cannot be vnknowē shoulde be disherited and that a childe whiche knoweth no father should be heire to the father mother of the other specially in y e roialme of England where the eldest sonne only enioieth the fathers inheritance And an indifferent iudge would think it no lesse vnreasonable that a base borne childe shoulde bee equally matched with a lawful begotten childe in y e inheritāce whiche by the Ciuile lawes can bee deuyded but onelye among male children For saint Augustine in the xvi booke de Ciuitate dei wrytethe thus Abraham gaue all his substance to his sonne Isaac and to the sonnes of his concubines he gaue gyftes Whereuppon semeth to bee ment that to bastarde children there is noe inheritaunce due but onelye a necessary lyuinge Thus saieth hee And vnder the name of a bastard child saint Austē vnderstādeth all vnlawful yssues so doth holye scripture also ī diuers places callinge none by the name of a bastard Lo Saint Austen thinkethe no small difference to be so thinketh Abrahā to betwene the succession of a bastarde and of a sonne lawfullye begotten Yea holye scripture reprehendeth all vnlawful childrē vnder this metaphore sayeng Bastarde slippes shall take no deepe roote nor lay any fast foundation in the iiii chapiter of the booke of wisedome The churche also reproueth the same in that it admitteth them not to holye orders And if it so bee that the churche doe dyspense withe suche a one yet it permitteth not him to haue anye dignitye or preeminence in y e church Wherefore it is conuenyent that mannes lawe in the benefite of successiō shoulde cutte thē shorte whome the Churche iudgeth vnworthy to bee receaued into holye orders and reiecteth from all prelacie yea whome holye scripture iudgeth as touchinge their birthe much inferiour to them that be lawfullye begotten We reade that Gedeon the puissaunt begate lxx sonnes in wedlocke and but one onelye out of wedlocke Yet thys misbegotten chylde wyckedlye slewe all those lawfullye beegotten children one onelye excepted Iudges .ix. Whereby it ys perceaued that there was more wyckednesse in one bastarde chylde then in .lxix. lawfull sonnes For it is a commen sayenge If a bastard bee good y t cōmeth to him by chaūce that is to wytte by speciall grace but if he be euil that commeth to him by nature For it is thought that the base child draweth a certeyn corruption and stayne from y e synne of his parentes without his owne fault as all we haue receaued of y e synne of oure first parēts much infection thoughe not somuche Howebeit the blemishe which bastardes by their generation do receaue muche differeth frō that werein lawfull children are borne For their conception is wrought by the mutuall synnefull lust of both parēts which in the laufull chast copulations of marryed couples taketh no place The synne of suche fornicatours is committed by y e mutuall consent of them bothe Wherefore it is likened to the first synne cleaueth more cruelly to the chylde then the synne of suche as do otherwise offende alone so that the chylde so begotten deserueth to be called the child of synne rather then the chylde of synners wherefore the boke of wysedō makynge a difference betweene these ii gen̄atiōs of y e laufull gen̄atiō it sayethe thus O howe faire is a chaste generaciō w t vertue The memoriall thereof is immortall for it is knowen with god with men But the other is not knowen with men so that the children there of borne are called y e children of the people Of whiche base generation the same booke thus speaketh All the chyldrē that are borne of wycked parētz are witnesses of wyckednes agaīst their parētz when they be asked For beīge demaūded of their parentz they open theyr synne euen as the wycked sonne of Noe vncouered his fathers priuities It is therefore beleued touchīge the blīde borne of whom the pharasiez in the ix chapter of Saint Iohns ghospell said Thou art altogether borne in sīne y t he was a bastarde who wholly is borne of synne And where it folowethe doest not thou teache vs. It seemeth that thereby maye be vnderstanded y t a bastard hathe no lyke naturall disposition to knowlege and learnyng as a lawfull chylde hath Wherefore that lawe maketh no good diuision whiche in the fathers inheritance makethe