his own and his brothers name were both Robert His at his bâ—ptisme was Iohn But at his taking the Royall gouernment either for the vnluckines of the one name in the French and English or for the good which accompanied the other in his own predecessors changd himselfe out of Iohn into Robert The first Duke in Castile as is * Esteuan de Garibay lib. 15. cap. 27. 54. g Circa m. CCC LXX affirm'd was Frederique bastard sonne to g Henry II. of Castile by him created Duke of Benauente And Iohn successor to this Henry made his second sonne Ferdinand Prince of Lara Duke of Pennafiel Ferdinando minori Regis filio saith Mariana â—ui Lara Principatus erat oppidum Pennafielis additum Ducis nomine Corona Capiti imposita nullis extantibus Floribus quod Collatae dignitatis insigne erat tametsi nostra aetate non Duces sed Comites etiam Coronam clypeis adijciunt Regis haud absimilem But their Ducall Crown now is as in England fleuronee so was that of Ferdinando saith Stephen of Garibay and as a Kings not archt but that only the flowers are lesse and so euen que vna no suba mas que otra as Esteuan de Garibay's words are i. that one bee not higher then another And the ancient Dukes might weare it aswell on their heads as Armories and had diuers such prerogatiues euen Royall when they were all of Royall bloud But for the most part now cessing to bee so most of their prerogatiues also cesse saith Garibay at least in the Kingdomes of Castile In ancient time there aswell as in other places this Dignitie was only for life And to this day my autor is h De Reb. Hispan lib. 8 cap. 2. Mariana the steps of that Estate are in the Spanish Nobilitie For none of them Duke Marquesse or Count vse their titles after death of their Ancestors but Rege denuò annuente vnlesse some few such families only as by the Kings speciall grant may doe otherwise Which although here noted as many other things in this Chapter is appli'd to some Titles hereafter to bee spoken of The Pragmatica ordains that none whatsoeuer shall haue the Title of Excellent or Excellencie But that the the Grands all Dukes mongst them are Grands and some Marquesses and Counts or such as may stand couered before the King shall bee honord with Vuâ—stra Sennoria i. your Lordship And that in superscriptions to any Duke Marquesse or Count the place denominating his dignitie shall to it be added To speake here of particular Dukedomes their rights Regalties and such like were from our purpose Wee haue alreadie rememberd that il Gran Duca di Toscana the Duke of Florence had his Crown radiant and that Title of Gran Duca by speciall indulgence from Pius Qnintus who inscribd i Cicarella in Vit. Pontific his gift with Pius V. Pontifex Max. ob eximiam Dilectionem ac Catholicae Religionis Zelum praecipuumque Iustitiae studium donauit There is a parâ—icular forme of Creation instituted by Paul II. which for the length and because most of the differing Ceremonies are as proper to that Church I omit But there is no Crown but a Cap only Biretum and a Scepter Yet what the Reporter k Marcell corâ—grens Sa. Oerem I. Iust. 7. adds for his difference of Dukes I think may bee worth obseruation Et haec quidem saith he seruantur si Dux est Magnae Nobilitatis Potentiae vt fuit Tempore Domini Pauli PP II. Borsus Ferrariae Si verò esset Mediocris potentiae vt fuit Tempore D. Sixti PP IV. to this Pope this autor was a kind of Master of the Ceremonies Fredericus Dux Vrbini omnia seruantur nisi quod non duceretur à Cardinalibus sed à duobus assistentibus Papae principalibus sederet vltimus post omnes Cardinales in Banco Diaconorum eundo incederet solus post Crucem ante omnes Cardinales Quod si adhuc esset inferior tunc omnia alia seruarentur nisi quod non daretur ei sceptrum neque sederet in banco Cardinalium sed ad pedes Papae in supremo gradu eundo incederet ante Crucem post Oratores alios Principes here you see his triple distinction of them and others haue them by Maiores and Minores Duces wherupon saith the learned l De Coronis lib. 9. cap. 22. Paschalius that the Maiores omnes vnius ordinis esse Censentur omnes propemodum suspiciuntur vt Reges longeque antistant illis quos voco Minores Neyther can any not see much difference twixt those of Florence Ferrara Sauoy Lorrain Saxonie Brunswic and such more which mongst them also differently haue so many imperiall rights and the French of late time English Scotish and Spanish Dukes which are all Seignieurs Suzerains subiect Lords and many of them possessing their denominating Territorie in Tit'e only not in gouernment Yet Charles L'oyseau idly minseth his difference to small where he makes our English Dukes to bee a degree by themselues qui ne sont qu' a vie come Officiers What Dukes he means with vs I know not But all men may know that since Edward III. the Title hath been Honorary and Hereditarie Nor doth that frequent name of Duke occurring in Genes XXXVI belong to this place The word in the holy tongue is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which the Paraphrases of Onkolos and Ionathan turne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both signifying a Lord Prince or great Ruler and the m Rabbi S. Iarchi in Genes 6. Com. 15. Ebrewes interpret them there 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Heads of families or Kinreds although Alloph may serue also to expresse any great dignitie vnder a King The Rabbins say that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Euery Alluph is a Kingdom without a Crown which Elias interprets that euery King not crownd is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 * Dux i. a Duke The Germans call them Hertzogen and Hertochen whence the Hertochij in that vnder the name of the Confessors laws both signifying Dux as he is exercitui praefectus Remember what is in the first booke of the Duke of Moscouie for a Duke vncrowned yet supreme Prince Ducis Limitanei Marquesses whence the name Marque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in old Gaulish Marcheta Mulieris the Brides maidenhead Mareshall vsuall application of names of a later age to antique relations by old English Poets The deriuation of Marquesse a mari idle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How in one man Duke Count and Marquesse was anciently often exprest The beginning of the name of this Dignitie in the Empire Markgraue Marchio Burgundiae and Normanniae His inuestiture by a Ring His Coronet Presedence in France Alciat's admonition in point of Presedence Marchiones in England Iohn of Sarisburie corrected Snowdon Controuersie twixt the Lords Marchers and the Barons of the Cinque Ports about bearing the Canopie Earle of March. First Marquesse in
then he addes Vtinam sic faciant Vxores Matres nostrorum Marchionum quacunque occasione patriam seruent incolumem labem pudoris amoueant But he means the ancient Lords Marchers of Wales in the same place speaking of Welsh irruptions Niuâ—collinus saith he not Ninicollinus as it is ignorantly printed indomitus insolescit inermes Britones intumescunt Where vnderstand those Niuicollini for Northwales men denominated by him from that Snowdon hill in Caernaruan-shire which in another p Dict. l. c. 6. place hee calls Niuium Collis as the Welsh in like signification Craig Criry Of these Marchers mention is in the Statute of Prerogatiue Exceptis Feodis Comitum Baronum de Marchia de terris in Marchia vbi breuia Domini Regis non currunt They were expresly calld Marchionis q Florilegus pag. 325. 370. edit Londin lib. Rub. scac v. Camden in Salopia Marchiones in claus 49. Hen. 3. dors memb 5. W. Rishanger sub Ann. 50. Hen. 3. Walliae also and whereas in Matthew Paris his description of the Coronation of Q. Elianor wife to Henry the III. it is reported that the Barons of the Cinque ports carried the Canopie ouer the King as their ancient right is quod tamen tunc scrupulo contentionis penitùs non carebat as he writes the opposition against them was by foure Lords Marchers Iohn Fitz-Alan Ralph of Mortimer Iohn of Monmouth and Walter of Clifford then calld Marchiones Walliae challenging that honorary office per ius Marchiae sed quodammodo saith the red book of the Exchequer friuolum reputabatur Afterward Roger of Mortimer being of great possessions and reckoning in this Trract was vpon the same Reason of Name created Earle of March by Edward III. with which others since haue beene enobled But in these was only the name not the dignity of Marchio Neither were they in English stiled Marquesses but Marchers as the most worthy Camden Clarenceulx hath obserued But the first which had this in England was the Earle of Oxford Robert of Vere Richard the second 's Mignion He made him in Parliament Marquesse of Dublin and afterward Duke of Ireland How the State lik't it Thomas of Walsingham shall tell you Creata est saith hee in hoc Parliamento IX Richard II. noua Dignitas Anglicis insueta nempe Comes Oxoniae D. Robertus de Veer appellatus factus est Marchio Dubliniae in Hibernia caeteris Comitibus hoc indignè ferentibus quòd viderent eum gradum celsiorem ipsis Regis munere percepisse praecipuè quia nec prudentiâ caeteris nec armis Valentior videbatur But vpon the infallible credit of the Record you shall haue the forme Confirmauit ipsum r Parl. 9. Ric. 2. memb 3. art 17. Marchionem de predictis titulo nomine honore per Gladij cincturam Circuli aurei suo capiti impositionem maturius inuestiuit ac chartam tradidit Eum vultu hilari inter Pares Parlamenti in gradu Celsiori videlicet inter Duces Comites sedere mandauit quod idem Marchio gratantiùs incontinenter fecit The same King made his Cousin-german Iohn of Beaufort sonne to Iohn of Gaunt and Earle of Somerset Marquesse of Dorset of which afterward Henry IV. depriu'd him and when a petition was in Parliament by the Commons for his restitution hee himself was vnwilling to bee restor'd to this kind of newly inuented Honor and Engenulant as the s Parl. 4. Hen. 4. Mem. 18. art 18. Roll speaks molt humblement pria au Roy que come le nome de Marquis fuyt estrange nome en cest Royalme qu'ilne luy vorroit ascunement doner cel nosme de Marquis qar iammais per conge du Roy il ne vorroit porter n'accepter sur luy nul tiel nosm en ascun manniere mais nient meins mesme le Count mult cordialment remercia les segneurs les Commens de leurs bons coeurs c. The Creation of Thomas Grey of the family of the L. Gray of Ruthen by Edward IV. into Marquesse of Dorset was t Patent 15. Edward 4. per Cincturam Gladij Cappae honoris Dignitatis impositionem and in that of Henry VIII his u Patent 15. Hen. 8. making the Lady Anne Rocheford daughter to Thomas Earle of Wiltshire Marchionesse of Penbreke the words are per Mantellae