converted the Prison into a Tavern where they were only restrain'd in name and show but in truth injoyed there their Feasts and Baths and all the volupruous conveniencies that could be desired These Collections for their suffering Brethren were made every b Just M. apolog 2. p. 97. Cypr. de oper eleemos p. 180. vid. Ep. 26 p. 32. Lords day besides an extraordinary Monthly gathering as I am apt to understand c Apolog. c. 39. Tertullian and deposited in the hand of the Priest who was the common Father of the Orphans and Guardian of the Widows and Almoner of the Poor d Cypr. Ep. 5. p. 12. Const Apost l. 5. c. 1. but above all the Treasurer of those that were in durance And by this means the Candidates of Immortality were plentifully provided for with all sort of necessaries and this found materials for their Agapae which it is more than probable were as at other times and places preceded by the Eucharist which the Christians of those early days often received and was questionless long'd for as a Viaticum for Eternity by those holy Men. * Aug. op brevic collat cum Donatist die 3. c. 5.11 And there also was Baptism frequently Administred VII These compassionate Offices were many times perform'd by the Prelates of the Church who personally discharg'd the duty Vid. Cypr. Ep. 37. p. 43. So Onesimus and other neighbor Bishops waited on St. Ignatius at Smyrna from Ephesus and the adjacent Cities sometimes the Presbyters but f Id. Ep. 11. p. 20. the Deacons of the Church were particularly employed in these Messages to attend the Martyrs to know and relieve their wants that no Specimen of care and compassion might be omitted And when the rage of the persecution made it dangerous for the Church-Officers to appear publickly then the g Liban orat de vinctis p. 56. Deaconesses did those charitable Offices And for those that were hindred from paying them their personal attendances they not only passionately became suiters to the Martyrs for their prayers when they came to Heaven as h Cypr. Ep. 16. p. 25. deLaud Martyr p. 253. believing that God would deny them nothing but gave them the noblest assistances of their prayers for them i Id. Ep. 16. p. 24. Vide Cypr. Epp. ad Confess Mart. Tertull. Exhort ad Martyr Orig. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. both night and day in their publick and private devotion and withal sent them rational and Christian Exhortations to chear their minds and raise their courage in which with the most a Tert. exhort ad Mart. init Cypr. de Laud. Mart. p. 252. c. profound humility they express their sentiments as if they were not worthy to make their Addresses to men so beloved of God VIII And as the Church paid them constant Visits so it allowed them the honour and priviledge of reconciling penitents and admitted the Lapsi to the participation of the holy Ordinances without that solemn and strict penance that else was required on their Testimony and recommendation for there was an honourable estimate set on all their writings in as much as b Catal. v. Pamphil. S. Hierom seems ravish'd with an uncommon joy when he met with the works of the Martyr Pamphilus because one Epistle from so sublime a Saint was preferrable to a Treasure the form of these Libels are to be seen in c Ep. 17. p. 26. S. Cyprian and it is also well known what a dispute arose in this very case between that excellent Prelate and Lucian and some other pragmatical Confessors Nor was the custom begun in the days of that African Father but was as old as d Exhort ad Mart. init de pudicit c. 22. Tertullian and e Epist Eccles Vien Lugd. apud Euseb lib. 5. c. 2. Irenaeus the former of which Fathers sarcastically abuses the Church for this Indulgence IX There was also a select order of men deputed to attend and record the acts of their passion their Speeches and demeanor with all exactness and fidelity Notaries who purchas'd from the Secretary of the Proconsul or some other Officer a Copy of what passages commenc'd privately but with an incredible agility and nimbleness writ down the account of the publick Transactions it is probably believed that S. Clemens was the first that begun this custom and for that end divided the City of Rome into seven Regions though in the Civil Notitia it contained twice as many and appointed the seven Deacons of that Church who should either themselves be imployed to be Notaries or oversee those who took care to Copy out the last discourses of the dying Confessors which being reviewed by the Bishop of the See were as he thought fit laid up in the publick Archives of his Church which when so collected and allowed were afterward digested into a Book which f De Coron c. 13. Tertullian calls Census Fasti Ecclesiastici and in process of time the Martyrs of other Churches were admitted to a place in that Martyrology every one recorded on the day of his passion g Greg. M. l. 7. Indict 1. Ep. 29. till at last every day of the year had its peculiar Saint X. They were exactly curious in paying them their last respects and the Ceromony of a solemn Funeral It is true that herein their Heathen Adversaries turn'd every stone to prevent these instances of their Love and for the most part adjudged the reputed Criminals to the Fire not so much because that was the highest degree of punishment a Tert. Exhortat ad Mart. p. 