votes are tendered Secondly He praies for Grace and Peace from them not as Authors but as the Instruments of God in the dispensation thereof Are they not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ministring Spirits sent forth to minister for them who shall be heirs of Salvation And if it be no Idolatry to pray unto God to give Grace and Peace from the outward Ministery of his Word no more is it to pray unto him for it from the invisible Ministery For certainly it is lawful to pray unto God for a blessing from an Instrument which he is wont to give us by an Instrument Secondly It may be said it being a Salutation that the words Grace and Peace need not be taken in that special and strict sense but in the large and general wherein Grace sounds favour at large and Peace all manner of prosperity In which sense no man will deny but the blessed Angels have an interest in the dispensation of the favours and blessings of God to his Church and so God may be prayed to to give them as he is wont by their Ministery Grace and Peace from him which is which was and is to come as the Author and Giver and from the Seven Spirits as the Instruments and from Iesus Christ as the Mediator There is yet one place more in the Apocalyps to confirm this Tradition Chap. 8. 2. I saw saith S. Iohn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Seven Angels which stood before God Is not this as plain as Tobit Why should then the one be accounted Magical rather than the other I add moreover that these Angels are those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Principes primarii or chief Princes mentioned in the 10. of Daniel 13. Michael one of the chief Princes saith the Angel there came to help me Now Michael we know is one of the Arch-angels and why therefore may not these chief Princes be those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof S. Paul speaks in his adjuration to Timothy I charge thee saith he before God and the Lord Iesus Christ and the Elect Angels not the good Angels at large but those Angeli eximii the Seven Arch-angels which stand before the Throne of God And it may not without reason be conjectured that those Seven chief Princes famed in the Persian Monarchie took their beginning from hence namely that Daniel who in respect of his account for wisdom and of his power under Darius the Mede had a main stroke in the moulding and framing the Government of that State caused the Persian Court to resemble that of Heaven ordaining Seven chief Princes to stand before the King Of which we find twice mention in Scripture as in the Book of Esther where they are recorded by name and styled the seven Princes of Media and Persia who saw the King's face and sate first in the kingdom and in the Commission granted to Ezra by Artaxerxes Ezra 7. 14. they are called the King's seven Counsellors Forasmuch as thou art sent by the King and his seven Counsellors c. And it may be the Church of Ierusalem when they chose Seven Deacons to minister unto their Bishop had an eye the same way HITHERTO of the Number of these Arch-angels now a word or two of their Office And that is First to be the universal Inspectors of the whole world and the Rulers and Princes of the whole Angelical host which appears in that they are called Principes primarii 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 chief Princes and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Archangels i. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Chief of the Angels their universal jurisdiction is meant by the words sent forth into the whole world whereas the rest are limited to certain places Secondly to have the peculiar Charge and Guardianship of the Church and affairs thereof whilst the rest of the world with their Polities Kingdoms and Governments is committed to the care of subordinate Angels who according to their several charges may seem to carry those names of Thrones Principalities Powers and Dominions That the charge of the Church quà talis belongs thus peculiarly and immediately to the Seven Arch-angels may appear by S. Iohn's saluting the Churches with a Benediction of Grace and Peace from their ministery and the typing of them by the Seven Eyes and Horns of the Lamb as Powers which the Father since he exalted Him to be Head of his Church hath annexed to his Iurisdiction Hence it comes to pass that we find these Angels peculiarly both before and in the Gospel to have been employed about the Church-affairs In the Old Testament the Angiel Gabriel one of the Seven revealed to Daniel the time of the restauration of the Iewish State and coming of Messiah and the Angel Michael one of the chief Princes was his assistant when he strengthened Darius the Mede who founded the Monarchy which should restore them and is in special termed Dan. 12. 1. the Prince that stood for Daniel 's people In the Gospel we find the same Angel Gabriel imployed both to Zachary and the Blessed Virgin with the Evangelical Tidings and that Zachary might take notice that he was one of the Seven he says unto him I am Gabriel that stand in the presence of God Likewise in the Churches combate with the Dragon Apocal. 12. 7 c. Michael and his Angels are said to be her Champions and in her quarrel to have cast the Dragon and his Angels down to the Earth And in this Prophecy of Zachary it is said that these Seven eyes of the Lord took care of one stone which Zorobabel laid for the foundation of the Temple and therefore the work could not be disappointed but should certainly at length be finished So as by this time we may guess the meaning of that which Hanani the Seer told King Asa 2 Chron. 16. 9. The Eyes of the Lord that is these Seven Eyes run to and fro through the whole Earth to shew themselves strong in the behalf of those whose hearts are perfect towards him DISCOURSE XI S. MARK 11. 17. Is it not written My House shall be called a House of Prayer 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to all the Nations THEY are the words of our Blessed Saviour when he cast the Buyers and Sellers and Money-changers out of the Temple and forbad to carry any vessels through it Concerning which story it is worth observâ—â—â—on that our Saviour whilst he was upon earth never exercised any Kingly or coactive Iurisdiction but in vindicating his Father's House from prophanation And this he did two several times Once at the first Passeover after he began his Prophesie whereof you may read Iohn 2. 14 c. and now again at his last Passeover when he came to give his soul a sacrifice for sin This is that which S. Mark relates in this place as do also two other of the Evangelists S. Matthew and S. Luke The vindication of God's House from Prophanation how little account soever we are wont to
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Theophi the land of Theophi But howsoever it be it is no unusual thing in the changing of a name out of one language into another to prefix a Vowel or Diphthong But besides this name AEmathia we read of a people in this tract called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or as some will 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aristotle in his Book of Strange reports speaks of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the borders of Paeonia and hereabouts was that Praefectura Medica we hear of in the Roman stories Lastly Isocrates in one of his Orations names one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for King of these quarters before as he saith they come to be a Greek nation It is the common opinion I confess that Madai was the Father of the Medes in Asia but this I think will scarcely agree with Moses to remove Madai so far from the rest of his brethren and how can that be any part of the Isles of the Gentiles which lies beyond Armenia the great and part of Assyria Or what should any of the sons of Iaphet do among the sons of Sem Indeed Iosephus saith that Madai was progenitour of that people which the Greeks called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but I am sure they called the Medes of Asia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And what though the Hebrews called them Madai this proves no more that there was the Original seat of Madai the son of Iaphet than that Tarshish whither Solomon's ships went once in three years to fetch gold and silver was the first dwelling of Tarshish the son of Iavan It may be their names were occasioned by these either through Colonies which is the more unlikely or by the affinity of name which the Iews corrupted to a name they were best acquainted with which is an usual dealing of Nations of a diverse language with the names of their neighbours Thus then at length we have found the first Seats of the Sons of Iaphet agreeable to the Rules we first laid down and their Portions also are so laid out that every one hath some part of his borders lying open to the Sea or toward empty land that so they might vent their Colonies without disturbing their brethren NOW let us say something of their Colonies And we 'l begin with Tarshish who lies open only to the Mediterranean Sea and therefore is like to have sent his first Colonies that way but whither it is hard to say but if I may guess it is likely unto the first land Westward he found unpeopled and that may be the South part of Italy where dwelt the Elrusci a name coming something near to Etarshishi But howsoever it is certain that the Hetrurians came from Asia the less and that they were a Greek Nation and spake the Greek language There is a Spaniard that hath lately written a Description of Old Spain and will have Tarshish whither Solomon's ships went with the Ships of Hiram king of Tyre to be Tartesses in the South of Spain near to Hercules Pillars and indeed Aristotle in his Strange reports saies that when the Phaenicians came first thither they found so much Silver that they were not able to carry it away but were fain to make their Anchors and their Ship-furniture all of Silver But if this Tartessus be that Tarshish it seems the Phoenicians so called it because it lay unto Carthage their new Tyre as old Tarshish in Cilicia lay to old Tyre that is North-westward or else they called it Tarshish because they went to it by the Sea of Tarshish The Septuagint who often turn Tarshish the Carthaginians seem to allude to the name as though Carthago were Cartarshish a City of Tarshish but Carthage was no Colony of Cicilia but of Phaenicia Vrbs antiqua fuit Tyrii tenuere coloni Carthago But it should seem of all these or some of these the whole Mediterranean Sea was called Tarshish for the Chaldee Paraphrast almost always turns Tarshish 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is the Sea whom Tremellius follows The Cittaeans lie open both to the AEgean and to the Mediterranean Seas and therefore might send Colonies both ways And first it is likely that they peopled Crete and the Isles at the mouth of the AEgean Sea But because the Prophecy of Daniel concerning the ships of Chittim that should come against Antiochus magnus was fulfilled by the Romans we must grant Italy also a Colony of our Cittaeans which seems to be the East part thereof which lies toward Syria and was anciently called Magna Graecia and yet I suppose that these Cittaei went as high as Tyber unto the borders of their brethren the Hetrusci and were those which were called Aborigines and Latini and that part called Magna Graecia was filled with other Greek Colonies afterward and of more late time because they spake the same Greek that other Greek nations did but those Aborigines or Latini spake the ancient Ionian tongue as Varro affirmeth and it should seem besides that they were a Colony of the ancienter Ionians or Greeks because they kept their Father Iavan's name amongst them calling him Ianus whom the other Grecians seem to have by some mischance forgotten even as the ancient Germans once worshipped Terra mater as Tacitus says called Erthus and yet now they have no such name in all their language whereas we one of their Colonies have still the name Earth Munster and some others would have Ianus to be Noah with a far-fetcht reason from ◠Vinum because Noah planted a Vineyard and was drunken with the wine thereof But this hath no likelihood at all that the Greek nation alone should worship the Father of all mankind whereas others remember only the Father of their own nations as the Thracians Odrysus the Arabians Sabin Assabinus And that name Ianus is so plain for Iavanus that I wonder how they could miss it And it may be that same Oenotrius of whom Italy was called Oenotria for both signify Vinosus and besides that Oenotrius was one of the Surnames of Ianus Furthermore that the Romans were Iavanites or Grecians methinks I could prove out of Rom. 10. 12. where S. Paul speaking particularly to the Romans says after this manner There is no difference between the Iew and the Greek for the same Lord over all is rich unto all that call upon him where he seems to comprehend the Romans under the Grecians But if any man will think otherwise he shall have my leave But to return to that we are somewhat digressed from Iunius expounding this Prophecy of the ships of Chittim would have the Romans ships called the ships of Cittim because they came immediately from the coast of Cittim that is Crilicia in the havens whereof they used to lie But Cittim is a name of the plural number and therefore not the name of a Country but of a People how then could the Romans ships be called the ships of the Cittaeans unless they had a
Hallowing of God's Name yet behind which must be joyned therewith which is To sanctifie him also in the things which have his Name upon them that is are separate and dedicate to his service or in a word which are His namely by a peculiar relation For otherwise it is true The whole earth is the Lord's and the fulness thereof the World and those that dwell therein But there are some things His not as other things are and so as they are no longer Ours such as according to the style of Scripture as I have already noted are said to be called by his Name or to have his Name called upon them These are things sacred Therefore I told you before of a twofold Sanctity or Holiness the one Original Absolute and Essential in God the other Derived or Relative in that which is set apart to be in a peculiar and appropriate manner His. For whatsoever belongeth unto him in this manner is divided from other things with preeminence whether they be Things or Persons which are so separated For in such separation we shewed the nature of Sanctity in general to consist Now as the Divine Majesty it self is separate and holy so know it is a part of that honour we owe unto his most Sacred Name that the Things whereby and wherewith he is served should not be promisenous and common but appropriate and set apart to that sacred end It is an honour which in some degree of resemblance we afford unto Kings Princes and other persons of dignity of infinite less eminency than God is to interdict the use of that to others which they are wont to use sometimes the whole kind sometimes the individual only As we know in former times to wear purple to subscribe with the Ink called Encaustum of a purple colour and other the like which the diligent may find were appropriate to the use of Kings and Emperors only In the Book of the Kings we read of the King's Mule so appropriate to his use as to ride upon him was to be made King 1 Kings 1. 33 44. In the Book of Esther Chap. 6. 8. of the Horse that King Ahasucrus used to ride upon put in the same rank with the Crown and royal apparel which none but the King might wear And of individual Utensils thus appropriated and as it were dedicated to the alone use of persons of eminency our own times want not examples Whence natural Instinct may seem to prompt unto us that such appropriation is a testimony of honor and respect Sure I am that Almighty God hath revealed it to be a part of that Honor we owe unto him Thus all the Utensils of the Tabernacle and Temple were sacred and set apart to that use and not the Utensils of the Altar only but even the Instruments of Musick which David ordained to praise the Lord with in the Temple were not common but consecrated unto God for that end whence they are called 1 Chron. 16. 42. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Instrumenta musica Dei the musical Instruments of God that is sacred ones and 2 Chron. 7. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the musical Instruments of the Lord. Agreeably whereunto those who sung the fore-alledged song of victory over the Beast are said to have had in their hands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the harps of God that is not prophane or common but sacred Harps the Harps of the Temple for there they sung this their Antheme standing upon the great Laver or Sea of glass which was therein Nay our Blessed Saviour Mark 11. 16. would not suffer a prophane or common vessel to be so much as carried through his Father's House accounting it as great a prophanation as to buy and sell there And yet was not this abuse which is a thing well to be marked within those Septs of the Temple which the Iews accounted sacred but in the outmost Court called Atrium gentium immundorum the place whither together with such as were unclean the Gentiles and uncircumcised were admitted to pray as that of the Prophet cited by our Saviour rightly rendred intimates My house shall be called a house of Prayer to or for ALL NATIONS Consider Esay 56. 6 7. This Court therefore the Iews made no other account of than as of a prophane place but our Saviour proved by Scripture that this Gentiles Oratory was also part of his Father's house and accordingly not to be prophaned with common use Lastly There was never any age of the Christian Church till of late wherein it was not commonly believed that God was to be honoured by such appropriation or consecration as we speak of that is that God's Name was in this manner to be sanctified But are there any will you say now that deny it Yes there are some in our age so far carried away into a contrary extreme to that they flie from that they hold no oblation or consecration of things unto God by the devotion of men in the New Testament whether of Utensils Goods Times or Places ought to be esteemed lawful but that all distinction between sacred and prophane in external things by virtue of such consecration excepting only the Sacraments is flat superstition Yet to him that seriously considers it it cannot chuse methinks but seem strange and absurd to affirm as this assertion doth that men now in the time of the Gospel are exempted and freed from agnizing God to be Lord of the creature by giving some part thereof unto him than which no part of Divine Worship is more natural and which hath been used by mankind ever since the beginning of the world Yea in the state of Paradise among all the Trees in the Garden which God gave man freely to enjoy one Tree was Noli me tangere and reserved to God as Holy in token he was Lord of the Garden So that the first sin of Mankind for the species of the fact was Sacriledge in prophaning that which God had made holy They say It is true that in the Old Testament this way of honouring and acknowledging God was warranted by the Divine Law but in the New we find no precept given concerning it nor confirmation of that which was before Now God is not to be worshipped with any worship but what he hath himself prescribed in his Word I answer What though there be no particular precept in the New Testament for this no more than for divers other duties which a Christian is bound to yet if a general warrant be the particular needs not But our Saviour saith in his Gospel in that Evangelical Sermon he preached upon the Mount that he came not to dissolve the Law and the Prophets but to fulfil and perfect them Think not saith he that I am come to dissolve the Law and the Prophets that is to take away the obligation of that Rule of the duty of man to God and his neighbour given first by Moses in the Law and afterwards repeated and inculcated
be made by God's appointment at Mount Sinai but was much more ancient Noah built an Altar as soon as he came out of the Arkâ— Abraham Isaac and Iacob wheresoever they came to pitch their Tents erected Places for Divine worship that is Altars with their septs and enclosures without any special appointment from God Iacob in particular vowed a place for Divine worship by the name of God's House where he would pay the Tithes of all that God should give him Gen. 28. 19 c. Lo here a Church endowed Yea Moses himself Exod. 33. 7. before the Ark and that glorious Tabernacle were yet made pitched a Tabernacle for the same purpose without the Camp whither every one that sought the Lord was to go And all this was done tanquam recepti moris as a thing of custom and as mankind by Tradition had learned to accommodate the Worship of their God by appropriating some Place to that use Nature teaching them that the work was honoured and dignified by the peculiarness of the place appointed for the same and that if any work were so to be honoured there was nothing it more beseemed than the Worship and service of Almighty God the most peculiar and incommunicable act of all other Nay more than this It was believed in those elder times That that Country or Territory wherein no Place was set apart for the Worship of God was unhallowed and unclean Which I think I rightly gather from that Story in the Book of Iosua of the Altar built by Reuben Gad and the half Tribe of Manasseh upon the bank of the River Iordan which Iosua and the Elders as their words intimate supposed they had done lest the land of their possession being by the River Iordan cut off from the land of Canaan where the Lord's Tabernacle was and so having no place therein consecrated to the worship of their God might otherwise be an unclean and unhallowed habitation Hear the words of Phinehas and the Princes sent to disswade them Iosua 22. 19. and judge whether they import not as I have said If the land say they of your possession be unclean then pass ye â—ver unto the land of the possession of the LORD where the LORD'S Tabernacle dwelleth and take possession amongst us but rebel not against the LORD nor against us in building you an Altar besides the Altar of the LORD your God Now concerning the condition and property of Places thus sanctified or hallowed what it is whence can we learn better than from that which the Lord spake unto Moses Exod. 20. immediately after he had pronounced the Decalogue from Mount Sinai where premising that they should not make with him gods of gold and gods of silver but that they should make himâ— an Altar of earth as namely their ambulatory state then permitted otherwise of stone and thereon sacrifice their burnt-offerings and peace-offerings he adds in all places where I record my Name I will come unto thee and bless thee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In every place where the remembrance or memorial of my Name shall be or Wheresoever that is which I have or shall appoint to be the remembrance or memorial of my Name and presence there I will come unto thee and bless thee Lo here a description of the Place set apart for Divine worship It is the Place where God records his Name and comes unto men to bless them Two things are here specified The Monument Record or Memorial of God's Name secondly His coming or meeting therewith men Of both let us enquire distinctly what they mean I know it would not be untrue to say in general That God's Name is recorded or remembred in that place upon which his Name is called or which is called by his Name as the Scripture speaks that is which is dedicate to his worship and service But there is some more special thing intended here namely the Memorial or Monument of God's Name is that token or Symbole whereby he testifieth his Covenant and commerce with men Now although the Arkâ— called the Ark of the Covenant or Testimony wherein lay the two Tables namely the Book or Articles of the Covenant and Manna the Bread of the Covenant were afterwards made for this purpose to be the standing Memorial of God's Name and Presence with his people yet cannot that be here either only or specially aimed at because when these words were spoken it had no being nor was there yet any commandment given concerning the making thereof Wherefore the Record here mentioned I understand with a more general reference to any Memorial whereby God's Covenant and commerce with men was testified such as were the Sacrifices immediately before spoken of and the seat of them the Altar which therefore may seem to be in some sort the more particularly here pointed unto For that these were Rites of remembrance whereby the Name of God was commemorated or recorded and his Covenant with men renewed and testified might be easily proved Whence it is that that which was burned upon the Altar is so often called the Memorial as in Leviticus the 2. 5. 6 and 24. chapters Accordingly the son of Sirach tells us chap. 45. 16. that Aaron was chosen out of all men living to offer Sacrifices to the Lord incense and a sweet savour for a Memorial to make reconciliation for his people Add also that Esay 66. 3. Qui recordatur thure quasi qui benedicat Idolo He that without true contrition and humiliation before the Lord recordeth or maketh remembrance with incense is as if he blessed an Idol But I must not stay too long upon this You will say What is all this to us now in the time of the Gospel I answer Yes For did not Christ ordain the holy Eucharist to be the Memorial of his Name in the New Testament This saith he is my Body 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Do this for my Commemoration or in Memorial of me And what if I should affirm that Christ is as much present here as the Lord was upon the Mercy-seat between the Cherubims Why should not then the Place of this Memorial under the Gospel have some semblable sanctity to that where the Name of God was recorded in the Law And though we be not now tied to one only Place as those under the Law were and that God heareth the faithful prayers of his Servants wheresoever they are made unto him as also he did then yet should not the Places of his Memorial be promiscuous and common but set apart to that sacred purpose In a word All those sacred Memorials of the Iewish Temple are both comprehended and excelled in this One of Christians the Sacrifices Shew-bread and Ark of the Covenant Christ's Body and Bloud in the Eucharist being all these unto us in the New Testament agreeable to that of the Apostle Rom. 3. 25. God hath set forth Iesus Christ to be our 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 through faith in
either did or do yet demurr for the present and it need be no wonder if in so Voluminous a Collection as this enrich'd with so great a variety of Notions one should chance sometimes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nor would the Author himself have taken it ill in his life-time if he had not been thought Infallible and if every Hypothesis of his were not readily swallowed down I know no Book but the divinely-inspired Bible of which it may be said as it was of the Roll to Ezekiel and of that little Book to S. Iohn 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereas of any other Writing or Composure of a fallible and uninspired man it may generally be said as Clemens Alexandrinus somewhere in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 observes of the Greek Philosophy 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 yet have I in those very Passages express'd as great a diligence and faithfulness as in any other particulars of those Discourses and Treatises wherein I did most fully accord with the Author 2. As the Prints have been examin'd by the Original Manuscripts so likewise the Quotations that frequently occur therein not only those out of the H. Scripture but out of the ancient Liturgies Councils Fathers the Hebrew Writers Historians Poets or any other Monuments of Antiquity have been carefully collated and also set down more largely where they were but briefly referr'd to sometimes in the Author's Papers This care though not over-easie I have found upon trial not to be needless it being ordinary and scarce possible to be otherwise where there are many Quotations to mis-write the numbers of some Books or Chapters that are quoted and being well assured it would be much for the Reader 's Benefit the desire thereof did animate me to this laborious service which became yet more laborious in that the Authors were not always mention'd or if the Authors yet the Book and Chapter were not always express'd But in this Edition these are all particularly set down except some among so great a number of Quotations might possibly escape me but if any were pretermitted I am sure they were only some short ones or such as rather added some little ornament to the matter in hand than any necessary support and strength to any of his peculiar and principal Notions There is one thing more that is not impertinent to be here advertis'd That whereas the Author did use in several of his Chappel-exercises and other Discourses delivered in publick to quote the Hebrew Chaldee Syriack and sometimes also the Greek Testimonies especially if they were long not in those Languages but in Latine as judging it perhaps more fit and useful to quote them in a Language which might be understood by all that heard him even by the younger Students than to make an astonishing clatter with many words of a strange sound and of an unknown sense to some in the Auditory I thought it would be most for the advantage of this Edition now that the forementioned reason of his then quoting in Latine did cease his Discourses being now exposed to the publick view to set down these Authorities all or part of them in their own Language especially where it is more significant and emphatical And this is the reason why the Reader will find some passages out of the Hebrew Writers as also some out of S. Basil Greg. Nazianzen his brother Caesarius Epiphanius Chrysostome Theodoret and other Greek Authors represented in their Original and proper Language Which I thought would be a greater satisfaction to the more learned and yet that others might be also gratified they are done into English 3. That several passages in the Author's Works and such as I think the Author himself would have taken care for had he revis'd them for the publick use I have endeavour'd to make more evident and instructive by Marginal illustrations not to mention the many places of Scripture added also in the Margins which were pretermitted in the Original MSs. as to name some amongst many in Book I. Discourse XXXV pag. 177. where he relates the several opinions of some Hebrew Doctors concerning Urim and Thummim I have set in the margin their very expressions as also the places not mentioned by him where their other Notions of the same argument are to be found And in Discourse L an elaborate piece of Sacred Geography as also in Discourse LI part of which treats of all the kinds of Sacrifices and Offerings under the Law there is set down in the margins what I thought might give farther light to his Observations besides a summary account of the Author's Method in those Discourses set all along in the margins The like care I thought needful for his Concio ad Clerum Book II. pag. 398. As for those Three Pieces published in his life-time viz. His Clavis Commentationes Apocalypticae his Tract about Churches and that about the name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there needed nothing of Marginal observation for the explaining of the Author's sense they were so exactly perused by himself There are indeed in this Edition of his Commentary upon the Apocalyps some Marginal notes that were not extant in the former but these are not mine but were the Author 's own Additions and were transcribed out of the printed Book where he himself had written them in the margins as he had also corrected some few faults in the print Only sometimes in the margins of this learned Treatise I thought it might be of use besides some marginal references to set down where the Greek reading he chose in some few places to follow is confirm'd by the authority of Tecla's or the Alexandrian Copy a Manuscript of most venerable antiquity and inserted in the Biblia Polyglotta and to this very purpose besides many other advantages himself would have made use of that noble Edition had it been extant in his life-time 4. That besides that some of the formerly-printed Discourses and Tracts are now published with several Enlargements out of the Author's Manuscripts there are XXXII Additional Pieces in this Edition no slight nor inconsiderable accession to the Author's Works Nor do I know of any one Tract or Fragment of a Tract that contain'd any Notion worthy of the Author that is not brought into this Edition in Book V. which consists of Miscellanies or set somewhere in the Margins of the other Books There were indeed among his Papers Three Discourses one upon Zech. 8. 19. which was deliver'd by him in publick in the year 1611. after he was newly made Master of Arts and one upon 1 Iohn 3. 9. and another upon Matth. 6. 33. which were made a little after but these did seem less fit for the publick upon the same reason that he was unwilling some Latine Dissertations written by him in his younger days should be made publick As for two short Discourses of his upon Genes 28. 16. and upon Exod. 3. 5. found among his Papers they had been published but