inductionem Circuli aurei in capite appositionem vt moris est realitèr inuestimus That Circulus aureus is a Coronet Meslée twixt our Dukes and Earles as of the French forme is before spoken Our present Soueraigne King Iames VI. of Scotland was the first Autor of this Dignitie there what euer by misconceit of that which is affirm'd of Malcolm II. may bee otherwise imagin'd Hee first honor'd the x Camden Scot. in Damnijs ancient name of Hamilton with it in Iohn sonne to Iames Duke of Chasteau Herald and Earle of Arran Spaine hath very many But the first there was Don Alfonso of Aragon Count of Denia made Marquesse of Villena by Henry II. of Castile about M. CCC LX. of Christ. So saith Stephen of Garibay and makes a Duke and a Marquesse in hearing of the Masse and sitting by the King of equall prerogatiue but addes that the Marquesse may not bear a Coronet on his head nor on his Armories nor do diuers other things which he allows their ancient Dukes aunque cessando estas cosas en los Duques con mayor occasion cessan en ellos But the Pragmatica allows Coronets vpon the Armories ' of Dukes Marquesses and Counts but vpon none others For when that was made vnder Philip II. M. D. LXXXVI it seems diuers of inferior note arrogated the same Formalitie of Crowns Comes Comes Matronae Prouinciae Comitatenses Comites Consistoriani Diuers Counties vnder some Counties as well as vnder Duchies Grafio Graffe or Graue 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A Ring giuen in ancient inuestitures of a Count in France Their Coronet there Comes Dux and Eorle in our Saxon times Aethelings Heriots Ealdorman The Bishop of the Diocesse and Ealdorman vsd to sit in the Turne When that was forbidden Shirifes Wittenagemotes Aldermannus Totius Angliae The error of them which fetch Comites into our Saxons from those spoken of by Tacitus Earles and Comites vnder the Normans Their denominating Territorie Mabile daughter of Robert Fitzthaimon hir standing on it to haue a Husband of Two Names Henry the first 's and her discourse together exprest in very old English Rimes Creations The Third part of the Shrifwikes profits giuen to the Earle of the Countie The surrender of Hugh le Bigod his Earldom of Norfolk The supposd value in our laws of a Dukedom Marquisat and Earldom That hauing the Third part vnder the Saxons and in Hungarie anciently and to some Visconts in France A power in Earles anciently to make laws in their Counties It was anciently doubted whether an Earle might be su'd but in his own
proper name of them and their Greatnes was Princeps and Principatus and one of their own c Tranquill. in Calig cap. 22. Writers of Caligula thus Nec multum abfuit quin statim Diadema sumeret speciémque Principatus in Regni formam conuerteret For these royall habiliments they were at length vsed by d In Epitome sed videsis cap. vlt. huius libri plura de hac re Aurelian about CC LXX after Christ. Iste saith Victor of him primus apud Romanos Diadema capiti innexuit gemmisque auratâ omni veste quod adhuc ferè incognitum Romanis moribus videbatur vsus est Yet nor hee nor others long after him vsed the title of King in their Letters Commissions Embassages nor otherwise but alwaies e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperator Emperor Which expressely is deliuerd by f Synes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 one liuing vnder Arcadius in CCCC of Christ shewing also that it was then vsual in others writings and speeches of them to haue them stiled Kings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith he to the Emperor 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Wee thinke you worthy of the Name and so call you f V. Lamprid. in vita AlexaÌ„d Seueri versus ibidem de lepore Kings and write you so But you whether you know so much or not yet agreeing to custom haue seemed to dislike so swelling a Title And indeed the autors of the Augustan Storie before that time haue Regnum for the State of Rome The dislike of Rex growing out of fashion as specially appears in the chusing of Regillianus Generall in Illyricum to bee Emperor as it were on a suddain iest when one had deriued his name in declining Rex Regis Regi Regillianus the acclamations presently g Trebell Poll. in 30. Tyrannis following Ergo potest nos regere Ergo potest Rex esse This was about Gallien's time some CCLX after our Sauiour Vlpian a great Lawier vnder Alexander Seuerus calls it h D. de Const. Princip l. 1. Lex Regia which transferd the peoples power to the Emperor And the Grecians called them i Athenagor in inscript Apolog. alij passim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Kings as by their own men they haue been in middle times often titled and by the Ebrews The learned Druse k Praeteritor lib. 9. notes that hee had a book inscribed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the Roman Kings being the liues of the Emperors And in Luke III. where the originall is in the XV. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. of the Empire of Tiberius the Syriaque turns it of the l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Reign or Kingdom Paules appeale according to the m Act. Apost ex Arabic per Fr. Iunium c. 45 Arabique is Regem Caesarem ego appello agreeable to the Emperors n 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 titles in the liues of the foure Euangelists in that language Nor could the Constantinopolitan Emperors find greater titles for themselues or fitter then King If you regard how others vnder them applied the name examples are familâ—ar in the o Concil Ephesin ibi Cyrillus He siâ—â—ius qui sub Anastasio floruit in Constantinopoleos descript Procopius alij Acts of their Councells Histories and such like If how they themselues read the titles of Iustinians Nouells which they call Authentiques and in them it will appear that the names of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were indifferent although the Latin Translation hath him alwayes by name of Imperator The same is iustified by Theophilus his Greek translation of the Institutions And that great Volum of Lawes published by their Emperor Leo about DCCCC comprehending a collection out of the Digests Code Nouells and other Imperialls was titled p Harmenopul in praefat ad 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cuiac Obseruat 6. cap. 9. de ijs plura 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as if you should say the Kings Lawes wher 〈…〉 an Epitome is now q Synopsis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 à Leunclauio edita only left and in that the Laitne r Lib. 2. tit 6. vbi l. 31. ff de leg Sen. alibi Princeps or Imperator is often turned into 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which their supposed Coat also of later time being foure Betaes iustifies The Betaes are s Bodin de Rep. 1. cap. 9. interpreted as the sigles of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. the King of Kings reigning ouer Kings So that at length the name of Emperor and King grew to bee as one although the Romans so much for remembrance of their libertie at first distinguisht them But in the deuided Empires vpon new occasions came much affected differences of these names The Western Emperors in regard that the States of the Gothes Lombards and Franks which had ouerrun and possest much part of the Empire were called Kingdoms and their Heads Kings rather desired the name of Emperor as a note in account of greater maiestie After the translation of the Empire from Constantinople to the French the Eastern Princes continuing still their name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which they supposed the greater title and were at first not much against the allowing of it to the Western Emperors as appears in the Embassadors of Michael Curopalata to Charles the great who for confirmation of a league came to him at Aix scriptum pacti as my t Auonym in Annal Franc. ann 812. Vit. Caroli Magni Author saies ab eo in Ecclesia suscipientes more suo id est Graecâ linguá laudes ei dixerunt Imperatorem Basileum appellantes Which was a name afterward although meer Greek bestowed on Charles his successors by their Monks preferring it far before the Latin Rex One u Abbo Floriac de Obsid Lutet 1. of them thus of Charles surnamed Crassus Vrbs mandata fuit Karolo nobis Basiléo Imperio cuius regitur totus propè Cosmus Which is an essay also of that ages vnhappie affectation of Greek patchs frequent in many of that kind But when Basilius Macedo a Constantinopolitan Emperor A. DCCC LXXI had receiued Letters from Pope Hadrian the II. wherein Lewes the 11. then Emperor of the West was called Basileus or Imperator hee caused that Honorary title to bee x Ms. hist. Longobard ap Baron Tom. 10. A. 871. Goldast in Constit. Imperial tom 1. scratcht out of the letters and concerning his challenge to it as his own solely dispatcht an Embassage to Lewes This Lewes answers by one Autprand Rempert and out of his Letters the effect of both may be discouered He first tells Basilius that hee knows no reason of his dislikes towards him Nisi fortè super Imperatoris nomine velit haec cuncta sentiri Verum apud nos saith the Western Emperor multa lecta sunt multa quidem indefessè leguntur nunquam tamen