167. L. Id. ad Scapul c. 3. pro Deo vivo cremamur quod nec sacrilegi nec hostes publici nec tot majestatis rei pati solent summa ignium poena nor yet because they look'd on the holy men of that Age to be b Baron Not. ad Martyrolog Febr. 27. p. 156. Magicians and by an Assistant Daemon to perform their Miracles and so punisht them c Paul lib. 5. sentent rit 23. accordingly but as I am inclin'd to believe because the Christians should not collect their Ashes in order to a decent Burial and to prevent what they saw was their constant practice their caressing those remains of their sacred Predecessors with that veneration and respect which they constantly paid their Reliques Thus d Martyr Polycarp p. 27. apud Euseb l. 4. c. 14. they used their utmost endeavours to hinder the interrment of S. Polycarp and what they then only intended they punctually effected in the case of the French Martyrs of Lyons and Vien e Epist Eccles Lugd. apud Euseb lib. 5. c. 1. Aug. de cura pro mort cap. 8. vide Lactantii Instit lib. 5. c. 11. Sozom. lib. 5. c. 8. de Martyrio S.S. Eusebii c. Gazae those imbitter'd Adversaries of theirs not being content to have expos'd multitudes of
Doctrine by standing to the Challenge of the famous Jewel and the Men of the New Discipline with the same Authority in point of Government and Polity and under her protection will I shelter my self Rectè verè haec in tumulo viri summi Adami à Bodenstein Basileae in coemeterio D. Pauli leguntur being satisfied that I can say that although I have disserv'd some particular Interests Nec omnia nec omnes mihi Placuere quinam ego omnibus Non omnibus Cous senex Non Eremita Spagirus Num tu Viator omnibus Deo placere cura abi Reusner Ep. ded â—nte lib. de probation urinar yet I am not conscious to my self of having baffled my own conscience dishonour'd the Truth or offended my Saviour and if I can please him other Frowns are contemptible THE CONTENTS The Life of Saint Ignatius THe deplorable loss of the antient Histories Apologies and the Acts of the Martyrs Whether Ignatius saw Christ in the Flesh and was that little Child that he took in his Arms and blest 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what He was ordain'd Patriarch of Antioch by Saint Peter Two distinct Coetus of Jews and Gentiles under their distinct Bishops at Antioch Rome Corinth and elsewhere Their coalition at Antioch under Ignatius How long he sate in that See Ignatius not the most antient of Ecclesiastical Writers The genuineness of his Epistles evinc'd The Apostolicalness of Episcopal Government and novelty of any other Church-Polity The Excellent and Primitive Government of the Church of England Four different Copies of Ignatius's Epistles which of them are dubious which spurious and which genuine That to Polycarp was one of the seven genuine The Stages of his Journey to Rome the reason of his being carried so far out of his way What the Heresie of Apollinaris was An account of the first finding a genuine Copy of these Epistles first in England then at Florence Mistakes in Quotations not unusual in the antient Writings 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 what and who usually carried the Bishops Letters to foreign Churches The three Latine Epistles His Style and Actons very conformable to Saint Pauls Ignatius first instituted the Antiphonal Hymns at Antioch Liturgies in his time and of Apostolical Institution An account of the most remarkable Passages in his Epistles his Zeal for Martyrdome severity against Schism and Heresie and importunate pressing submission to Bishops His leisure of writing purchast from his Guards The reasons why he was Martyred not at Antioch but Rome The time of his Journey his Preparative Torments and Death Gods Vengeance on the City of Antioch His greater Bones collected and buried The Church instituted Festivals to their Martyrs Memories honoured their Reliques and God wrought Miracles by them but their adoration was still disallowed Other famous Men of the Name Saint Chrysostom's Panegyrick The Life of Saint Justin His Original He was a Samaritan by Birth not by Religion An Apostolical Person The manner of his conversion His Apology writ to Antoninus Pius An account of his Writings The Age of the Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite The Quaestiones ad Orthodoxos are Saint Justin's but interpolated The Doctrine of the immaculate conception of Reliques and Vows That Baptism is necessary to Salvation The ancient use of Chrism A dissertation concerning the use of the Cross in all holy and secular Offices Where by whom and how the Sermons of the Anâ—â—ents were managed The Chiliast-Opinion the salvability of the Heathens and the Doctrine of Free-Will considered Saint Justin's Errors in Chronology His Martyrdom The Life of Saint Irenaeus His Mission by the Churches of Lyon and Vien to Pope Eleutherius and the Asian Churches Marcus the Disciple of Valentinus a notorious Heretick Most of the antient Hereticks and persecuting Emperors accused of too much familiarity with the Prince of Darkness The Female Sex most easily imposed on by those Impostures The Devils Policy in assaulting the Church Irenaeus his adjuration of the Transcriber of his works The Greek Copy of his works not to be found The Villany of Fathering Books on a wrong Author Heresies