unacquainted with the Schemes of Prophetick style for these alone are competent judges in these matters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let such as these judge between the Author's method and the Novel way of interpreting wherein the Learned Hugo Grotius is the Choragus and leads the Dance a Dance which has made those of the Court of Rome no little sport For me here to make a judgment upon these two so distant Methods of Interpretation if it were fit yet it is needless both of them being brought into view and impartially compared and the Author's Method undeniably evinced to be the better and fully vindicated from the little pretensions of the contrary party and all this perform'd by one not only of the same University but of the same Colledge too which renders the performance more decorous and graceful it being as well a becoming testimony of a fair and worthy respect to the Author's memory as a seasonable service to the Truth it self This is a little of the much that might be observ'd touching the Author 's Intellectual Accomplishments His Moral Endowments did testifie his great Piety as the other his great Parts and Learning By his Moral Endowments I mean his Humility and Charity his Moderation Peaceable-Spiritedness Long-suffering and Patience his Meekness towards those that oppos'd themselves his Benignity Largeness and Openness of Spirit his Zeal for God and things Holy Iust and Good his Freedom from Ambition Envy and Love of the World his Sympathies and Pious Solicitudes for the Breaches in Christendom and not to instance in all those Vertues that shined forth in him and render'd him an Exemplary and Usefull Christian I shall name only one more and it 's that which is the signal Character of the Best Souls such as approch nearest to an Heroick State of Goodness and the greatest resemblance of the Divinity his Communicativeness and readiness to do good and that particularly by a free imparting unto all ingenuous lovers of Knowledge of his best Treasures and his Unweariedness herein an argument that he sensibly knew that Noble pleasure which useth to accompany the exercise of such Beneficence And which is the Crown of all all these were actuated and inspirited by Faith the Root of every Grace that is truly Christian and accordingly the necessity of such a Living and Operative Faith the Author has with great seriousness treated in several of his Discourses And here indeed were a large and pleasant Field to traverse a rich argument to discourse upon But there being in the following History of the Author's Life a very particular account of these and other his Endowments which must needs make his Memory precious to all persons of Piety and Learning I would not by an unnecessary lengthening of this Preface detain the Reader too long from the satisfaction he may there receive Thus much in brief touching The Author 2. Concerning his Writings besides what has been intimated by the way in the foregoiâ—g Advertisements these things are fit to be observ'd 1. That there were Three Treatises of his published in his life-time The First was his Clavis Commentationes Apocalypticae the largest and withal the most elaborate of any of his Writings This was his First-born his might and the excellency of his strength as Iacob spake of his First-born It was extorted from him by the loving violence of some great Friends otherwise he would have deferr'd the publishing of it till he had perfected his Specimina upon the last Chapters of the Apocalyps into a just Commentary agreeably to that large method of Interpreting wherein he had proceeded to the end of Chap. 14. The other Two short Tracts viz. about the Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 anciently given to the H. Table and about Churches in the Apostles times were not published neither without his modest reluctancy he was overruled herein by his Superiors whose Command for the former was accompanied with this high Elogium as some of the Author's friends have related it That this little Piece should silence all other Tracts about that argument there being enough therein said they to satisfie all reasonable men and there having been more than enough already published but to less purpose The English of the many Quotations in these Two Tracts not translated by the Author I have set not in the body of the line immediately after any of the Quotations but in another Column To have done so in the rest of his Works would have swell'd the whole into a greater bulk But I chose to do thus in these Two Tracts because they were published in his life-time and without any Translation immediately following the several Testimonies out of others And yet I am apt to think that if he had lived to prepare for the publick view some other Tracts or Discourses he would have render'd them into English and I the rather think so because he has done thus in some Discourses perfected by him though not published not long before his death These were his Discourse upon Eccles. 5. 1. intitled The Reverence of God's House and that upon S. Matth. 6. 9. about the Sanctification of God's Name These were revised by him and seem to have received his last care besides some other Tracts as his Paraphrase and Exposition of S. Peter's Prophecy and that Latin Tract De Numeris Danielis 2. That his other Discourses and Treatises whether formerly printed or now added were Opera Posthuma and yet too good to have been buried in obscurity and consequently lost to the World for according to that twice-mentioned sentence in Siracides ch 20. 41. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 although had they been revised by the Author in order to printing they would doubtless have received some polishing lustre and farther enrichments from his last hand How advantageous such a Revisal of them would have been may appear from those fore-mentioned Discourses of his the former draughts whereof as they were deliver'd in the Colledge-Chappel were upon his review and going over them again much enlarged and made more full This Advertisement was fit to be here mentioned and that in justice to the Author's memory And therefore it is a very reasonable request to entreat the Reader to peruse them with that Candour and Fairness which is deem'd by all ingenuous persons but a due respect to the Posthumous Works of Worthy men In the confidence of such a Favor Civility have the Posthuma of many Learned men been presented to the world particularly some Posthumous Pieces of the eminently learned Bishop Andrews by the then Bishops of London and Ely the Three last Books of the Iudicious Mr. Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity by the late Bishop of Worcester and to name but one more of the many that might be mentioned the Profound Dr. Iackson's Tenth and Eleventh Books of Commentaries upon the Creed by the unexpressible industry of the Reverend Mr. Oley Upon the like confidence of a fair respect to be afforded to the Posthuma
natam Salutem MDCXXXVIII AEtatis Suae LII Some Additionals to Mr. Mede's LIFE by One who had the Honour and Happiness to be intimately known to him many years UNderstanding what rich Materials are prepared for Mr. Mede's Life and into what accurate Hands they are come for the Composure I can never give my consent that these course and ragged Papers be admitted otherwise than Post-script wise or as a Godicill which may pass through any ordinary hand annexed to an exactly-penn'd Testament yet so as that the one may justly pretend to the same Veracity and Authentickness with that of the other Upon this condition I proceed and in this Order contriving what I have to say into certain distinct Particularities Which I humbly conceive will be less unacceptable to the Reader As for the purpose 1. Remarkables concerning Mr. Mede's Election into his Fellowship together with the Occasion of his devoting the Tenth of his Estate to Pious uses MR. Mede had now continued in the University until after he took the Degree of Master of Arts and had already received some strange Preteritions at Elections Dr. Carey after Bishop of Exceter the then Head of the Colledge entertaining a very causeless Iealousie of him that he looked too much towards Geneva About this time a worthy Gentleman in the North earnestly invited him to live with him and upon very handsome Terms Yet Mr. Mede took time to consider of it It was then Sturbridge-Fair and there in a Stationer's shop Mr. Mede lighted on a Book of Mathematicks which he had great use of and had long thirsted after The lowest price was 50s. He thought the Book worth the money But the great Question was Whether the taking so much Money out of his Purse would not be as the taking away too much Bloud from an extraordinary weak Body Hereupon he retiring into a private walk hard by entered into a serious Consultation with himself what he should do whether he should buy the Book and leave the University embracing the Gentleman 's noble Proposal or else whether he should leave the Book and continue there longer For his slender Income would not allow him to enjoy both Conveniences together nor could have possibly afforded his Continuance in the Colledge so long had it not met with the great felicity of so Frugal and Prudent a Manager of it as himself was Whilest he was busily pondering and weighing Conveniencies and Inconveniencies one against another on both sides who should accidentally pass by but that Excellent Person and his very dear Friend Sir William Boswell then Fellow of Iesus Colledge and a rare Ornament to the whole University He perceiving who it was that walked there in such a deep study drew near to him closed with him and as he mought well do it demanded the Reason of that his solicitous Thoughtfulness Mr. Mede glad of the Opportunity readily disclosed all to him Mr. Boswell that was his Title then at first encouraged him to accept of the Gentleman's Propositions who himself knew to be a Worthy Person Noble Ingenuous Learned and Master of a well-furnished Library alleging farther that the good Leisure the good Conversation the now good Competency that honest Salary being twisted with what he had of his own and other good Accommodations he should there enjoy would enable him to do the Church and Commonwealth of Learning more service with his Pen than perhaps his Impediment of Speech would suffer him to do in the Pulpit Mr. Mede easily consenting to the Advice of so great and good a Friend parted from him with a Resolution to go that way He was not gone many steps when Mr. Boswell called him back again But Ioseph saith he it is great pity though that thou shouldst leave us for want of a Book Lo here is all my stock at present shewing him 5 pieces but come we will divide Go and buy the Book Mr. Mede began modestly to refuse this Courtesie as too great to be received and objected How shall I be able to be solvent in convenient time Mr. Boswell as importunately forced it upon him with these friendly words I pray thee take no care of repayment let that be when thou canst or in what small parcels thou wilt or whether it be ever or never it will be all one to me And so Mr. Mede is possessed of his Book and become a Continuer again Within a short time after the Colledge had privy notice of a Stranger who had got a Mandamus for a Fellowship either Fallen or Falling This news hastened them to a preventing Election and now the Master is contented to hear of Mr. Mede He is chosen but conditionally and provisionally that if the Mandamus be not diverted and shall be over-powerfully urged he must recede Mr. Mede therefore maturely makes his Applications to that Great both Oracle of Learning and Protector of Learned men the thrice Renowned L. B. Andrews by whose propitious Assistence he is now confirmed Fellow of that Colledge to which he owed his Education and for which he had so Filial a Dearness This Signal Providence and Goodness of Almighty God Mr. Mede was so piously sensible of that he solemnly vowed and as Religiously kept that Vow to lay aside every Tenth shilling he should ever receive in the Colledge and to dedicate it to Pious uses This Story to me not inconsiderable left so deep an Impression in me that I am able to warrant not only the Substance but even almost every Circumstance of it as I have related it And as to the Interlocutory part I verily believe I scarce vary in a word as I received it and all the rest immediately from the lips of that Miracle of Worth whether as a Scholar or a Statesman or a Friend or a Patriot or a Christian Sir William Boswell whiles he was Ambassadour Resident in the Nether-lands As concerning this strange Vow I had heard of it accidentally in Mr. Mede's life-time and once I took the freedom to ask him about it He startled at it that I should come to the knowledge of it and after a pause he only said this I charge you as a Friend to keep it to your self which I faithfully did till after his death And now if the Reader will not think his Patience too much imposed upon I could furnish him with another like Instance and that out of Mr. Mede's own Colledge one who was Contemporary with Mr. Mede but a long and early Discontinuer and one I think not unknown to him I am sure a great Admirer of him And this was Mr. William Whately sometime Vicar of Banbury that famous and perfect Preacher and that not only ad Populum as some great Wits have liberally acknowledged who would often slip out of Oxford on purpose to hear him and came at first with prejudice enough This Rare Preacher and therefore the Rarer because so Frequent had in his Pulpit upon a Holy-day when there was a very full Auditory with great Zeal
11. 29. when he expresseth the prophanation of the Holy Supper in coming to it and using it as a common banquet by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not differencing the Lord's body that is not sanctifying it or using it as became so holy a thing HITHERTO I have considered the words of my Text apart but now let us put them again together and see How the Name of God ought to be Sanctified in the manner now specified both in it self and in the things which it is called upon as in the beginning I distinguished For the better understanding of which we are to take notice of a twofold Holiness one Original Absolute and Essential in God the other Derived or Relative in the things which are His properly according to the use of the Latin called Sacra Sacred things Both these have their several and distinct Sanctifications belonging unto them For whatsoever is Holy ought to be sanctified according to the condition and proportion of the Holiness it hath To speak of them distinctly The first Original or Absolute Holiness is nothing else but the incommunicable Eminency of the Divine Majesty exalted above all and divided from all other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Eminencies whatsoever For that which a man takes to be and makes account of as his God whether it be such indeed or by him fancyed only he ascribes unto it â—in so doing a condition of Eminency above and distinct from all other Eminencies whatsoever that is of Holiness Hence it comes that we find the Lord the God of Israel and the only true God in Scripture so often styled Sanctus Israelis the Holy One of Israel that is Israel's most Eminent and Incommunicable One or which is all one His God as namely Psal. 89. 18. The Lord is our defence the HOLY ONE of Israel is our King Esay 17. 7. At that day shall a man look unto his Maker and his eyes shall have respect to the HOLY ONE of Israel Habak 1. 12. Art not thou from everlasting O Lord my God mine HOLY ONE Agreeably whereunto the Lord is said also now and then to swear by his HOLINESS that is by Himself as in the Psalm before alledged v. 35. Once have I sworn by my HOLINESS that I will not lie unto David c. Amos 4. 2. The Lord God hath sworn by his HOLINESS that lo the dayes shall come upon you that he will take you away with hooks c. According to this sense I suppose also that of Amos 8. 7. isâ— to be understood The Lord hath sworn by the Excellency of Iacob that is Iacob's most Eminent and Incommunicable One or by Iacob's HOLY ONE Surely I will never forget any of their works c. For indeed the Gods of the Nations were not properly and truly Holy because but partially and respectively only forasmuch as the Divine eminency which they were supposed to have was even in the opinion of those who worshipped them common to others with them and so not discriminated from nor exalted above all But the God of Israel was simply and absolutely such both in himself and to them-ward who worshipped him as who might acknowledge no other and therefore 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and by way of distinction from all other Gods called Sanctus Israelis The Holy One of Israel that is that sole absolute and only incommunicable One or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as the Author of the Book of Wisdome calls him chap. 14. 21. That God exalted above all and divided from all without pareil there being no other such besides him There is none holy as the Lord saith Hannah for there is none besides thee Lxx. none Holy besides thee neither is there any Rock like our God Wherefore it is to be observed that although the Scripture every where vouchsafes the Gentiles Daemons the name of Gods yet it never I think calls them Holy Ones as indeed they were not Thus you see that as Holiness in general imports a state of eminency and separation so this of God as I have described it disagrees not from that general notion when I affirm it to consist in a state of peerless or incommunicable Majesty for that which is such includes both the one and the other But would you understand it yet better Apply it then to his Attributes whereby he is known unto us and know that The Lord is Holy is as much as to say He is a Majesty of peerless Power of peerless Wisdom of peerless Goodness and so of the rest Such a one is our God and such is his Holiness Now then to Sanctifie this peerless Name or Majesty of his must be by doing unto him according to that which his Holiness challengeth in respect of the double importance thereof namely to serve and glorifie him because of his Eminency and to do it with a singular separate and incommunicated worship because he is Holy Not to do the former is Irreligion and Atheism as not to acknowledg God to be the Chief and Soveraign Eminency not to observe the second is Idolatry For as the Lord our God is a singular and peerless Majesty distinguished from and exalted above all things and eminencies else whatsoever so must his Worship be singular incommunicable and proper to him alone Otherwise saith Ioshnah to the people Ye cannot serve the Lord. Why For saith he He is an Holy God He is a jealous God that can endure no corrival He will not forgive your transgressions nor your sins Iâ— ye forsake the Lord and serve strange gods c. Whence in Scripture those who communicate the Worship given unto him with any besides him or together with him by way of Object that is whether immediately or but mediately are deemed to deny his incomparable Sanctity and therefore said to prophane his Holy Name See Ezek. 20. 39. and chap. 43. 7 8. Levit. 18. 21. In a word All that whole immediate Duty and Service which we ow unto God whether inward or outward contained under the name of Divine Worship when either we confess praise pray unto call upon or swear by his Name yea all the Worship both of men and Angels is nothing else but to acknowledg in thought word and work this peerless preeminence of his Power of his Wisdom of his Goodness and other Attributes that is His Holiness by ascribing and giving unto him that which we give and ascribe to none besides him that is to sanctifie his most Holy Name This is that the Holy Ghost would teach us when describing how the Seraphims worship and glorifie God Esay 6. 3. he brings them in crying one unto another Holy Holy Holy is the Lord God of hosts the whole earth is full of his glory that is Sanctifying him From whence is derived that which we repeat every day in the Hymne To thee all Angels cry aloud the heavens and all the powers therein To thee Cherubim and Seraphim continually do cry Holy Holy Holy Lord God
New the Christian Clergy or Clerus so called from the beginning of Christian Antiquity either because they are the Lord 's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Portion which the Church dedicateth unto him out of her self namely as the Levites were an offering of the Children of Israel which they offered unto him out of their Tribes or because their inheritance and livelihood is the Lord's portion I prefer the first yet either of both will give their Order the title of Holiness as doth also more especially their descent which they derive from the Apostles that is from those for whom their Lord and Master prayed unto his Father saying Father 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sanctisie them unto or for thy Truth thy Word is Truth that is Separate them unto the Ministery of thy Truth the word of thy Gospel which is the truth and verification of the promises of God It follows As thou hast sent me into the world so have I also sent them into the world this is the key which unlocks the meaning of that before and after And for them I sanctifie my self that they might be sanctified for thy Truth that is And forasmuch as they cannot be consecrated to such an Office without some sacrifice to atone and purifie them therefore for their consecration to this holy function of ministration of the new Covenant I offer my self a Sacrifice unto thee for them in lieu of those legal and typical ones wherewith Aaron and his sons first and then the whole Tribe of Levi were consecrated unto thy service in the old An Ellipsis of the first Substantive in Scripture is frequent So here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only is put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Truth for the Ministery of Truth Now that the Christian Church for of the Iewish I shall need say nothing hath alwayes taken it for granted that those of her Clergy ought according to the separation and sanctity of their Order to be distinguished and differenced from other Christians both passively in their usance from others but especially actively by a restrained conversation and peculiarness in their manner of life is manifest by her ancient Canons and Discipline Yea so deeply hath it been rooted in the minds of men that the Order of Church-men binds them to some differing kind of conversation and form of life from the Laity that even those who are not willing to admit of the like discrimination due in other things have still in their opinions some relick thereof remaining in this though perhaps not altogether to be acquitted of that imputation which Tertullian charged upon some in his time to wit Quum excellimur inflamur adversùs Clerum tunc unum omnes sumus tunc omnes Sacerdotes quia Sacerdotes nos Deo Patri fecit Quum ad peraequationem Disciplinae Sacerdotalis provocamur deponimus insulas impares sumus When we vaunt and are puffed up against the Clergie then we are all one then we are all Priests for he made us Priests to God and his Father But when we are called upon to equal in our lives the example of Priestly Discipline then down go our Miâ—res and we are another sort of men Another sort of things Sacred which I named was Sacred Places to wit Churches and Oratories as the Christian name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 implieth them to be that is the Lord's A third Sacred Times that is dedicated and appointed for the solemn celebration of the worship of God and Divine duties such are with us for those of the Iews concern us not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 our Lord's dayes with other our Christian Festivals and Holy-dayes Of the manner of the discrimination from common or sanctifying both the one and the other by actions some commanded others interdicted to be done in them the Canons and Constitutions of our Church will both inform and direct us For holy Times and holy Places are Twins Time and Place being as I may so speak pair-circumstances of action and therefore Lev. 19. 30. and again 26. 2. they are joyned together tanquam ejusdem rationis Keep my Sabbaths and reverence my Sanctuary The fourth sort of Sacred things is of such as are neither Persons Times nor Places but Things in a special sense by way of distinction from them And this sort containeth under it many particulars which may be specified after this manner 1. Sacred Revenues of what kind soever which in regard of the dedication thereof as they must not be prophaned by sacrilegious alienation so ought they to be sanctified by a different use and imployment from other Goods namely such a one as becometh that which is the Lord's and not man's For that Primitive Christian Antiquity so esteemed them appears by their calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they did their Place of Worship 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and their Holy day 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 all of the Lord as it were Christening the old notion of Sacred by a new name So Can. Apostol XL. Manifestae sint Episcopi res propriae si quidem res habet proprias manifesta sint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. res Dominicae Let it be manifest what things are the Bishop's own if he have any things of his own and let it be manifest what things are the Lord 's Author constitut Apost Lib. 2. c. 28. al. 24. Episcopus ne utatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dominicis rebus tanquam alienis aut communibus sed moderatè Let not the Bishop use the things that are the Lord's as if they were another's or as if they were common but moderately and soberly See also Balsamon in Can. 15. Concilii Ancyrani and the Canon it self 2. Sacred Vtensils as the Lord's Table Vessels of ministration the Books of God or Holy Scripture and the like Which that the Church even in her better times respected with an holy and discriminative usance may be learned from the story of that calumnious crimination devised by the Arrian Faction against Athanasius as a charge of no small impiety namely that in his Visitation of the Tract of Marcotis Macarius one of his Presbyters by his command or instinct had entered into a Church of the Miletian Schismaticks and there broken the Chalice or Communion-Cup thrown down the Table and burnt some of the Holy Books All which argues that in the general opinion of Christians of that time such acts were esteemed prophane and impious otherwise they could never have hoped as they did to have blasâ—ed the reputation of the holy Bishop by such a slander Touching the Books of God or Holy Scripture which I referred to this Title especially those which are for the publick service of God in the Church I adde this further That under that name I would have comprehended the senses words and phrases appropriated to the expression of Divine and Sacred things which a Religious ear cannot endure to
at Thessalonica and proving out of the Scriptures that Messiah or Christ was to suffer and to rise again from the dead and that Iesus was that Christ it is said that some of them which heard believed and that there associated themselves to them a great multitude 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the worshipping Greeks Of these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there is elsewhere mention in the Acts of the Apostles more than once but what they were our Commentators do not so fully inform us nor can it be understood without some delibation of Iewish Antiquity The explication whereof will give some light not to this passage only but to the whole Story of the Primitive Conversion of the Gentiles to the Faith recorded in that Book We must know therefore that of those Gentiles which embraced the worship of the God of Israel commonly term'd Proselytes there were two sorts One of such as were circumcised and took upon them the observation of the whole Law of Moses These were accounted as Iews to wit facti non nati made not born so bound to the like observances with them conversed with as freely as if they had been so born neither might the one eat drink or keep company with a Gentile more than the other lest they became unclean They worshipped in the same Court of the Temple where the Israelites did whither others might not come They were partakers with them in all things both divine and humane In a word they differed nothing from Iews but only that they were of Gentile race This kind the Iewish Doctors call◠〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proselytes of Righteousness or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proselytes of the Covenant namely because they took upon them the sign thereof Circumcision In the New Testament they are called simply Proselytes without addition Of which Order was Vriah the Hittite Achior in the Book of Iudith Herod the Idumaean Onkelos the Chaldee Paraphrast and many others both before and in our Saviour's time But besides these there was a second kind of Gentiles admitted likewise to the worship of the true God the God of Israel and the hope of the life to come which were not circumcised nor conformed themselves to the Mosaical rites and ordinances but were only tied to the observation of those Precepts which the Hebrew Doctors call The Precepts of the sons of Noah namely such as all the sons of Noah were bound to observe These Precepts are in number Seven recorded in the Talmud Maimonides and others under these following titles First the precept of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to renounce Idols and all Idolatrous worship Secondly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to worship the true God the Creator of Heaven and Earth Thirdly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Blood-shed to wit to commit no Murther Fourthly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 detectio nuditatum not to be desiled with Fornication Incest or other unlawful conjunction Fifthly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rapine against Theft and robbery Sixthly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 concerning administration of Iustice The seventh 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Membrum de vivo so they call the Precept of not eating the flesh with the bloud in it given to Noah when he came out of the Ark as Maimonides expresly expounds it and adds besides Whosoever shall take upon him the observation of the Seven precepts of the sons of Noah he is to be accounted 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one of the pious men of the nations of the world and shall have a portion in the world to come Note that he saith one of the pious men of the nations of the world or of the pious Gentiles for this kind were still esteemed Gentiles and so called because of their uncircumcision in respect whereof though no Idolaters they were according to the Law unclean and such as no Iew might converse with wherefore they came not to worship into the Sacred Courts of the Temple whither the Iews and circumcised Proselytes came but only into the outmost Court called Atrium Gentium immundorum the Court of the Gentiles and of the unclean which in the second Temple surrounded the second or great Court whereinto the Israelites came being divided there-from by a low wall of stone made battlement-wise not above three Cubits high called saith Iosephus from whom I have it in the Hebrew Dialect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Lorica close by which stood certain little pillars whereon was written in Greek and Latin letters 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In atrium sanctum transâ—re alienigenam non debere That no alien or stranger might go into the inner or holy Court. And this I make no question is that which S. Paul Ephes. 2. 14. alludeth unto when he saith that Christ had broken down the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the partition-wall namely that Lorica which separated the Court of the Gentiles from that of the Circumcision and so laying both Courts into one hath made the Iews and Gentiles Intercommoners whereby those that were sometime far off were now made nigh and as near as the other unto the Throne of God But in Solomon's Temple this Court of the Gentiles seems not to have been but in the second Temple only the Gentiles formerly worshipping without at the door and not coming within the Septs of the Temple at all This second kind of Proselites the Talmudists call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proselytes of the Gate or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Proselyte-inhabitants namely because they were under the same condition with those Gentile-strangers which lived as Inquilini in the Land of Israel For all Gentiles dwelling within the Gates of Israel whether they were as servants taken in war or otherwise were bound to renounce their false Gods and to worship the God of Israel but not to be circumcised unless they would nor farther bound to keep the Law of Moses than was contained in those Precepts of the sons of Noah These are those mentioned as often elsewhere in the Law so in the fourth Commandment by the name of the Stranger within thy gates whereby it might seem probable that the observation of the Sabbath-day so far as concerneth one day in seven was included in some one or other of those Precepts of the sons of Noah namely in that of worshipping for their God the Creator of Heaven and earth and no other whereof this consecration of a seventh day after six days labour was a badge or livery according to that The Sabbath is a sign between me and you that I Iehovah am your God because in six dayes the Lord made heaven and earth the sea and all that in them is and rested the seventh day See Exod. 31. 16 17. Ezek. 20. 20. But this obiter and by the way From the example of these Inquilini all other Gentiles wheresoever living admitted to the worship of the God of Israel upon the same termes were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