Richmond by the name of Omnes Villas Terras quae nuper fuerunt Comitis Eadwini in Eborashira cum feodis Militum alijs libertatibus consuetudinibus ita liberè honorificè sicut idem Eadwinus eadem Tenuit But in the Book of Domesday and long after you shall often meet with the Christian name and Comes without any addition as Comes Alanus Comes Rogerus Comes Hugo and the like although the Dignitie was euer then giuen with a Territorie in which the third part of the Kings profits of the Shrifewike was assign'd to the Earle and that Territorie was as the second name or surname of the Earle as at this day which is exprest in that speech had twixt Maude or Mabile daughter to Fitzhaimon and Henry I. touching hir marriage with his base sonne Robert afterward Earle of Glocester Because the storie is rare and the Autor neuer yet publisht I will aduenture to giue it the Reader whole for a monument worth receiuing It s thus described in old English rymes by Robert of Glocester He sede that e Shee should heossolde f His sonne is sone to hir spausing anonge This mayde was theragen and withsede it longe The King of soght hir suithe ynou so that atten ende Mabile him ansuerede as gode maide and hende Sire he◠sede wel ichot that youre herte vpe me is More vor mine heritage than vor mi sulue iwis So vair eritage as ich abbe it were me gretssame Uor to abbe an louerd bote he adde an g Two names to name Sir Roberd le Fiz Haim mi fader name was And that ne might nought be his that of his kinne nogth nas Theruore sir vor godes loue ne let me no mon owe Bote he abbe an two name war thoru he iknowe Damoysele quath the King thou seist wel in this cas Sire Roberd le Fiz Haym thi fader tuo name was And as vaire tuo name he ssal abbe gifme him may bise Sire Roberd le Fiz Rei is name ssal be Sire quath this maide tho that is a vaire name As wo seith al is lif and of gret fame Ac wat ssolde is sonne hote thanne and other that of him come So ne might hii hote noght wereof nimeth gome The king vnderstood that the maide ne sede no outrage And that Gloucestre was chef of ire heritage Damaisele he sede tho thi Louerd ssal haue a name Uor him and vor is eirs vair without blame Uor Roberd Erl of Gloucestre is name ssal be and his Uor he ssal be Erl of Gloucestre and is eirs iwis Sire quath this maide tho wel liketh me this In this forme icholle that al mi gode be his Thus war Erl of Gloucestre first ymade there Ac this Roberd of alle thulke that long biuore were This was h Eleuen An. 1109. 9. Hen. I. endleue hundred yer in the nith yer right After that vr Louerd was in is moder ahight How much the hauing a surname was then respected is hence to be obseru'd which in those daies and long after was either from some personall note or posset Territorie Although also the Earles of ancient Families and names vsd them both and not onely the Christian name as now so is Simon of Mountford Corle on Leirchester for Leicester witnesse to an old English Charter of i Pat. 43. Hen. 3. memb 15. Henry the third and other like The ancientest precedent of Creation in expresse termes which our great Antiquarie and Light of Britaine could euer find is that of Mandeuill's being made Earle of Essex by Maude the Empresse Thus it speaks Ego Matildis Filia Regis Henrici Anglorum Domina do Concedo Gaufredo de Magnauilla pro seruitio suo haeredibus suis post eum haereditabiliter vt sit Comes de Essexia habeat tertium Denarium Vicecomitatus de placitis sicut Comes habere debet in Comitatu suo in omnibus rebus So was Richard de Reduerijs made Earle of k Ex Regist. Monast Fordens ap Camd. in Danmonijs Deuonshire with a grant of the third part of the Counties profits arising out of the Shierifewike by Henry the first hir father and Hugh le Bigod Earle of Norfolk by Henry the second This Hugh and his posteritie during the Raigns of this Henry Richard I. Henry III. and till XXX of Edward I. enioy'd the yearly reuenue of XXXIV l Rot. Parl. 3. Hen. 6. art I. vbi magna illa inter Comites Marescallum Warwicensem controuersia de locorum praerogatiua VI. s. VIII d. Vt pro tertio Denariorum Comitatus Norfolciensis vt pro nomine Comitis eiusdem Comitatus as the l words of the Record are But Roger le Bigod Earle of Norfoolk vnder the first Edward surrenderd his Earledom to the King A president in matter of Honor not obuious therefore you wish perhaps to heare it Sciatis nos reddidisse remisisse omnino quietum clamasse pro nobis haeredibus nostris Magnifico Principi Domino nostro Karissimo Domino Edwardo Dei gratia Regi Angliae illustri quicquid Iuris Honoris dominij habemus nomine Comitis in Comitatu Norfolciae Marescalcia Angliae Habendum Tenendum eidem Domino Regi haeredibus suis eum omnibus singulis ad ea qualitercunque spectantibus quocunque nomine censentur quieta denobis haeredibus nostris in perpetuum Ita quod nos vel haeredes nostri seu aliquis nomine nostri nihil luris vel clamij in eisdem aut suis pertinentijs quibuscunque de caetero vendicare poterimus vel habere In Cuius Rei testimonium Sigillum nostrum huic scripto duximus apponendum His Testibus Domino Iohanne de Langton Archiepiscopo Canturtensi Cancellario Angliae Rogero le Brabazon Iustictario Domini Regis Iohanne de Dokensford c. But withall obserue what the most learned Clarenceulx hath out of the Historie of Canterbury touching this Surrender Edward II. afterward reciting this Surrender of Bigod grants the Honor and Marshalsie to his Brother Thomas of Brotherton in Taile with like maner of Rights in euery kind as Bigod had it who enioyd also the same sum of XXXIV l. vj sh. viij d. as the third of the Shrifwik Yet remember that such a sum could not be as taken for the value of the Earldom nor in it did the Earldom consist For the true value of an Earldom was accounted CD Pounds yeerly reuenue as you may see in the Grand Charter where the Earls Reliefe is C. Pounds the Reliefe being alwaies the fourth part of the Dignities supposd Reuenue And therefore according to that proportion a c Ista adnotauit Iuris nostri Columen U. Illust. D. Ed. Coke part 9. fol. 124. Duke although this law of Reliefe was before we had any Dukes being accounted by the double worth of an Earle paies CC. pound Reltefe And a Marquisat reckond at
alij praesules saith he in partem solicitudinis à summo Pontifice euocantur vt spiritualem exerceant Gladium sic a Principe in Ensis Materialis communionem Comites quidam quasi Mundani iuris Praesules asciscuntur Et quidem qui hoc Officij gerunt in Palatio Iuris Autoritate Palatini sunt qui in Prouincijs Prouinciales Whereto adde but that such as with Palatin iurisdiction are constituted ouer Prouinces are Palatins in Prouinces and the true cause and origination of the name is thence most manifest For the Empire you see how this fits in the Palatins or Pfaltzgraffen of Rhine of whose Territorie and State the learned and Noble Marquard Freher Counsellor to the present Frederick v. hath sufficiently instructed his Readers That Prince Palatin is by ancient institution in n Verba Aureae Bullae Carol. 4. cap. 5. partibus Rheni sueuiae in Iure Franconio ratione Principatus seu Comitatus Palatini priuilegio Prouisor ipsius imperij administrator in the Vacancie of the Empire but specially also Imperator siue Rex Romanorum supra causis pro quibus impetitus fuerit habeat sicut ex consuetudine introductum dicitur coram Comite Palatino Rheni sacri Imperij Archidapifero Electore Principe respnodere illud tamen iudicium Comes ipse Palatinus non alibi praeterquam in Imperiali Curia vbi Imperator seu Romanorum Rex praesens extiterit poterit exercere And wheras some * De Duce Saxoniae v. Marqhuard Freher Orig. Palat. 1. Dukes Marquesses and Counts challenging and enioy 〈…〉 almost all soueraintie haue not this addition you must remember that the first institution of an honor and continuance of the name vsd are the main causes of a distinct Title not so much vsurpation of Royalties or lawfull possessession alone The very word Landtgraue among the Princes of the Empire is known of great Dignitie and neer the best of Soueraintie yet it literally interprets but Comes Prouincialis although an old o Rigordus in vita Philippi Aug. pag. 207. French autor regarding more the substance of it as it s appli'd then the signification turns it into Comes Palatinus Eodem anno saith he that is M. CCVIII quidam Comes Palatinus qui eorum lingua Landgraue the printed books haue Landanga but questionles erroneously vocabatur Philippum Romanum Imperatorem interfecit The like in proportion must be thought of an ignorant p Roger. de Houeden in Hen. 2. fol. 339. English writer of the Monkish times deliuering that Prothosouastos he means Protosebastos in Latin is Comes Palatij He knew it was a great Dignitie in the Eastern Empire and therefore thought so In France vntill Thebault the Great Count of Champagne about M. XXX I remember not any Prouinciall Count hauing this title of Palatin But he then reuolting from Hen. 1. of France and ioyning to the German Emperor Henry III. either took from the Emperor or arrogated to himself the Title In his Charters is read Theobaldus Comes Campaniae Palatinus and in French Thebault de Champagne Brie Quens Palazins as q Et voyes Andre de Chesne Antiq. Recherch liure 1. chap. 73. Pithou deliuers That Countie is now long time hath bin in the Crown but retains stil good marks of Palatin souerainty This Honor hath bin and is in England at this day Chester Durham Ely Lancaster are famous by it Oâ—e Hugh Wolf was made Earl of Chester by William I. and the Countie giuen him in see Tenendum sibi Heredibus ita vere ad Gladium sicut ipse Rex tenebat Angliam ad Coronam And as the King so hee for his heirs there had their Barons by thâ—t name specially known In a Charter of the same Hugh's foundation of the Monasterie of S. Werburg he saies Ego Comes Hugo mei Barones confirmauimus And in Liberties anciently giuen by one of the Ranulphs Count Palatin there to his Barons hee r Inspex 18. Hen. 6 part 2. memb 34. grants quod vnusquisque eorum Curiam suam habeat liberam de omnibus Placitis querelis in Curia Mea motis exceptis Placitis ad Gladium meum Pertinentibus For their Barons more anon But the Soueraintie claimd by those Earls may well appeare in a relation of Earl Iohn his carrying the Sword calld the Curtan at the marriage of Henry III. and Queen Elianor daughter to Raymund Earle of Prouence Comite Cestriae saith Matthew Raris Gladium S. Edwardi qui Curtein dicitur ante Regem baiulante in siguum quod Comes est Palatinus Regem si oberret habeat de iure Potestatem cohibendi suo sibi scilicet Cestrensi Constabulario ministrante virga populum cum se incrdinatè ingereret subtrahente This Countie Palatine hath its Officers almost as the King in Westminster Hall Lancaster by Edward III. was created into a Countie Palatin by expresse name the Charters and particulars whereof euery Student knows out of Plowden These two being both now in the Crown may be calld Lay Palatinats with vs for also of great autoritie are the other two of Durham and Ely but both Bishopriques That of Ely began to be so vnder Henry the first That of Durham I think vnder the Norman Conqueror For one Egelric being there Bishop about his time was for offence to the State deposd and in his steed one Walker put qui esset Dux pariter Prouinciae Episcopus as the Monk of s De gest Pontis lib. 3. Malmesbury saies fraenarétque rebellionem Gentis Gladio reformaret mores eloquio But the chief priuiledges of Durham haue been anciently deriud from the holy respect had to S. Cutbert Bishop of Lindisfarn that is now calld Holy Iland whose bodie was thence in the Saxon times translated into Durham Therefore the Monks stile it Cutberti Terra and call the t Hist. Dunel apud Camd. country men Halywerk Folks which is ment in one of our u 5. Ed. 〈◊〉 fol. 58. pl. 88. yeer-yeer-books where Durham is rememberd with the name of Franchise de Werk For so you must read not Franchise de Wrek as the publisht books haue The case is in them misreported and very imperfit See the x Tit. Iurisdiction 30. Abridgment of it which questionles was from a better copie and you will confesse it Neither without that can you find reason why the Writ of Right of Aduowson should lie at Westminster for an enheritance in Durham The Bishop is there calld Count Paleys and in another place y 17. Ed. 3. fol. 36. pl. 4. Counte de Palais and that he was z 14. Ed. 3. tit Error 6. vide Bracton lib. 3. de Corona cap. 8. § 4. Come Roy. In the North parts anciently Hexamshire was reckond for a Countie Palatin It is the same which in the printed Monks occurrs by name of Hangulstad or Hangulstadeim and the like names corrupted But my Ms. of a De gest