equal bastard children and laufull childrē whō y e church in gods inheritaunce maketh vnequall Betwene whom also scripture putteth a differēce in fourme aboue mentioned whō nature in her gyftes seuereth markynge the naturall or bastard chyldren as it were with a certein priue mark ī their soules Whether therefore of y e ii lawes Englishe or ciuile do you now imbrace most noble prince iudge to haue the preeminence in this case PReterea Leges ciuiles dicūt filium naturalē tuū esse filiū populi de quo metricus quidā sic ait Cui pater est populꝰ pater est sibi nullꝰ et oīs Cui pat ’ est populꝰ nō habet ipse patrē Et dū ꝓles talis patrē nō habuit tēꝑe natiuitat ’ suae quo modo ex post facto ipse patrē nancisci poterit natura nouit quo si ex fornicatoribꝰ duobus mulier vna filios peperit duos quā postea vnꝰ ex concubinariis illis ducat in vxorem quis ex filiis hiis duobus ꝑ matrimonium illud legittimatur oppinio suader ’ potest sed ratio reperire nequit dū ambo filij illi populi fetus iudicati semel parētes ignorabāt Incōsonū propterea videret ’ qd ’ in matrimonio illo extūc ab eadē muliere natus cuius generatio ignorari nō poterit exꝑs esset hereditatis et filius nescius genitoris sui succederet patri et matrī eius maxime īfra regnū Angliae vbi filiꝰ senior solꝰ succedit in hereditate paterna et non minus
bookes for the instruction of them that shall come after are euer more reported in the Frenche tongue Manye statutes also of that royalme are writen in Frenche Whereof it happeneth that the commē speeche nowe vsed in Fraūce agreethe not nor is not lyke the Frenche vsed amonge the lawyers of Englande butte is by a certeine rudenes of the cōmon people corrupte Which corruptiō of spech chaunceth not in y e Frēch that is vsed in England for so much as that spech is there oftener written then spoken Now in the thirde of the saide iii. tongues whiche is the latine tongue are written all writtes originall and iudiciall and likewise all the recordes of plees in the kinges courtes withe certeine statutes also Wherefore while y e lawes of England are lerned in these three tonges they cannot conueniently be taught or studyed in y e vniuersities where onlye y e latine tongue is exercised Notw tstandinge the same lawes are taught learned in a certein place of publique or comen study more cōuenient apte for attaining to y e knowledge of them then anye other vniuersitie For this place of study is situate nighe to y e kingez courtes where the same lawes are pleaded and argued iudgementes by the same geeuen by iudges menne of grauytie auncient in yeares perfecte and graduate in the same lawes Wherefore euery daye in courte the studentes in those lawes resorte by greate numbers vnto those courtes wherein the same lawes are redde taught as it were in cōmon scholes This place of study is set betwene y e place of y e said courtz y e Citie of Lōdō which of al thīgs necessarie is y e plētifullest of all y e cities towns of y e realm So y t y e said place of study is not situate w tin y e citie where the confluence of people might disturbe the quietnes of the studentes but somewhat seueral in the suburbes of the same Citie and nigher to the saide courtes that the studentes maye daylye at theire pleasure haue accesse and recourse thether without wearines CAncellariꝰ In vniuersitatibus Angliae non docentur scientiae nisi in latina lingua et leges terrae illius in triplici lingua addiscuntur videlicet Anglica Gallica et Latina Anglica quia inter Anglos lex illa maxime inoleuit Gallica quia postquam galli duce VVilhelmo Angliae conquestore terrā illā optinuerūt nō ꝑmiserunt ipsi eorū aduocatos placitare causas suas nisi in lingua quā ipsi nouerunt qualiter et faciūt ōēs aduocati in Frācia etiā in curia parliamēti ibidē Cōsimiliter gallici post eorū aduētū in Angliā ratiocinia de eorū prouentibus non receperunt nisi in proprio idiomate ne ipsi inde deciperēt ’ Venari etiā et īocos alios excercere vt talorū et pilarū ludos nō nī si in ꝓpria lingua delectabāt ’ Quo et Anglici ex frequēti eorū ī talibꝰ comitiua habitū talē ’ contraxerūt qd ’ hucusque ipsi ī ludis hm̄odi et cōpotis linquā loquuntur gallicanā et placitare in eadē līgua soliti fuerūt quousque mos ille vigore cuiusdā statutī quā