Experience which shews us that the Evil spirits are not yet bound with eternal chains having so much liberty of gadding about supplies in the Text vinciendos as if there were an Ellipsis reading it thus Iudicio magni illius Diei vinculis aeternis vinciendos reservâsse He hath reserved them to be bound in eternal chains at the Iudgment of the great Day In that of S. Peter if I understand him he takes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not for Dativus instrumenti with chains of darkness but as Dativus acquisitionis for chains of darkness and construes it with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if it were He delivered them for chains of darkness namely supposing a trajection of the words But for my part I take both 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Peter and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Iude to be neither of them Dativus Instrumenti but both Acquisitionis or Finis and governed the one of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the other of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be put for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 As in the Hebrew the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 serves both for the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and for the Dative Case whose propriety the style of the Greek Testament every where imitates and why not in this 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 are here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for not with chains Nay among the Greek Grammarians we find observed that the Dative Case is sometimes put for the Accusative with the preposition 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as in this example 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 much more in the sacred Greek which so frequently imitates the Hebrew Construction Next for the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Peter it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but once used and so not bound by any use or example to the signification which we here give it to wit casting down to hell I would therefore render it ad poenas tartareas damnavit he hath adjudged them to hellish torments to wit thus Angelos qui peccaverunt cum ad tartari supplicium damnasset catenis caliginis servandos tradidit ad Diem Iudicii Having adjudged the Angels that sinned to hell-torments he delivered them to be kept or reserved in the Aiery region as in a prison for chains of darkness at the Day of Iudgment For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iudgment here is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Day of Iudgment as S. Iude hath it So also Matth. 12. 42. The Queen of the South shall rise in Iudgment with this Generation that is in or at the Day of Iudgment Or if I would render it not casting down to hell but casting down to hell-ward so the meaning in both places will be That the wicked Angels were cast down from Heaven to this lower Orb there to be reserved for chains of darkness at the Day of Iudgment Which sense the ninth verse of this Chapter of S. Peter plainly intimates by way of reddition Novit Dominus pios in tentatione cripere The Lord knoweth how to deliver the godly in temptation as he did Noah and Lot Injustos verò in diem Iudicii cruciandos servare But to reserve the unjust unto the Day of Iudgment to be punished as he doth the wicked Angels Moreover verse 17. where the same hellish darkness is spoken of it is said to be reserved for the wicked 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to whom that hideous darkness is reserved for ever whence it is probable that S. Peter in the foregoing passage of Angels referred also those chains of darkness to reserving and not to delivering that is not that the evil Angels were now already delivered to chains of darkness but reserved for them at the Day of Iudgment AND thus much for clearing of the words of these two parallel Texts Now what hath been anciently the current opinion about this point And first for the Iews it is apparent to have been a Tradition of theirs That all the space between the Earth and the Firmament is full of Troops of Evil spirits and their Chieftains having their residence in the Air which I make no doubt but S. Paul had respect to when he calls Satan the Prince of the power of the Air. Drusius quotes two Authors one the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 another one of the Commentators upon Pirke Aboth who speak in this manner Debet homo scire intelligere à terra usque ad firmamentum omnia plena esse turmis praefectis c. A man is to know and understand that all from Earth to the Firmament is full and no place is empty of Troops of Spirits together with their Chieftains and such as are Praepositi all which have their residence and fly up and down in the Air some of them incite to peace others to war some to goodness and life others to wickedness and death By Praepositi I suppose he means such among the Spirits as are set as Wardens over several charges for the managing of the affairs of mankind subject to their power This was the Opinion of the Iews which they seem to have learned by Tradition from their ancient Prophets for in the Old Testament we find no such thing written and yet we see S. Paul seems to approve it Now for the Doctors of the Christian Church S. Hierome upon the sixth of the Ephesians tells us that their Opinion was the same ' T is the opinion of all the Doctors â—aith he that the Devils have their Mansions and residence in the space between the heaven and the earth And that the Fathers of the first 300 or 400 years nor did nor could hold the evil Angels to have been cast into Hell upon their sin is evident by a singular Tenet of theirs For Iustin Martyr one of the most ancient hath this saying That Satan before the coming of Christ never durst blaspheme God and that saith he because till then he knew not he should be damned The same is approved by Irenaeus lib. 5. cap. 26. Praeclarè saith he dixit Iustinus quòd ante Domini adventum Satanas nunquam ausus est blasphemare Deum quippe nondum sciens suam damnationem Post adventum autem Domini ex sermonibus Christi Apostolorum ejus discens mâ—nifestè quoniam ignis aeternus ei praeparatus sit per hujusmodi homines blasphemat eum Deum qui judicium importat It was a worthy saying of Iustin That Satan before the coming of our Lord never durst blaspheme God as not till then knowing he should be damned But after the coming of our Lord he clearly understanding by the Discourses of Christ and his Apostles that everlasting fire was prepared for him by these men Irenaeus means those Hereticks who blasphemed the God of the Law
he blaspemes that God who brings that punishment upon them Eusebius lib. 4. Hist. Cap. 17. cites the same out of both with approbation So doth Oecumenius upon the last Chapter of the first of S. Peter Epiphanius against Heresie 39. gives the same as his own assertion almost in the same words with Iustin and Irenaeus though not naming them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Before the coming of Christ the Devil did not dare to speak a blasphemous word against his Lord for being in expectation of the coming of Christ he imagined he should obtain some mercy I will not enquire how true this Tenet of theirs is but only gather this that they could not think the Devils were cast into Hell before the coming of Christ For then how could they but have known they should be damned if the execution had already been done upon them Saint Augustine as may seem intending to reconcile these places of Peter and Iude with the rest of Scripture is alledged to affirm that the Devils suffering some Hell-like torment in their Aiery Mansion the Air may in that respect in an improper sense be called Hell But that the Devils were locally or Actually in Hell or should be before the Day of Iudgment it is plain he held not and that will appear by these two passages in his Book de Civitate Dei First where he saith Daemones in hoc quidem aere habitant quia de Coeli superioris sublimitate dejecti merito irregressibilis transgressionis in hoc sibi congruo velut carcere praedamnati sunt Lib. 8. Cap. 22. The Devils indeed have their habitation in this Air for they being cast out of the highest heaven through the due desert of their unrecoverable apostasie and transgression are fore-condemned and adjudged to be kept in this Aiery region as in a prison very congruous and fit for such transgressors The other in the same Book chap. 23. where he expounds that of the Devils Matth. 8. Art thou come to torment us before the time that is saith he ante tempus Iudicii quo aeternâ damnatione puniendi sunt cum omnibus etiam hominibus qui eorum societate detinentur before the time of the last Iudgment when they are to be eternally punished together with all those men who are entangled in their society The Divines of latter times the School-men and others to reconcile the supposed Contrariety in Scripture divide the matter holding some Devils to be in the Air as S. Paul and the History of Scripture tell us some to be already in Hell as they thought S. Peter and S. Iude affirm'd which opinion seems to be occasioned by a Quaere of S. Hierom's upon the sixth of the Ephesians though he speaks but obscurely and defines nothing But what ground of Scripture or Reason can be given why all the Devils which sinned should not be in the same Condition especially that Satan the worst and chief of them should not be in the worst estate but enjoy the greatest liberty It follows therefore that these places of S. Peter and S. Iude are to be construed according to the sense I have given of them namely That the evil Spirits which sinned being adjudged to Hellish torments were cast out of Heaven into this lower Region there to be reserved as in a prison for chains of darkness at the Day of Iudgment DISCOURSE V. 1 COR. 4. 1. Let a man so account of us as of the Ministers 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of Christ and Stewards of the Mysteries of God A Man would think at first sight that this Scripture did exceedingly warrant our use of the word Minister in stead of that of Priest and leave no plea for them who had rather speak otherwise Howsoever I intend at this time to shew the contrary and even out of this Text that we have very much swerved herein from the Apostles language and abuse that word to such a sense as they never intended nor is any where found in Scripture I favour neither superstition nor superstitious men yet truth is truth and needful to be known especially when ignorance thereof breedeth errour and uncharitableness My Discourse therefore shall be of the use of the words Priest and Minister wherein shall appear how truly we are all Ministers in our Apostle's sense and yet how abusively and improperly so called in the ordinary and prevailing use of that word I will begin thus All Ecclesiastical persons or Clergy-men may be considered in a Threefold relation First to God secondly to the People thirdly one toward another In respect to God all are Ministers of what degree soever they be because they do what they do by commission from him either more or less immediate for a Minister is he qui operam suam alicui ut superiori aut domino praebet who serves another as his Superior or Master In respect of the People all are Bishops that is Inspectores or Overseers as having charge to look unto them But lastly compared one to another he whom we usually call Bishop is only Overseer of the rest Inspector totius Cleri Deacons are only Ministers to the rest Ministri Presbyterorum Episcoporum and in that respect have their name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 There are properly but two Orders Ecclesiastical Presbyteri Diaconi the one the Masters Priests the other the Ministers Deacons The rest are but diverse degrees of these Two As Bishops are a degree of Presbyters of divine ordinance to be as Heads Chiefs and Presidents of their Brethren So Subâ—deacons Lectors and indeed any other kind of Ecclesiastical Ministers whether in Ecclesia or Foro Ecclesiastico I mean whether they attend divine Duties in the Church or Iurisdiction in Ecclesiastical Courts are all a kind of Deacons being to the Presbyters either single or Episcopal as the Levites were to the Sacerdotes in the Old Testament namely to minister unto or for them Thus when we say Bishops Presbyters and Deacons we name but two Orders yet three Degrees These grounds being forelaid and understood I affirm first That Presbyters are by us unnaturally and improperly called Ministers either of the Church or of such or such a Parish we should call them as my Text doth Ministers of God or Ministers of Christ not Ministers of men First Because they are only God's Ministers who sends them but the People's Magistri to teach instruct and oversee them Were it not absurd to call the Shepherd the Sheeps Minister If he be their Minister they surely are his Masters And so indeed the People by occasion of this misappellation think they are ours and use us accordingly Indeed we are called Ministers but never their Ministers but as you see here God's Ministers Christ's Ministers who imployeth us to dispense his Mysteries unto his Church There are Three words in the New Testament translated Minister 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â—the first is most frequent but not one of them is given to the Apostles
of them by the breath of his mouth◠Psal. 33. 6. So doth Christ vanquish his enemies and enable his Ministers to vanquish them Verbo Spiritu oris by his Word and the Spirit of his mouth according to that Hos. 6. 5. I have hewed them by my Prophets and slain them by the words of my mouth I come now to the Second thing I propounded namely to shew that our Saviour in the Gospel when he cited this place alledged it for and according to this and no other meaning The Evangelist relates it thus When the chief Priests and Scribes saw the wonderful things that Iesus did and the children in the Temple crying and saying Hosanna to the Son of David they were sore displeased and said unto him Hearest thou what these say how they ascribe the power of salvation which is God's peculiar to thee who art a Son of man Is that solemn acclamation of Save now wherewith we are wont to glorifie God fit to be given to thee Our Saviour answers Yes For have ye not read saith he Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained strength Consider what that means You will wonder perhaps that a thing so plain could be taken in a differing meaning for it is commonly supposed to be alledged only to prove that children should glorifie Christ whilest the great ones of the world despised him And there are two things which have occasioned this mistake and drawn the sense awry The first is because the Seventy according to which the Evangelist reads this place in stead of strength translate here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praise Out of the mouth of Babes and Sucklings thou hast ordained praise Secondly because those that made this acclamation are said to have been 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Children When they saw the wonderful things which Iesus did 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Children crying in the Temple To the first I answer Our Saviour alledged not the words of the Psalm in Greek but in Hebrew where it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ◠Strength which is the constant signification thereof through the whole Bible and never Praise nor do the Seventy themselves ever translate it otherwise save as it seems in this place But whatsoever the use of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be otherwise it must be here regulated by the Hebrew verity according to which our Saviour alledged it and must signifie not simply Praise but Robur praedicandum or Robur laude dignum Robur celebrandum Strength worthy to be celebrated or praised or the like To the second That they are called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Children who made this acclamation of Hosanna to our Saviour I answer Be it so yet I am sure they were no Babes and Sucklings but of reasonable years How then would our Saviour's quotation have in such a sense been pertinent Besides Young children are not properly called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Again the Pharisees found no fault with the speakers but with the thing spoken which they thought too much for a man and therefore our Saviour when he alledged this Scripture answered to that and intended not to apologize for the speakers Fourthly In all reason those who cried here Hosanna in the Temple were the same company that brought him crying Hosanna all the way thither But these saith S. Mark were of the multitude which followed him as S. Luke of the multitude of the Disciples who also tells us that the Pharisees who were offended thereat bad him rebuke his Disciples 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 therefore here signifies either Christ's Disciples or the retinue which followed him and brought him up thither as a King Take which you will you shall not fasten upon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any notion other than usual I shall not need to tell you that the Disciples of the Prophets are called the Sons of the Prophets that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or that Herod's Courtiers Matth. 14. 2. are termed his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This is Iohn the Baptist c. DISCOURSE X. ZACHARIAH 4. 10. These Seven are the eyes of the Lord which run to and fro through the whole earth IT is hard to keep a mean which as it appears in many things else so in the Doctrine and Speculation of Angels whereunto men were heretofore so much addicted as they pursued it not only to vain and ungrounded Theories but even to Idolatry and Superstition There were in the Apostles times who intruded into things they had not seen There were then who beguiled men with a voluntary humility in worshipping of Angels Col. 2. 18. What after-times brought forth I shall not need speak That ancient and high-soaring though counterfeit Dionysius describes the Hierarchy of Angels as exactly as if he had dwelt amongst them delivering unto us nine Orders of them out of nine words found partly in the Old partly in the New Testament Seraphims Cherubims and Thrones Powers Hosts and Dominions Principalities Arch-angels and Angels and tells us the several natures distinctions and properties of them all Whereas it cannot be shewn out of Scripture either that some of these names concur not as Angels not to be a common name to all the rest especially to comprehend Arch-angels or that these are denominations of the natures of Angels and not of their offices and charges only yet have these nine Orders passed for current through so many Ages of the Church But we who together with divers Superstitions have justly rejected also these vain and ungrounded curiosities are fallen into the other extreme having buried the Doctrine of Angels in silence making little or no enquiry at all what God in his Word hath revealed concerning them which yet would make not a little for the understanding of Scripture wherein are so many passages having reference to them and therefore questionless something revealed concerning them I shall not therefore do amiss if I chuse for my Discourse at this time a particular of that kind which Dionysius in all his Speculations hath not a word of and yet seems to have strong footing in Scripture It is this The Iews have an ancient Tradition that there are Seven principal Angels which minister before the Throne of God and are therefore called Arch-angels some of whose names we have in Scripture as Michael Gabriel Raphael and in the second Book of Esdras mention is made of Ieremiel the Arch-angel This Tradition we shall find recorded in the Book of Tobit whose antiquity is before the Birth of our Saviour For there the Angel who in the shape of Azariah had accompained his son into Media when he discovers himself speaks in this manner I am Raphael one of the Seven Angels which stand and minister before the Holy Blessed One that is God The Greek hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. which present the Prayers of the Saints and go in
which are no more to be accounted Legal places than bare and simple Prayer was a Legal duty Lastly we may gather from this Description of Proseucha's which were as Courts encompassed only with a wall or other like enclosure and open above in what manner to conceive of the accommodation of those Altars we read to have been erected by the Patriarchs Abraham Isaac and Iacob in the Book of Genesis namely That the ground whereon they stood was fenced and bounded with some such enclosure and shaded with Trees after the manner of Proseucha's as we may read expresly of one of them at Beersheba That Abraham there planted a Grove and called upon the Name of the Lord the everlasting God Yea when the Tabernacle and Temple were the Altar of God stood still in an open Court and who can believe that the place of those Altars of the Patriarchs was not bounded and separated from common ground And from these patterns in likelihood after the Altar for Sacrifice was restrained to one only place was continued still the use of such open places or Courts for Prayer garnished with Trees as I have shewed Proseucha's to have been DISCOURSE XIX 1 TIM 5. 17. Let the Elders that rule well be counted worthy of double Honour especially they that labour in the Word and Doctrine THERE are two things in these words to be explicated First What is meant here by Elders Secondly What is this double Honour due unto them For the first Who are meant by Elders there is no question but the Priests or Ministers of the Gospel of Christ were contained under this name for so the New Testament useth the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Presbyter for the Ministers of the Word and Sacraments in the Gospel whence cometh the Saxon word Priester and our now English word Priest And the Ancient Fathers thought these only to be here meant and never dreamed of any others But in our time those who obtrude a new Discipline and Government upon the Church altogether unknown and unheard of in the ancient will needs have two sorts of Elders or Presbyters here understood one of such as preach the Word and Doctrine whom they call Pastors another of Lay-men who were neither Priests nor Deacons but joyned as Assistants to them in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Discipline in admonitions and censures of manners and in a word in the execution of the whole power of the Keys These our Church-men call Lay-Elders and the Authors of this new device Presbyterians These Presbyters or Elders they will have meant in the first words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elders that rule or govern well whom therefore they call Ruling Elders the other whom they call Pastors to be described in the latter words they who labour in the Word and Doctrine whom therefore they distinguish by the name of Teaching Elders This is their Exposition and this Exposition the ground and foundation of their new Discipline but none of the Fathers which have commented upon this Place neither Chrysostome Hierome Ambrose Theodoret Primasius Oecumenius or Theophylact as they had no such so ever thought of any such Lay-Elders to be here meant but Priests only which administred the Word and Sacraments But how will you say then is this Place to be understood which may seem as they alledge to intimate two sorts of Elders some that ruled only others that laboured also in the Word and Doctrine The Divines of our Church who had cause when time was to be better versed in this question than any others have given divers Expositions of these words none of which give place to any such new-found Elders as these Fautors of the Presbyterian Discipline upon the sole Authority of this one place have set up in divers forein Churches and would have brought into ours I will relate Four of the chief of these Expositions to which the rest are reducible The First is grounded upon the use of the Participle in the Greek tongue which is often wont to note the reason or condition of a thing and accordingly to be resolved by a causal or conditional Conjunction According whereunto this Text 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 duplici honore digni habeantur or dignentur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to be resolved thus Elders or Presbyters that rule or govern their Flocks well let them be accounted worthy of double honour and that chiefly in respect or because of their labour in the Word and Doctrine And so this manner of speech will imply two duties but not two sorts or Orders of Elders and that though this double Honour be due unto them for both yet chiefly and more principally for the second their labour in the Word and Doctrine And this way goes S. Chrysostome and other Greek Writers A Second Exposition is taken from the force and signification of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which signifies not simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to labour but to labour with much travel and toil for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vexor laboribus molestiis premor and so properly signifies molestiam fatigationem ex labore wearisom and painful labour Thus the meaning will be Let Elders that do bene praesidere that is govern and instruct their Flock well be counted worthy of double Honour especially such of them as take more than ordinary pains in the Word and Doctrine Or thus Let the Elders that discharge their office well be c. especially by how much the more their painfulness and travel shall exceed in preaching the Word and Doctrine c. Thus we have seen two Expositions of these words neither of them implying two sorts or Orders of Presbyters but only distinguishing several offices and duties of the same Order or implying a differing merit in the discharge of them But if they will by no means be perswaded but that two sorts of Elders are here intimated let it be so two other Expositions will yield them it but so as will not be for their turn for their Lay-Elders will be none of them The first is this That the Apostle should speak here of Priests and Deacons considering both as Members of the Ecclesiastical Consistory or Senate which consisted of both Orders and in that respect might well include them both under the name of Elders it being a common notion in Scripture to call the Associates of a Court of Iudicature by that name Senatus in Latin hath its name à senibus i. senioribus of Eldership and is as much to say as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 According to this supposal the Apostle's words may have this construction Let the Elders which rule well whether Priests or Deacons be counted worthy of double Honour but more especially the Priests who besides their government labour also in the Word and Doctrine Now what can be opposed against such an Exposition I see not For it is not improbable but the Apostle should make provision
