they endeavour to prove That the Church in such a condition may provide for it selfe That the power of calling a Synod in case the Prince be an enemy to the truth or negligent in promoting the Churches good is in the Church it selfe And that the State of the Church of Scotland at that time was necessitated to such a course which they endeavour to prove by reciting all their particular grievances and by answering all arguments of the contrary side for the Right of Princes howsoever affected to Religion as appeares at large in their Tractate concerning the necessity of Synods The Marquesse returned into Scotland before the appointed day and brought Articles from the King to which the Covenanters if they would have either Parliament or Synod were required to consent But they utterly rejected those Articles as too invalid for their purpose of setling things so that the Marquesse fearing least the Covenanters weary of delayes would call a Synod without staying the Kings consent earnestly perswaded them to forbeare it onely till his next returne from Court whither he would presently go to perswade the King Which request of his with much a do was granted by them and the day for his returne appointed the 22 of September by which time unlesse the Marquesse returned it was free for the Covenanters to provide for their owne affaires But the Marquesse with singular diligence prevented his day and published the Kings Proclamation of which the chiefe heads were First The King did abrogate all Decrees of Councell for the Booke of Canons and Common-Prayer and abrogate the High Commission Secondly That none should be pressed to the five Articles of Perth Thirdly That Bishops should be subject to the censure of a Synod Fourthly That no Oath should be given at Ordination of Pastors but by Law of Parliament Fifthly that the lesser Confession of 1580. should be subscribed to by all the Kingdome Sixtly That the King called a Nationall Synod to begin at Glasco the 21 of November 1638. and a Parliament at Edenburgh the 15. of May 1639. Lastly for peace sake he would forget all their offences past The Covenanters at the first hearing of this peacefull Message were much joyed but looking neerely into the words they found as they affirme That their precedent actions were tacitly condemned and the just freedome of a Nationall Synod taken away Therefore loath to be deceived they frame a Protestation not as they alledged mis-doubting the candor of the King but not trusting those in favour with him by whose destructive Councell they supposed it was that the King had not shewed this clemency at first The chiefe heads of their Protestation were these First after humble thanks to God and the King they conceived this grant no sufficient remedy for their sores For His Majesty calls that a panick feare in them which was upon no imaginary but just grounds as a reall mutation both of Religion and Lawes by obtrusion of those Bookes directly popish Secondly whereas the King in his former Mandates so highly extolled those Bookes as most religious and fit for the Church they could not be satisfied with a bare remission of the exercise of them unlesse he would utterly abrogate and condemne them or else itching Innovators would not be wanting hereafter to raise new troubles to the Church about them Thirdly the just liberty of Nationall Synods is diminished and Episcopacy set up they being allowed as Bishops though not deputed by the Churches to give their voices in a Synod Fourthly the subscribing againe of that old Covenant could not be admitted for many reasons there at large expressed of which some are That it would frustrate their late Covenant and make it narrower then before and not able to suit to the redresse of present grievances and be a needlesse multiplying of Oathes and taking the Name of God in vaine with many other objections which cannot be fully here inserted That Covenant notwithstanding was solemnly taken at Edenburgh by the Marquesse of HAMILTON the Kings Commissioner and all the Privy Councell The Marquesse then gave Order for the Synod fearing least the Covenanters if he delayed to call it would do it themselves and on the 16. of November came to Glasco in great state Where after many meetings for preparation to the businesse on the 21 of the same Moneth according to the Kings Edict the Nationall Synod began But within seven daies that Synod was dissolved by the Marquesse HAMILTON in the Kings Name and they commanded to sit no more The Marquesse alleadging for reason of it that they had broken the Lawes of a free Synod in many proceedings not onely in those few daies of their sitting but before it began in their manner of Elections with other such like matters But they protested against that dissolution and continued the Synod when the Marquesse was gone What were the Acts of that Synod what proceedings it had and what impediments it met withall you may reade in