plurimum restrictꝰ ē t●̄ in toto hucusque aboler●nō potuit tū ꝓpter termīos quosdā quos plꝰ ꝓprie placitantes in gallico quā in Anglico exprimūt tūc q̄a declaratiōes suꝑ breuiae originalia tā cōueniēt ’ ad naturā breuiū illorū ꝓnūciari neq̄ūt vt ī gallic̄ sub quali sermone declarationū huiusmodi formulae addiscuntur Reportātur etiā ea q̄ in curijs regijs placitantur disputantur et iudicantur ac in libros ad futurorū●ruditionē redigūtur in sermone semper gallico Quā plurima etiā statuta regni illius in gallico cōscribūtur Vnde accidit qd ’ lingua iā in Francia vulgaris non concordat aut consimilis est gallico inter legis peritos Angliae vsitato sed vulgari quadam ruditate corrupta Quod fieri non accidit in sermone gallico infra Angliā vsitato cū sit sermo ille ibidē sepius scriptꝰ quā locutus Sub tertia vero linguarū predictarū vz sub latina oīa breuia originalia iudicialia similiter et oīa recorda placitorū in curiis regū etiā et q̄dā statuta scribūt ’ Quare dū leges Angliae in his tribus addifcūt ’ linguis ipsae in vniuersitatibꝰ vbi solū latina excercet ’ lingua cōuen●ēter erudiri nō poterūt aut studeri Leges tn̄ illae ī quodā studio publico ꝓ illarū apprehēsione oī vniūsitate cōueniētiore et ꝓniore docēt ’ et ad discūt ’ Studiū nāque istud situm est prope curiam regis vbi leges illae placitāt ’ disputātur et iudicia ꝑ easdē reddūtur ꝑ Iudices viros graues senes ī legibꝰ illis peritos et graduatos quô ī cur ’ illis ad quas oī die placitabili cōfluūt studētes in legibus illis qua si ī scolis publicis leges illae leguntur et docent ’ Situat ’ etiā studium illud inter locū Curiarū illarū et ciuitatē Lōdon̄ q̄ de oībus necessariis opulētissim̄ est oīū ciuitatū et opidorū regni illiꝰ Nec in ciuitate illa vbi cōfluentiū turba studentium quietē perturbare possit situm est studium istud sed seorsum parumper in ciuitatis illius suburbio et proprius Curiis predictis vt ad eas sine fagiagionis ī cōmodo studentes indies ad libitum accedere valeant ¶ Here he declareth the disposition of the general study of the lawes of Englande and that the same in nomber of studentes passeth certein vniuersities Cha. 49. BVt to y e intent most excellēt prince ye maye conceaue a fourme an ymage of this study as I am able I will discribe it vntoo you For there bee in it tenne lesser housez or ynnes somtimes moe whyche are called ynnes of the Chauncery And to euerie one of them belongeth a C. studients at the least to some of them a muche greater nomber though they bee not euer all together in the same These studentes for the most part of thē are yongmen lerning or studying y e originals as it were y e elements of y e law who profiting therein as they growe to rypenes so are they admitted into y e greater ynnes of the same study called ynnes of court Of the whiche greater ynnes there are .iiii. in number And to the lest of them beelongeth in fourme aboue mentioned twooe hundrethe Studentes or theareaboutes For in these greter ynnez there can no studient bee mainteined for lesse expēses by the yeare then xx markes And if he haue a seruaunt to waite vppon him as moste of thē haue then so muche the greater will his charges be Now be reason of this charges the children onelye of noble menne doo studye the lawes in those ynnes For the
discreete and determinate perfectnes deepe vnder stādinge of the same beeynge lefte to his iudges So also oughte all princes to bee wel seene in the holye scriptures of god as sayethe vincentius Beluacensis in his booke of the morall institution of princes Forasmuche as the scripture aboue mentioned sayethe that vayne are all theye in whom is not the knowledge of god and for that in the sixteen the chapter of the prouerbes it is thus written Let prophecye or the woorde of god be in the lyppes of the kynge and then hys mouthe shall not go wrōge in iudgement And yet is not a kinge bounde to haue profounde knowledge and determinate vnderstāding in y e holy scriptures as it becommethe a professoure of dyuinitye For it shal be ynoughe for hī suꝑficially to tast y e sentēces therof as also of his lawes Thus did Charles the great Lewes his sonne and Robert sometime kinge of Fraunce whoe wrote thys sequence Sancti spiritus adsit nobis gratia and diuers other princes as