Grounds and use them as a Land-compass in the discovery I now intend But before I begin I will add Five more of less weight than the former yet such as I hope will afford the like use that Cyphers have among Numbers I mean being joyned with the former will help us to a greater certainty The First then of these weaker Helps is from the use of the Prophets in naming two or more of these Nations together which is a likely argument that they were seated both together and were neighbouring one to the other As we see of Meshech and Tubal which commonly go together clean through the Prophets And this Help Iunius seems to have used The Second Help is the fulfilling of Prophecies by Nations foretold under the Names of their Founders the Sons of Iaphet And Thirdly Because it is likely that in this Division there was a regard had by the wise Fathers for their future Colonies we are to think that they ordered their partition so that when they were to vent their Numbers and send forth new Colonies they should not be forced to encroach on one anothers inheritance or one to pass through the lot of another but that they had either the Sea or empty land every one upon some of his borders And this he that will mark shall see observed in the Original dwellings of the Sons of Sem which are better known and more agreed upon than those of Iaphet The Fourth Help shall be the Testimony of the Ancients especially of the Iews themselves The Fifth and last are the Remainders of ancient Names which is the ordinary Help that every one follows And thus we have encreased our Criteria to the number of Ten. Now that which shall be found agreeable to all or the greater part of these if it will not be approved for Truth I am sure there is no other means left to warrant a more likely conjecture or a greater certainty Let us come then to the Practice of our Rules and First let us seek them in the Isles of the Gentiles that is as I proved heretofore in Countries divided by Sea from Palaestine and Egypt especially from Egypt because when Moses wrote this Book he was not yet come into Palaestine and therefore used only such Names as the Iews were acquainted with in the land of Goshen The Isles then of the Gentiles are all regions from the mountain Amanus and the Hircane Sea Westward Secondly We must lay out some reasonable portion of the Earth to seek them in and that we will define after this manner 1. Our Eastern border shall be the land of Aram that is Syria and Armenia the great which was so called of Aram the Son of Sem or to speak more plainly our Eastern border shall be from the mountain Amanus by the springs of Euphrates up to the West part of the Hircane Sea 2. Our Southern border is without all doubt the Mediterranean Sea 3. The Western border compasseth by the Ionian Sea and back of Macedonia up into the confines of Illyricum 4. The North border is the river Danubius the North part of Pontus Euxinus to the Caspian Sea Our Eastern border is confirmed by Moses in this Chapter where he saith That the posterity of Sem dwelled from Mesha Eastward This Mesha is the mountain Masius which is part of the mountain Amanus and this was the Western limit of Sem's posterity and therefore must needs be the East border of Iaphet Again in the 2 of Iudith 25. we read that Olofernes took the borders of the upper Cilicia and came even to the borders of Iaphet which are toward the South over against Arabia that is he came to the South-East borders of Iaphet in the lower Cilicia where is this mountain Amanus we speak of Thirdly Iosephus and the rest of the Ancients do all affirm thus much And lastly if we should go any further toward the East it could no longer be called the Isles of the Gentiles in regard either of Egypt or Palaestine Our Southern border needs no proof at all Our Western border stands upon two Reasons 1. It is not like that they went beyond them because there is a great Sea between them and the next land Now 2. that they went so far we prove from the Seat of Tiras whom all agree to be the Father of the Thracians which are in the North-west part of this our plot and so point out both how far they went toward the West and up into the North. The rest of our Northern border as also our whole plot may be confirmed by comparison with the Original portion of the Sons of Sem to which it hath almost a just and equal scantling For the farthest of the Semites toward the East is Elam the father of the Persians now Persia lies as far from Amanus and Masius into the East as Macedonia and the Confines of Illyricum lie into the West The breadth between North and South is from the Caspian Sea unto Phoenicia or to the Persian gulf which is also proportionable to ours So that within this compass we hope to find the ancient and first Seats of all the Sons of Iaphet who are seven in number named in the second Verse of this Chapter Gomer Magog Madai Iavan Tubal Meshech and Tiras And to these we must divide our plot into seven portions as equal as we can guess for it is not like there was any great difference of quantity And here we must observe our Third Rule To place those whose Sons are named by Moses in places accessible and neighbouring to the Iews Now Moses names the Sons only of two of these seven viz. of Gomer and Iavan The Sons of Gomer are Askenaz Riphath and Togarmah And the Sons of Iavan are four Elishah Tarshish Cittim and Dodanim The places accessible and fit for the Iews commerce are those that lie upon the Mediterranean and the AEgean Seas of the coasts of Asia Now in which of these we should seek for the Seats of the Sons of IAVAN is a matter of no great difficulty because there is nothing more certain than that Iavan was the Father of the Grecians whose Countries lie along upon the Mediterranean Sea And because we must there seek the whole Nation where we find any of the Families and we know that the house of Tarshish dwelt in Cilicia we may be assured that all the Countries lying upon the Sea belong unto the lot of Iaphet even from the Issicus sinus unto the end of Epirus which was part of our Western border This portion then we must divide into four parts much of a scantling for the four Sons of Iavan The First part contains all Cilicia and this was the dwelling of Tarshish witness the City Tarsus where S. Paul was born which in Hebrew is called Tarshish and it is that which Ionas was bound for when he fled from the face of the Lord witness likewise the often naming of Tarshish in all Prophecies
of Menander cited by Iustin Martyr in his De Monarchia Dei hath reference 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 No God pleaseth me that gads abroad None that leaves his house shall come in my Book A just and good God ought To tarry at home to save those that placed him According to this notion of a Temple these Authors alledged grant that Christians neither had any Temples no nor ought to have forasmuch as the God whom they worshipped was such a one as filled the Heaven and the Earth and dwelt not in Temples made with hands And because the Gentiles appropriated the name of a Temple to this notion of encloistering a Deity by an Idol therefore the Christians of those first Ages for the most part abstained therefrom especially when they had to deal with Gentiles calling their Houses of worship Ecclesiae or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whence is the Dutch and our English Kurk and Church in Latine Dominica 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is Oratories or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or the like seldom 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Templa that appellation being grown by the use of both sides into a name of distinction of the Houses of Gentile Superstition from those of Christian Worship Which that I affirm not upon bare conjecture these Examples will make manifest First that of Aurelian the Emperor before alledged in his Epistle to the Senate De Libris Sibyllinis inspiciendis Miror vos Patres sancti tamdiu de aperiendis Sibyllinis dubitâsse libris perinde quasi in Christianorum ECCLESIA non in TEMPLO Deorum omnium tractaretis And that of Zeno Veronensis in his Sermon de Continentia Proponamus itaque ut saepe contingit in unum sibi convenire diversae religionis diem quo tibi ECCLESIA illi adeunda sint TEMPLA He speaks of a Christian woman married to a Gentile That also of S. Hierom in in his Epistle ad Riparium saying of Iulian the Apostate Quòd Sanctorum BASILICAS aut destruxerit aut in TEMPLA converterit Thus they spake when they would distinguish Otherwise now and then the Christian Fathers use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Templum for Ecclesia but respecting the Temple of the true God at Ierusalem not the notion of the Gentiles That this Answer is true and genuine I prove first Because the Gentiles themselves who objected this want to the Christians neither were nor could be ignorant that they had Oratories where they performed their Christian service when they were so notoriously known as we saw before to the Emperors Galienus and Aurelian and a controversie about one of them referred unto the latter when also the Emperor's Edicts flew about in every City for demolishing them Why therefore do they object in this manner but because for the defect of something they thought thereto necessary they esteemed not those Oratories for Temples Secondly Because in that dispute between Origen and Celsus it is supposed by both that the Persians and Iews were as concerning this matter in like condition with the Christians neither of both enduring to worship their Gods in Temples Hear Origen speak Lib. 7. p. 385 386. Licet Scythae AfrÃque Numidae impii Seres ut Celsus ait aliaeque gentes atque etiam Persae aversentur TEMPLA ARAS STATVAS non candem aversandi causam esse illis nobis and a little after Inter abhorrentes ab ARARVM TEMPLORVM STATVARVM ceremoniis Scythae Numidae impiÃque Seres Persae aliis moventur rationibus quà m Christiani Iudaei quibus religio est sic numen colere Illarum enim gentium nemo ab his alienus est quòd intelligat Daemonas DEVINCTOS haerere CERTIS LOCIS STATVIS sive incantatos quibusdam magicis carminibus sive alià s incubantes locis semel praeoccupatis ubi lurconum more se oblectant victimarum nidoribus Caeterùm Christiani homines Iudaei sibi temperant ab his propter illud Legis Dominum Deum tuum timebis ipsi soli servies item propter illud Non erunt tibi alieni Dii praeter me Non facies tibiipsi simulacrum c. Lo here it is all one with Origen to have Templa as to worship other Gods as it was a little before with Minutius Felix his Octavius if you mark it to have Delnbra Simulacra Yet certainly neither Celsus nor Origen whatsoever they here say of the Persians and Iews were ignorant that the Persians had their Pyraea or Pyrathaea Houses where the Fire was worshipped though without Images or Statues also that the Iews had both then and also formerly their Synagogues and Proseuchae in the places and Countries where they were dispersed and once a most glorious and magnificent Temple or Sanctuary Ergo by Temples they understand not Houses of prayer and religious rites in the general but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Places where Demons were incloistered by the position of an Idol or consecrated Statue And here let me add because it is not impertinent what I have observed in reading the Itinerarium of Benjamin Tudelensis the Iew namely that he expresses constantly after this manner the Oratories of Iews Turks and Christians by differing names those of the Iews he calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Houses of assembly or Synagogues the Turkish Mosquees 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Houses of prayer but the Christian Churches because of Images yea that renowned Church of S. Sophie it self he called always 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BAMOTH the name of the Idol-Temples in the Old Testament which we translate High-places This I note for an example of that proneness in Religions of a contrary Rite thus to distinguish as other things so their Places of worship by diversity of names though they communicate in the same common nature and use Thirdly That the Answer I have given to these objected passages is genuine I prove Because some of these Authors acknowledge elsewhere that Christians had Houses of Sacred worship in their time As namely Arnobius whose words were as pressing as any of the rest yet in the self-same Books acknowledges the Christian Oratories by the name of CONVENTICULA or Meeting-places by that name endeavouring I suppose to express the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The place is about the end of his fourth Book adversùs Gentes Quòd si haberet vos saith he aliqua vestris pro religionibus indignatio has potiùs literas he means the Poets absurd and blasphemous fictions and tales of their Gods hos exurere debuistis olim libros demoliri dissolvere Theatra haec potiùs in quibus infamiae numinum propudiosis quotidie publicantur in fabulis of this their scurrilous dishonouring of their Gods upon the Stage he had spoken much before Nam nostra quidem scripta cur ignibus meruerint
rational part of our Christian Sacrifice which is Prayer Thanksgiving and Commemoration Mincha the material part thereof which is Oblatio farrea a Present of Bread and Wine BUT this Mincha is characterised in the Text with an attribute not to be overpast Mincha purum In omni loco offeretur incensum Nomini meo Mincha purum In every place Incense shall be offered to my Name and a pure Mincha The Meat-offering which the Gentiles should one day present the God of Israel with should be Munus purum a pure Offering or as the Septuagint 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a pure Sacrifice Let us learn if we can what this Purity is and wherein it consisteth or in what respect the Gentiles Oblation is so styled 1. Some of the Fathers take this Pure Offering to be an Offering that is purely or spiritually offered The old Sacrifices both of the Iew and Gentile were offered modo corporali in a corporeal manner by slaughter fire and incense but this of Christians should be offered only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by way of Prayer and Thanksgiving as Iustin Martyr expresses it whence it is usually called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a reasonable and unbloudy Sacrifice namely of the manner of offering it not that there was no material thing used therein as some mistake for we know there was Bread and Wine but because it is offered unto God immaterially or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 only which the Fathers in the first Council of Nice call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be sacrificed without sacrificing rites This sense of Pure Sacrifice is followed by Tertullian as may appear by his words ad Scapulam where speaking of the Christian Liturgy Sacrificamus saith he pro salute Imperatoris sed quomodo praecepit Deus purâ prece Non enim eget Deus Conditor Vniversitatis odoris aut sanguinis alicujus haec enim Daemoniorum pabula sunt We offer Sacrifice for the health and welfare of the Emperor but it is according as God hath commanded the Sacrifice of pure prayer For God the maker of the World stands not in need of the smell or savour or of the bloud of any creature These indeed are the food and diet which the Devils love Also in his third Book against Marcion cap. 22. In omni loco offertur Sacrificium Nomini meo In every place Sacrifice shall be offered to my Name sacrificium mundum and a pure Sacrifice that is saith he gloriae relatio benedictio laus hymni giving glory to God blessing praise and hymns which he presently calls munditia sacrificiorum the purities of Sacrifices The same way go some others But this sense though it fitly serves to difference our Christian Sacrifice from the old Sacrifices of the Iews and Gentiles and the thing it self be most true yet I cannot see how it can agree with the context of our Prophet where the word Incense though I confess mystically understood is expressed together with Munus purum a pure offering For it would make the Literal sense of our Prophet to be absurd and to say In every place Incense is offered to thy Name and an Offering without Incense And yet this would be the Literal meaning if Pure here signified without Incense 2. Let us hear therefore a second Interpretation of this Puritie of the Christian Mincha more agreeable to the dependence of the words and that is à conscientia offerentis from the disposition and affection of the offerer according to that of the Apostle Tit. 1. 15 16. To the pure all things are pure but unto them that are defiled and unbelieving is nothing pure but even their mind and conscience is defiled They profess they know God but in works they deny him The Iews offering was prophane and polluted because it proceeded not out of a due belief and a conscience throughly perswaded of the Greatness of their God that he was the Creator and Lord of the whole earth but rather some petty and particular God like the Gods of other Nations But the Gentiles who should see him not only the God of one Nation but universally acknowledged over all the earth should have no such reason to doubt but firmly believe him to be the Great God Creator of heaven and earth and worship him as such and so their Offering be a Pure Offering not polluted with unbelief And it is to be observed that all the ancient Christian Liturgies begin with this acknowledgment For the Summe of the Eucharistical Doxology when the Bread and Wine is first presented before God is comprehended in that of the Apocalyps Thou art worthy O Lord to receive glory and honour and power for thou hast created all things and for thy pleasure they are and were created And to this way of interpreting the Purity of the Christian Sacrifice to wit from the conscience and affection of the offerers the Fathers mostly bend Irenaeus lib. 4. cap. 34. Sacrificia non sanctificant hominem non enim indiget Deus sacrificio sed conscientia ejus qui offert sanctificat sacrificium pura exsistens Quoniam igitur cum simplicitate Ecclesia offert justè munus ejus purum sacrificium apud Denm deputatum est Sacrifices do not sanctifie a man for God stands not in need of any of our Sacrifices but the Conscience of him that offers being pure sanctifies the Sacrifice And because the Church offereth with Simplicity with a Conscience purified from all malice and hypocrisie rightly therefore is her Oblation accounted by God a Pure Sacrifice And a little after Oportet enim nos oblationem Deo facere in omnibus gratos inveniri fabricatori Deo in sententia pura fide sine hypocrisi c. For it behoveth us to present God with our Oblations and in all things to be found thankful unto God our maker with pure minds and faith unfeigned with stedfast hope and fervent love offering unto him the First-fruits or a Present of his Creatures Neither is Tertullian whom I alledged before for the other interpretation averse from this for in his fourth Book Cont. Marc. c. 1. Sacrificium mundum a pure Sacrifice that is saith he simplex oratio de conscientia pura sincere Prayer proceeding from a pure Conscience But this conscientious purity they seem to restrain at least chiefly to freedom from malice as that singular purity whereby this Christian Sacrifice is differenced from that of the Iew because none can offer it but he that is in charity with his brother according to that in the Gospel When thou bringest thy gift unto the Altar and remembrest thy brother hath ought against thee Go first and be reconciled to thy brother c. And therefore in the beginning of this Christian Service the Deacon was anciently wont to cry 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let no man have ought against his brother and then followed osculum sanctum the kiss of reconciliation Thus the Fathers of the
What can be more express than this is Primasius is short but no less to the purpose Offerunt quidem saith he Sacerdotes nostri sed ad recordationem mortis ejus in 10. cap. ad Hebraeos Our Priests indeed offer but it is in remembrance of his death S. Augustine calls it Memoriale sacrificium a Sacrifice by way of remembrance in his Book against Faustus In a word The Sacrifice of Christians is nothing but that one Sacrifice of Christ once offered upon the Cross again and again commemorated Which is elegantly exprest by those words of S. Andrew recorded in the History of his Passion written by the Presbyters of Achaia where AEgeas the Proconsul requiring of him to sacrifice to Idols he is said to have answered thus Omnipotenti Deo qui unus verus est ego omni die sacrifico non thuris fumum nec tanrorum mugientium carnes nec hircorum sanguinem sed immaculatum Agnum quotidie in Altari crucis sacrificio cujus carnes postquam omnis populus credentium manducaverit ejus sanguinem biberit Agnus qui sacrificatus est integer perseverat vivus I sacrifice daily to Almighty God but what not the smoke of Frankincense nor the flesh of bellowing Bulls nor the bloud of Goats No but I offer daily the unspotted Lamb of God on the Altar of the Cross whose Flesh and Bloud though all the Faithful eat and drink of yet after all this notwithstanding the Lamb that was sacrificed remains entire and alive still This Riddle though AEgeas the Proconsul were not able to unsold I make no question but you are And here I conclude EZRA VI. X. That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of heaven and pray for the life of the King and of his Sons THE words of the Decree of King Darius for the building and furnishing of the service of the Temple of God at Ierusalem That saith he which they have need of for the burnt-offerings of the God of heaven both young bullocks rams and lambs wheat salt wine and oyl let it be given them day by day without fail That they may offer Sacrifices of sweet savour unto the God of Heaven and pray for the life of the King and of his Sons I have made choice of this Scripture to shew that Sacrifice was Species Orationis or a Rite of Supplication unto God Such a one namely wherein the Supplicant came not with naked Prayer but presented something unto his God whereby to find favour in his sight The nature and quality of the thing presented was Munus foederale a Federal Gift consisting of meat and drink in the tender whereof as a sinner agnized himself to be his God's vassal and servant so by acceptance of the same he was reconciled and restored to his Covenant by the atonement and forgiveness of his sin Forasmuch as according to the use and custom of Mankind to receive meat and drink from the hand of another was a sign of amity and friendship much more to make another partaker of his Table as the sinner was here of God's by eating of his Oblation hence those who came to make supplication unto the Divine Majesty whom they had offended were wont by this Rite to make way for their sute by removing the obstacle of his offence For what hope of speeding could there be whilest the party to whom we tendred our supplication should be at enmity with us when God might say What hast thou to do to take my Covenant in thy mouth seeing thou hatest instruction and castest my words behind thee For the foundation of all Invocation is Remember thy Covenant and of Impetration the Remission of our sin For this cause therefore was Sacrifice used as Medium deprecandi Deum as a Rite of address unto God when we were to make prayer and supplication unto him yea or to bless or give thanks But this is not to my present purpose but the use for Prayer only which to have been thus addressed as I speak appears not only by the words of my Text That they may offer c. and pray c. but sundry other places of Scripture which I mean to rehearse As first by that so often inculcated of Abraham and Isaac that where they pitched down their Tents they built also an Altar and there called upon the Name of the Lord But an Altar was a place for Sacrifice Therefore Sacrifice must be a Rite whereby they called upon the Name of God The same appears by that speech of Saul 1 Sam. 13. 12. when Samuel reproving him for having offered a Burnt-offering I said saith he The Philistines will come down upon me to Gilgal and I have not made supplication unto the Lord I forced my self therefore and offered a Burnt-offering Therefore to offer a Burnt-offering was to make Supplication It is yet more plain out of 1 Sam. 7. 8. The Children of Israel said to Samuel Cease not or be not silent to cry unto the Lord our God for us that he will save us out of the hands of the Philistines And Samuel saith the Text v. 9. took a sucking Lamb and offered it for a Burnt-offering unto the Lord and Samuel cryed unto the Lord for Israel and the Lord heard him It is further proved by that in the 116. Psalm v. 13. I will take the Cup of Salvation and call upon the Name of the Lord For this Cup of Salvation is the Libamen or Drink-offering annexed and poured upon the Sacrifice at what time they used as here you see to call upon the Name of the Lord. 'T is a Synechdoche where the part is put for the whole Also to take is here to offer by that Figure quâ ex Antecedente intelligitur Consequens The same is implied by that of Micah 6. 6. Wherewith shall I come before the Lord and bow my self before the most High Shall I come before him with burnt-offerings with calves of a year old And by that Antithesis Prov. 15. 8. The Sacrifice of the wicked is an abomination to the Lord but the Prayer of the upright is his delight For here the words of Sacrifice and Prayer are taken the one for the other it being all one as if it had been said for Prayer of the upright the Sacrifice of the upright or for Sacrifice of the wicked the Prayer of the wicked Hence it follows That Sacrifice was Species Orationis or a Rite of Supplication unto God The like may be inferred out of Solomon's prayer at the dedication of the Temple and the Lord's answer to the same For in that dedicatory prayer is no mention at all of Sacrifice to be there offered but only that the Lord would be pleased to hear from heaven the Prayers of such and such as should be made in that Place or towards it Nevertheless when God appeared to Solomon in the night he saith unto him I have heard thy Prayer and have chosen this
the God of Abraham Isaac and Iacob was not the Father of our Lord Iesus Christ. This was the reason why Irenaeus maintained it in his book Contra omnes Haereses and Tertullian against the Marcionites Eusebius who found out one Gaius to father it upon Cerinthus deserves no credit he was a party and one of those which did his best to undermine the authority of the Apocalypse Nor did any know of any such Gaius but from his relation And if there were any such he should seem to be one of the Hereticks called Alogi who denied both S. Iohn's Gospel and Apocalypse as is testified in Epiphanius and their time jumps with the Age which Eusebius assigns to Gaius Yet I deny not but some might maintain very carnal and intolerable conceits about this Regnum of a thousand years as the Mahumetans do about their Paradise But these are not to be imputed unto those Primitive Fathers and Orthodox Christians S. Hierom was a chief Champion to cry down this Opinion and according to his wont a most unequal relator of the Opinion of his Adversaries What credit he deserves in this may appear by some Fragments of those Authors still remaining whom he charged with an Opinion directly contrary to that which they expresly affirmed And yet when he had stated it so as it must needs be Heresie and Blasphemy whosoever should hold it he is found to say he durst not damn it because multi virorum Ecclesiasticorum Martyrum ista dixerunt Comment in Ierem. 19. 10. many Eccleâ—astical persons and Martyrs affirm'd the same In a word I cannot chuse but agree so far with them That these 1000 years are yet to come This I hold with Alstedius But what shall be the modus and condition of that Kingdom that is what it means it may be I have some singular conceit differing from them both I am sure from Alstedius Piscator and others of that opinion But I were better speak nothing thereof than too little and to speak fully would require in a manner the Interpretation of the whole Apocalypse In a word I will reveal thus much viz. That the Seventh Trumpet and the Thousand years contained therein is that Magnus dies Domini and Magnus dies Iudicii or Dies magni Iudicii The Great Day of the Lord The Great Day of Iudgment The Day of the Great Iudgment so much celebrated amongst the Iews in all their Writings and from them taken up by our Saviour and his Apostles Not a Day of a few hours as we commonly suppose but continuatum multorum annorum intervallum a continued space of many Years wherein Christ shall destroy all his Enemies and at length Death it self beginning with Antichrist by his revelation from heaven in flaming fire and ending with the Vniversal Resurrection during which space of time shall be the Kingdom of the Saints in the New Ierusalem This I can affirm with the most That Antichrist shall not be finally destroyed till the Day of Christ's appearing unto Iudgment and yet not fall into that which some charge the Chiliasts with That this Reign should be after the Day of Iudgment For I give a third time in or durante magno Die Iudicii in or during the Great Day of Iudgment I. M. CHAP. XII A Censure by way of Correction returned to a Friend concerning an Exposition of his of the 20. Chapter of the Apocalypse somewhat exorbitant 1. THat the Reign of Christ here described is after the Times of Antichrist if either the Beast or the False-prophet be he is apparent without interpretation both because all those Times the old Dragon Satan was not tied up but at liberty to seduce the Nations and because verse 4. one sort of those who should reign with Christ a thousand years are said to be such as had not worshipped the Beast neither his Image nor had received his mark upon their foreheads or in their hands which necessarily presupposeth The Beast His Image and Marking to have already been 2. What the Quality of this Reign should be which is so singularly differenced from the Reign of Christ hitherto is neither easie nor safe to determine farther then That it should be the Reign of our Saviour's Victory over his Enemies wherein Satan being bound up from deceiving the Nations any more till the time of his Reign be fulfilled the Church should consequently enjoy a most blissful peace and happy security from the heretical Apostasies and calamitous sufferings of former times But here if any where the known shipwrecks of those who have been too venturous should make us most wary and careful that we admit nothing into our imaginations which may cross or impeach any Catholick Tenet of the Christian Faith as also to beware of gross and carnal conceits of an Epicurean happiness misbeseeming the Spiritual purity of Saints If we conceit any Deliciae let them be Spirituales which S. Austine confesseth to be Opinio tolerabilis se hoc opinatum fuisse aliquando Lib. 20. De Civit. Dei cap. 7. a tolerable Opinion and that he also was sometime of the same judgment 3. The Presence of Christ in this Kingdom shall no doubt be glorious and evident yet I dare not so much as imagine which some Ancients seem to have thought that it should be a Visible Converse upon earth For the Kingdom of Christ ever hath been and shall be Regnum Coelorum A Kingdom whose Throne and Kingly Residence is in Heaven There he was installed when he sate down on the right hand of the Majesty on high Heb. 1. and there as in his proper Temple is continually to appear in the presence of his Father to make intercession for us Rom. 8. 34. with Heb. 9. 24. Yet may we grant he shall appear and be visibly revealed from Heaven especially for the Calling and gathering of his ancient People for whom in the days of old he did so many wonders This S. Iohn in this Book as our Saviour in the Gospel â— seems to intimate by joyning those two Prophetical passages of Daniel and Zachary in one expression Behold he cometh in the clouds and every eye shall see him and they also which pierced him The first part which our Saviour expresses more fully by the Sign of the Son of Man coming in the clouds of Heaven c. is Daniel's in a Vision of this Kingdom we speak of Behold saith he one like the Son of Man came with the clouds of Heaven And there was given him Dominion and Glory and a Kingdom that all People Nations and Languages should serve him The other part is out of Zachary prophesying of the Re-calling of the Iews And I will pour upon the house of David and upon the inhabitants of Ierusalem the spirit of grace and supplication and they shall look upon me whom they have pierced Though these words of Zachary are not in our Saviour's expression but in stead thereof that which immediately