two large descriptions the one published by the King the other by the Synod how the Bishops protested against the Synod how the Synod answered their Protestation how the Synod wrote to the King how they proceeded against the Bishops deposing them all from their Dignities how of all fourteene Bishops eight were excommunicated foure excluded from all Ministeriall Function and two onely allowed to oâ—â—icâ—ate as Pastours how the five Articles of Perth the Booke of Lyturgy the Booke of Canons and Ordination were all condemned the High Commission taken away and whatsoever else had crept into the Church since the yeare 1580. when that Nationall Covenant was first established The Scots Covenanters when themselves broke up the Synod wrote a Letter of thanks to the King and immediately after published a Declaration dated the fourth of February 1638. from Edenburgh and directed To all the sincere and good Christians in England to vindicate their actions and intentions from those aspersions which enemies might throw upon them That Declaration was welcome to the people of England in generall and especially to those who stood best affected to Religion and the Lawes and Liberties of their Country But by the Kings Authority it was suppressed as all other papers that might be sent from the Scots and a Proclamation soone after bearing date the 27. of February 1638. was published by the King and commanded to be read in all Churches of England the Title of it was A Proclamation and Declaration to informe our loving Subjects of England concerning the seditious Actions of some in Scotland who under false pretence of Religion endeavour the utter subversion of our Royall Authority The Declaration was â—illed with sharpe invectives and execrations against the Scottish Covenanters but the truth is it wrought little upon the hearts of the English People who conceived a good opinion of the Scots and were more confirmed in it because the King had carried the whole businesse so closely from the English Nation as not onely not
to declare unto them in a Parliament which former Princes used to call upon lesse occasions but not revealing the proceedings of it to the Body of his Privy Councell acquainting onely some of them whom he thought fittest for his purpose as the King himselfe expresseth in two places of his owne Booke intituled A large Declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland pag. 76. and page 126. in fine the Scots are declared Rebels and the King in Person with an English Army richly furnished is going to chastise them CHAP. V. The aversenesse of the English people from this Warre with Scotland The King advanceth to Yorke with his Army The preparation of the Scottish Covenanters A pacification is made and both Armies disbanded Another preparation for Warre with Scotland A Parliament called to begin in England on the 13. of April The Parliament of Scotland is broken off by command of the King to the Earle of Traquare NEver were the people of England so averse from any Warre as neither hating the Enemy against whom nor approving the cause for which they were engaged Their owne great sufferings made them easily believe that the Scots were innocent and wronged by the same hand by which themselves had beene oppressed and for the cause it was such wherein they could not desire a Victory supposing that the same Sword which subdued the Scots must destroy their owne Liberties and that the contrivers of this Warre were equall Enemies to both Nations Nor was this onely the thought of wisest Gentlemen but the common people in generall were sensible of the mutuall interest of both Kingdomes Those Courtiers who were in all things wholly complyant to the Kings will did also dislike this Warre with Scotland though not for the same reason which the forenamed did as not considering the cause or quarell but the disadvantage of the Warre it selfe Those disadvantages they used to vent in contemptuous expressions of the poverty of Scotland That nothing could be gotten from such wretched Enemies That the King were happy if with his Honour he might suffer it to be rid of that Kingdome and would be a great gainer by the losse of it The younger Courtiers were usually heard to wish Scotland under water or that the old Wall of SEVERUS the Emperour were now re-edified Those Courtiers that were of a graver discourse did likewise seeme to feare the consequence of this bâ—sinesse and I remember would daily mention the Story of CHARLES Duke of Burgundy his pressing of a Warre upon the Swissers and what PHILIP DE COMMINES relates about the Battell of Granson that the Duke lost to the value of three millions of Crownes all which he fondly ventured against so wretched a people that it is there expressed if all the Swissers had been taken Prisoners they would not be able to pay a Ransom to the value of the Spurres and Bridle-bits in his Campe And very frequent in their mouthes