contraire vel contradicerè creditor potest scilicet ipsum sigillum in Curia recognoscenda suum esse c. The like out of that y 33. Hen. 2. apud D. Ed. Coke in praefat ad lib. 3. Fine in the Countie twixt Walter of Fridastorp and Helias his sonne and Iohn of Beuerley leuied vnder Hen. II. and sealed with the seals of the Father and Sonne Either then the Chronicle of Abingdon misinstructs or els it wills that the Earle of Chester being yet not of the order of Knighthood vsed his mothers seale that is such a one as hers was without difference because perhaps after the order receiud som change was to bee added to his For Du Tillet cites an old iudgment of the yeer M. CCC LXXVI wherin he saith an Esquire dicitur cum Equestrem Ordinem suscipit sigillum mutare But hee speaks it only of Burgundie Others being moud by the Monkish z Chron. Abb. de Bello apud G. Lambard in Itin. Cantij pag. 405. report touching Richard Lucy chief Iustice of England his finding fault with a mean man for vsing a seale vnder Henrie II. think that in those times they were peculiar to men of the greater fashion and that they became common not till about Edward III. Indeed diuers Charters were in the Norman times before that made without seales yet an old * Bracton lib. 2. de acq rer dom cap. 16. §. 12. Lawier vnder Hen. III. requires them as an essentiall part of a Deed. Nor doth any one reason more moue me to beleeu the ancient and promiscuous vse of them here then because for the most part all Nations had them and in their Writings and Deeds in one sort or another vsd them And howeuer a Hist. Nat. 33. cap. 1. Plinie affirms that Egypt and the East were only contented with letters omitting seals yet its certain that the Iews had them and in ancient time often when they made a contract two Deeds were writen one contayning the contract at full with all couenants and conditions which was folded vp and sealed b v. Ierem. cap. 32. Ios. Scalig Elench Trihaeresij cap. 11. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tobit cap. 7. with the buyers seale the other containing a generall recitall of what thing only the Contract was and this last was shewd open to witnesses who inscribd their names on the backside of boh That so the Witnesses or standers by might not know the summe time of Redemption or such like yet bee able to iustifie the truth of the instrument comprehending them by the inscription of their names The Seale they calld 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and the Deed or instrument writen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sephor which is a book also but the c Elias in Thisbite Rabbins expresse their Deeds Releases Obligations and the like by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Shetar or Setar whence the word Starrum or Starr◠for Acquitances or writen testimonies of Contracts is vsd So must you vnderstand it in that Roll in the Tower of Placita apud Scaccarium Iudeorum de Termino Paschae anno Regni Edwardi nono of Edward the first Salomon de Stanford Iudeus recognoscit per Starrum suum occurres there and an Acquitance or Release by the name of starrum is there d 9. Ed. I. Iudeorum Rot. 4. Pasch. Norff. rot 5. in dors rot 6. Sutht ferè passm in Schedis illis pleded to haue been tried before the Shirife at Norwich by a Iurie of Sex probos legales homines sex legales Iudeos de Ciuitate Norwici and found to haue been the Deed of one Genta a woman Iew of Gloucester whereupon one Alice the widow of Clement of Poringlond was quit against the King then clayming vpon speciall occasions all duties which were owing to the Iews in England The like kind of trials are there in the case of one Eustace of Peccham in Kent of Salomon Bensalomon in Hampshire and diuers others Where by the way obserue it seems the Iews of the Iurie were charged by oth taken vpon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e Liber legis i. the books of Moses held in their armes and by the name of the God of Israel which is mercifull with formall additions of words which they vsed as Christians vpon the Euangelists For a Rabbin that l Rabbi Moses Mikotzi in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecept 123. liud in time of Henrie III. saies that so was an oth to bee taken by his countrie men although in a iudiciall precedent yet remaining of Constantin Porphyrogennetus he liud about CCC yeers before diuers other and strange ceremonies were to be vsed If you desire them search them where they g In lib. 2. Iuris Graeco Romani are publisht The Romans had their Annuli signatorij and sigillaricij as Uopiscus calls them destinat as well to sealing of writings as vse in the house in steed of locks h Satyr 13. Inuenal Uana superuacui dicunt Chirographa ligni Arguit ipsorum quos litera gemmáque Princeps Sardoniches loculis quae custoditur eburnis What 's gemma Sardoniches but the Seale cut in that stone Of the i Polyb. hist. 6. Graecians as plain testimonie is And of all enough more The seale being a speciall ensigne of credit and therefore so fitly vsd Nec plus habere quam vnum licebat saith Ateius k Macrob. Sat. 7. cap. 13. Capito of Seale Rings and the ancient Roman times nec cuiquam nisi libero quos solos fides decerneret quae signaculo continetur And it s affirmd mongst the Graecians that before the inuention of Seales cut in fit matter the vse was to seale with pieces of wood eaten and gnawen by l Philostephan apud Hesychium in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Is. Tzetz ad Lycophronem wormes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which could not but giue impression and that Hercules first vsd that kind of Seale whence Lycophron hath 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. a worm-eaten Seale I perswade you not to bee prodigall of your faith to such Grecian coniectures Think of them as they deserue But mongst our ancestors as the king had his Great and lesse or Priuie Seale so at least Gentlemen and their superiors a like distinction A Conisance in the Kings Court anciently shall iustifie it Iohannes de Burgo saith m Hill 44. Hen. 3. Placit ap West Rot. 28. Staff the Roll cognouit quod apposuit paruum sigillum suum cuidam scripto quod fecit Decano Capitulo de n Lichefeild Lichefeud de confirmatione quieto clameo de aduocatione de Herdel apponet sigillum suum magnum praedicto scripto circa tertiam Septimanam post Pascham So much for Seales Among the Reasonable Aides due from Tenants to their Lords one speciall is a faire fitz heire Chiualer to make the Lords sonne and heire a Knight Which is one of
TITLES of HONOR By John Selden Lucilius Persium non curo legere Laelium Decimum volo LONDON By William Stansby for Iohn Helme and are to be sold at his shop in S. Dunstans Church-yard M. DC XIV To my most beloued Friend and Chamberfellow M. Edward Heyward SIr Had I not been such a remote stranger to Greatnes yet beyond you scarce should I haue sought a Name to Honor this place Being as fortune hath plac't mee I well could not without charging my Freedome of spirit with what as the worst in Manners it euer hated Flatterie But I was resolu'd that as the Architecture of olde Temples you know was either Dorique Jonique or Corinthian according to the Deity 's seuerall nature so in analogie should Gifts of this kind be to the Receiuers that Bookes should most fitly be consecrated to true louers of Goodnes and all good Learning I would call Books onely those which haue in them either of the two obiects of Mans best part Verum or Bonum and to an instructing purpose handled not what euer onely speaks in Print and hath its litle worth ending in its many words In this of Mine dealing with Verum chiefly in matter of Storie and Philologie I giue you the greatest interest that in a thing of so Publique right may be enioyed Your more noble Studies Vertue Learning and your Loue to what euer is in those Names made you most capable of it And to speake here freely the speciall worth of your Qualitie and of some more luti melioris compar'd with that world of Natures infinitely varied by basenesse of Spirit Daring ignorance Bewitcht sight worst of inclination expressions of scarce more that 's not Bestiall then what Clothes and Coffers can and the like haue made me I confesse doubt in the Theorie of Nature whether all known by the name of MAN as the lowest Species bee of one Forme So Generous so Ingenuous so proportion'd to good such Fosterers of Vertue so Industrious of such Mould are the Few so Inhuman so Blind so Dissembling so Vain so iustly Nothing but what 's Ill disposition are the Most Our long societie of life and the special Desert which you know you may truly challenge of my Endeuors entitled You to it as from Mee Neuer shall I not confesse you to haue been to me 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Some yeer since it was finish't wanting only in some parts my last hand which was then preuented by my dangerous and tedious sicknesse being thence freed as you know too that were a continuall most friendly and carefull witnesse by the Bounteous humanitie and aduise of that learned Phisician Doctor Robert Floyd whom my Memorie alwaies honors I was at length made able to perfit it And thus I employd the breathing times which from the so different studies of my Profession were allowed mee Nor hath the Prouerbiall assertion that the Lady Common Law mustly alone euer wrought with mee farther then like a Badge of his Familie to whom by the testimonie of the wisest man euery way seems full of Thornes and that vses to excuse his labour with a Lion's in the way I call you not my Patron Truth in my References Likelyhood in my Coniectures and the whole Composture shal be in steed of One and of all else which like inuocations of Titulina might be vsed It comes to you only that if it liue it may be an enduring testimonie of our Loues and your Desert Happinesse euer second your wishes Uiue diù nostri Pignus memorabile Voti with you at the Inner Temple Septemb. XXIII M. DC XIV To that singular Glory of our Nation and Light of Britaine M. Camden Clarenceulx 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 