they had two sorts of Gods some were Immortals and others were as we may term them Mortallists Thus saith Philo Byblius out of the Phoenician History From which Testimony we may borrow some more light concerning those Baalims in Scripture For Baal or Belus whose worship Iezabel the daughter of Ithobaal King of Tyre brought into Israel was a deified Phoenician King of that name as Virgil will tell us in that verse concerning the Phoenician Queen Dido ImplevÃtque mero pateram quam Belus omnes A Belo soliti Nay Baal or in the Chaldee Dialect Bel for all is one was the first King of Babel after Nimrod and the first as is written that ever was deified and reputed a God after death whence afterward they called all other Daemons Baalim even as because the first Roman Emperor was called Caesar thence were all the Emperors after him styled Caesares And it may be this is part of that which Philo Byblius out of Sanchuniathon would tell us That the Barbarians especially the Phoenicians c. gave names from their Kings to such as were canonized after death For so we see here that the Babylonians and the neighbouring Countries which spake the Hebrew tongue or some Dialect thereof called all Daemons Baalim of the first Daemon or deified King in the world Baal or Belus For at that time when Belus reigned in Babel was Phoenicia with the neighbour people under the Kingdom of Babel Whence may seem also to have come their community of language and ceremonies And here note a wonderful mystery That old Babel the first Pattern in the world of ambitious Dominion was also the Foundress of Idols and the Mother of the fornication and abominations of the earth And because we have fallen upon the naming of Daemons let us observe another mystery of names out of Plutarch De defect Orac. which may help us out of or prevent some difficulties namely That Daemons are sometimes called by the names of those Celestial Gods whose Ministers and Proctors they are and from whom they receive their power and Divinity as Apollo's Daemon Apollo Iupiter's Daemon Iupiter and so the rest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 â— Like as here among us men one is called Iovius from Iupiter another Athenaeus from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Minerva another Dionysius from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Bacchus c. Thus Plutarch which Cleombrotus there saith he learned of a wonderful and profound AEgyptian Eremite who lived about the red Sea c. To which is agreeable what Eusebius Praepar Evang. lib. 3. cap. 3. quotes out of Diodorus viz. That the AEgyptians affirmed such as had been great Benefactors where they lived to be Deified after their death and some of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be called by the very names of the Celestial Gods The same Plutarch in the same place doth acquaint us with this pretty conceit which being to the purpose I will not omit namely That the Souls of men took degrees after death First they commenced Heroes who were as Probationers to a Daemonship then after a time sufficient Daemons and after that if they deserved well to a more sublime degree Howsoever it be Daemons and Heroes differed but in more and less antiquity the more ancient Heroes being called Daemons and the younger Daemons Heroes But that we may return again more close to the matter in hand This order of Daemons or Soul-gods as I may call them found place in the Religion of the elder Romans who called them Penates Lares and Manti Dii and when once they began to Canonize their deceased Emperors which was from the time of Augustus they called them Divi which word before that time was more general Tully in his second Book De Legibus shall be my witness that his countrey-men acknowledged this distinction of Sovereign Gods and Soul-deified powers for there you shall find this Law Divos eos qui Coelestes semper habiti colunto ollos quos in coelum merita vocaverint Let them worship the Gods both those who were ever accounted Celestial and those whom their own merits have advanced to heaven And again Deorum Manium jura sancta sunto Hos letho datos Divos habento Let the Rights of separate Souls be kept unviolable and let them account the deceased Worthies as Gods Would God the present Christian Romans had not renewed this Law Yea so strongly was this Doctrine embraced amongst the Gentiles that some of their latter Theologists thought That even the Souls of wicked men and Tyrants had a power after death and that of these came mali Daemones which hurt men and yet to these they ordained Temples and Sacrifices to keep them from hurting them as well as to the good Daemons for helping them But the Ancients gave this honour to the Souls of vertuous men only Thus have you heard the Original of Daemons according to the ancient and general opinion of the Gentiles But besides these Daemons whose Original you have heard I mean besides Soul-Daemons and Canonized mortals their Theologists bring in another kind of Daemons more high and sublime which never had been the Souls of men nor ever were linkt to a mortal body but were from the beginning or without beginning always the same So Apuleius tells us in his De Deo Socratis Est superius aliud augustiúsque Daemonum genus qui semper à corporis compedibus nexibus liberi certis potestatibus procurentur Ex hac sublimiori Daemonum copia autumat Plato singulis hominibus in vita agenda testes custodes singulos additos This sort of Daemons doth fitly answer and parallel that sort of spiritual Powers which we call Angels as the former of Soul-Daemons doth those which with us are called Saints CHAP. V. The manner and way of worshipping the Daemons and retaining their presence viz. by consecrated Images and Pillars That Images were as Bodies for Daemons to animate and dwell in The worshipping of Images and Columns a piece of the Doctrine of Daemons This proved out of Trismegist Porphyry Arnobius Minutius Felix c. The worshipping of Daemons in their Reliques Shrines and Sepulchres another piece of Daemon-doctrine That the Gentiles Temples were nothing but the Sepulchres of dead men The gross Idolatry of the AEgyptians BUT lest I might seem to have no measure in raking up this Ethnical dunghil I will now leave the Theology of the Original of Daemons and shew you yet another piece of that Doctrine namely Concerning the manner how Daemons were to be worshipped and as it were brought to the lure of men when they had occasion of devotion with them And this was done by sacring of Images This you shall hear from an ancient Author and passing skilful in the mysteries even Hermes Trismegistus who in his Asclepius speaketh in English thus It is a wonder saith he beyond all wonders and he saith truly that man should
had been but contrary to the long-continued custome of the Romans single life shall be honoured and priviledged above it yea and soon after the Roman shall bear himself so as if he regarded not any God and with Antichristian pride shall magnifie himself over all Verse 38. For to or together with God in his seat he shall honour Mahuzzims even together with that God whom his Ancestors knew not shall he honour them with gold and with silver and with precious stones and with pleasant things 38. That is Together with the Christian God who is a jealous God and to be worshipped alone he shall worship Mahuzzims even in his seat and Temple even with the forein God whom his Ancestors acknowledged not shall he honour Mahuzzims with gold and silver and with precious stones and with pleasant things Verse 39. And he shall make the Holds of the Mahuzzims withal or joyntly to the Forein God whom acknowledging he shall encrease with honour and he shall cause them to rule over many and shall distribute the earth for a reward 39. And though the Christian God whom he shall profess to acknowledge and worship can endure no Compeers yet shall he consecrate his Temples and Monasteries Ecclesiastical Holds joyntly to the Christian God and to his Mahuzzims Deo Sanctis yea he shall distribute the earth among his Mahuzzims so that beside several patrimonies which in every Countrey he shall allot them he shall share whole Kingdoms and Provinces among them Saint George shall have England Saint Andrew Scotland Saint Denis France Saint Iames Spain Saint Mark Venice c. and bear rule as Presidents and Patrons of their several Countries Thus we see how 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how expresly the Spirit foretold that the Roman Empire having rejected the multitude of Gods and Daemons worshipped by their Ancestors and betaken themselves to that One and Only God which their Fathers knew not should nevertheless depart from this their Faith and revive again the old Theology of Daemons by a new Superinduction of Mahuzzims Now although this Prophecy thus applied be so evident that the only pointing at the Event were able almost to convince the Reader yet that we may yet the more admire the Truth of God in the contemplation of an Event so sutable I will add these following Observations concerning it 1. First That agreeably with the date of the Holy Ghost the Roman Historians themselves have observed and marked out that time of their prevailing against Macedonia which I said was accomplished toward the end of the reign of Antiochus Epiphanes for the beginning of their Dominion over the world Lucius Florus lib. 2. cap. 7. Cedente Hannibale praemium victoriae Africa fuit secutus Africam terrarum rrbis Post Carthaginem vinci neminem puduit secutae sunt statim Africam Gentes Macedonia Graecia Syria caeteráque omnia quodam quasi aestu torrente fortunae Sed primi omnium Macedones affectator quondam imperii populus Hannibal being worsted Africa became the reward of the victory and after Africa the whole world also None thought it a shame to be overcome after Carthage was Macedonia Greece Syria and all other Nations as if carried with a certain current and torrent of Fortune did soon follow Africa But the first who followed were the Macedonians a people that sometime affected the Empire of the World In Velleius Paterculus lib. 1. c. 6. is an Annotation out of one AEmilius Sura in these words AEmilius Sura de annis populi Romani Assyrii principes omnium Gentium rerum potiti sunt deinde Medi postea Persae deinde Macedones exinde duobus regibus Philippo Antiocho qui à Macedonibus oriundi erant haud multò post Carthaginem subactam devictis summa Imperii ad Populum Romanum pervenit Inter hoc tempus initium Nini Regis Assyriorum qui Princeps rerum potitus intersunt anni MDCCCCXCV The Assyrians had the Sovereign dominion the first of all Nations then the Medes and Persians after them the Macedonians afterwards those two Kings Philip and Antiochus being overcome and that a little after that Carthage was subdued the Imperial Power came to the Romans Between which time and the beginning of the Reign of Ninus the first Assyrian King there are one thousand nine hundred ninety five years Here the time of the Romans prevailing against the Macedonian Kings is made the beginning of their Empire even as Daniel also beginneth the Roman account from thence but with this difference that whereas AEmilius Sura seems to reckon from the beginning of those prevailings in the victories against Philip Daniel counts from the victory against Perseus his son when that Conquest was now perfected and Macedonia brought into a Province which happened as I have already said the same year that Antiochus Epiphanes prophaned the Temple of Ierusalem 2. That no Kingdom in the world that we know of could more literally be said in their conquests to exalt and magnifie them selves above every God than the Roman in respect of a solemn custome they used in their wars by a certain charm to call out the gods from any City when they besieged it The form whereof Macrobius gives us l. 3. Saturn c. 8. as he found it in Sammonicus Serenus his fifth Book of hidden secrets namely this If it be a God if it be a Goddess that hath the People and City of Carthage in protection And thou especially whosoever thou art the Patron of this City and people I pray and beseech and with your leave require you to abandon the People and City of Carthage to forsake the places Temples Ceremonies and Enclosures of their City to go away from them and to strike fear terrour and astonishment into that People and City and having left it to come to Rome to me and mine and that our Cities Places Temples Ceremonies be more acceptable and better liked of you that you would take the charge of me of the People of Rome and of my souldiers so as we may know and understand it If you do so I vow to build you Temples and to appoint solemn sports for you 3. That Constantine the first Emperour under whom that State forsook the Gods of their Forefathers and became Christian together with this alteration abrogated those ancient Roman Laws Iulia and Papâ—a wherein the Desire of women and married life was so much priviledged and encouraged and single and unmarried life disadvantaged Hear it in the words of Sozomen lib. 1. c. 9. Hist. Eccl. There was saith he an ancient Law among the Romans forbidding those who after five and twenty years old were unmarried to enjoy the like priviledges with married ones and besides many other things that they should have no benefit by Testaments and Legacies unless they were next of kindred and those who had no children to have half their goods confiscated Wherefore the Emperour seeing those who for God's sake were addicted to
error as it happened in the Miracles at the Shrines and Sepulchres of the holy Martyrs which were interpreted to be for confirmation of the opinion of their Power Presence and notice of humane affairs after death and to warrant and encourage men to have recourse unto them by prayer and invocation as unto Mediators and to give that honour unto their Reliques which was due unto God alone The like is to be said of the Miracles of Images and of the Host which though they smelt strong of Forgery or Illusion were supposed by a divine disposition to be wrought for the like end and purpose All which was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the power of seduction or strong delusion to make the world believe a Lie as S. Paul speaks 2 Thess. 2. 11. Concerning the Hypocrisie of fabulous Legend-writers of the Acts of Saints and Martyrs you know what it means as also the last which was named Counterfeit Authors under the name of Antiquity as approving those Errors which Latter times devised I shall not need here to use any further explication And thus you see what is comprehended under 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hypocrisie counterfeiting or feigning of Liers I should now come to display the truth of this particular of this Prophecy in the Event But I will first unfold the next imputation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the hypocrisie of those who have their conscience seared which though it might be exemplified in other things yet I mean to instance only in that afore-mentioned and so must give you the story of both together 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Through the hypocrisie of those who have seared consciences For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as I said before is to be repeated 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies both the place seared and the mark printed by the searing with an hot iron 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to cauterize to sear with an hot iron or cut off with searing as Chirurgions do rotten members now that which is seared becomes more hard and brawny and so more dull and not so sensible in feeling as otherwise In this sense 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies those who have a hard and a brawny Conscience which hath no feeling in it In the other sense as 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is to cut off by searring it must signifie those who have no conscience left There is not much difference but I follow the first a hard and unfeeling Conscience And whether those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 whereof we spake before to use no other instances were not of such metal for their conscience I think no man can deny Who could have coined or who could have believed such monstrous stuffe as the Legends are stored with but such as were cauterized If they had had any feeling or tenderness not only of Conscience but even of Sense they could never have believed or vented such stuffe as there is As that the Virgin Mary should draw out her breasts and milk in I know not what Clerk's mouth That she played the Mid-wife to an Abbess got with child by her Cater and sent the Bastard by two Angels to a certain Eremite to be brought up Idem ibid. c. 86. That she came and lay the first night in the midst between a certain Bridegroom and his Bride Idem lib. 7. cap. 87. Caesarius in his seventh book chap. 34. reports That the Virgin Mary for twelve whole years together did supply the place of a certain Nun called Beatrice while the Nun lay in the Stews till at length returning she freed the Virgin from standing Sentinel any longer And lib. 7. cap. 33. That she said to a certain Souldier I will be thy wife come and kiss me and made him do so That she took a Monk about the neck and kissed him In an Italian book called The Miracles of the Blessed Virgin printed at Milane 1547. A certain Abbess being great with child the holy Virgin willing to cover her crime did in her stead present her self before the Bishop in form of an Abbess and shewed by ocular demonstration that she was not with child But that which Ioannes de Nicol. in his Reformed Spaniard tells that he read taken out of Trithemius is the more worthy to be remembred as being a principal Motive in his Conversion who was till then extremely addicted to the Idol-worship of the Blessed Virgin which was much cooled when he read That she came into the chamber of Frier Allen a Dominican that made her Rosary made a ring of her own hair wherewith she espoused her self unto him kissed him let him handle her breasts and conversed as familiarly with him as a Bride is wont with her Bridegroom Whether think you not that these fellows were seared in their conscience what block could have been more senseless Melchior Canus speaking of the Golden Legend as they call it a Book fraught with such stuffe as you have heard methinks almost expresses the meaning of a cauterized conscience Hanc homo scripsit saith he ferrei oris plumbei cordis a fellow of an iron mouth and leaden heart as if he had said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of a brawny and unfeeling conscience CHAP. III. That the Worship of Saints and their Reliques was brought in and promoted by the Hypocrisie of Liers or by Lying Miracles No mention of Miracles done by the Bodies or Reliques of Martyrs in the first 300 years after Christ Nor was the Mediation of Martyrs believed in the first Ages of the Church That the Gentiles Idolatry of Daemons was advanced by Lying Miracles proved out of Eusebius Tertullian and Chrysostom BUT now I come to shew how this Prediction of our Apostle hath been accomplished How 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The cousenage and feigning of Liers was the Means whereby the Doctrine of Daemons was advanced in the Church I mean the Deifying and worshipping of Saints and Angels the adoring and templing of Reliques the bowing down to Images the worshipping of Crosses as new Idol-columns the worshipping of the breaden God or any other visible thing whatsoever upon supposal of any Divinity therein all which I have proved to be nothing else but the Gentiles Idolatrous Theologie of Daemons revived among Christians The first of these The Deifying and invocating of Saints and adoring Reliques is the most ancient for time of all the rest and began to appear in the Church presently after the death of Iulian the Apostate who was the last Ethnical Emperor The grounds and occasions whereof were most strange reports of Wonders shewed upon those who approached the Shrines of Martyrs and prayed at their Memories and Sepulchres Devils charmed Diseases cured the Blind saw the Lame walked yea the Dead revived and other the like which the Doctors of those times for the most part avouched to be done by the power and prayers of the glorified Martyrs and by the notice they took of mens devotions at their Sepulchres though at the beginning those devotions were
directed to God alone and such places only chosen for the stirring up of zeal and fervor by the memory of those blessed and glorious Champions of Christ. But whiles the world stood in admiration and the most esteemed of these Wonders as of the glorious beams of the triumph of Christ they were soon perswaded to call upon them as Patrons and Mediators whose power with God and notice of things done upon earth they thought that these Signs and Miracles approved Thus the Reliques of Martyrs beginning to be esteemed above the richest Iewels for the supposed virtue even of the very aire of them were wonderfully sought after as some divine Elixir sovereign both to Body and Soul Whereupon another Scene of Wonders entred namely of Visions and Revelations wonderful and admirable for the discovery of the Sepulchres and ashes of Martyrs which were quite forgotten yea of some whose names and memories till then no man had ever heard of as S. Ambrose's Gervasius and Protasius Thus in every corner of the Christian world were new Martyrs bones ever and anon discovered whose verity again miraculous effects and cures seemed to approve and therefore were diversly dispersed and gloriously templed and enshrined All these things hapned in that one Age and were come to this height in less than a 100 years But here is the wonder most of all to be wondred at That none of these miraculous Signs were ever heard of in the Church for the first 300 years after Christ until about the year 360 after that the Empire under Constantine and his sons having publickly embraced the Christian Faith the Church had peace and the Bodies of the despised Martyrs such as could be found were now bestowed in most magnificent Temples and there gloriously enshrined And yet had the Christians long before used to keep their Assemblies at the Coemeteries and Monuments of their Martyrs How came it to pass that no such virtue of their bones and ashes no such testimonies of their power after death were discovered until now Babylas his bones were the first that all my search can find which charmed the Devil of Daphne Apollo Daphnaeus when Iulian the Apostate offered so many sacrifices to make him speak and being asked why he was so mute forsooth the corps of Babylas the Martyr buried near the Temple in Daphne stopped his wind-pipe I fear I fear here was some Hypocrisie in this business and the Devil had some feat to play the very name of Babylas is enough to breed jealousie it is an ominous name the name Babylas yea and this happened too at Antioch where Babylas was Bishop and Martyr in the persecution of Decius Would it not do the Devil good there to begin his Mystery where the Christian name was first given to the followers of Christ Howsoever this was then far otherwise construed and a conceit quickly taken that other Martyrs bones might upon trial be found as terrible to the Devil as those of Babylas which was no sooner tried but experience presently verified it with improvement as you heard before So that all the world rung so with Wonders done by Martyrs that even holy men who at the first suspected were at length surprised and carried away with the power of delusion Besides the silence of all undoubted Antiquity of any such Sepulchral wonders to have happened in the former Ages the very manner of speech which the Fathers living in this miraculous age used when they spake of these things will argue they were then accounted novelties and not as continued from the Apostles times Chrysostome in his Oration contra Gentiles of the business of Babylas speaks thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 If any man believes not those things which are said to be done by the Apostles let him now beholding the present desist from his impudency Ambros. Epist. ad sororem Marcellinam relating of a piece of the Speech he made upon the translation of the Bodies of Gervasius and Protasius and the miracles then shewed Reparata saith he vetusti temporis miracula cernitis You see the miracles of ancient times he means the times of Christ and his Apostles renewed S. August Lib. de civ Dei 22. cap. 8. in a discourse of the Miracles of that time saith We made an order to have Bills given out of such Miracles as were done when we saw the wonders of ancient times renewed in ours Id namque fieri voluimus cùm videremus antiquis similia divinarum signa virtutum etiam nostris temporibus frequentari ea non debere multorum notitiae deperire But alas I now began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Latter times this was the fatal time and thus the Christian Apostasie was to be ushered If they had known this it would have turned their joyous shoutings and triumphs at these things into mourning The End which these Signs and Wonders aimed at and at length brought to pass should have made them remember that warning which was given the ancient people of God Deut. 13. If there arise among you a Prophet or a Dreamer of dreams and giveth thee a sign or a wonder And the sign or wonder come to pass whereof he spake unto thee saying Let us go after other Gods and serve them Thou shalt not hearken unto the words of that Prophet or that dreamer of dreams For the Lord your God proveth you to know whether you love the Lord your God with all your heart and with all your soul. But why should I go any further before I tell you that even in this also the Idolatry of Saint-worship was a true counterfeit of the Gentiles Idolatry of Daemons Did not Daemon-worship enter after the same manner was it not first insinuated and at length established by signs and wonders of the very self-same kind and fashion Listen what Eusebius will tell us in his fifth book de Praeparat Evangel chap. 2. according to the Greek edition of Rob. Stephen When saith he those wicked spirits as he proved them to be which were worshipped under the names of Daemons saw mankind brought off to a Deifying of the Dead he means by erecting Statues and ordaining Ceremonies and Sacrifices for their memorials 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they insinuated themselves and helped forward their error 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by certain motions of the Statues which anciently were consecrated to the honour of the deceased as also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by ostentation of Oracles and cures of diseases whereby they drave the superstitious headlong sometimes to take them to be some heavenly Powers and Gods indeed and sometimes to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Souls of their deified worthies And so saith he the earth-neighbouring Daemons which are those Princes of the Air those Spiritualities of wickedness and Ringleaders of all evil were on all hands accounted for great Gods 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the memory of the Ancients deceased was thought worthy to be celebrated
the Throne of the Ancient of days was set and the Iews had defence till Christ's time from the weak Greeks And now the Romans having an inch given them take an ell and usurp authority over the Iews and with them kill Christ the Messiah But Christ overcame death and had all power in heaven and in earth given him Matth. 28. This his Kingdom we acknowledge in our prayers and the Church celebrates Apocal. 5. by the voice of all such as were made Priests and Kings to reign on the earth even such as were gathered out of all nations tongues and kindreds That which you add about Times put for Things done in time is very true for the signification of the Phrase when it comes alone in divers places But here changing of Times and Laws go together Antiochus Epiphanes his dealings wonderfully agree to this 1 Mac. 1. 42. He would make every one leave his Laws He forbids burnt-offering and sacrifice Vers 45. He commands the Books of the Law to be burnt Vers. 56 57. He slew the Iews for circumcising their children Vers. 60. He puts down their Laws 2 Macc. 4. 10. 6. 1 2. He uses threats and cruelty then flattery to make them forsake the Law 2 Macc. 7. All these stirrs grew from the Greeks attempting to make them leave their Laws 1 Macc. 6. 59. Then Epiphanes his attempt to alter Times is clear in his command to put down the Sabbaths and Feasts and his making them to keep Bacchus Feasts 2 Macc. 6. 7. To the Seventh THESIS The Fourth Beast Dan. 7. and the First Beast Revel 13. are not one and the same They differ much in shape of body and in their acts and in their falls and plagues Besides that in the Apocal. is made as it were of all the four in Daniel and is so described as if it came in stead and was comparable to them all as indeed it was Horns more or less distinguish not a Beast That infirms not what I said By the way only I here observe That the Beast with seven horns was a Lamb indeed that is Christ. The Beast Apocal. 13. with two horns had these two horns like a Lamb's but in truth he might be a Wolf Seeing it is not said that Daniel's Fourth Beast had four heads therein I mistook in my former writing it is to be presumed he had but one as Beasts usually have no more except in Vision for expression of some special matter more heads be attributed to them The Third Beast Dan. 7. had four heads The number of which four heads with the three heads of the other three Beasts◠fits so well with Iohn's Beast besides the resemblance to the Lion Bear Leopard that I believe it cannot be casual especially seeing it is in God's Book Concerning that you say of Mouth put singularly I answer that the Beast Apocal. 13. had seven heads with names of blasphemy This will imply that each had a mouth and that a blasphemous mouth which is more Besides the very nomination of head implies a mouth and seven heads seven mouths And whereas there is mention of a mouth given the Beast Vers. 5. methinks that should intimate the extremity of blasphemy proceeding from the seventh head beyond all the rest Whereas you say the third Kingdom in Daniel was not so distinctly revealed Chap. 7. as afterwards chap. 8. That is true And further I add That in Visions and Prophecies God hath spoken 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and revealed things to come by parts so that several Visions or Prophecies laid together make up the whole In each of Daniel's Visions something is passed over to be supplied by the rest In the second Chapter there is nothing to type Alexander's four chief Chaptains nor is it told what people should be trode on by the Iron legs In Chap. 7. the Exposition of the three former kingdoms is very brief the Exposition of the fourth very large The weakness of Antiochus his Successors is unexpressed In Chap. 8. nine of the horns coming out of Alexander's Captains are passed over and the little Horn fully set out The Kingdom of Christ over all Nations is not spoken of at all These things thus passed over are supplied by the rest So is it in the Revelation The afflicting of God's Church is diversly expressed and the afflicters thereof and the afflicted by them So that no one Vision but the several Visions laid together do give us a perfect and whole delineation of what was to come from that time to the end of the World EPISTLE VIII Mr. Mede's Answer to Mr. Hayn's Second Letter about several passages in Daniel and the Revelation SIR I Received yours at the Commencement wherein I found if I should answer to every part I should have as many Questions to dispute as I sent you Theses The experience of which multiplications in that kind makes me so backward in Collations by writing So that I can with much more patience endure to be contradicted than be drawn to make Reply But all this time the truth is I had no leisure nor yet have and am presently also to go into the Countrey where I shall stay some weeks and have no opportunity to write That I might not therefore in the mean time seem too much too neglect you I have caused a Scholar of yours to write out something I had by me in a Paper long ago written wherein you may further see my Opinion and some part of the grounds thereof When I return and have more leisure I shall answer to what I find Principal in your Replies but not to what is Circumstantial for so the business would grow too tedious for my pen. In the mean time I would desire you to believe that I have read the most that hath or can be said for that Opinion either by the chief Patrons thereof Broughton and Iunius or their followers Polanus Piscator D. Willet and that whilst I was yet free and first began with these kind of studies and yet found nothing that could in the least measure perswade me to be of their mind And I see now that the modern Writers and even some of their Scholars return to the ancient opinion and forsake their Masters in this point This I speak not to boast of my reading in this controversie but to shorten your Discourses which you may send hereafter you shall need but touch and spare the labour of so much enlargement But a word or two to your Reply Whereas you say The ground of the expectation of the coming of Christ when be came was the Fall or expiration of the Fourth Kingdom I utterly deny it The ground was the near expiration of Daniel's 70 weeks concurring with the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the Fourth Kingdom the Roman during which his Kingdom was to be first revealed and at the end of which consummated Besides I acknowledge no place in this account of Kingdoms for the Greeks after Antiochus Epiphanes