was that Verse Curandum in primis ne magna injuria fiat Fortibus miseris Juvenal Take heed of offering too great injuries To people stout and poore But the people of England though they abhorred the very thought of that unnaturall Warre yet glad they seemed to be that such an occasion happened which might in reason necessitate the King to call an English Parliament and so by accident redresse the many grievances of England Which might also prevent the feare of such Warres for the future and bring a just punishment upon those who were sound to be the Authors or assistors of this present disturbance But the King though resolved to pursue his designe of Warre rather then take the advice of a Parliament was content to want the aid of it and to seeke supplies of a lower condition Great sums of money he borrowed from the chiefe Nobility and required proportionable Loanes from all the Judges and Officers but specially the Clergy of all ranks were liberall in contribution to this War which was then called by many men Bellum Episcopale All Courtiâ—â—s as well extraordinary as ordinary were summoned to attend the King in Person with Horse and Armes in a proportion suitable to their rankes By whom and such voluntiers of the Gentry as came in to gaine His Majesties favour with old Souldiers that imbraced it as their profession a gallant Army was made up Yorke was appointed for the Rendezvouze and the Earle of ARUNDELL Commander in chiefe The King as it was well knowne had beene advertised by many and especially by the prosecuted Bishops who were fled out of Scotland that the Scottish Covenanters were in no sort able to resist him That scarce any English Army at all would be needfull to fight but onely to appeare and His Majesty would finde a party great enough in Scotland to do the worke And indeed much might have been done in that kinde if the Lords of the Covenant had not used a most dexterous and timely prevention which is as necesssry in a defensive as an offensive Warre For besides the feared incursion of the English upon their Borders and what invasion the Deputy of Ireland on the Westerne Coast might make together with the Earle of ANTRIM and his Forces from the Hebrides the Marquesse HUNTLEY in the North and Marquesse DUGLAS towards the Southerne parts with the Earle of HETH were to be feared and the Towne of Aberden to be secured before it could fortifie to receive the Kings Fleet. All which with timely care was undertaken and provided against by severall Lords as ARGILE for the West MONTROSSE for the North Colonell MONROE for the South The most considerable Forts in that Kingdome were taken in at the beginning without any blood or resistance and furnished by them with Ammunition as Edenburgh and Dun-Britain and the Haven of Leeth to secure Edenburgh suddenly fortified All Neuters or suspected persons they disarmed without tumult The Castle of Dalketh they scaled and tooke with all the warlike provision which had been brought into it by Marquesse HAMILTON the yeare before In that Castle they found the Kings Crowne Scepter and Sword which in great state and solemnity were carried from thence by the greatest Noblemen and layed up in Edenburgh Castle The Covenanting Lords at the same time published a long Remonstrance in answer to the Kings Proclamation against them the 27. of February and to satisfie the people of England concerning their proceedings and intents The Marquesse HAMILTON arrived at Forth with a Fleet in May and sent Letters to the Governour of Edenburgh to obey the Kings Commands and especially to publish in Edenburgh that Proclamation which had been by the King proclaimed at Yorke upon the 25â— of Aprill wherein among other things the Rents and Debts due to Covenanters from Tenants and others are forbidden to be paid to them The Governour desired the Marquesse to expect an answer till the Parliament sate which was to begin within few daies who returned answer to the Marquesse That they could not
of Linsey E. of Cumberland E. of Huntington E. of Bath E. of Southampton E of Dorset E. of Salisbury E. of Northampton E. of Devonshire E. of Bristol E. of Westmerland E of Barkeshire E. of Monmouth E. of Rivers E. of Newcastle E. of Dover E. of Carnarvan E. of Newport L. MOWBRAY and MATREVERS L. WILLOUGHBY of Eresby L. RICH L. CHARLES HOWARD of Charleton L. NEWARK L. PAGET L. CHANDOYS L. FALCONBRIDGE L. PAULET L. LOVELACE L. COVENTRY L. SAVILE L. MOHUN L. DUNSMORE L. SEYMOUR L. GREY of Ruthen L. FAWLKLAND the Controller Secretary NICHOLAS Sir JOHN CULPEPER Lord Chief Justice BANKS The King immediately wrote a Letter to the Lord Maior of London the Aldermen and Sheriffs forbidding by expresse Command any Contribution of Money or Plate toward the raising of any Arms whatsover for the Parliament and that they should lend no Money unlesse toward the relief of Ireland or payment of the Scots He published then a Declaration to all his Subjects