J. Selden 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 BEN IONSON TO HIS HONORD FRIEND M r IOHN SELDEN HEALTH I Know to whome I write Here I am sure Though I be short I cannot be obscure Lesse shall I for the art or dressing care Since naked best Truth and the Graces are Your Booke my Selden I haue read and much Was trusted that you thought my judgment such To aske it though in most of Workes it be A penance where a man may not be free Rather then office When it doth or may Chance that the Friends affection proues allay Vnto the censure Yours all need doth flye Of this so vitious humanitie Then which there is not vnto Studie ' a more Pernicious enemie Wee see before A many ' of Bookes euen good judgments wound Thēselues through fauoring that is there not found But I to yours farre from this fault shall doo Not flye the crime but the suspicion too Though I confesse as euery Muse hath err'd And mine not least I haue too oft preferr'd Men past their termes and prais'd some names too much But 't was with purpose to haue made them such Since being deceiu'd I turne a sharper eye Vpon my selfe and aske to whome and why And what I write and vexe it ' manie dayes Before men get a verse much lesse a prayse So that my Reader is assur'd I now Meane what I speake and still will keepe that vow Stand forth my object then You that haue been Euer at home yet haue all Countries seene And like a Compasse keeping one foot still Vpon your center do your circle fill Of generall knowledge watch'd men manners too Heard what past times haue said seen what ours do Which Grace shall I make loue to first your skill Or faith in things Or is' t your wealth and will To informe and teach Or your vnwearied paine Of gath'ring Bountie ' in pouring out againe What Fables haue you vex'd What Truth redeemd Antiq'uities search'd Opinions disesteem'd Impostures branded and Authorities vrg'd What Blots Errors haue you watch'd and purg'd Records and Authors of How rectified Times Manners Customes Innouations spied Sought out the Fountaines Sources Creekes Paths Wayes And noted the Beginnings and Decayes Where is that nominall Marke or reall Rite Forme Art or Ensigne that hath scap'd your sight How are Traditions there examin'd How Conjectures retriu'd And a Storie now And then of times beside the bare conduct Of what it tells vs weau'd in to instruct I wonder'd at the richnesse but am lost To see the workmanship so exceed the cost To marke the excellent seas'nings of your stile And masculine elocution not one while With horror rough then rioting with wit But to the subiect still the colours fit In sharpnesse of all search wisdome of choice Newnesse of sense antiquitie of voice I yeeld I yeeld The Matter of your prayse
quem Rex nullus habet adeptus es vt Christianae Fideae Defensor scribaris tenearis sis It was giuen him about the XII yeer of his raigne Catholique is as a Surname to the Spanish King which Pope Alexander VI. gaue as an inheritance to Ferdinand V. King of Castile and Arragon Obserue the Iesuit Mariana's relation Ab Alexandro Pontifice saith he Ferdinandus puellae pater he was father to Ioan wife of Philip Archduke of Austira CATHOLICI Cognomentum accepti in posteros cum regno trà nsfusum stabili possessione Honorum titulos Principibus diuidere Pontificibus Romanis datur Erat in more vt in literis Apostolicis adscriberetur REX CASTELLAe ILLVSTRI Ergo deinde nouâ indulgentia adscribi placuit REGI HISPANIARVM CATHOLICO non sine Obtrectatione invidia Regis Lusitani quando Ferdinandê° imperio vniuersam HispaniaÌ„ non obtineret eius tum non exiguâ parte penes Reges alios Here then according to him was the beginning of it as a title properly denominating and hereditarie although Alfonso sonne in law to Pelagius by marriage of his daughter Ormisinda and Recared or Richard Kings of West-gothique bloud there long before enioyed it the first as a surname for his religion and Martiall performance against the Maures the other by acclamation in the III. Councell of Toledo And in the old Roman Prouinciall a Catalogue of Kings is expressing Rex Castellae Rex Legionis Rex Portugalensis Rex Aragoniae with diuers others of other Territories and then REX CATHOLICVS by that generall name The Prouinciall was writen I am sure my Copie was before Alexander VI. yet I cannot vnderstand who is there ment by Catholicus except their King of Astures whose Dynastie was ioynd about M. XX. with Castile For Castile Leon Portugal and Aragon are reckon'd beside and that Alfonso about DCCXXX had the Asturian Kingdom and to him most refer the originall of Catholicus Diuers of the Constantinopolitan Emperors were wont to haue as part of their title Porphyrogenetes or Porphyrogenetus for although there be one of them known by the speciall name of Constantine Porphyrogenetus that is hee which held part of his Empire with Alexander about DCCCC X. and was sonne to Leo VI. and whose admonitions of State Constitutions and Themata are yet extant and publisht yet plainly that was no name proper to him in particular For he himself calls other u De administrando Rom. Imp. cap. 45. Filium item Romanum in libri titulo hoc nomine compellat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 And Basilius his Nouels are yet extant being before them the same name So Emanuel Comnenus in his inscription to the Western Emperor Conrad III. vses it And in the Bodleian Library at Oxford is a Ms. written some L. yeers since by a Cretan Scribe in Paris a worke of one Iohn Camaterus about Iudiciary Astrologie with this insciption 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 x Quid sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haùt inter doctos satis constat Maximae sanè dignitatis Officium fuisse liquet à Magno Contostaulo secunduÌ„ tametsi le cum eius ignotum tradit Georg. Codinus ad quem consulas Fr. IuniuÌ„ Sed Gregentij verba Meursio citata perpendas Cancellarium fuisse fortè non iniuriâ dixeris Si de Loco testimonium quaeris adi Iuris Graeâ—o-Romani lib. 2. p. 184. v. Radeuic de gest Frederic 1. lib. 1. cap. 47. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Who this Camaterus was or to what Emperor he wrote I confesse I cannot tell but it appears hee took this title so fit that vsing only but the name of Emperor besides he thought it Tittle sufficient for his dedication Yet you must not take it as solely proper to the Emperors To diuers of the neerer bloud imperiall its found attributed Iohn Palaeologus nephew to Andronicus first Emperor of that both name and family is called y Curopalat de Offic. Constant. the sonne of Porphyrogenetes So Constantius sonne to Constantine Ducas hath it in the Lady Anna Comnena hir Alexias This Lady Anne was daughter to Alexius Comnenus the Emperor and wrote hir fathers acts and affairs of Warre and State in the later and corrupted idiom of the Greeks Hir copies being very corrupt and maimed She is also in the title of hir book stiled Anna Porphyrogennetes Thomas brother to their last Emperor Constantin surnamd Dragasis in a confirmation z Turco-Graec lib. 4. Ep. 50. of a sale of lands subscribes himself with it More examples occurre in George Phranzes and others The reason of the name learned men haue mist. But it is plain in truth that it comes from a Palace built as a Luitprand Hist. 1. cap. 2. some say by Constantine the Great chiefly to this end that there the Empresses should be deliuerd and keep the solemnities of Childbirth The Lady Anne whom I rememberd shall iustifie it She speaking of Robert Guiscards death hee is alwayes calld in her storie Rompert and her fathers Triumph wherein hee returnd to Constantinople saies that there he found Irene the Empresse her mother in trauell in a house anciently appointed for the Empresses childbirth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith b Alexiados l. 6. shee 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. They call that house from ancient time Porphyra whence the name of the Porphyrogeniti * Latinè in Porphyra geniti came into the world With her herein expressely agree Constantin Manasses and Luitprand and a place in Anastasius touching Constantin VII depriud of his eyes by his ambitious mother Irene Incluserunt cum are the words in domo Pupureâ in qua natus est Hereto I doubt not but speciall allusion is in that of a Greek c Io. Euchaitens in Hypomneum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Poet although a Bishop yet writing in a courtly form of Flatterie to Zoe Empresse and wife to Coustantin Monomachus about M. L. of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and so Anna Comnena calls her selfe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for she was born in that Palace Briefly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in Purpura natus i. born in the place so called are all one and assumd by such as were there born Neither is any question to be made of this reason of the name although Pontanus who for the Orientall story hath well deserud still leaues it as a doubt not vnderstanding Nicetas d Hist. 5. Tmemat 6. Pontanus verò ad Phranz l. 1. c. 6. de hac re dubitat Uulcanius ad Themata Constantini quod miror Diù verò est cum doctissimus Cuiacius rem doctè tetigerit Obseru 6. cap. 9. Choniates where he speaks of the Empresses being neer her time of deliuery and addes that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Palace Porphyra was prepard to receiue the Birth But Pontanus turns Porphyra by purpura as if it were for Purple cloth in such a sense