more quiet meditations Nihil affirmo sed propono I had thought when I began to propound something to your further meditations out of the seventh of Daniel But you see I am grown past a Letter and can scarce any longer make my Characters legible and therefore here with my best respect to your self I end desiring God to enlighten us daily more and more in the knowledge of his Truth and so I remain Yours to be commanded in all the duties of Friendship Ioseph Mede Christ's Colledge Nov. 11. 1629. EPISTLE XV. Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Meddus touching the Day of Iudgment Worthy Sir I Have now found some little time to make some kind of Answer to your Letter of the last week save one You desire me to point out the particulars wherein I differ from that Lutheran But this I cannot do without making a censure of the whole Discourse which would ask me some labour and besides I have not now the Book by me But by the way the Stationer which told me he had six of them was deceived Indeed he had six Books which he thought to be the same but four of them were Discourses of Law by some error sorted together with them You secondly desire me to point out the places of the Old and New Testament appliable to my Tenet of the Day of Iudgment Where I understand not well whether you mean of the Regnum to be then or of the acception of the word Day for a long space of time even of a thousand years But I suppose you mean the former to which therefore I will say something the rather because I know you will communicate it to Doctor Twisse to whom I had intended some such thing in my Letter I sent by you to him but time would not suffer me to write it then having spent both it and my paper in other discourses before I was aware That which I have to say is this The Description of the Great Day of Iudgment Dan. 7. THE Mother-Text of Scripture whence the Church of the Iews grounded the name and expectation of the Great Day of Iudgment with the circumstances thereto belonging and whereunto almost all the descriptions and expressions thereof in the New Testament have reference is that Vision in the seventh of Daniel of a Session of Iudgment when the Fourth Beast came to be destroyed Where this great Assises is represented after the manner of the great Synedrion or Consistory of Israel wherein the Pater Iudicii had his Assessores sitting upon Seats placed Semicircle-wise before him from his right hand to his left I beheld saith Daniel verse 9. till the Thrones or Seats were pitched down namely for the Senators to sit upon not thrown down as we of late have it and the Ancient of days Pater consistorii did sit c. And subaudi I beheld till the Iudgment was set that is the whole Sanhedrim and the books were opened c. Here we see both the form of Iudgment delineated and the name of Iudgment expressed which is afterwards yet twice more repeated First in the amplification of the tyranny of the wicked Horn verse 21 22. which is said continued till the Ancient of days came and IVDGMENT was given to the Saints of the most High i. Potestas judicandi ipsis facta And the third time in the Angel's interpretation verse 26. But the IVDGMENT shall sit and they shall take away his dominion to consume and destroy it to the end Where observe also that cases of Dominion of Blasphemy and Apostasie and the like belonged to the jurisdiction of the great Sanhedrim From this description it came that the Iews gave it the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Day of Iudgment and the Day of the Great Iudgment whence in the Epistle of S. Iude verse 6. it is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Iudgment of the Great Day From the same description they learned that the destruction then to be should be by fire because it is said verse 9. His throne was a fiery flame and his wheels burning fire A fiery stream issued and came forth before him and verse 11. The Beast was slain and his body destroyed and given to the burning flame From the same fountain are derived those expressions in the Gospel where this Day is intimated or described The Son of man shall come in the clouds of heaven The Son of man shall come in the glory of his Father with his holy Angels Forasmuch as it is said here Thousand thousands ministred unto him c. and that Daniel saw One like the Son of man coming with the clouds of Heaven and he came to the Ancient of days and they brought him or placed him near him c. Hence S. Paul learned that the Saints should judge the world because it is said that many Thrones were set and verse 22. by way of Exposition that Iudgment was given to the Saints of the most High Hence the same Apostle learned to confute the false fear of the Thessalonians that the day of Christs second coming was then at hand Because that day could not be till the Man of Sin were first come and should have reigned his time appointed Forasmuch as Daniel had foretold it should be so and that his destruction should be at the Son of mans appearing in the clouds whose appearing therefore was not to be till then This is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in S. Paul whom the Lord saith he shall destroy at the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of his coming Daniel's wicked Horn or Beast acting in the wicked Horn is S. Paul's Man of Sin as the Church from her Infancâ—e interpreted it But to go on While this Iudgment sits and when it had destroyed the Fourth Beast the Son of man which comes in the clouds receives dominion and glory and a Kingdom that all people nations and languages should serve and obey him verse 14. which Kingdom is thrice explained afterwards to be the Kingdom of the Saints of the most High verse 18. These four Beasts saith the Angel are four Kingdoms which shall arise But viz. when they have finished their course the Saints of the most High shall take the Kingdom c. Again verse 22. The wicked Horn prevailed until the time came that the Saints possessed the Kingdom Again verse 27. When the fourth Beast reigning in the wicked Horn was destroyed the Kingdom and dominion and the greatness of the Kingdom under the whole heaven is given to the people of the Saints of the most High c. These Grounds being laid I argue as followeth The Kingdom of the Son of man and of the Saints of the most High in Daniel begins when the Great Iudgment sits The Kingdom in the Apocalyps wherein the Saints reign with Christ a thousand years is the same with the Kingdom of the Son of man and Saints of the most High in Daniel Ergo It also
laying an imputation on the Mellenaries as if they dreamed of Earthly Pleasures in this Kingdom of our Lord for he saith that as Dr. Gerhard thinks of the Cerinthians and Iews not of the ancient Fathers how truly I leave it to your consideration and judgment In the Margin of your Notes on Iustin Martyr I noted a place to the same purpose in Lactantius It is in black lead and may easily be wiped out if it be nothing to your purpose Dr. Potter signified in a former Letter that he had a purpose to write to you perhaps he is not yet ready for that which he meaneth to say but if he send his Letter this way I will take care to send it down by your Carrier In the mean while and ever I commend you and your studies to the Blessing of the Almighty and so for this time I leave you Your ever assured Friend Henry Mason S. Andrew's Undershaft Decemb. 10. 1629. EPISTLE XIX Dr. Potter his Letter to Mr. Mason touching the Millenaries Good Mr. Mason I Have read those two large and learned Discourses of Gerhard against the Millenaries and find him as his woâ—t is to be very diligent both in recounting the Opinions of other men and in the establishing of his own By him I see the conceit is ancient among our later Writers and favoured by many ignorant and fanatical spirits which I confess casts much envy upon the Conjecture But yet methinks First the consent of so many great and worthy Lights of the ancient Primitive Church doth more honour and countenance the opinion than it can be disgraced or obscured by these late blind abettors Secondly The Anabaptists and their fellows are confident where Mr. Mede doth but modestly conjecture and that Thirdly upon other and better grounds than their dreaming doting heads ever thought of Lastly The Devil himself may sometime speak truth and so may his disciples with an ill intention or at hazard 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I suppose no Learned man or Christian can deny that the Nation of the Iews shall be once hereafter called by God's mercy to the Faith and that their general Conversion will bring with it a great and glorious alteration in the Church and therefore that Kingdom of our Lord upon earth howsoever in some circumstances it may not answer our hopes which may be ungrounded and deceived yet for substance it seems an indisputable Truth But Prophecies are Mysteries till their accomplishment let us therefore leave them to God and to Posterity 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 I have received Philostrates and Origen c. C. P. EPISTLE XX. Mr. Mede's Second Letter to Dr. Meddus containing four grounds why the First Resurrection Rev. 20. is to be taken literally with some other Observations concerning the difference between the State of the New Ierusalem and the State of the Nations walking in the light thereof as also concerning the time of the Regnum Christi Worthy Sir I Sent the fourth sheet I promised to the Bury-Carrier yesterday with a note therein promising to make some Answer to your Quaere to day to be delivered to the Carrier as he passed through Newmarket but some 4 or 5 miles from the place where I am When I had thus done some hour or two after I received a transcript of another of yours dated August 14 of the conformation of the taking of Wesel But to the Quaere which I must answer but briefly till I have a better and more free occasion to enlarge upon particulars The full resolving thereof depends upon so large an explication of the Oeconomy of God in the restitution of Mankind as cannot be comprised in a Letter And I am somewhat unwilling to discover what I think unless I could do it fully which made me abstain in my Specimina from any explication of that First Resurrection save to name it only But howsoever when at first I perceived that Millennium to be a State of the Church consequent to the times of the Beast I was a verse from the proper acception of that Resurrection taking it for a rising of the Church from a dead estate as being loth to admit too many Paradoxes at once yet afterward more â—etiously considering and weighing all things I found no ground or footing for any sense but the Literal For first I cannot be perswaded to forsake the proper and usual importment of Scripture-language where neither the insinuation of the Text it selfe nor manifest tokens of Allegory nor the necessity and nature of the things spoken of which will bear no other sense do warrant it For to do so were to lose all footing of Divine testimony and in stead of Scripture to believe mine own imaginations Now the 20 th of the Apocalyps of all the Narrations of that Book seems to be the most plain and simple most free of Allegory and of the involution of Prophetical figures only here and there sprinkled with such Metaphors as the use of speech makes equipollent to vulgar expressions or the former Narrations in that Book had made to be as words personal or proper names are in the plainest histories as Old Serpent Beast c. How can a man then in so plain and simple a narration take a passage of so plain and ordinarily-expressed words as those about the First Resurrection are in any other sense than the usual and Literal Secondly Howsoever the word Resurrection by it self might seem ambiguous yet in a sentence composed in this manner viz. Of the dead those which were beheaded for the witness of Iesus c. lived again when the thousand years began but the rest of the dead lived not again till the thousand years were ended it would be a most harsh and violent interpretation to say that Dead and consequently Living again from the dead should not utrobique be taken in the same meaning For such a speech in ordinary construction implies That some of the dead lived again in the beginning of the thousand years in that sense the rest should live again at the end of the thousand years and è contrà In what manner the rest of the dead should live again at the end of the thousand years in that manner those who were beheaded for Iesus lived again in the beginning of the thousand years which living again of those some is called the First Resurrection Thirdly Though the ancient Iews whilest they were yet the Church of God had no distinct knowledge of such an order in the Resurrection as First and Second but only of the Resurrection in gross and general to be in die Iudicii magni yet they looked for such a Resurrection wherein those that rose again should reign some time upon earth as appeareth Wisd. 3. from the first to the eighth verse inclusivè where it is expressely said That the Souls of the Righteous which were departed should in the time of their visitation shine and that they should judge the nations and have dominion over the people
EPISTLE XXVII Dr. Ames his Letter to Mr. Mede touching Lawenus his Censure of his Clavis Apocalyptica Good Mr. Mede I Shewed your Clavis to one much given unto those Studies and desired his censure which having at length received I send herewith unto you desiring from you to receive what you think fit to be opposed You shall perceive his full meaning out of the printed Treatise adjoyned He seemeth to me to carry all to the Iews upon no other grounds than communion of Phrases Thus with hearty salutations to you and Mr. Chappel I rest Franeker Oct. 11. Your loving Friend W. Ames EPISTLE XXVIII A Second Letter from Dr. Ames touching Mr. Mede's Defence SIR YOur Answer to Lawenus I have received that you be no longer in suspence and like so well that I shall long to see more of your Notions in that kind yet methinks that Millenary state spoken of may well be understood of the Church raised from a dead condition and so continued for that space We have here no News but of Silva-Ducis streightly and hopefully besieged by our Army the Enemy as it seemeth not being in case to bring an Army into the field Thus with salutations to your self Mr. Chappel c. I rest Franeker May 27. Your loving Friend W. Ames EPISTLE XXIX Mr. Mede his Third Letter to Archbishop Usher excusing his unwillingness to accept the Provostship of Trinity Colledge in Ireland containing also an account of Lawenus his Animadversions upon his Clavis and his Answer together with his Explication of Ezek. 4. 6 c. Right Reverend and my most Honoured Lord I Make no question but your Colledge is far better provided of a Provost than it would have been of me who never could perswade my self I was fit to be the Head and Governour of the only Seminary of a Kingdom And therefore though my name were the Second time brought upon the Stage yet was it without consent or privity of mine Indeed a Proposition was made unto me upon Mr. Bedle's preâ—erment and before the news thereof was sent to him whether I would accept the place in case I were again chosen thereto Unto which because I answered not by a direct and categorical denial but only alledged divers reasons both from mine own unfitness in divers respects and other circumstances which might and did deter me therefrom leaving them who made the motion to infer the conclusion it pleased some to whom I am yet beholden for their affection so to interpret it as if in modesty only I had by such a kind of answer concealed my willingness which as soon as I understood and that some Sir Nathaniel Rich by name endeavoured upon the motion of some others to procure me to be named by his Majesty I presently took him off and that so effectually as he stirred no more though perhaps I was not a little blamed by some of my friends for so doing But enough of this For my Clavis I am afraid that Reverend Archbishop your Lordship nameth values it far more than it deserveth though it may be something I have by God's goodness discovered toward the better understanding of that Book which if I have the praise be to God alone to whom it is only due But I cannot imagine what those Additions thereto should be which your Lordship saith you received out of the North of Ireland I sent a Copy or two to Franeker to Doctor Ames he sends one of them to Daniel Lawenus an ancient Student in those parts in that Prophecy whose Apparatus to a bigger volume of many years study was printed the same year desiring his censure of it He finding it not to sute with his Notions wrote presently Stricturae in Clavem Apocalypticam not knowing my name but calling me Synchronista and sometimes seemed to be very angry in his confutation of me though he agreed with me in the mainest Paradox of all He sends it to Doctor Ames as I suppose not intending me But the Doctor dispatcheth it to me together with his printed Book for my better understanding his meaning desires to receive again from me what I thought fit to oppose by way of defence Thus unwittingly I made my self work yet such as in the doing I at length found some benefit by having my torpid thoughts revived and quickned and the second time more able to wield any notions than they were at the beginning But I should admire if your Lordship had seen a Copy of this For besides that I sent into Friseland I conceive not how any other should get abroad having as I thought kept mine own Copy private in my study That touching the years of Israel and Iudah I know not what it should be unless that the 40. years of Iudah's sin for which the Prophet lay so many days upon his right side were the years of Manasses Idolatry to which the Scripture particularly ascribes their captivity 2 Kings 24. 3. ch 23. 26. Ier. 15. 4. Which I thought had been a novelty and cried 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but since I find it to be the opinion of R. Kimchi whom I suppose also the first author thereof Salianus adds Hieronymus not Iosephus de Prado Funccius but I never looked them It was but a conjecture which had it been new I conceived would not have been altogether unacceptable to your Lordship whom yet far be it from me to teach or inform but only to be better instructed or confirmed by your Lordship's profounder judgment Presently after my Clavis was printed I drew at the intreaty of some friends Specimina Interpretationum Apocalypticarum ad amussim Clavis Apocalypticae which finding beyond my expectation or merit to be accepted I have since gone more largely through some part thereof as The Description of the Theatrum Apocalypticum chap. 4. The 6 Seals and 7 Trumpets unto the 11. Chapter The rest is yet but Specimina as it was in the beginning the last Chapter whereof I once sent your Lordship namely de Millennio But could I have gotten an orthographical Scribe I would have sent your Lordship all ere this both Specimina and the larger Expositions upon the first half But I had no such of mine own and those who have are not so kind as to lend them for any hire And for my self I should never get through that which is mine own without everlasting mending blurring and pausing at every sentence to alter it I am exceedingly sorry for the death of Buxtorf and Amama especially the latter as being but now in store and one that had a natural genius to inlighten the Text of Scripture and to find the notion of the Sacred language If Ireland will not spend the remainder of my Pamphlets if your Lordship have opportunity to send them I shall willingly entertain them again their fellows being all gone Thus with my most humble Service remembred to your gracious Lordship desiring the God of Heaven to bless and preserve your Grace I
rest and am Christ's Colledge May 4. 1630. Your Lordship's most ready to be commanded Ioseph Mede EPISTLE XXX My Lord of Armagh his Letter to Mr. Mede commending his Comment on the Apocalyps and his learned Conjectures upon the Succession of the Babylonian Kings in Berosus c. Worthy Sir I Received long since your most accurate Explication of the principal Chapters of the Revelation together with your learned Conjectures upon the succession of the Babylonian Kings recorded in the fragments of Berosus and Megasthenes I cannot sufficiently commend either the one or the other but acknowledge my self to have learned from you in both what otherwise would never have come into my mind I am now in hand with a Treatise De Britannicarum Ecclesiarum Primordiis setting down as much as may be found in the Manuscripts that remain of our Nation touching that Argument I have entred also upon the Determination of the Controversies which concern the Chronologie of the Sacred Scripture wherein I shall in many places need your help I desire to hear from you of the state of things there and so recommending all your godly studies and endeavours unto the blessing of our good God evermore rest Armagh August 10. 1632. Your most assured loving Friend Ia. Armachanus EPISTLE XXXI Mr. Mede's Answer to a Doubt touching some Variations between the Hebrew Text and the Hellenists and some smaller corruption crept into the Hebrew copies I Have heard alledged If any corruption had crept into the Hebrew Text at or before our Saviour's time the holy Apostles and Penmen of the New Testament would have restored it or somewhere intimated it But what if they did so and yet we had rather follow the Masorites than them Matt. 15. 9. out of Esay 29. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Hebrew Text reads now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 an emphatical word appears not But the Lxx. and S. Matthew with them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 dâ—câ—ntium or edocta hominum 〈◊〉 mes reverentis sed frustra â—orum i. Sed fuit culâ—us eorum erga me mandatum hominum edoctum or edoctus i. Frustrà verò reverentur me mandata â—â—minum docentes viz. referring Docentium to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 frustrà reverentia eorum mei qui docent mandata hominum See 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same Prophet for frustrà cap. 45. 9. ibid. versibus 18 19. item cap. 49. 4. The Masorites might have pointed it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as they do often elsewhere Iod for Van yea in the Chaldee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the same with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 may be pointed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Then it would be Frustrà cultus eorum meimandata hominum docens and never a letter altered but Iod into Van. It is to be noted that the Prophet calls Idols and Idol-worship often in this book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Vanity Acts 15. 17. out of Amos 9. 12. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. The Hebrew now reads marvellous differingly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But the Lxx. read and the Apostles ratifie it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt passidâ—ant residuum Edom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vt requirant Deum vel Dominum reliqui hominum For the Lxx. often translate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more than 40. times 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 above an 100. Heb. 8. 9. out of Ierem. 31. 32. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Hebrew hath now in place of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a clean contrary sense and inconsequent to what goes before I know how it is wont to be salved But did not the Lxx and the Apostle with them read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which without any more ado is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and makes the sense coherent with what went before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 differ not very much See the same construction of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the same Prophet chap. 14. 15. But in these and other such it may be said the Apostles accommodated to the capacity of the times and so followed the LXX as a known and received Translation but not either to correct the then Hebrew reading by it or prefer that of the Hellenists before it But what will they say if sometimes the Apostles follow a reading differing both from the Septuagint and Hebrew even where the LXX and Hebrew exactly agree together Matth. 27. 9 10. out of Zach. 11. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The words included in the parenthesis are a brief comprehension of what went before and interlaced only for explication sake So that the words quoted out of the Prophet directly are only these 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But first there are no such words in Ieremy that which sounds like them is in Zachary Secondly the Hebrew in Zachary and the LXX agreeing with it have something which S. Matthew hath not and S. Matthew again something which neither of them have Hebr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Here the Hebrew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which S. Matthew hath not On the other side S. Matthew hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which neither Hebrew nor LXX have Besides the Seventie's Greek here differs almost every word from S. Matthew's This difficult piece may I think be made easie after the manner following First it may seem the Evangelist would inform us that those latter chapters ascribed to Zachary viz. the 9 10 11 c. are indeed the Prophecies of Ieremy and that the Iews had not rightly attributed them Certainly if a man weighs the Contents of some of them they should in likelihood be of an elder date than the time of Zachary namely before the captivity For the subjects of some of them were scarce in being after that time And the Chapter out of which S. Matthew quotes may seem to have somewhat much unsutable with Zacharie's time as a Prophecy of the destruction of the Temple then when he was to encourage them to build it and how doth the sixth verse of that Chapter suit with his time There is no Scripture saith they are Zacharie's but there is Scripture saith they are Ieremie's as this of the Evangelist As for there being joyned to the Prophecies of Zachary that proves no more they are his than the like adjoyning of Agur's Proverbs to Solomon's proves they are therefore Solomon's or that all the Psalms are David's because joyned in one Volume with David's Psalms Hocprimum Secondly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 here in S. Matthew is the first person singular not the third plural as we are wont to translate it For it answers to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Hebrew The same person and number must
will see ere long by his own in answer his time hitherto having been taken up by being President in a Provincial Synod of Holland and publishing his Annotations upon the Acts of the Apostles It was sufficient for me to receive many thanks for the conveiance and that which was better better than Musick to hear innumerable commendations of so near a Friend though I knew them due for 't is no small pleasure to see debts paid where we think our selves to have Interest At my coming last into England I lay above three weeks wind-bound in the Briel where I enjoyed the company of the Minister Author of the inclosed which I have gained by my acquaintance and send it for your affection to the Argument by this bearer son of Desiderius Heraldus whose works and worth you know of old that you may for the Father's and my sake give him now and them conference and advice about such studies as he pursues wherein himself will open his own mind It will be a great kindness if Doctor Ward whom I pray salute from me will give him countenance and access at his times of leisure which you may procure and thereby oblige both him and me and his Father my old and singular friend You may see by this and that title how glad I should be to meet opportunities of doing any thing for your self that might assure you with what truth and readiness of serving you I shall ever be Your most affectionate Friend as of old William Boswel Hague Sept. 1634. EPISTLE XXXVII Monsieur Testard his Letter to Mr. Brooks about his translating Mr. Mede ' s Clavis Apocal. into French as also concerning the Number of the Beast's Name SIR I Have translated into French that I might communicate it to divers friends the Book you sent upon the Revelation which seems to me worthy admiration and full of comfort to those that expect the consolation of Israel I desire earnestly if it may be obtained the opinion of the Author touching a conceit came into my mind whilst I was reading the Book particularly that which he remarks upon the number of 144000 and upon 666 the name of the Pseudoprophetical Beast with the Reason he gives of the composition of the name all of 6 which is That the number of 666 ariseth from the multiplication of 3 Vnites joyned together making up the number of III. That these three Vnites set forth the three Offices of Christ which pertain to him incommunicably and distributively and conjoyntly considered All which the Pseudoprophetical Beast usurps conjoyntly in which consists particularly his Antichristianism And this multiplication produceth the number of 666 as also the multiplication of 12 by 12 which is the Apostolical number produceth the 144000. That for this reason the number of 666 is called the number of a man in the singular number because it is in one only man whereas the number of 144000 is a number of men in the plural number and drawn from the number of men If the Author hath set forth any other Treatises I desire earnestly you would send them to me From Bloys in France Iune 1634. P. Testard EPISTLE XXXVIII Mr. Brook's Letter to a Friend DOE me the favour as to request Mr. Mede to give some satisfaction to the request of this Gentleman my especial friend and to suffer some Manuscripts which he hath not yet published to be copied out to be sent him either in Latin or English I will satisfie his pains that shall undertake it with promise that nothing shall be communicated but to private friends Your assured Friend Ioh. Brooks Westminster 23. Feb. 1634. EPISTLE XXXIX Reverendo Doctissimo Viro D. D. Mede Paulus Testardus S. P. D. QVantâ me laetitiâ totum perfuderint Vir Reverende Doctissime quas ab amplissimo Viro D. Ioh. Brooks accepi literas quae singularem tuam erga me non modò immeritum sed ignotum humanitatem testantur desunt mihi verba voces quibus significem vix profectò eam capit animus Etenim non modò eae mihi exhibuerunt quae in mei gratiam dignatus es de mysterio Numeri Nominis Bestiae scripto explicare sed etiam de optatissimi ad tuam Dignitatem accessûs facultate mihi per eum facta certum fecerunt Isto V. R. D tanquam salvo conductu securus non diutiùs haesi quin ad te istas transmitterem quibus gratias quantas possum maximas R. tuae pro eximio isto beneficio referrem primùm ut ex animo refero tum Quaestionis quae ad te perlata fuit occasione descriptâ rem ipsam genuinam meam mentem ampliùs aperirem quod sic cum bona D.T. venia facio Praeteriit jam ferè triennium ex quo D. Brooks cum quibusdam Anglicè scriptis libris Clavim tuam Apocalypticam cum Commentariis pro liberali suo ergae me affectu misit Opus sine nomine sed invitante materiâ mittentis commendatione statim perlegi deinde saepius saaviter trahente Rationum turunt pondere atque industriae expositionis elegantiâ concinnitate relegi non tantùm Dei donum in te saepius miratus sed aliquid tibi assidenti ut loqueris alicubi revelatum addam extra ordinem facilè persuasus Dicam verbo Nihil unquam mihi visum in Apocalypsin non dicam quod cum Clavi tua Expositione aequandam veniat sed quod ad eas propè accedat Atque ut ità sumus naturâ comparati ut ejus boni cujus nos maximè oblectat fruitio cognitionem cum aliis facilè communicemus nec verò duntaxat cognitionem Bonorum spiritualium salutarium sed ipsam etiam tanta est eorum praestantia fruitionem horas aliquot quando sivit perpeâ—uus muneris mihi à Deo misericorditer demandati labor versioni Scripti tui in linguam Gallicam impendi ut pretiosissimi istius ac divini the sauri fruendi copiam amicis meis facerem si sine eorum quibus sine summa necessitate displicere est nefas offensa licuisset Publico etiam Versionem typis vulgandam curando suavissimam utpote proculdubio futuram consolationem iis omnibus qui Israelis Dei ut scitè vocas subrogati consolationem exspectant Regnúmque illud Christi Septimae Tubae deinceps aequè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Possúmque procul adulationis arte D. T. sincerè profiteri animum meum singulis tuis Expositionibus tam plenum praebuisse assensum quà m praeberi potest ab eo qui non caeco impetu sed ratione ducitur atque in re ut agnoscis ipse non parum difficili Ipsámque adeo rationem quam reddis Numeri nominis Bestiae Bicornis visam mihi convenicntissimam Nec enim quicquam in literis meis ad D. Brooks tanquam illud Expositioni tuae adversum patarem proponere unquam mihi fuit animus sed quod maximè ei