inveighing bitterly against the Parliament for laying a false and scandalous imputation upon him of raising War against the Parliament or levying Forces to that end in which he invites all his loving Subjects to prevent his own danger and the danger of the Kingdom from a malignant party taking up the Parliaments language to contribute Money or Plate to him and they shall be repayed with consideration of eight in the hundred And immediately upon it made a Profession before those forementioned Lords and Councellours about him calling God to witnesse in it disavowing any preparations or intentions to levie War against the Parliament upon which those forementioned Lords and others then present at York made this Declaration and Profession subscribed under their hands We whose names are under-written in obedience to His Majesties Desire and out of the Duty which we owe to His Majesties Honour and to Truth being here upon the place and witnesses of His Majesties frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of His abhorring all designes of making War upon the Parliament and not seeing any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Designe do professe before God and testifie to all the world that we are fully perswaded that His Majestie hath no such intention but that all his endeavours tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion and the just Priviledges of Parliament the liberty of the Subject the Law Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom The King strengthned with Arms and Ammunition from Holland and more strengthened for as yet he wanted hands to weild those Arms by this Protestation of Lords in his behalf concerning his intention of not making War against the Parliament whereby the people might more easily be drawn to side with him proceeded in his businesse with great policie and indefatigable industry His Pen was quick in giving answer to all Petitions or Declarations which came from the Parliament and with many sharp expostulations in a well-compiled Discourse on the 17 of Iune answered a Petition of the Parliament which Petition was to this effect that he would not disjoyn his Subjects in their duty to himself and Parliament destroying the Essence of that high Court which was presented to him at York by the Lord HOWARD Sir HUGH CHOLMELY and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON And within three weeks both in his own Person and by his Messengers with Speeches Proclamations and Declarations advanced his businesse in a wonderful manner At Newark he made a Speech to the Gentry of Nottinghamshire in a loving and winning way commending their affections toward him which was a great part of perswasion for the future coming from a King himself Another Speech he made at Lincoln to the Gentry of that County full of Protestations concerning his good intentions not onely to them but to the whole Kingdom the Laws and Liberties of it In that short time also by the help of many subtil Lawyers whom he had about him he returned a very long and particular Answer with arguing the case in all points to a Declaration which the Parliament had before made against the Commission of Array expounding that Statute 5 HEN. 4 whereupon that Commission was supposed to be warranted The proofs and arguments on both sides are to be read at large in the Records or in the printed Book of Ordinances and Declarations where a Reader may satisfie his own judgement Within that time also the King sent out a Proclamation against levying Forces without his Command urging Laws and Statutes for it And another long Proclamation to inform the people of the legality of his Commissions of Array and to command obedience to them Another he sent forth against the forcible seizing or removing any Magazine of Ammunition of any County and another forbidding all relieving or succouring of Hull against him Upon which the Parliament declared that those Proclamations without their assent were illegal and forbade all Sheriffs Maiors c. to proclaim them and all Parsons and Curates to or publish them From York the King removed to Beverley from whence he sent a Message to both Houses and a Proclamation concerning his going to Hull to take it in requiring before his journey that it might be delivered up to him But that Message of his came to the House of Peers after they had agreed upon a Petition which was drawn up to move the King to a good accord with his Parliament to prevent a Civil War to be carried to him and presented at Beverley by the Earl of Holland Sir JOHN HOLLAND and Sir PHILIP STAPLETON That very Petition seemed to them so full an answer to the King's Message that both Houses resolved to give no other answer to that Message but the said Petition But immediately after a Declaration was published by both Houses of Parliament for the preservation and safety of the Kingdom and the Town of Hull with assurance of both Houses to satisfie