the foresayde Vincēcius in the fiftenethe chapter of his booke aforesayd plainly shewethe Wherfore y e doctors of y e lawes do say y t an ēperour beareth al his lawes in y e box of his brest not for y t he knoweth all y e lawes reallye in deede but for that he vnderstandeth the principles of thē lykewise theire fourme theire nature in whiche respect he is iudged to bee skilfull in all hys lawes Whiche also he maye alter chaunge and repeale So that in him are potentiallye all his lawes as Eue was in Adam before she was made Butte now good Chauncellour seeynge I perceaue mye selfe sufficientlye perswaded to the studie of the lawes of England whiche thing in y e beginninge of this worke you promised to perfourme I wil no lōger trouble you in this behalfe But thus I instātly desire you y t ye wil īstruct me in y e prīciples of y e law as you once began to doe And that you will teache me to knowe and vnderstande the fourm and nature thereof For thys lawe shall bee euermore peculiar to me amonge al other lawes of the worlde amonge the whiche I see it shiene as lucifer amōge the starrs And forsomuch as I doubt not but youre intent whereby you were moued to this conference is fully satisfiyd bothe tyme and reason requirethe that we make an ende of our talke yeeldynge therfore laudes and thankes to him whiche beganne furthered and hathe fynished the same Whom we call Alpha et O who also be praysed of euerye lyuinge creature Amen Finis PRīceps Leges illas nedū bonas sed et optimas esse cācellarie ex ꝓsecutiōe tua in hoc dialogo certissime dep̄hēdi Et si q̄ ex eis meliorari deposcant id citissime fieri posse parliamentorū ibi dem formulae nos erudiunt Quo realiter potētialiterue regnum illud semper prestantissimis legibus gubernatur nec tuas in hac concionatione doctrinas futuris Angliae regibus inutiles fore conijtio dū nō dilectet regere legibus quae non delectant Fastidet namque artificem ineptio instrumenti et militem ignauum reddit debilitas lāciae et mucronis Sed sicut ad pugnā animatur miles cū nedū sibi ꝓnasīt arma sed et magis cū in actibꝰ bellicis ip̄e sit exꝑtus dicente Vegetio de re militari qd ’ sciencia rei bellicae dimicandi audaciam nutrit Quia nemo facere metuit quod se bene di dicisse confidit Sic et rex omnis ad iustitiam animatur dum leges quibus ipsa fiet nedum iustissimas esse agnoscit sed et earum ille expertus sit formam et naturam quas tantum in vniuersali inclusiuè et incōfuso principi scire sufficiet remanen te suis iudicibus earum discreta determinataque peritia et scientia altiori Sic equidē et scripturarum diuinarū peritiam vt dicit Vincentius Beluacensis in libro de morali institutiōe prīcipum Omnis princeps habere deberet cum dicat scriptura superius memorata qd ’ vanae sunt oēs in quibus nō est scientia dei et ꝓuerbi .xvi. scribatur Diuinatio id est diuina sētentia vel sermo diuinus sit in labiis regis et tunc in iuditio non errabit os eius Non tamen profundè determinatèue intelligere tenetur Prīceps scripturas sacras vt decet sacrae theologiae ꝓfessor sufficit nāque ei earū in cōfusô degusta re sententias qualiter et peritiā legis suae Sic et fece●ūt Carolus Mag●us Lodouicꝰ filius eiꝰ et Robertꝰ quōdā rex Frāciae qui hanc scripsit seq̄ntiā Sācti spiritꝰ ad sit nobis gratia et quā plures alij vt ī .xv. ca. lib. p̄dicti Vincentius p̄dictꝰ luculenter docet Vnde et doctores legū dicūt qd ’ imperator gerit oīa iura sua in scrinio pectoris sui nō q̄a ōīa iura ip̄e noscit realiter et in actu sed dū prīcipia eorū ip̄e ꝑcepit formā similiter et naturā oīa iura sua ipse ītelliger ’ cēsetur q̄ etiā trāsformare ille potest mutare et cassare quo ī eo potētialiter sūt ōnia iura sua vt in Adā erat Eua antequā plasmaretur Sed quia Cācellarie ad legū Angliae disciplinatū mihi iā conspicio suffici enter esse suasum quod et in huiꝰ operis exordio facere ꝓmisisti Nō te āplius huius p̄textu solicitare conabor sed obnixê de posco vt in legis huius principijs vt quōdam incepisti me erudias docēs quodamodo eius agnoscere formā et naturam quia lex ista mihi semꝑ peculiaris erit īter ceteras legꝭ orbis inter quas ipsā lucere cōspicio vt lucifer inter stellas Et dū intentioni tuae qua ad collationē hanc concitatus es iā satisfactū esse nō ābigo tempus postulat et