e Claudian de Nupt. Honorij Mariae as in that sic natus in Ostro Paruus Honoriades genibus considat auitis which I the rather cite because out of it the reason perhaps of the imposition of that name on the Palace may be had If the Emperors issues at the birth were receiued in Purple cloth as it seems they were others f Ceion Posthum in Epistola apud Iul. Capitolin in Clod. Albino Filius mihi natus est ita Candidus statim toto corpore vt linteamen quo exceptus est vinceret children in other colours what could bee more proper in translation then to giue the name of that speciall kind wherein at the first instance of their infancie they were receiud to the place appointed only for that receipt And howeuer it be supposd that the Phoenician Hercules first finding out the pleasing colour of Purple by the Dye of his Dogs mouth that had bitten the fish whence it is gratified his Sweet-heart with it yet a tradition is mongst the Grecians that he presented it to the King of Phoenicia who by edict prohibited all but h Mich. Glycas Annal. par 2. cap. de Turris extructione himself to weare the colour whence the beginning of it as proper to Greatnes our Scarlet g Iul. Pollux Onomastic 1. c. 3 being now its successor is deriued In the Preface to Camaterus his Astrologie 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Where in like sense as in the other testimonies a compound is made of Porphyra The Princes Dukes or Kings of Moscouy were calld they say anciently white Kings or white Princes Credo autem saith Sigismund vt Persam nunc propter rubea tegumenta capitis Kissilpassa id est rubeum caput vocant ita illos propter alba tegumenta Albos appellari But I remember Muscouy is calld Russia Alba and Poland Russia Nigra there may be the names originall But Gaguin giues the reason quod incolae omnium Regionum ipsius imperio subiectarum vestibus albis pileis plerunque vtantur Prester-Iohn By error so calld His true name whence that is corrupted The Abassens whence Their vulgar and Chaldè language Belul Gian Beldigian Iochabelul How the names of Prestigian in the East Asia turnd into Prester-Iohn was applied to the Ethiopian Emperor Prestigiani The Ebrew Epistle of Preti Ian to the Pope The Ethiopique Emperors title Cham or Chan. Why the Eastern Emperors of Asia are so titled the Turk and others Alwaies Victorious Carachan and Gylas two dignities Car in Scythian and Carpaluc Carderigan a Persian dignitie whence Chanaranges Chaianus Chaganus Capcanus whence A coniecture vpon Fr. W. de Rubruquis Vlu Can very ancient in the Tartarian or Sarmatique Empire Canis in the Scaligeran family The Great Chans Seale and title of later time The Mahumedan Caliphs Bagded not Babylon The diuision of the Chaliphat and end The signification of Chaliph and Naib To whom Chaliph applied To the Grand Signior in our dayes and why A peece of an old French Letter from an Othomanique Chaliph Seriph Iariffe Sultan The Turkish Salutations Aphentis and the Turks title Amir Amir Elmumenin Amermumnes Miramolinus and such like corrupted in Story The Turks allow the Pentateuch and the Euangelists but say that wee haue seratcht Mahumeds name out of them Their letters dated with their Hegira and the yeer of Christ. The Azoars of the Alcoran The solemn beginning of euery Azoat vsd by them most superstitiously An error of Georgeuitz Our K. Iohn would haue been a Mahumedan and sent for the Alcoran Padischach Musulman Caesar Augustus Caesarea maiestas attributed to the Grand Signior Hunggiar Ismael Sophi The hate and difference twixt the Turkish and Persian Religion whence Imamia and Leshari The beginning and cause of the Persian title Sophi Kissilbassilar Enissarlar Persian Magi. The Magi not Kings in Persia Nor those in S. Matthew Kings but in contempt till Artaxerxes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Elam Elamits How the Persians might well be Magi by the interpretation of their first authors name What Magus is Ignorant Franciscans naild Frier Bacons books to the desks Shach Schach Shah Sa Xa Shaugh Cheque all one a speciall attribute to Persian Greatnes What it is An error in Bodin about the title of Dominus vnder the Chaliphs Gelal Eddin Aladin The large title of Chosroes The league twixt the last Rodulph and Achmet the present Sultan touching their Titles CHAP. V. OVt of Europe wee come into Afrique and Asia where also the Grand Signior notwithstanding his Court and residence at Constantinople is fittest to be placed But first of that Ethiopian Emperor or Prince of the Abyssins which is commonly titled Prester John and in Latine Presbyter Ioannes as if it were Priest Iohn But by testimonie of Zaga Zabo an Ethiopian Embassador to the last Emanuel K. of Portugal the name is corrupted from Precious Gian For his Ethiopique thus expresses it * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. Gian Belul quod sonat saith the translation publisht by Damian à Goes Ioannes Belul hoc est Ioannes preciosus siue altus Et in Chaldaica lingua Ioannes Encoe id si interpreteris etiam Ioannis Preciosi siue alti significatum habet so that Gian Belul is of their true Ethiopian tongue which they vse in common speech not that which is spoken and writen in their Liturgies and holy exercises and known mongst them by the name of Chaldè but more specially stiled * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Giaein i. Libertie quod nimirùm as the noble Scaliger yeelds the reason eâ solâ vterentur Arabes illi victores qui Aethiopiam insiderunt For he most learnedly as in all things els deriues them thither from the Abasens in Arabia whence Sept. Seuerus had his denomination of Arabicus as in one of his i Hub. Goltz Thes. pag. 129. Coins appears inscribd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of whom mention is made by k Ap. Stephan 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vranius an old author of Arabique affairs placing them in Arabia foelix which happily salues their deriuing themselues from Melech son to Salomon as they fable by l Zaga Zabo ap Damian à Goes Maqueda the Queen of the South For where * v. Psal. 72. Com. 10. Saba is were those Abassenes whence the Latines haue their Sabaei and Tura Sabaea Thus mee thinks those things concurre as it were to make vp on both sides that truth at which learned men haue been very purblind And by likelyhood how should they fitter haue a speciall tongue for their writings and holy ceremonies vtterly differing from their vulgar then by being transplanted out of some other Nation and bringing it thither with them there beeing in it also a mixture of Ebrew Chaldê Arabique but it is by them calld Chaldè whereupon Zaga Zabo saith that Helen one of their Empresses wrote two books of Diuinitie in Chaldé and tells
errand Hee i. this lesse Thane or Vnderthane might afterward doing his fealtie mid his g v. Const. Forest Canuti §. 12 fâ—râ—þe play his Lords part at any need And if a Thane so thriued that he became an Eorle he was thenceforth as an Eorle And if a Marchant Massere so thriued that hee passed thrice ouer the wide Sea of his own Craft he was thenceforth a Thane For the better vndestanding of this Monument a word or two What an Eorle was alreadie Touching the Thanes by that name I adde that the diuision of Them is expressely also in other of K. Cnouts h Constit. Forest. Canut §. 1. 2. laws into Thanes and lesse Thanes Sint iam deinceps saith he quatuor ex liberalioribus Hominibus qui habent saluas suas debitas consuetudines Quos Angli þegens appellant So you must read and not Paegened as the print is corrupted Then sint sub quolibet horum quatuor ex mediocribus hominibus quos Angli i Non Lespegend vt perperà m in vulgatâ Chartâ Canuti les ðegens i. lesse Thanes which elswhere is anciently translated also by mediocres homines nuncupant Dani verò yong men vocant locati qui curam onus tum Viridis tum Veneris suscipiant Of these the first foure seem to haue been as those which later time haue stiled Verderors of the Forest and the other foure as Regardors This last foure had nothing to do with administration of Iustice in the Forest but were as lesse Thanes beneath in dignitie to the first called Thanes generally yet were rankt in the comprehensiue name of Eoldormen which either were as mongst these of a farre different note and worth from those spoken of in the Chapter of Counts or els the instructing testimonie is insufficient Its words are thus In administranda Iustitia saâ—th K. Cnouts k Constit. Forest §. 3. 21. Constitution of those foure lesse Thanes nullatenus volo vt tales se intromittant mediocrésque tales post Ferarum Curam susceptam pro Liberalibus semper habeantur quâ—s Dani Ealdermen appellant Plainly the Ealdorman which was for Shirife and is sometimes called Comes was of much better place and by his place dignitie then a Thane For in Athelstans laws an Ealdormans worth is accounted eight times as much as a Thanes Therefore how can those Officiarie Ealdermen or Shirifes be the same with these Ealdermen here which are beneath Thanes I do as much suspect the text as think that Ealdermen was a generall name for those liberales there spoken of Yet also as Aldermen are now in Cities and Corporations they are l v leg Confessoris edit à Lambardo affirmd to haue been in the Saxon times But I confesse I dare not with certainty affirm hereof any thing vntill I know more But that Alderman was since the Normans extended much further then to those of Corporations or the like appears both in the name giuen to a petit Officer in som Mannors and also if I deceiue not my self in an old Roll of m Placit ap Cicestriam 47. Hen. 3. Rot. 48. 49. Hen. III. where of an Eire held at Chichester the presentments are out of euery Hundred set vnder his Rape and ouer euery Hundred is writen before the Iurors Alder. Iuratorum with a name prefixt then Electores Iuratorum with two names and next the Presentors What Alder. is if not Aldermannus I haue not yet at all vnderstood Touching the Hydes of land there spoken of Diuers are the opinions of the quantity of a Hyde some make it a * v. Roger. de Houeden part 2 fol. 443. post illorum Turbam qui de hac re hundred Acres others and with them our Monks vsually concurre in their Stories the same with a Carue that is a Plough land What the certainty is I could not yet satisfie my self But it s plain that the ancient Taxes and Subsidies extraordinarily paid to the Crown were chiefly leuied by Hydes and are calld Hydagia or Hydagium a word vsd in K. Edreds Charter to the Abbey of Crowland dated DCCCC XLVIII where the print of Ingulphus hath falsly Hydagro for Hydagio By Hydes chiefly the land of the Kingdome was reckond in Domesday and the Aides taken in the infancie of the Norman State here was Hydage Euery one knows so that knows the stories of that time Sunt saith n De Acq. Rex Dom. lib. 2. cap. 16. §. 8. Bracton quaedam communes praestationes quae seruitia non dicuntur nec de consuetudine veniunt nisi cum necessitas interuenerit vel cum Rex venerit sicut sunt Hidagia Coraagia so is the print I would willingly read Foragia seruing well for the Kings prouision as in the Empire anciently Fodrum Caruagia alia plura de necessitate ex consensu communi Totius Regni introducta Here hee makes a difference of Hydagia and Caruagia whence it should follow that Hyde and Carue are different And so will it appeare plainly that they are if you but obserue that transcript of part of Domesday inserted by Ingulph in his storie of Crowland That Caruagium is also Carucagium Eodem tempore saith Matthew Paris speaking of Hen. III. caepit Rex Carucagium scilicet duas marcas de Caruca ad maritagium sororis suae Isabellae She was to be married to Frederique II. who had for hir portion XXX M. Marks But whatsoeuer a Hyde properly was resolue of two things touching it First that it was not alike in all places but as a Yard land at this day very vncertain varying according to custom of Countries as indeed the Acre doth a so Secondly that it was anciently the chief note of extraordinarie Taxation and that land subiect to those speciall Praestationes as Bracton calls them was named Hydata and what was discharged non Hydata For testimonie receiue this out of a very ancient Court book belonging heretofore to the Abbey of Ramsey and now in my hands Inquisitto facta o Temp. Hen. 3. apud Cranfeild die sabbati proximante festum Sancti Valentini Anno Domini Ranulphi Abbatis XIIII super Terram Hydatam non Hydatam tam liberorum quam Villanorum seruicia eorum consuetudines per Robertum filium Katerinae Symon de la Buâ—ne Ricardum ad Ecclesiam c. Dicunt quod nesciunt quot acrae faciunt Virgatam quia aliquando XLVIII acrae faciunt Virgatam aliquando pauciores Quatuor Vâ—â—gatae faciunt Hydam Dominicum non est Hydatum Persona tenet Terram sed nescitur quantam Nihil inde facit Domino Abbati Quia est Eleemosyna non est Hydata Willelmus le Heire tenet dimidiam Virgatam de antiquo feoffamento dat Hydagium cum euenerit nihil aliud facit Ricardus de la Bu ne tenet vnam Virgatam dat Hydagium quantum pertinct ad Virgatam cum euenerit and thus of diuers where lesse parcells then a Hyde pay