all losse sustained by any service done for the safety of the said Town by reason of overflowing of water upon the grounds there to all persons who should be found faithful in their several services The King continued resoluâ—e in his intention of gaining Hull By what means he attempted it and how those attempts proved to be frustrate is now the subject of a short Discourse The Town of Hull was not more considerable to the Kingdom as a Maritime and strong place then it was now made remarkable to the world in many high and famous circumstances of this Civil War for which cause I shall the more particularly insist upon it Hull was the place which being intrusted with so rich a Magazine of Ammunition did probably allure the King to forsake a Parliament sitting at London and visite the North. Hull was the place where the King in person did first finde his Commands denied and his attempts resisted in an actual way which proved the subject of so many Declarations and Disputations
imprisoned which refused the payment of that Loane Great summes of money were required and raised by privy Scales A Commission for squeezing the Subject by way of Excize Souldiers were billited upon them And a designe laid to inslave the Nation by a force of German Horse with many other things of that nature Those affaires of State which concerned Conâ—ederates abroad had been managed with as much disadvantage and infelicity to them as dishonour to the English Nation and prejudice to the Cause of Religion it selfe Peace was made with Spaine without consent of Parliament by which all hope was utterly lost of re-establishing the Kings neerest kinred in their just Dominion and the Protestant Religion much weakened in Germany What Counsells had then influence upon the Court of England might be the amazement of a wise man to consider and the plaine truth must needs seeme a paradox to posterity as that the Protestant Religion both at home and abroad should suffer much by the Government of two Kings of whom the former in his own person wrote more learnedly in defence of it and the latter in his owne person lived more conformably to the Rules of it then any of their Contemporary Princes in Europe But the Civill Affaires of State were too ill managed to protect or at least to propagate true Religion or else the neglect of Religion was the cause that Civill Affaires were blessed with no more honour and prosperity The right waies of Queen ELIZABETH who advanced both had been long ago forsaken and the deviation grew daily farther and more fatall to the Kingdom Which appeared in a direct contrariety to all particulars of her Reigne Titles of Honour were made more honourable by her in being conferred sparingly and therefore probably upon great desert which afterwards were become of lesse esteem by being not onely too frequently conferred but put to open sale and made too often the purchase of Mechannicks or the reward of vitious persons At the death of that Duke the people were possessed with an unusuall joy which they openly testified by such expressions as indeed were not thought fit nor decent by wise men upon so tragicall and sad an accident which in a christian consideration might move compassion whatsoever the offences of the man were To such people that distick of Seneca might give answer Res est sacra miser noli mea tangere fata Sacrilegae Bustis abstinuere manus Sacred is woe touch not my death with scorne Even sacrilegious hands have Tombs forborne And it may be that God was offended at the excesse of their joy in that he quickly let them see the benefit was not so great to them as they expected by it but his judgements are too high for men to search True it is that the people in generall loving the Kings Person and very unwilling to harbour the least opinion of ill in him looked upon the Duke as the onely hinderance of the Kingdomes happinesse supposing that though other Statesmen might afterwards arise of as bad or worse intentions then the Duke yet none would have so great a power for execution of them nor any other Genius be ever found to have so great a mastery over the Kings Genius But it is certaine that men did much therefore rejoyce at the death of this Duke because they did before much feare what mischiefe might befall a Kingdome where that man who knew himselfe extreamly hated by the people had all the keyes of the Kingdome in his hand as being Lord Admirall and Warden of the Cinque-Ports having the command of all the Souldiers and the onely power to reward and raise them These joyes and hopes of men lasted not long for in the same yeer being the fourth of King CHARLES and after the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM another Parliament was dissolved and then the Priviledges of that high Court more broken then ever before Six Members of the House of Commons who had been forward in vindicating the Priviledges of Parliament were committed close