ratio vt nostris colloquiis terminū cōferamus reddētes ex eis laudes ei et gratias qui ea incepit prosecutꝰ est et finiuit Alpha et O quē dicimꝰ quē et laudet ōnis spiritus Amen ¶ The table AN Introduction to the matter Fo. 3. The Chanceller moueth the Prince to the knowlege of the lawe Fo. 4. The Princes replie to y e motion 7 The Chaūcellour fortifieth his assertion 8 The Chauncellour proueth that a Prince by the lawe may bee made happye and blessed 10 Ignorance of the lawe causeth contempte therof 14 The Chauncellour briefly repeteth the effect of his perswasion 17 The Prince yeldoth hym self to the studye of the lawes though he bee yet disquieted w t certein doubtes 19 So muche knowledge as is necessarie for a prince is soone had 20 A kinge whose gouernement is politique cannot chaunge hys lawes 25 The Prince demaundeth a question 27 The aunswere is omitted for that in an other woorke it is handled at large 28 How kingdomes ruled by roya●●●ouernement onely first beganne 28 Howe kingedōes of politique gouernance were first begonne 30 The Prince compend●●●sly abridgeth all that the Chauncellour before hath discoursed at large 33 All lawes are the lawe of Nature custōs or statutes 36 The lawe of Nature in all Countryes is one 37 The customes of Englande are of moste auncient antiquitie practised and receaued of v. seuerall Nations from one to another by successe 38 With what grauitie statutes are made in Englande 39 A meane to know the diuersitie betweene the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of Englande 41 The first case wherein the Ciuile lawes the lawes of England differ 42 Inconueniēces that commeth of that law which no otherwise thē by witnesses admitteth trials 43 Of the crueltie of Rackinges 46 The Ciuile lawe ofte failethe in doinge of iustice 50 Howe counties are deuided and Sherifes chosen 51 How Iurers 〈…〉 chosen sworne 54 How Iurers 〈…〉 to be enformed by euydences and witnesses 57 Howe causes criminall are determined in England 61 The Prince granteth the lawes of England to be more commodious for the subiects then y e Ciuile lawes in the case disputed 63 Why Inquestes are not made by Iuries of .xii. men in other realmes aswel as in Englande 65 The Prince cōmendeth the lawes of England of theire proceeding by Iuries 69 The Prince doubteth whether this proceding by Iuries be repugnant to Gods lawe or not 70 That the proceeding by a Iurie 〈◊〉 not repugnant to the law of God 72 Why certeine kinges of Englande haue had no delyghte in their own lawes 76 The Chaunceller openeth the cause which the Prince demaundeth 77 The commodities that proceede of y e ioynt gouernement politique regall in the realm of England 83 A comparison of y e worthines of both the regiments 86 The prince breaketh th●●●●uncellour of his tale 89 The second case wherein the Ciuile lawes and the lawes of England disagree in theirs iudgements 89 Speciall causes whye base borne children are not legittimate in England by matrimonye ensuynge 93 The prince alloweth the lawe whych doth not legittimate children borne before matrymonye 98 The thirde case wherein the lawes aforesayde disagree 98 The prince approuethe the lawe whereby y e issue foloweth the wombe 102 The fowerthe case wherein y e said lawes varye 104 The prince commendethe the education of noble mens children beinge orphanes 106 Other cases wherin the foresayde lawes differ 108 The prince regardethe not a case rehearsed 109 The Chaunceller sheweth why the lawes of Englande are not taughte in the vniuersities 110 The disposition 〈◊〉 general study of the lawes of Englande 〈◊〉 that the same in nūber passeth certein vniuersities 113 Of the state and degree of a serieāt at lawe and howe he is created 116 After what maner a Iustice is created and of his habite and conuersacion 121 The prince fyndethe faute wythe delayes that are made in the kyngs courte 125 That delaies whiche happen in the kyngs courts are necessarie and reasonable 126 That the lawes of Englande are ryghte good the knoweledge thereof expediente for kyngs and that it shal suffice them to haue but a superficial knowledge of the same 129 Imprinted at London in Fletestrete within Temple Barre at the signe of the hand and starre by Rychard Tottill 1567.