rest when it comes to be the Throne of Christ's Kingdome like as it was the glory of all Lands when the children of Israel were brought to inherit it Your Doctrine of Daemons whereof I have tasted even to the Answer of the second Objection Why invocation of Saints should be made choice of to set out Antichrist thereby as a principal Character of him doth so affect me that withal considering these degenerate times I could heartily wish you would give way to the printing of it You know what Spalatensis mentioneth of one of his Prebends that should profess if he were sure Angels heard him he would use that Collect Angele Dei qui custos es mei c. And who it is that taketh it upon him to have been the man meant and justifies it When I read your Discourse of that Thou shalt have no other Gods before my face it makes me willing to know what you think of Genuflexio versus Altare which now grows rife and begins to challenge subscription thereto as licita like as genuflexio at the name of Iesus as pia ceremonia and where we shall end I know not I cannot but take notice as you wish me of the vile depravation of the opinion of the Ancients concerning Millennium For all these I cannot sufficiently give you thanks and must study how to express my thank fulness Mr. S. is a man of very good parts but withal I doubt he hath his vanities as well as other men for I cannot believe but that Dr. L. related unto me the truth of what he heard The beginning of the week hath been a very busie time with me and I must make haste desiring you may understand with the first the safe landing of your precious commodities I nothing doubt but the Lord will perfect the good work he hath begun in you and by you to whose gracious direction I commend all your ways and shall ever rest Newbury May 5. 1635. Yours in all due respects infinitely obliged Will. Twisse EPISTLE LVI Mr. Mede's Answer to Dr. Twisse's Question about Genuflexio versus Altare His freedom from self-ends in this and all other his opinions SIR FOR your question about Genuflexio or Adoratio versus Altare I was in some pause whether to answer to it or to pass it by in silence I confess I have not been unacquainted with speculations in things of this nature they were my eldest thoughts and studies full twenty years ago and the argument of my Concio ad Clerum when I commenced Batchelor of Divinity and before I was any proficient in the Apocalyps And it may be I have had so many Notions that way as would have made another man a Dean or a Prebend or something else ere this But the point of the Pope's being Antichrist as a dead fly marred the savour of that ointment And besides I am no Practitioner nor active but a Speculator only But I am afraid there are others as much in fault which practise before they know I suppose you have heard something this way and thence took occasion to move this Question to me which is the reason I have told you this long tale by way of Preface lest you might think I had as some men use to do made the bent of the Times the rule of my opinions But if I did so I should quickly renounce my Tenet of the Apocalyptical Beast which I know few men here so hardy with us as to profess they believe yea or would fain do But alas that I am so ill advised I cannot do with all And I thank God I never made any thing hitherto the caster of my resolutions but Reason and Evidence on what side soever the advantage or disadvantage fell Besides it fell out happily that the Times when my thoughts were exercised in those Speculations I spake of were times of better awe than now they are which preserved me from that immoderation which I see divers now run into whether out of ignorance or some other distemper I cannot tell Haec omnia dixi in antecessum now I will answer your Question briefly 1. We must distinguish between Imago and Locus or Signum praesentiae To pray or worship toward the First with respect thereto is Idolatry but not toward the Second 2. The Israelites in the Wilderness bowed and worshipped the Lord toward the Cloud wherein he manifested his presence in the Temple toward the Ark and the most Holy place as Solium Dei When they were absent from it though in a strange Country yet they turned themselves and spread out their hands toward it when they prayed as Daniel in Babel Ergò to worship toward Locum praesentiae is no Idolatry or if it were we should commit it as often as we lift up our hands and eyes to Heaven in our prayers as to the place of God's special Presence Yet our Saviour taught us to say Pater nostâ—r quies in coelis and to look that way when we prayed 3. The reason of this difference between Imago and Signum or Locus praesentiae in the point of Divine worship is this 'T is one thing adhibere creaturam in cultu Dei per modum Objecti another per modum circumstantiae Loci aut Sitûs or as Instrumentum The First is Idolatry for God is a jealous God and cannot endure that the worship we give to him should look towards any thing as an Object but Himself But unless the Second be lawful we must not look toward any created thing when we pray not to Heaven nor turn our selves towards the Table where God's blessings are when we say Grace or the like not lawful to invocate God in his Temple not lawful to pray unto him with a Book not use the Communion-Table as a place to give praise and thanks unto him Name In all which Res creata adhibetur tantùm either as Circumstantia cultûs ubi quo-versùs or as Instrumentum quo utimur ad invocandum as a Prayer-Book but not as Objectum cultûs But an Image in the nature of the thing if it be used in Divine worship as an Image cannot but be used as an Object that is as a Representation of the thing worshipped For to look to a thing as it is the Representation of the Object whereto we address our Prayers and Services what is it else but to make it Objectum mediatum relativum I must desire you to supply my meaning where my expression is defective I should do better corà m by pen â—tis tedious to me 4. Now the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Altar for they are but Synonyma's as I take it was ever in our Christian Oratories accounted as Solium Christi as being the place where the Mysteries of his Body and Bloud the Rites of the New Covenant are exhibited unto us 5. All the Prayers and Devotions of the Church were there offered unto God and no where else for many hundred years and still are in all
in and never of Places wherein to be instructed in his Law But the Scripture is silent I answer If the silence of Scripture be an argument sufficient to conclude against matter of Fact in the times preceding for the use whereof we have testimony enough in the times following without any express intimation of Novelty then must we not think that the Iews paid Tithes from Ioshua's time to Hezekiah's for there is no tittle intimating they did nor that ever they kept the year of Iubilee for where is it mentioned they did and so of other the like 4. For Even-song publick in the Church there is very little to be produced out of the Monuments remaining of those First Ages That the Monks used it in their Monasteries it is granted because affirmed that it was from their example derived into the Church That in their private Devotions devout Christians observed the ninth hour as well as the first third and sixth in those elder times may be proved out of Tertullian de Iejunio cap. 10. and S. Cyprian de Oratione Dominica But for Vespers in ortu Ecclesiae neither of them mentions them Yet Tertullian in his Apology together with Pliny ad Trajanum hath antelucani coetus and in his Lib. 2. ad Vxorem cap. 4. Nocturnae convocationes But as those seem not to have been properly those we call Mattins so neither these our Vespertinae And in this inquisition notice is to be taken that both Mattins and Even-song were distinct from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or solemn address of the Church to God in the holy Eucharist which they termed Sacrificium Christianum Well the most ancient Testimony to be found of Vespertinae in coetu Ecclesiae is with the Author of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which though it be an Apocryphal writing and of a false inscription yet is the most ancient Record of Ecclesiastical Antiquity by way of purposed Collection that is at this day extant and not younger than 200 years after Christ at the most The Author whosoever he were seeming to have gathered this Rhapsodie out of the Customes and Ceremonies he found then in use in the Churches founded by the Apostles and supposing them to have been derived from their institution accordingly fathered them upon them and where there was any singularity or difference brings in that Apostle whose Church he found it in as speaking in Council c It is put by Eusebius in his Catalogue of Sacred Books amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and is often quoted by Epiphanius by the name we give it In this Rhapsody Lib. 8. cap. 35. is not only mention but the Form of Evening Prayer with the solemn dismissing at the beginning thereof of the Catechumeni c. as at the Eucharist ascribed to Iames the Brother of our Lord in particular Whence it may seem according to my former supposition not to have been common at first to all Churches but peculiar to that of Ierusalem whereof this Iames was the first Bishop whence also the Liturgy of that Church though the greatest part thereof as now it is were afterward at several times added bears the name of S. Iames his Liturgy The next Testimony for antiquity is that of the Council of Laodicea which if Baronius his arguments be good was before the first Council of Nice the 17. and 18. Canons whereof are Quòd non oportet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psalmos contexere sed interjecto inter unumquemque Psalmum spatio Lectionem fieri The next Idem ministerium Precum semper in nonis vesperis fieri debere Gr. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Though I cite both Canons yet I suppose not the latter to have reference to the former for what had the Evening to do with the Synaxis but the meaning to be that one and the same Form of Prayer should be used both at the ninth hour and at the Vespers 5. Concerning that in Matth. 24. Pray that your flight be not in the Winter nor on the Sabbath-day I conceive thus That the believing and Christian Iews even the Apostles themselves were to observe the Rites and Ordinances of Moses and consequently that of the Sabbath together with the Lord's-day until their Temple and Politie founded and constituted by God himâ—elf should be actually and fully dissolved And do we not find they did so yea even S. Paul himself who was so great a Vindex of the liberty of the believing Gentiles that they should be tied no farther than the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Proselytes of the Gate were Therefore Acts 21. it is accounted a slander or calumnie which was reported of S. Paul that he should teach the Iews which were among the Gentiles to forsake Moses and that they ought not to circumcise their children nor walk after the customs For neither he nor any other of the Apostles taught that the Iews should do so either abroad among the Gentiles or at home in Iudaea For the Gentiles indeed they did and S. Paul whose charge they were more zealously than the rest that they should have no such imposed upon them according to the decree of the Sâ—nod Acts 15. Consider it with that Story Acts 21. à vers 20. deinceps This therefore being to be the condition of the believing Iews when their City should be compassed with an Army by Cestius Gallus at which time they were admonished to flee to save themselves with all speed into the mountains of Petraea as soon as Cestius by withdrawing a little his Army should give them that liberty our Saviour saith here Pray that your flight be not on the Sabbath-day For he speaks not of any flight to be when the City should be taken or when it should be once besieged by Titus for both would be too late but of a warning beleaguering to precede it 6. Concerning that in Matth. 25. when our Blessed Saviour shall sit upon his Throne of Royalty to judge the world I conceive a Figure to be in that expression of placing the Sheep on his right hand and the Goats on the left borrowed from the custome of the Iews in their Tribunals to place such as were to be absolved on the right hand where stood the Scribe who took the Votes for Absolution and those who were to receive the sentence of Condemnation on the left hand where stood the Scribe which took the Votes for Condemnation Such a custom of theirs Drusius in his Notes upon that place observes out of Moses de Kotsi That therefore nothing else is meant thereby but that our Saviour should distinguish the world of men into two Orders one of such as should receive the Sentence of bliss and Absolution the other of such as should receive the Sentence of Condemnation That he should first pronounce the Sentence of Absolution upon such as are to be absolved and that once finished
If so I would have it considered whether some of his Inconveniences be not as incident to such Confessions towards the members of a particular Church as would be from a general Confession towards the members of several Churches All such Inconveniences are per accidens but the good and benefit is per se yea prevents far greater evils with which such contingent and casual Inconveniences may not stand in competition What greater evil can befall the Church than Schism and breach of Charity between her Members and the woful effects that do inevitably follow thereof Shall we then to avoid the lesser and such as perhaps may not be cherish the greater which threaten ruine to the whole Body that I say nothing of the danger of the spiritual estate of those who are engaged therein if they are not so much as willing to be at Unity This is a great piece of Practical Divinity and to be more considered than it is Moreover it is to be considered that many of the Evils he supposes would follow of such a Confession are already in being in most Churches whilest there is no such Confession Therefore the declining of such a Confession is not the means to avoid them they will be whether there be any such or not Those who will seek for pretences to do amiss will always find them Some of the Evils he alledges are such as the contrary to what he fears seem every whit as like to follow For why should not such a declaration and limiting of Fundamentals rather introduce a greater liberty and indulgence in particular Churches to think what men list in other points than an oppression or further bondage to be imposed upon the Members thereof Yea a Confession cannot descend far in particulars but some mens Consciences or other will be wronged by it And a man in this case should not have respect to his own Conscience only but as well to other mens who may scruple the contrary to his He seems to me to confound Points of Faith with matters of Practice and Manners But the question is not what is Licitum or Illicitum in Practice or what is Necessarium factu but what is Necessarium creditu ad Salutem Lastly the whole Discourse methinks moves rather upon the hindges of Policy than of Divinity as is too manifest in that he would have the forein Churches to labour such a Confession and ours to lie at the advantage to approve or not to approve is as we shall find it makes for or against our particular Tenets All this I write tumultuously and confusedly without order without deliberation It is sufficient if you can guess my mind thereby or get any hint to think more accurately how such Objections are to be answered To shew it any body I would not it is not fit If any thing be to purpose make it your own So with my best affection I rest Christ's Colledge Ian. 22. Yours I. M. EPISTLE XCI Mr. Hartlib's Letter to Mr. Mede touching the Manuscript decyphering the Number of the Beast 666 and other Books newly set forth Worthy Sir I Thank you for your Answer and solid judgment which you have returned to the enclosed Paper you need not fear the miscarrying of these your Notions Mr. Dury will easily smell them out though I should convey them in my own name unto him By these enclosed you will see a fuller character of that Gentleman and what entertainment some Extracts out of your Letters concerning Fundamentals have found with Mr. Dury You do not tell me the name and your opinion concerning the Anonymous Book in folio called Bestia Apocalyptica There is great commendation of a Manuscript decyphering the Number of the Beast 666. I would fain learn of you wherein the excellency of that Treatise principally consisteth I hear Cluverius a very profound Historian and Divine of Denmark hath written an excellent Commentary upon the Revelation which is not suffered to come forth by reason of many Paradoxical passages which the Times cannot brook as yet I make no question you have seen a Book which Dr. Brochmand of Denmark hath written which is not unfit for our Times wherein he answereth the Motives for which the Administrators of Hall did fall off from Protestancy It was published Regio jussu Hafniae 1634. One writes that this Book doth answer largely many of the particular Arguments which are used in Mercy and Truth against us and doth it solidly and well in most of them He wishes also that it were more common amongst our Court-Divines Return the Copy of the Order of the Knighthood when you have sufficiently perused it Thus I rest London Ian. 24. 1637. Your most affectionate and willing Friend to serve you S. Hartlib EPISTLE XCII Mr. Mede's Answer with his judgment of Mr. Potter's Discourse of the Number of the Beast 666. Worthy Mr. Hartlib I Received yours with the Ordo Beatae Virginis which with the rest I will send back next week for now I have no time to make them up That Discourse or Tract of the Number of the Beast is the happiest that ever yet came into the world and such as cannot be read even of those that perhaps will not believe it without much admiration The ground hath been harped on before namely That that Number was to be explicated by some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Numbers of the Virgin-Company and New Ierusalem which types the true and Apostolical Church whose Number is always derived from XII But never did any work this Principle to such a wonderful discovery as this Author hath done namely to make this Number not only to shew the nature and property of that State which was to be the Beast but to design the City wherein he should reign the figure and compass thereof the number of Gates Cardinal Titles or Churches S. Peter's Altar and I know not how many more the like I read the Book at first with as much prejudice against such Numerical Speculations as might be and almost against my will having met with so much vanity formerly in that kind but by the time I had done it left me as much possessed with admiration as I came to it with prejudice He meddles with no more of the Apocalyps than what concerns this Number 'T is a Mathematical ground he builds upon and will not be so well understood by one that hath not been a little versed in Arithmetick in that part which is called Extraction of Roots If the Scrivener whom I hired to write me out a fair Copy thereof had not disappointed me I could ere this have lent you a Copy it may be as good as the Authors I believe somewhat more distinct by such directions as I gave my Scribe If it were in Latine it would make some of your German Speculatives half wild Bestia Apocalyptica I saw and had above a dozen years since but some 6 or 7 years after it came first out our London Stationers to make
Anno Christi 486. which is presently after the deposition of Augustulus in whom the Empire of Western Rome expired And this comes much nearer the point than 792. Howbeit far be it from me to affirm any thing thereof or of the verity of the Samaritan Computation or to prefer it in the general before our Hebrew though some things be found therein which dissolve a knot or two which make our Chronologers at theiâ— wits end As one for example How Abraham could come into Canaan after the days of his Father as S. Stephen says and yet be but 75 years old Gen. 12. 4. whenas his Father Terah lived 205 years and himself was born in the 70 year of his age Gen. 11. 26. But the Samaritan saith chap. 11. 32. That the days of Terah were but 145 years which is just for then Abraham was 75 years old at his Father's death and Moses and S. Stephen are reconciled which yet no man can imagine that the Samaritan Scribe ever thought of But the thing â—aim at in representing these differences and would propound to the consideration of the pious sober and judicious and with due reverence to the Divine Writ is Whether there may not be some secret disposition of Divine Providence in this variety of Computation to prevent our Curiosity in counting the exact time of the Day of Iudgment and second appearing of Christ. And that as the ambitious Tower of Babel was hindred by the Confusion of Languages so our Curiosity in this particular be not by a like Providence prevented by such a diversity of Computationsâ— For these things concern not matter of Salvation We know the first Ages of the Church followed the Computation of the Seventy altogether though it were most wide of truth and the chiefest Doctors the Church then had through ignorance of the Hebrew for a long time knew not or believed not there was any other Computation But for contents of Faith and the way of Salvation over such the Providence of God watcheth with a careful eye though man be heedless wicked and careless of preserving the integrity of that precious treasure committed to their custody Besides I nothing doubt if our Books be in any such particular as we speak of deficient or corrupted but that the true reading is yet extant in some of the two named or some other Copy some-where preserved by Divine Providence though we cannot yet know and discern which those righter readings be The Iews having a saying Cùm Elias venerit dissolvet nodos And without doubt when they shall be called and meet together from all places of the world which must be before that great Day cometh strange things will be discovered which we little dream of Now if any man ask if such a corruption of Computation be suppoâ—ed where it is most like to be I answer Not in those generations before the Floud where the Hebrew Computation being the middle between the excess of the Septuagint and defect of the Samaritan seems to be crucified as our Saviour between two Thieves but in the generations immediately after the Floud 1. Because in those the Seventy and the Samaritan for the most part agree which argues their difference from our Bibles not to have been voluntary 2. Because S. Luke in the Genealogy of our Saviour inserts as the Seventy do the generation of Cainan immediately after Arphaxad which our Bibles have not who knows what it means or whether it argue not a defect thereabout in the Hebrew Copies Time may discover the meaning thereof 3. Because Peleg at whose birth the Scripture seems to say the Earth was divided was born according to our Copies but 101 years after the Floud which troubles our Chronologers as seeming too small a time for eight persons to multiply unto such a number as may be presumed to have been at the building of the Tower of Babel and at their dispersion thence which will be much holpen if either Cainan be to be inserted to whose generation the Septuagint allow 130 years or if any of the other generations of Arphaxad Salah and Eber be to be read as both the Septuagint and Samaritan have them To conclude if the years of but three of those generations between the Floud and Abraham as of Arphaxad Salah and Nahor should prove to be as the Septuagint and Samaritan agreeingly read them and the generation of Cainan mentioned by S. Luke and four times by the Septuagint also to be added unto them the duration of the World hitherto will have been 350 or 360 years more than we count of If therefore such Suppositions as these may be admitted which I determine not but leave to such as are able and fit to judge Apagite indocti prophani then that Tradition of the Seventh Thousand year to be the Day of Iudgment and of the glorious Reign of Christ will in respect of those Septenary Types of the Old Testament have good probability of Truth Otherwise I cannot see how possibly it can be admitted 1 Thess. 5. 21. Omnia probate quod bonum est tenete I. M. CHAP. IV. An Explication of Psal. 40. 6. Mine ears hast thou bored compared with Hebr. 10. 5. A body hast thou prepared me PSalm 40. v. 6 7. Sacrifice and offering thou wouldst not have mine ears hast thou bored Burnt-offering and Sin-offering thou hast not required Then said I Lo I come in the volume of the Book it is written of me I delight to do thy will O my God In which words an allusion is made to a Custom of the Iews to bore the ears of such as were to be their perpetual Servants and to enroll their names in a Book or make some Instrument of the Covenant Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not have but because I am thy vowed Servant bored with an awl and enrolled in thy Book I said Lo I come I delight to do thy will O my God These words of the Psalm are alledged by S. Paul Heb. 10. But the first of them with a most strange difference For whereas the Psalmist hath according to the Hebrew Verity Sacrifice and burnt-offering thou wouldst not mine ears thou hast bored or digged 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 S. Paul reads with the LXX 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A body thou hast prepared or fitted me What Equipollency can be in sense between these two This difficulty is so much the more augmented because most Interpreters make the life of the Quotation to lie in those very words where the difference is viz. That the words A body thou hast prepared me are brought by the Apostle to prove our Saviour's Incarnation whereunto the words in the Psalm it self Mine ears hast thou bored or digged or opened take them how you will will in no wise suit I answer therefore That the life of the Quotation lies not in the words of difference nor can do because this Epistle was written to the Hebrews and so first in the Hebrew tongue
Cor. 11. 22. Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in or despise ye the Church of God and verse 34. If any man hunger let him eat at home c. c In answer to that Question Whether may the Holy Oblation or Eucharist be celebrated in a common house he affirms That as the Word doth not allow that any common vessel or utensil should be brought into places that are Sacred carried through the Temple Mark 11. 16. so likewise doth it forbid that the Holy Mysteries should be celebrated in a common house For neither would the Old Testament permit any such thing to be done nor our Lord who said There is here one greater than the Temple Matth. 12 6. nor the Apostle saying Have ye not Houses to eat and drink in c. Whâ—nce we may learn That we ought not to take our common supper in the Church nor should we dishonour the Lord's Supper by eating it in a private house But if one be necessitated to communicate in private let him then chuse out the most clean and decent house or room for such a purpose and withal see that he do it in the fittest and most seasonable time d Despise ye the Church of God e Making it a place for common feasts and banquettings f Behold a fourth charge That not the poor only but also the Church it self is injur'd For as hereby thou makest the Lord's Supper a private Supper so thou dealest no better with the Place in that thou usest the Church as a private and ordinary house g If ye come together to feast it do this in your own Houses for to do thus in the Church is a manifest contempt a plain dishonour done to the Church For how can it but seem a thing wholy indecorous and absurd for you to fare deliciously in the Temple of God where the Lord himself is present who hath prepared for us a common table when at the same time those Christians that are poor are hungry and out of countenance by reason of their poverty * Isidorus Pâ—lusiota lib. 2. Ep. 246. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Whâ—â—â— note that of two câ—p 〈…〉 place the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Copy are deficient in the first them but to bâ— supplied out of this the second or repetition of the same thing as the Reader that considers it will observe the Antithesis requires * Coenacula dicuâ—tur ad quae sâ—â—â—â— ascenditur lest Inde Ennio Coenacula maxima coeli a The Upper room of Sion * For these Traditions see Adricomius ex Nicephor c. and 〈…〉 infra de locis sanctis Iohn 20. 6. Acts 6. Acts 15. Epist. 27. Psal. 87. 1 2. a Her foundations are in the holy mountains the Lord loveth the gates of Sion more than all the dwellings of Iacob Acts 4. 34 35. b In the upper plain of Mount Sion there are cells of Monks encompassing that great Church which was founded there as they say by the Apostles because that there they received the Holy Ghost and there also is to be seen the venerable place of the institution and first celebration of the Lord's Supper 〈…〉 c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The breaking of the Eucharist 1 Cor. 10. 16. a And he came down to Caesarea and went up into the House of the Christians that is the Church and saluted them and departed thence to Antioch Hist. Eccl. l. 2. cap. 17. b Philo having described what kind of habitations they had proceeds to speak of their Churches which were frequently to be met with in several places of their Country How that the Sacred House was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Worshipping-place and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a Monastery wherein these solitary livers perfomed the Mysteries of a severely-religious life bringing in thither not meat nor drink nor any other necessaries for the use of the Body but the Books of the Law the Prophets the Psalms or Hymns and the like things of Sacred use whereby Divine knowledge and Piety might be encreased and advanced to great perfection * 〈◊〉 Const. 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈…〉 David 〈◊〉 canat populus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 id est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 extremitates versuum non versuum initia ut male interpres Bovius * He mentions it Hist Eccl. l. 5. cap. 1. * Lib. 7. c. penult a They were so eminently religious as that they converted their own House into a Church Or else it is said The Church at their House because all of their houshold were Believers and faithful Christians so that their House or Family was a little Church b He was a person of great esteem for he turned his House into a Church * Or whosoever else were the Author thereof under Trajan whose then fresh success in subduing the Parthians and Arabians contrary to the unlucky presages of some his scope seems to have been to gratulate See Iacobus Miâ—yllus in Argumento a We passed through iron gates and over brazen thresholds and by many winding ascents we came at last to the house or room whose roof was overlaid with gold not unlike to what Homer makes Menelaus his house to have been And now I beheld and observ'd all things therein but I could see no Helena there but on the contrary a company of persons with their bodies bowed down and pale countenances * Pag. 52. See this of Clemens quoted in Greek and translated by the Author in the next Discourse Sect. 1. toward the end Ab Ann. 100 ad 200. a This passage out of Ignatius is thus translated by the Author in another M S. copy of this Discourse All of you meet together for prayer in one place let there be one prayer common to all one mind one hope in love in the immaculate faith in Iesus Christ than whom nothing is better All of you as one man run to the Temple of God as to one Altar to one Iesus Christ the High-Priest of the unbegotten God b One Altar to every Church and One Bishop with the Presbytery Deacons my fellow-servants 1 Tâ—m 2. 5. c On Sunday all that live in towns or in the country meet together in one place d To set up another Altar e One Altar to all the Church and One Bishop with the Presbytery and Deacons a Let the Door-keepers stand at the entries of the men looking well to them the Deaconisses at the doors where the women were to enter * Holy Porches * Lib. 6. c. 14. al. 21. Vid. Graec. a In Graeco 27. b In Graeco 12. a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Epiphan Exposit Eidâ—i cathol c. 21. De duobus ulâ—imis Const. Apol. l. 8. c. 24 26. b See Act. 11. 26. Sâ—cr lib. 6. c. 8. Tâ—â—od l. 2. c. 24. 2. * In Tom 1 Biblioth Patrum edit Parisâ—â—ns ex Ardâ—ivo Viennensi * The word Missa seems to have been long used in Italy before it was elsewhere a As in