Prisoners for many moneths together without the liberty of using books pen inke and paper while they were detained in this condition and not admitted Bayle according to Law They were also vexed with informations in inferiour Courts where they were sentenced and fined for matters done in Parliament and the payment of such Fines extorted from them Some were enforced to put in security of good behaviour before they could be released The rest who refused to be bound were detained divers yeares after in custody of whom one Sir JOHN ELLIOT a Gentleman of able parts that had been forwardest in expression of himselfe for the freedome of his Country and taxing the unjust actions of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM while that Duke lived though the truth be that the 〈◊〉 of his were no other then what carried 〈◊〉 consent in them dyed by the harshnesse of his imprisonment which would admit of no relaxation though for healths sake he petitioned for it often and his Physitian gave in testimony to the same purpose The freedome that Sir JOHN Eâ—â—OT used in Parliament was by the people in generall applauded though much taxed by the Courtiers and censur'd by some of a more politike reserve considering the times in that kind that TACITUS censures THRASEAS POETUS as thinking such freedom a needlesse and therefore a foolish thing where no cure could be hoped by it Sibi periculum nec aliis libertatem After the breaking off this Parliament as the Historian speaketh of Roman liberty after the battell of PHILIPPI nunquam post hoc praelium c. the people of England for many years never looked back to their ancient liberty A Declaration was published by the king wherein aspertions were laid upon some Members but indeed the Court of Parliament it selfe was declared against All which the dejected people were forced to read with patience and allow against the dictate of their own reason The people of England from that time were deprived of the hope of Parliaments and all things so managed by publike Officers as if never such a day of account were to come I shall for methods sake first of all make a short enumeration of some of the chiefe grievances of the Subjects which shall be truly and plainly related as likewise some vices of the Nation in generall that the Reader may the better judge of the causes of succeeding troubles during the space of seven or eight yeares after the dissolution of that Parliament and then give some account concerning the severall dispositions of the people of ENGLAND and their different censures of the Kings government during those years touching by thâ—â—â—â—â—mewhat of 〈◊〉 manners and customs of the 〈◊〉 ENGLAND and then briefly of the condition of Ecclesiasticall affaires and the censures of men concerning that CHAP. II. A briefe Relation of some grievances of the Kingdome The various opinions of men concerning the present Government The condition of the Court and Clergy of England Some
the other side who had oppressed them No commotion at all was raised from the oppressed party though it consisted of the body of the Nation and therefore strong enough to have vindicated themselves would they have risen in illegall tumults The Land was yet quiet and that storme which the people had feared before the death of the Duke of BUCKINGHAM was not in so long a time fallen upon England although the causes in Government which made them feare it had continued at the height ever since They onely wished for a Parliament but durst not hope it unlesse some strange accident not yet discovered by them might necessitate such a cure The Commons therefore But in Scotland it was once quite ruined and by degrees built up againe not without many difficulties not without great reluctancy of the Peeres Gentry and most of the Ministers not without extraordinary interposition of Regall Authority and great art used by two Kings in managing the businesse and raising it to that height in which then it stood as you may reade at large in some late Writers of that Kingdome Neither were the Peeres and Gentry of that Kingdome so impatient of this new yoakeâ— onely out of zeale to preservation of Religion in purity though that no doubt were their greatest reason that Church having been ever much addicted to the Reformation of Geneva And those other Churches as it appeared by their great unwillingnesse to receive those few Ceremonies of the English Church at their Synod of Perth but as loath also to suffer any diminution of their Temporall Liberties which could not be avoided in admittance of Episcopall Jurisdiction and was manifested in that Kingdome by divers examples of rigorous proceedings which some Bishops used against Gentlemen of quality by way of Fines and Imprisonments and the like which particulars are too large to be here inserted in this Narration In the yeare 1637. a Booke of Lyturgy was composed and sent out of England which they complained of