bucusque impensis quem pro Nobis tenere poterit in futurum in nostris Consilijs Parliamentis necnon pro nobili fideli genere vnde descendit ac pro suis Magnificis sensu circumspectione ipsum Iohannem in vnum parium ac Baronum Regni nostri Angliae praefecimus volentes quod idem Iohannes haeredes masculi de Corpore suo exeuntes statum Baronis obtineant ac Domini de Beauchamp Barones de Kiderminster nuncupentur In cuius c. T. Rege apud Wodestock 10. Octobris The Law hath been since taken that Baron or not Baron as Duke or Not Duke and so of the other created Titles by Record is triable only by Record and not by the Country Whereas anciently when their Reuenue and possessions gaue the Name or made them Barons it might bee triable by the Countrie Yet in ancient time after Hen. III. the Tenure n 22. Ed. 3. fol. 18. a. 24. Ed. 3. fol. 66. a. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. vbi Baro Parlamentarius per partem solummodo Baroniae tenet consulas Stat. West 2 cap. 46. per Baroniam was in Parlamentarie Barons specially respected and perhaps till the forme of Creation by Patent came in vse none were or few called to Parlament but such as held per Baroniam or as Briton calls it en Baronie which after that of Hen. III. very likely is to bee alwayes taken for Baronia Capitalis and immediat of the King Neither was it likely that he would sommon any but his own the Kings Barons as at this day all the Parlamentarie are When they are at first summond or created their denominating Territorie is alwaies some Lordship or Mannor which sufficiently tasts of their ancient being And those two courses only of making them are at this day in vse which notwithstanding is to be vnderstood of Lay Barons or Lords Temporall For the Lords or Barons Spirituall haue not now this Honor so much personall as feudall and by reason of their Temporalties being Baronies They had not saith Stanford a most learned Iudge of the Common law their names ratione Nobilitatis sed ratione Officij and indeed ratione Baroniarum quas de Rege tenent So that in them Baro Baronia meerly as it was in most ancient time taken concurre as Coniugata which in Lay men before that Constitution of Henry III. had like beeing These Spirituall Lords now are only Bishops Heretofore there were of them both Abbots and Priors but all Bishops were euer Parlamentarie Barons not all Abbots and Priors To some only was that allowd and mongst them the Prior of S. Iohns of Ierusalem was Primus o Camdenus Baro Angliae and Froissart calls him Le grand Priour d'Angle-terre du Temple But in the Rolls somtime are many of them summond which elswhere are as often omitted And in that of XLIX Hen. III. are IXV. Abbots XXXV Priors and the Master of the Temple Of those Ecclesiasticall Fees being Baronies thus Matthew Paris speaking of William I. Episcopatus quoque saith he Abbatias omnes quae Baronias tenebant eatenus ab omni seruitute seculari libertatem habuerant sub seruitute statuit Militari irrotulans singulos Episcopatus Abbatias pro voluntate sua quot milites sibi successoribus suis hostilitatis tempore voluit à sirgulis exhiberi Et Rotulas huius Ecclesiasticae seruitutis ponens in thesauris multos viros Ecclesiasticos huic Constitutioni pessimae reluctantes regno fugauit But in their sommons the Lay Barons are neuer saluted Barons but by the French word Cheualier so exprest in the Writ being in Latin Only in ancient times where the Catalogues of them are in the Rolls two occurre somtimes with the addition of Baro that is Baro de Stafford and Baro de Greistok Neither haue they in their Creation except their Robes any more ceremonie then a Charter giuen expressing some place denominating them Of their Banner more where we speak of Bannerets We vsually stile them Lords as the Dutch their Heeren or Freeheeren But that name with vs is but of curtesie For it includes not of necessitie Baron nor is any distinct Dignitie as appears by a case where the Writ was p Ita n. à Iurisperitiss intelligitur Casus ille 8. Hen. 6. fol. 10. v. Cas. Comitiss Rutland Relat. part 6. Praecipe Iohanni Louell Militi and the exception to it was that Iohn Louell Knight was a Lord Seigniour not named so but disallowed Whereas the law had gone plainly otherwise if it had bin that he was a Baron of Parlament not named so and the party had withal shewd to the Court a Writ signifying the same Yet Seigniour is only vsd for a Baron in our q 22. Ed. 4. cap. 1. D'Apparaile Statuts and the word Dominus is that which the law vses in expressing a Baron when he is either Plaintife or Defendant as Henricus Barkeley Miles Dominus Barkeley and versus Georgium Zouch Dominum Zouch Saintmaure Cantelupe which occurre in Plowden So that the name of Honor giuen to a Baron in legall proceedings is alwaies but Dominus with addition of the denominating place But when the priuiledge of beeing a Baron is challenged or exception for not naming the partie so testimony of Record must be produced that he is Baro Regni and that hee hath vocem locum in Parlamento as the books are Which Difference for the name of Lord is obseruable and to bee vnderstood r 48. Assiss pl. vlt. 48. Ed. 3. fol. 30. b. 35. Hen. 6. fol. 46. a. chiefly of Temporall Barons But also both that of Lord and Baron is at this day by vsuall application of language attributed with vs to some which are neyther by law as especially since the vse of making euerie Earle first a Baron of some place which began as most worthy Clarenceulx teaches about Hen. VIII it hath been a custome to stile their heires apparant Lords and Barons with the title of their Fathers Baronie so of Viscounts their heires apparant But this is only a peece of Courtship and meer fashion Yet allowd in Heraldrie wherein Tiptosts rule he was Earle of Worcester and High Constable of England vnder Hen. VI. is that the eldest sonne of euery one of a created degree is as of the next degree vnder him which may be applied to Dukes Marquisses and the rest But in legall proceedings they enioy no such matter nor haue by their being heirs apparant any prerogatiue of the Greater Nobilitie The same is to bee affirmd of a Dukes sonne and heire whom custom titles by his fathers Earldome as the example was in s 38. Hen. 8. lit Treason 2. Henry calld Earle of Surrey and sonne to the Duke of Norfolk vnder Henry VIII beeing attainted of Treason by a common Iurie and not by Peers or Barons because he was in law as one of the meaner or lesse Nobilitie In Scotland before t
are in like forme brought into their ch 〈…〉 er There they change their habits and put on a red silk robe a white hat with like feathers vpon a linnen cap and white Gloues Then they take horse their horses bearing a Crosse on the forehead Before euery of them their Pages on horseback bear a Sword hatcht with gold in a Belt and on it gilt spurres hanging The two Esquires riding on each side Before them Trumpets In this solemnitie they go to Court where by two ancient Knights euery of them is led to the King The Page deliuers the Sword and Belt and the Spurres to the Lord Chamberlain he with great reuerence to the King The King girds the Knight with it and commands the two ancient Knights to put on his Spurs and they were wont saith the learned Clarenceulx to kisse the created's knees with an acclamation of best wishes Then they dine all together sitting all on one side of the Table euerie one vnder his Shield They go to Euening Prayer to the Chappell there offer their Swords and with another Oblation redeem them As they come back the Kings chief Cook shewing them his knife warns them that they proue themselues good and faithfull Knights which if they doe not he menaces them to cut off their Spurs On the Coronation day they weare a blew robe and wait girded with their Swords and Spurr'd hauing on their left shoulder a hood and a ribband or such like of white silk Of this ribband thus Segar Charter describing the old fashion He shall be apparelled in a blew Gown with the Manches open in the maner of a Priest and he shal haue at his left shoulder a lace of white silk hanging which he shall wear vppermost on his Garment so long till hee haue gained honor in Armes and bee recorded by some noble Knights Esquires and Heralds of Armes for som memorable deeds done by him or by some Noble Prince or Noble Ladie which may cut away the lace from the knights shoulder saying Sir we haue heard much of your renown and that you haue done in diuers places to the great honor of Chiualrie for your self and him that made you knight Therefore reason would that this lace be taken from you This Order is now speciall and in another Rank before common Knights yet it seems that anciently none were at all knighted but thus if you regard only the chiefest of the ceremonies Remember what we haue before out of Iugulph And for the Vigils see the h Florilegus sub A. 1306. relation of them kept in the Temple at the knighting of Prince Edward of Caernaruan And I remember Nicholas Upton that wrote de re Militari vnder Henrie VI. speaks of that wearing the Riband as belonging generally to Knights Most Knights then were in the more ancient daies as Knights of the Bath for the more ancient ceremonies of creation remain in them only And therefore howeuer the name hold not so vniuersally it s not amisse to make them as Bannerets such as haue or haue had their distinct honor not so much limited to any particular State Those two Bachelors and of the Bath you may comprehend vnder the generall name of Equites Aurati or Caualieri di sprone as Sansouino calls them i. knights of the spur And most of the other Orders which are appropriat to their particular Countries you may with him stile Caualieri di Collana or Equites Torquati i. such as for a speciall ensigne of their honor haue som speciall Chain Collar or such like ornament denoting it I iterat speciall because also others haue the right of wearing Collars giuen them as it seems in that of Iohn Gower a Noble English Poet vnder Richard II. and Hen. IV. buried in the North side of S. Mary Ouerieâ— Church in Southwark with his statue on him his head circled with a Chaplet of red Roses and about his neck a Collar of S S. But they haue them as speciall gifts of priuat fauor and as additaments to their honor not as a note of their Order except only such as are created Esquires by a i Torquium dator dictus Athelstanus Antiquiss cuidam scriptori apud Henric. Huntingdon lib. 6. de Torquibus a Romanorum Impp. datis non est vt quid hic quis expectet Collar of S S. giuen Therefore Sansouino speaking of Knights Bachelors or of the Spur Portano saith he similimente la Collana come i Prencipi come puro dono de chi li crea non come Segno d'ordine alcuno di Caualeria regolata Such kind of gifts are anciently found in the stories of Pharaoh Mordechai and passages of the Maccabees and in the Torques Armillae the like of the Romans And after the battell of Caleis Edward III. wearing a rich Chaplet k Froissart vol. 