blessed the Congregation which stood in the outward Court 2 Chron. c. 6. v. 12 3. and they sacrificed that day and all the time of the Feast viz. in the Courts though the Priests could not enter the Covered Temple for the glory of the Lord which filled it * Viz. the Trumpets * Chap. 8. 10. See before in Chap. 2. Sect. 6 * See before in Chap. 3. Sect. 1. * Chap. 7. * Chap. 14. 1. * Chap. 13. 11. * Chap. 14. 4. * Vers. 15. * Vers. 18. * Vers. 20. * Decemb. 27. * Num. 2. 2. a Ch. 3. 4. ch 6. 11. ch 7. 13. b Ch. 2. 11. ch 20. 6. 14. ch 21. 8. * The Lxx. have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Israil is often in the Psal. and elsewhere in Scripture called God's inheritance * Vers. 4. * Vers. 4. * 〈…〉 Vide Commâ—ns Apocal ad cap. 8. vers 8. * The Caesars were Pontifices maximi as well as Augusti and received the Pontifical Stole at their inauguration yea Constantine and his sons received the Stole and bore the Title though they executed not the Office Gratian was the first that refused both * The Demi-Caesars kept their Court at Ravenna never at Rome The Numbers of Times in Dan. 12. have also been taken definitely by those who yet differ about their Epocha * This is more fully demonstrated in the next Chapter * Roma meretrix rides the Beast under his last Head * Chap. 9. v. 5. * Vers. 15. * Chap. 16. 12 c. Dan. 10. 2â— * Targum Hierosolym Targum Ionâ—thanis * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * This is the Author 's own Argument to what follows See the meaning of those days in the Author 's learned Discourse De Nuâ—heris Danielis c. which is the last Discourse in this Third Book * Compare Dan. 11. 31. Chap. 12. 11. See page 531. * See pag. 534. * See in Book V. the words of Gaius out of Eusebius with the Author's Animadversions Thâ—s was wroté before his Comment on the Apocal. and so were the other Tracts in these Râ—mains except that in Chap. 9. be of a later date Dan. 7. 13. Zach. 12. 10. See in Book V. the Author 's short Tract styled The Mystery of S. Pauls Conversion or The Type of the Calling of the Iews Revel 20. 4. Chap. 20. 6. * See in Book IV. the Authors 2d Letter to D. Meddus where this is largely treated of See also above in this Book in the Appendix to the Apocal. his Epist. ad Amicum De Resurrectionâ— Prima c. ‖ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Vid. Act. Concil Niceni apud Gelas. Cyzicen l. 1. c. 23. â—l 24. ‖ In Catech. 14. * Hades is properly the place of Separate Souls whether good or bad after death * Ezek. 38. 15. chap. 39. 2. a If that which S. Peter here describeth were foretold by the old Prophets then must S. Peter be so expounded as it may be shewn in them and agree with them a This 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or last days should seem to be the time of the Churche's Apostasie under Antichrist according to that of S. Paul 1 Tim. 4. 1. In the latter times some shall depart from the Faith giving heed to spirits of error and doctrines of Daemons For as the times of the fourth and last of Daniel's Kingdoms were the last times in general during which Christ was to come and found his Church and Kingdom so the latter times of the Fourth Kingdom being that period of a Time times and half a time wherein the wicked Horn should domineer are the latmost times of the last times or last times in special b I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning viz. The scoffers say Where is the Promise of his coming Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth according to his Promise But here is somewhat Reader in the application wherein thou mayest erre but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure nor think I am For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasie which I suppose to be called the last times and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times yet thou must know 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth and of those who led by their authority take it afterward without further examination for an Error 2. To scoff is one thing and barely not to believe is another 3. 'T is one thing to deny a promise simply and another to deny or question the manner thereof as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded and when it is intangled with errors as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been c I take Promise here for Res promissa the thing promised the Antithesis implying that to be the meaning viz. The scoffers say Where is the Promise of his coming Nevertheless we look for a New heaven and New earth according to his Promise But here is somewhat Reader in the application wherein thou mayest erre but be not thou uncharitable in thy censure nor think I am For although the crying down and condemning of the opinion of the Chiliasts will be found to be near upon the beginning of the times of the Antichristian Apostasie which I suppose to be called the last times and that the utter burying of that Opinion falls within these times yet thou must know 1. That there is not the like reason of the first Authors of crying down a Truth and of those who led by their authority take it afterward without further examination for an Error 2. To scoff is one thing and barely not to believe is another 3. 'T is one thing to deny a promise simply and another to deny or question the manner thereof as also to reject a Truth sincerely propounded and when it is intangled with errors as that of the later Chiliasts may seem to have been As touching the Iews and the impeachment of this Opinion amongst them in the latter times I find amongst the Doctors of the Gemara or Gloss of their Talmud which was finished about 500 years after Christ a Tenet of one R. Samuels often mentioned 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 That there was to be no difference between the present state of the world and the days of Messiah but in respect of the bondage under the Kingdoms of the Gentiles only thereby opposing the more ancient opinion and tradition of the Renovation of the World After this time there appears to have been amongst the Iews a Sect of the followers of the opinion of this R. Samuel which at length was greatly advanced by the authority of that learned Maimonides who having drunk too deep of the Philosophy of Aristotle wherein he was admirably skilful became a
2. 2. * See the notice hereof at that time taken by the Iews 1 Macc. 8 â— princip ad v. 13. inclusivâ— The Apostasie of the latter Times PART II. Vid euam 1 Macc. cap. 8. Tertull Apologeâ— l. 1. c. 24. Tot igiâ—uâ— sacrilegia Romanorum quot trophaea tot de Diis quot de Gentibus triumphi toâ— manubiae quoâ— manent adhuc Simulachra captivoâ—um Deoâ—um The Apostasie of the latter Times PART I. But Constantinus Manasses the Greek Historian inverghing against Leo Isaâ—â—us for demolishing Images calls them Turres atque Munitiones religiosi culâ—â—s * See in Book IV. an explication of the remaining Verses as also a larger explication of the foregoing The Apostasie of the latter Times PART II. * As also Castâ—ili seems to understand it translating Per simulationem hominum falsiloquorum Vide etiam Eph. 4. 14. * In omni distributione omitti copulativa videluâ— vix apponi Linact Nonnâ— sic etiam in Graeâ—is Author Oper. imperf in Matt. Hom. 49. Donec fuit vocatio ad fidem ex infidelitate fecerunt signa servi Christi quia signa divinae vocationis testimonia sunt c. Cessante autem vocatione incipiet seductio revocans homines à fide ad infidelitatem Incipiente ergò seductione tradenda sunt seductionis adjutoria Diabolo i.e. potestas faciendorum signorum c. Vincent Histor lib. 7. c. 84. * Hilary l. ad Constantium intimates miraculous cures by the Reliques of Martyâ—s to have been as ancient as his time yea as the time of the Churche's peace Plus crudelitati vestrae Nero Deci Maximiniane debemus Diabolum enim per vos vicimus Sanctus ubique beatorum Martyrum sanguis exceptus est dum in his Daemones mugiunt dum agritudines depelluntur c. At tu id est Constanti omnium crudelitatum crudelissimo damno majore in nos veniâ minore desaevis c. * See Clem. Conâ—fe 106. * A delicate Suburbs of Antioch ‖ Acts 11. 26. * Adde That no such thing could be so long as they used to pray for Martyrs as well as others of the dead See Clem. and others In which respect 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 though the Genitive case were taken actively would signifie the Idolatry of Saint-worship viz. the worship of the dead which the Devils are wont thus to counterfeit Savil Tâ—m 6. p. 375. aliis hom prim advers Iudâ—oâ— A Fable concerning the means of Cyprian's conversion * An. 250. Sect. 5. This Gregory of Tours died Anno 596. But I find now the same in the Aâ—reâ— Lâ—geuâ—la of all the following Martyrs save the first which is not there S. Barbara is but the Appendix * O happy Simeâ—n * If â—he prayâ—â— this prayer with her self by what revelation was it made known to others * In notis ad Martyrologium Roman â—ul 13. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Habâ—tur in â—peâ—bus Damasâ—â—ni 〈◊〉 interprete Iaâ—oh◠〈◊〉 ex Reginae matris bibliotheca apud Surtum Tam. 6. Nov. â—8 * Habâ—tur apud Baron anâ— 842. Sect. 28. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Confuter Conc. Nic. 2. Act. 6. Tom. 6. Apud Sâ—â—â—â—m Apr. 3. Tom. 2. * Under Leo Armeniuâ— * Viz. The Emperor * Possevinus in sua Moscovia Concil 〈◊〉 â— Act. 4. * Vide Opus Hiâ—rarchicum seu Cosmain Megalianum in Timoth. ubi ex Homero 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Odyss 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. etiam Oecumen in Timoth Concil Elibetitan c. 33. Placuit in totum prohibere Episc. Presb. Diaconibus Subdiaconibus abstinere se à conjugibus suis c. Apud Baron An. 842. S. 12. Mens Novembri or thereabout for Winter was entred Thuâ—yd lib. 4. The Temple was now finished in 4 years which argnes it was well forwarded before and much I suppose in the days of liberty under Darius Hystaspis For I take him to be that Darius mentioned Ezra 4. 5. and never to have hindered the building but permitted the Iews to go on as their poverty would suffer them which was but slowly * 30 1000 29 30 410 1000 2499 Wheresoever besides in Scripture Seven Weeks are mentioned the words are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Nehem. 6. 16. * That renowned Palace and Court of Nebuchadnezzar within which were those Pensiles Horti was finished saith Iosephus in fifteen days Antiq. Iudaic. li 10. c. 11. in the Latine c. 13. Wherefore I would take that Ioh. 3. from the 13. ver to the 21. to be the Evangelist's own words interposed and not the words of Christ to Nicâ—dâ—mus I begin and end these years in Tisri or September that so they may agree with that time of the Commission granted to Ezra which I before supposed to have been about that month * 2 Thess. 2 * Whilest â— * Or making desolation 〈◊〉 c. * Auth. operâ— impers in Matth. Hom. 49. initio hanâ— expositionem ad Petrum refert Hâ—c Petrus apud Clementem exponit * Verse 20. Deut. 4. 28. ch 28. 64. Ier. 16. 13. Versâ— 1. Verse 3. * Luke 21. 24. Luke 21. 24. * Dan. 7. Rom. 11. 26. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ezra 4. 6. * Et quatuer reliqui Ier. 25. vers 20. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Dan. 2. 44. Cap. 7. * Apoc. 17. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Itemâ— Pâ—â—ssuâ— sub Ponâ—â—o â—iâ—aâ—â— Praâ—side Rom. Itâ—m â— Cor. 10. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Item 〈◊〉 9. 26. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 At 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Matth. 24. item 28. c. 13. aliud est viz. Finis durationis mundi vel Finis hujus seculi in quo versamâ—r non seâ—ulorum dâ— quibus Daniel * Cap. 2. v. 34. 35. Vers. 25. Vide La 〈…〉 lâ—b 7. cap. 15. Sublata Carthagine quae tam diu aemulâ— Romam Impâ—rii fuit manus suas in totum oâ—â—em terra marique porrexit c. Cap. 7. * Scilan Differentia inter 1290 1335. Vide Epist. Maimonidis apud â—uâ—torf in sâ—â—â— Thâ—sauri Gram. Helâ—â—cum * Vide Dan. 8. 23. Nempe quiâ— tunc Regnum quartum seu Romanum â—â—hi coeâ—iâ— subjugaâ—á sibi Macedenâ—á Râ—gni tertii capâ—â—e * Dan. 12. 7. * Vers. 2. * Nempe anno primo Darii Medii cùm praesens Angeli colloquium in quod Abominatione Epiphaniana inter alia agit habitum sit anno tertio Cyrâ— * Ilabetur in â—oxi Martyrologie ad Annum 1391. sub Rich. 2. * In Opere imperfecto in Matt. Hom. 49. ad vers 27. Cap. 24. 2 Thess. 2. * Quam Anglice vertiâ— Samson Lennardus Anno 1624. * excessu tractiâ—nis in contrariam parâ—â—m Apoc. 17. 14. * Dan. 12. 10. Indictio Romana est quindâ—câ—â— annorum spatium This Epâ—stle contains the Author's thankful acknowledgment of the L. Primaâ—e's favours and encâ—uragement in his A pâ—cahptical â—udies aâ— aâ—â— his judgment of th◠〈◊〉 Trâ—◠〈…〉 Of which see also EPIST. XX. * He means
Dan. or Revelatioâ—â— Antichristi which he promised to finish in the foregoing Letter a See Epistle 41. and Apostasy of the latter times ch 16 17 b viz. 1290 and 1335 in Dan 12. This Letter of Mr. Mede's is in answer to some other Letter of Mr. E. not to the foregoing Letter the Answer to which is not yet come to our hands Tâ—â— to the like Doubis propounded by others what Mr. Mede answered may be seen in his Epistola ad Amicum Book III. page â—71 and in Book IV. Epistle 22. and Epistle 66. Sect. 6. * 2 of the 7 Precepts of Noah See Book I. page 19. It may be confirmed out of the Acts where the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who were of the order of those Prosehtes of the Gate are found to frequent the Synagogues diligently every Sabbath-day as the Iews did Acts â—3 vers 14 42 43. ch 17. vers 1 4 17. ch 16. 13 14. ch 18. 4. * 2 Kings c. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tuns sequitur orandi forma * Out of conformation to the times of Worship and Prayer in the Iewish Church whose custome and practice herein gave opportunity and freedom at the beginning to exercise the like in the Christian there residing yea even sometimes in the chambers of the Temple it self which were wont to be taken up by Fraternities and Companies coming thither to worship But this could not be so regularly observed among the Gentiles without much difficulty and danger Consider Acts 2. 46. with Acts 3. 1. Ch. 4. 3. For the ninth hour answers our Evening-prayer and then began the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with the Iews This Sixth Section containing Tâ—e description of the great Iudgement accorded with Apocal. 20. was in the former edition of Mr. Mede's Epistles printed at the end of his First Letter to Dr. Meddus * Kaâ—rat â—â—junllim quae tempoâ— diâ—â—sa sorent Nâ—â—dum cum Agnus Lâ—â—rum suturâ—â—mâ— mâ—nu sedentis super Thronom resignandum acceperat quo temâ—ore â—ec omnia particielatiâ—â— distinctnis potefacienda crant The former part of this as also of the following Letter contains matter either of News or of private concern * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Rom. 10 * See Book III. page 571. 2 Chron. 34. * 1 Cor. 15. 52. * Vers. 51 52. * See this cleared in Epistle IXVI. Sect. 6. * This is that Epistola ad Amicum c. begâ—â—â—ng with C. â—onâ—ocie See 〈◊〉 printed in Book III. page 571. * viz. The Holy Table Name and Thing * See Epistle VIII page 743 * See Epist. LVI * Dan. 7. 25. * See this printed in Book II. pag. 398. * See this printed in Book II. pag. 340. * Exod. 3. 5. ‖ Ios. 5. 15. * Chap. 2. 10 * Mat. 23. 23. Iohn 4. * I meant Between Sacred Things Persons Times and Places and Prosane The neglect or violation of the respect due to all which may in a large sense be termed Sacriledge And then consider wheâ—her that of S. Paul Thou that hatist Idols dost thou commit Sacriledge God may not in time upâ—raid the Reformation wâ—th This was that I reached at But the Sanctification of Holy Time cannot possibly be maintained unless we admit the like for Holy Places Things Persons All move upon the same principles * This he corrects in Epist. LXXV * viz. his Discourse about Churches c. 1 Cor. 11. 22. In the first Edition page 660 was only printed a piece of this Letter which was all that could then be found or the rude draught of an Answer written in haste upon the backside of Dr. Twisse's Letter But in this is presented the whole Letter as it was perfected by the Author and copied ouâ— of the Original MSS. * Ecclesiast Hiâ—â—arch cap. 2. De Mysterio Baptismi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 He adds to this the two places in the New T. and so affirms it is found but thrice in all But for my part I doubt whether 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in those places of the New T. at least both of them can be evinced to be used in that sense if a man should deny it The following Letters though some of them are of an ancienter date than some of the foregoing Letters are here placed together because most of them treat of the same Arguments viz. The right Notion of a Fundamental Article together with The best Method of pursuing and Procuring Peace amongst the Protestant Reformed Churches * Casp. Sâ—â—eso * His Claviâ— and Commentary upon the Apocalyps This Letter after thanks to Mr. Medâ— for his Book upon the Apocalyps as also for his well-wishingâ— to the Pacifick design among Protestants represents Mr. Dury's maâ—ner of Addreâ—â— and Treating with the Baâ—avian Churches and withall desires Mr. Mede's judgment thereof * 1 Cor. 6â— 4. In this Letter Mr. Durâ— represents the Heads of his design for a Pacification amongst the Pâ—â—â—â—â—ants particularly in Germany and withal intreats Mr. Mede's Advice thereupon In this Letter Mr. Mede approves the Heads and method of Mr. Dury's Pacifick design and advises him to urge men to define the Ratio of a Fundamental Article but withall intimates the reason why many are and will be averse from thinking of any such Definition * So should 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 be rendred not In hoc nor In hac re as the Valg and Erasmus nor Interea with Beza but with the Syriack and Arabick Propterea Hâ—braâ—smus est ubi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in sape valâ— propter Ceâ—â— Iâ—pâ—â— 1 Can. 7. * In this Edition pag. 427. * To the first of those years whereof Cyrus reigned 9. Vid. Can. Ptol. * Xenophon Cyropaed 2 Chron. 36. 22. Ezra 1. 1. * Ier. 25. 12. 29. 10. Dan. 9. 2. * Ier. 52. 28. * Seâ— this largely treated of in Book IV. Epist. XVII Isa. 59. 19. 4. 5. Dan. 7. 13. Zach. 12. 10. 2 Macc. 2. 8. Matth. 23. 39. Matth. 24. 27. 30. Revel 1. 7. * Isa 54. 13. Ier. 31. 34. â— Zaâ— 13. * Intelligâ—t áâ—ctum Petri cap. 3. c. * Seu vastitas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * See the rest of this quotation printed in Book IV. Epist 22. page 776. * Apocal. 13. 3. * Luther in c. 11. Genes Tom. 2. fol. 2. Conjiciâ— Deum certo suo consiâ—io in Abrahamo 60. annos intercidere voluisse nè ex annorum mundi certa ratione quisquam de fine mundiâ—certi aliquid prâ—dâ—cere prâ—sunâ—eret * Iuxta sâ—â—â—ent Clâ—mentis Alex. Eâ—leb Hieronym Theodoret. Occâ—men c. Plura de Hieronymo vide in Lib. III. pag. 602. Lib. IV. Ep. 51. in 〈◊〉 Epist. 64. * to be come or that is come That which is here 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was before 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cap. 2. 18. Antichrist is â—â—ne not shall come Simon 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyril Catech. 6.
shewed That a Sacrifice was nothing else but a Sacred Feast namely Epulum foederale wherein God mystically entertained Man at his own Table in token of amity and friendship with him Which that he might do the Viands of that Feast were first made God's by oblation and so eaten of not as of Man's but God's provision There is nothing then wanting to make this sacred Epulum of which we speak full out a Sacrifice but that we shew That the Viands thereof were in like manner first offered unto God that so being his he might be the Convivator Man the Conviva or the Guest And this the ancient Church was wont to do this they believed our Blessed Saviour himself did when at the institution of this holy Rite he took the Bread and the Cup into his sacred hands and looking up to Heaven gave thanks and blessed And after his example they first offered the Bread and Wine unto God to agnize him the Lord of the Creature and then received them from him again in a Banquer as the Symbols of the Body and Bloud of his Son This is that I am now to prove out of the Testimonies of Antiquity not long after but next unto the Apostles times when it is not likely the Church had altered the form they left her for the celebration of this Mystery I will begin with Irenaeus as the most full and copious in this point He in his fourth Book cap. 32. speaks thus Dominus Discipulis suis dans consilium Primitias Deo offerre ex suis Creaturis non quasi indigenti sed ut ipsi nec infructuosi nec ingrati sint eum qui ex Creatura panis est accepit gratias egit dicens Hoc est curpus meum Calicem similiter qui est ex ea Creatura quae est secundùm nos suum sanguinem confessus est Novi Testamenti novam docuit oblationem quam Ecclesia ab Apostolis accipiens in universo mundo offert Deo ei qui alimenta nobis praestat primitios suorum munerum in Novo Testamento Our Lord counselling his Disciples to offer unto God the First-fruits or a Present of his Creatures not for that God hath any need thereof but that they might shew themselves neither unfruitful nor ungrateful He took that Bread which was made of his Creature and gave Thanks saying This is my Body and he likewise acknowledged the Cup consisting of the Creature which we use to be his Bloud And thus taught the new oblation of the New Testament which the Church receiving from the Apostles offers throughout the world unto God that feeds and nourisheth us being the First-fruits of his own gifts in the New Testament And Cap. 34. Igitur Eâ—clesiae oblatio quam Dominus docuit offerri in universo mundo purum sacrificium reputatum est apud Deum acceptum est ei non quòd indigeat à nobis sacrificium sed quoniam is qui offert glorificatur ipse in co quod offert si acceptetur munus ejus Per munus enim erga Regem honos affectio ostenditur Therefore the Oblation of the Church which our Lord taught and appointed to be offered through all the world is accounted a pure Sacrifice with God and is acceptable unto him not because God stands in need of our Sacrifice but because the offerer is himself honoured in that he offers if his Present be accepted For by the Present it appears what affection and esteem the Giver hath for the King he honoureth therewith He alludes to that in Malachi 1. 14. I am a great King saith the Lord of Hosts Ibid. Oporiet nos oblationem Deo facere in omnibus gratos inveniri Fabricatori Deo Primitias earum quae sunt ejus Creaturarum offerentes hanc oblationem Ecclesia sola puram offert Fabricatori offerens ei cum gratiarum actione ex Creatura ejus It behoveth us to present God with our Oblations and in all things to be found thankful unto God our Maker offering unto him the First-fruits of his Creatures and it is the Church only that offers this Pure Oblation unto the Creator of the world while it offers unto him a Present out of his Creatures with thanksgiving In the same place Offerimus autem ei non quasi indigenti sed gratias agentes Dominationi ejus sanctificantes creaturam But we offer unto him not as if he needed but as giving thanks to his Soveraignty and sanctifying the Creature He alludes again to that in this Chapter of Malachi v. 6. If I be Dominus where is my fear saith the Lord of hosts unto you O Priests that offer polluted Bread ubon mine Altar My next witness shall be Iustin Martyr in time elder than Irenaeus though I reserved him for the second place He in his Dialogue with Tryphon the place before alledged telling the Iew That the Sacrifices of Christians are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Supplications and giving of Thanks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that these are the only Sacrifices which Christians have been taught they should perform in that thankful remembrance of their food both dry and liquid 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 wherein also is commemorated the Passion which the Son of God suffered by himself Here is a twofold commemoration witnessed to be made in the Eucharist The first as he speaks of our food dry and liquid that is of our meat and drink by agnizing God and recording him the Creator and giver thereof the second of the Passion of Christ the Son of God in one and the same food And again in the same Dialogue Panem Eucharistiae in commemorationem passionis suae Christus fieri tradidit Christ hath taught us that the Eucharistical Bread should be consecrated for the Commemoration of his Passion 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that withall we may give thanks to God for having made the world with all things therein for man and for having freed us from that evil and misery wherein we were and having utterly overthrown Principalities and Powers by him that became passible according to his counsel and will To which he immediately subjoyns the Text and applies it to the Eucharist Thus Iustin Martyr My third witness is Origen in his 8. Book Contra Cels. Celsus saith he thinks it seemly we should be thankful to Demons and to offer them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but we think him to live most comelie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that remembers who is the Creator unto whom we Christians are careful not to be unthankful with whose benefits we are filled and whose Creatures we are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that is And we have also a Symbol of our Thanksgiving unto God the Bread which is called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where note that the Eucharistical Bread is said to be a Symbol not only of the Body and Bloud of Christ but a Symbol of that Thanksgiving which we render to the Creator through him Again in
the same Book where Celsus likewise would have mankind thankful unto Demons as those to whom the charge of things here upon earth is committed and to offer unto them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 First-fruits and Prayers Origen thus takes him up 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Let Celsus as being void of the true Knowledge of God render 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the Demons As for us Christians whose only desire it is to please the Creator of the Vniverse we eat the Bread that was offered unto him with Prayer and Thanksgiving for his Gifts and then made a kind of holy Body by Prayer Mark here Bread offered unto God with Prayer and Thanksgiving pro datis for that he hath given us and then by Prayer made a holy Body and so eaten Thus much out of Fathers all of them within less than two hundred and fifty years after Christ and less than one hundred and fifty after the death of S. Iohn The same appears in the Forms of the ancient Liturgies As in that of Clemens where the Priest in the name of the whole Church assembled speaks thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 We offer unto thee our King and God 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to his that is Christ's appointment 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 this Bread and this Cup 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Giving thanks unto thee through him for that thou hast vouchsafed us he speaks of the whole Church to stand before thee and to minister unto thee And we beseech thee thou God that wantest nothing that thou wouldst look favourably upon these Gifts here set before thee and accept them to the honour of thy Christ c. Again 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 For the Gift or Oblation that is offered to the Lord our God let us pray that our good God would receive it through the mediation of his Christ to his heavenly Altar for a sweet-smelling savour Yea in the Canon of the Roman Church though the Rite be not used yet the words remain still as when the Priest long before the consecration of the Body and Bloud of Christ prays Te Clementissime Pater per Iesum Christum Filium tuum Dominum nostrum supplices rogamus ut accepta habeas benedicas haec Dona haec Munera We humbly beseech and intreat thee most merciful Father Through Iesus Christ thy Son our Lord to accept and bless these Gifts these Presents and other like passages which now they wrest to a new-found Oblation of the Body and Bloud of Christ which the ancient Church knew not of But of all others This Rite is most strongly confirmed by that wont of the Ancient Fathers to confute the Hereticks of those first times who held the Creator of the world to be some inferiour Deity and not the Father of Christ out of the Eucharist For say they unless the Father of Christ be the Creator of the world why is the Creature offered unto him in the Eucharist as if he were would he be agnized the Author and Lord of that he is not Hear Irenaeus Adversus Haeres lib. 4. cap. 34. Haereticorum Synagogae saith he non offerunt Eucharisticam oblationem quam Dominus offerri docuit Alterum enim praeter Fabricatorem dicentes Patrem Ideo quae secundùm nos Creaturae sunt offerentes ei cupidum alieni oftendunt eum aliena concupiscentem The Synagogues of the Hereticks do not offer the very Eucharistical oblation which our Lord taught and appointed to be offered for they affirming another besides the Creator of the world to be the Father of Christ do therefore while they offer unto him the Creatures which are here with us represent him to be desirous of that which is anothers and to covet that which is not his and a little after Quomodo autem constabit eis eum panem in quo gratiae actae sunt Corpus esse Domini sui Calicem sanguinis ejus si non ipsum Fabricatoris mundi Filium dicant id est Verbum ejus per quod lignum fructificat defluunt fontes terra dat primùm quidem gramen post deinde spicam deinde plenum triticum in spica How shall it appear to them that that Bread for which Thanks have been given is the Body of their Lord and that Cup the Cup of his Bloud if they deny him to be the Son of the Creator of the world that is to say to be the word of him by whom the Tree brings forth fruit Fountains send forth water and the Earth brings forth first green corn like grass then the ear after that the full corn in the ear From the same ground Tertullian argues against Marcion Contra Marc. lib. 1. cap. 23. Non putem saith he impudentiorem quà m qui in alâ—ena aqua alii Deo tingitur ad alienum Coelum alii Deo expanditur in aliena terra alii Deo sternitur super alienum panem alii Deo gratiarum actionibus fungitur I cannot conceive any one more impudent than he that is baptized to a God in a water that is none of his that in prayer to a God spreads forth his hands towards an Heaven that is none of his that prostrates himself to a God upon an Earth that is not his that gives thanks to a God for that Bread which is none of his Origen against the same Heretick useth the same Argument Dialog advers Marc. 3. pauso ante finem Dominus aspiciens in coelum gratias agit Ecquid non agit conditori gratias Cùm panem accepisset poculum benedixisset quid alterine pro Creaturis conditoris benedicit an potiùs illi qui effecit exhibuit Our Lord looking up to heaven gave thanks What did not he give thanks to the Creator of the world When he took the Bread and the Cup and blessed did he bless and give thanks to any other for the Creatures of God the Maker of the world and not rather bless and give thanks to him who made them and gave them us Lastly This Oblation of the Bread and Wine is implied in S. Paul's parallel of the Lord's Supper and the Sacrifice of the Gentiles Ye cannot saith he be partakers of the Table of the Lord and the Table of Devils namely because they imply contrary Covenants incompatible one with the other a Sacrifice as I told you being Epulum foederale a Federal Feast Now here it is manifest that the Table of Devils is so called because it consisted of Viands offered to Devils for so S. Paul expresly tells us whereby those that eat thereof eat of the Devil's meat Ergo The Table of the Lord is likewise called his Table not because he ordained it but it because consisted of Viands offered unto him Having thus as I think sufficiently proved what I took in hand I think it not amiss to answer two Questions which this Discourse may beget The first is How the Ancients