because it was not before allowed by their Church in a Nationall Synod as was fit for a businesse of so great import with an expresse command from the King that they should reverently receive it and publikely reade it in their Churches beginning on Easter day and so forward against which time the Privy Councell of Scotland had commanded that every Parish should buy two at the least of them That Service-Booke was the same with the Common-Prayer Booke of England excepting some few alterations of which some as they observed were alterations for the better but others for the worse For the better they esteemed that so many Chapters of the Apocrypha were not appointed to be read as in the English Prayer Booke and where the English retained the old vulgar Latine Translation especially in the Psalmes that Booke followed the last Translation commonly called that of King JAMES Those alterations for the worse were divers observed by the Scots especially in the Lords Supper of which some were these The expresse command for situation of the Altar so called to the Easterne Wall together with many postures of the Minister whilest he officiated expressed in their exceptions but especially this that in the consecrating prayer those words which in the English Common-Prayer Booke are directly against Transubstantiation were quite left out in that Booke and instead of them such other words as in plaine sense agreed with the Roman Masse Booke As for example Heare us O most mercifull Father and of thy Omnipotent goodnesse grant so to blesse and sanctifie by thy Word and Spirit these creatures of bread and wine that they may be to us the body and blood of thy beloved Sonne Many other alterations the Scots have observed and expressed in their writings and in one word affirmed that wheresoever that Booke varies from the English Lyturgy it approaches directly to the Roman Missall and offered to prove that all the materiall parts of the Masse Booke are seminally there It was thought by many that if the Booke without any alteration at all had been sent into Scotland though the Scots perhaps would not have received it they would not have taken it in so evill part And it might have been construed onely as a brotherly invitation to the same service which England used But what the reasons were of those alterations I finde no where expressed but onely where the King in his Declaration concerning that businesse is pleased to say thus WE supposing that they might have taken some offence if we should have tendred them the English Service-Booke totidem verbis and that some factious spirits would have endeavoured to have misconstrued it as a badge of dependance of that Church upon this of England which we had put upon them to the prejudice of their Lawes and Liberties We held it fitter that a new Booke should be composed by their owne Bishops in substance not differing from this of England that so the Roman Party might not upbraid us with any weighty or materiall differences in our Lyturgyes and yet in some few insensible alterations differing from it that it might truly and justly be reputed a Booke of that Churches owne composing and established by Our Royall Authority as King of SCOTLAND These were the Kings expressions which as it seemed were not satisfactory to the Scots in that point For they were as is before specified not well affected to their owne Bishops whose power and jurisdiction over them was rather enforced then consented to Neither did they suppose that a conformity in Church-Worship had it been such as their consciences could well have imbraced had beene any badge of their dependancy upon England as being a people not conquered but united in an equall freedome under the same King Besides they could not relish it well that the Archbishop of Canterbury and other English Bishops who in many points of Ceremony and Worship which they accounted things tolerable did make as neere approaches to the Church of Rome as possibly they could for no other reason as they professe in their writings then that they laboured to bring union into the Christian Church if it were possible should now invite the Church of Scotland whom they accounted more puritanicall then themselves to union by a quite contrary way as in stead of framing their Service neerer to the Scottish profession and Discipline to urge them to a Lyturgy more popish then their owne So that it seemed for unity they were content to meet Rome rather then Scotland To returne to the Narration The Service-Booke according to the Kings command was offered to the Church of Scotland and the Councell there and published by Proclamation a day for the reading of it in all Churches appointed which was the Easter day following 1637. But then upon some considerations and further triall of mens minds as the King declares the first reading of it was put off untill the 23. of Iuly next ensuing to the end that the Lords of the Session