〈◊〉 on his head made of gold and stones gaue it to a worthy knight Eustace of Ribaumont commanding him to weare it all that yeer as the Kings fauor Mongst Knights di Collana foure are of speciall and of most honor that of the Gartier with vs of the Anunciada in Sauoy of the Golden Fleece in Burgundie and of S. Michael and de Saint Esprit in France Of them and som others briefly That most honorable Order l Periscelidis siue Garterij Ordo of the Gartier was as is truly supposd instituted here by Edward III. soon after his victories against the French at Caleis About M. CCC L. Some and the most part affirme that the King dancing with the Queen or rather the Countesse of Salisburie whom he much affected a Garter fell from her The King took it vp and ware it on his leg and whether vpon the Queens ielousie or his Lords merrie obseruing it told them Hony soit que maly pense And that he would make it the most honorable Garter that euer was worn Others think the Garter was vsd for some symbole before his successefull battell Howsoeuer he made of this an Order of XXVI knights vnder the patronage of S. George and the Garter to be worn on the left leg inscribd by embrodering with those French words The Collar of the Order being of pure gold made of Garters and knots and enameld with Roses white and red weying about XXX ounces Troy weight with the Image of George richly garnished with slones thereat hanging Froissart that hath many particulars of the Kings affection to the Countesse and then liud speaks of no such thing as hir Gartier but in M. CCC XLIV puts the institution de la Confrairie Saint George or de les Cheualiers de bleu lartier as he calls it and makes the number at the first Iousting fortie Which referre to that which we haue anon out of Walsingham touching the Round Table vnder the same yeer and more light will bee giuen to both autors in those passages But in the book of the m Camd. in A. trâ—batijs videsis Leland ad Cygn Cantâ—onem institution of this
Eustathius Scholiastes Eustathius Antecessor 336 Eusebius apud eum Philo Bybliensis 11. 161. 183 atque illud Eusebij Chronicon a Diuino illo literatoruÌ„ Principe Ios. Scaligero publici iuris factum Expeditio Asiatica Frederici primi FEstus 34. 139. 204. Feudorum CoÌ„stitutiones 212. 289. 295. in praefatione Flodoardus Florus 139. 234. Florilegus siue Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis 216. Formulae Vett à H. Bignono editae 222. 252. Fragment of holy Oile giuen to Thomas Becket CXXXIIII Frodoardus Froissart 89. 283. Franciscus Hotomanus Franciscus Raphaleng siue Lexici Arabici autor Franciscus Swertius Franciscus Mennenius Francesco Sansouino Fructus Temporum siue Caxtoui Chronicon CCC XXXVII Fulbertus Carnotensis Fulcherius Carnotensis 187 GAlfredus Monumetensis 349. Georgius Acropolites seu Logotheta 24. 45. 377. Georgius Buchananus Georgius Codinus vulgò Curopalata 121. 122. 172. Georgius Cedrenus 13. 91. 152. Georgius Phranzes 156. Geruasius Tilhuriensis with the common opinion I took that Dialogus de Negotijs Scaccarij known by the name of the Black Book to be writen by this Geruase But by the preface of Alexander Archdeacon of Shrewsburie to the Red Booke it seems it was rather done by Richard Bishop of London his name beeing Richard de Beaumes vnder Henrie I. The words of that Alexander are these Cum neque Nigellus quondam Elienfis Episcopus Regis Henrici I. The saurarius vir quidem in Scientia Scaccarij pleniùs instructus nec eiusdem successor Officij Richardus Londoniensis Episcopus licet in sui libelli tractatu superiùs multa De Negotijs Scaccarij digereret c. I confesse it was first obserud to me by Mr. Agard a man known to bee most painful industrious and sufficient in things of this nature CCXXXII CCXXXIII CCLV. CCCXXII Gildas 132. Glossaria Vett edita a Stephano Vulcanio Glossae Iuris Graecè editae Glossarium Graecobarbarum I. Meursij Goffridê° Vindocinensis marg 201. Gratianus Monachus 253. Gregorius Turonensis 189. 243. 244. 264. Guilielmus de Badensel 317 Guilielmus Brito 131. Guilielmus Camdenus Guilielmus Gemiticensis Guilielmus Malmesburiensis 35. 188. 201. 212. 214. 224. 228. 233. 247. 248 314. Guilielmê° de Rubruquis 91 Guilielmus Rishanger 216. Guilielmus Segar Guilielmus Tyrius 381. Guido Pancirollus Guntherus 131. HAdrianus Iunius Haithon Armenius 89. 102. 110. Hakluit Haly Aben Rodoan 74. Harmenopulus vide p. 64. Hector Boetius an old Charter in him 303. Helmoldus Presbyter 200. 212. Henricus Huntindoniensis Henricus Stero 192. Henricus de Bracton 263 270 281 334. Herodotus 33 73 74 109 337. Herodian 10. Hermes Trismegistus Hesiodus 16. Hesychius Grammaticus 9 10. 382. Hibernorum Statuta 58. Hieronymus 8. 41. Hieronymus Bignonius Hieronymus Megiserus siue autor Dictionarij Turcico-Latini Hippocrates 32. 33. Hirtius siue Oppius 259. Homerus 14. 15. 66. 154. 157. 311. Horatius 64. 117. 164. 325. Hubertus Goltzius Hugh Broughton Hugo Grotius Hugo de Cleerijs IAcobus Cuiacius Iacobus de Vitriaco 99. Ianus Douza Inscript Vett 11. 77. 79. 227. Ingulphus 200. 224. 270. 301. 314. 327. Ioannes Auentinus Ioannes Buxtorfius Ioannes Bodinus Iehanle Breton 263. Ioannes Caius Ioannes Camaterus LXXXI LXXXIII Iohn Cartwright i. The Preachers Trauells Ioannes Drusius Iohn Dauies knight Attorney generall of Ireland Ioan. Euchaitensis 82. 364 Ioannes Faber Iohn Gower 277. Ioannes Goropius Iohn Harding autor of the English storie in vers 365 Ioannes Lelandus Iohn Lidgat 124. 211. CCCXXXIII 341. Ioannes Mariana Io. de Plano Carpini Ioannis D. Epistolae in lucem Arabicè editae á Doctiss. G. Bedwello 51. Ioannes Sarisburiensis siue Carnotensis 56. 215. 314. Ioannes Skenaeus Iohn Stow. Ioannes Tzetzes 90. Ionathan Ben Vziel 165. Iosephus 73. 109. in margine 141. 142. Iosephus Scaliger Isacius Tzetzes Isaacus Casaubonus Isidorus Hispalensis 259. Isidorus Pelusiota Iulius Caesar. Iulianus Apostata 311. Iulius Firmicus 185. Iustinus siue Trogus 56. 149. Iustus Lipsius Iuuenalis 155. 329. in praefatione LActantius 12. in marg Lambertus Schaffnaburgensis 313. Lampridius 291. 299. Landulphus Sagax 90. Leunclauius Leges Alemannorum 186. 204. Anglo-Saxonum 61. 124. 204. 224. 225. 255 334. Boiorum 186. Burgundiae 262. Canuti 177. 267. 268. 269. 273. Caroli Magni RipuarioruÌ„ 186. Salicae 261. vide part 2. cap. 1. Scotorum 204. 264. 286. 302. Visigothorum Those of our Nation in present force and the like I omit Leo Africanus III. Marg. Leo Philos. Imperator 291. Liuius 324. Linschoten Liger Book of S. Leonards in Yorkshire XXXI Literae Gallicè conscriptae ab Edwardo III. ad PhilippuÌ„ Valesium XXX Lodouicus Vartomannus Lodouicus Viues Lucas de Penna Luys de Vretta Luitprandus Ticinensis 37. 351. Lycophron 76. 330. MAcrobius Mahumed Ben-Dauid 51. 111. Manilius 14. Marcianus Capella 140. Marcianus Heracleotes Marcellus Corcyrensis Marculphus Marquardus Freherus Marinus Sanudus Torsello 99. Martialis 33. 166. Martinus à Baumgarten Martinus Polonus Martinus Cromerus Martiinus Crusius si vis magis eius Turcograecia 98. 222. 267. Matthaeus Paris 89. 94. 102. 201. 216. 278 283. 301. 315. 319. 330. 331. 345. Matthaeus à Michow 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Mercurius Gallobelgicus Michael Glycas Modus tenendi Parlamenti CCLXXIIII Monachus Engolismensis Vit. C. M. 91. 190. Moses Mikotzi 329. Moses Aegyptius Idem nonnunquam Rambam i. Rabbi Moses Ben Maimon Maimonides appellatur apud Scriptores 50 51. NE 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iustiniani 21. 309. 351. Nicephorus Callistus 93. Nicephorus Gregoras 193. 212. Nicetas Choniates 83. Nithardus Angilbertus 177 Nonius Marcellus 34. Notitia Viriusque Prouinciae OLaus Magnus Onkelos Onuphrius Panuuinus Orpheus potius Onomacritus 42. 140. Ordo Coronationis Reg. Angliae CXXIV Ordonnances du France Ordo Romanus Otho Frisingensis 29. 191 233. Otto de S. Blasio 28. 191. Ouidius 121. PAnegyristae Vett 37. Papinius siue Statius 47. 166. 326. Pausanias 332. Paulus Oderbornus Paulus Aemylius Paulus Merula Paulus Warnfredus qui item Diaconus Aquilegiensis dicitur 307. Petrus de Alliaco 166. Petrus Faber Petrus Kirstenius Petrus Mar tyr Legationis Babylonic autor Petrus Pithoeus Petrus Rebuffus Peter Victor auteur de l'historie Septenaire Petrus de Vineis 193. 290 Philippus Lonicerus Philoxenus 261. Photius 129. 385. Pindarus 71. Plato 108. Plautus 53. 340. Plinius Caecilius 119. Plinius secundus Philosophus 10. 34. 40. 136. 324 Plutarchus 33. Polybius 33. 138. 141. Poliaenus 145. Pragmatica Philippi Hispaniarum Regis de Anno 1586. Procopius 91. 307. Prouinciale Romanum 80. 130. 131. Prudentius 161. Psalmes M S. in English verse very ancient LX. CCLXVII Ptolemaeus Polydorus Vergilius QVintilianus RAdeuicus vide marg 81. 335. Raimundus d'Agiles 379 Ranulphus de Glanuilla 276. Ranulphus Higden siue Monachus ille Cestrensis autor Polychronici 188. Raphael Hollinshed Registrum Breuium Richardus Uitus Basingstochius Richardus Uerstegan Richardus de Baumes or Bishop of London the true autor of the Black Booke See before in Geruas Tilburiensi Rigordus 99. 246. Rober. Glocestrensis XXXVIII CXXXIII CCXXIX CCXXX Robertus Monachus 96