have appeared in the World according to the methods of the Creed The necessity of Episcopal Succession Irenaeus held not two natures in Christ His other Errors apologiz'd for and vindicated That the departed Saints are not in the most perfect bliss till the day of Judgment His Character and Martyrdom Life of Saint Clemens of Alexandria The Antiquity of the Catechetick School at Alexandria Clemens his several Tutors his last Pantaenus whom he succeeded in that School The time of his being made a Presbyter of that Church A large Discourse of the extraordinary care and respects of the Ancients toward their Martyrs in visiting them in Prison in Embalming and paying other funeral Honours to their dead Bodies in honouring their Relicks holding their Religious meetings at their Caemeteria and there performing all their Sacred Offices in Celebrating their Birth-dayes and recording their last Actions in building Churches to their memories allowing them an honourable commemoration at the Altar and calling their Children by their Names What Books of his are lost and what others misfather'd on him The Excellent method of his Writings that remain His Apocryphal citations Chemnitius his severe censure of some passages in his Paedagogus The disingenuous dealing of Blondel and others with the Ancients on the account of Episcopacy The agreement of the Jesuites and Presbyterians in that case A description of S. Clemens his Gnostick in his Stromata The Judgment of Pope Gelasius invalidated in condemning the Writings of Clemens with Hermas's Pastor and S. Barnabas his Catholick Epistle His errors considered His worth and Death The life of Tertullian Tertullian's birth and Education The time of writing his Book De pallio That he turn'd Montanist sooner than is asserted after which the Books de Corona c. were writ That the Rites mentioned in that Book were Catholick usages not observances of the Montanists That Ambition sowered most of the Antient Hereticks but Tertullian's ungovern'd zeal sway'd him The Apostolical Church did not admit gross offenders to penance The necessity of single Marriage was the opinion of the Antients their reasons for it The continuance of the Spiriâ— of Prophecy in his time this inclin'd him tâ— believe the Visions of Montanus and let him into many odd Opinions The difference between the Spirit of true Prophecy and pseudo-afflatus of Maximilla c. Hiâ— justly lamented fall His Writings and Style He did not believe Montanus tâ— be the Holy Ghost That Martyrdom expiates Transgression Tertullian no Maâ—tyr The Life of Origen Origens Name and Excellencies Hâ—â— Castration The occasion of his remove 〈◊〉 Caesarea The Emperour Caracalla's spleâ—â—â— against the Alexandrians and the caâ—â—â— of it Origen took not two journeys 〈◊〉 Rome nor was ever a Scholar to Ploâ—â—nus He is too often nâ—gligently confounâ—ed with a junior Origen a Heathen His Allegorical way of interpreting Scripture whence and
we find the same Form admitting a few Alterations which the Church of England uses in that tremendous Sacrament and indeed is the same abating a few Circumstances in the Liturgies of the whole Christian World among the Oriental and Western Christians the Syrians and Aegyptians the Abassines and Armenians the Melchites Jacobites and Nestorians who though in other things they disagree are herein united which makes me imagine their Ceremonies at this Sacrament so uniformly observed could flow from no other Fountain than that of the Apostles according to that Maxime of S. Austin that what is univerfally practised and was never instituted by a General Council must be imputed to the Apostles b Aug. Ep. 59. Paulino resp ad quaest 6. For the Vniversal Church had a set Service which she constantly used at the Celebration of the Sacrament whereof a part was perform'd before the Consecration of the Elements another during the Consecration and Distribution the Solemnity being alwayes concluded with the Lords Prayer the Eucharistical Hymns and the Priests benediction and that it was so from that passage Lift up your hearts to the end of the Communion Service I shall adventure to make appear from the most profound Antiquity XXVI For c Chrysost Tom. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 2 Cor. p. 647. after the Prayers of the Church which we call the first Service were finish'd and the Catechumens Energumeni and Paenitentes were dismist then began another Collect which only the Faithful said being prostrate on the Ground which I suppose was like that General Confession in our Books Almighty God Father of our Lord Jesus Christ c. then they arose and gave the holy kiss each to other after which the Priest being about to handle the tremendous Mysteries prayes over the people and the people pray for the Priest for what else mean those words and with thy spirit and when he returns with his new Invocation the people say it is meet and right so to do 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and then he begins not the Consecration of the Eucharistical Elements but the Angelick Hymn therefore with Angels and Arch-Angels c. and this is excellently agreeable to the Liturgy of that a Liturg. Chrysost Tâ—â— 6. p. 996 997. L. 8. c. 16. eminent Father I will brieflâ— consider the several parts XXVII The Sursum cordais mentioned by the b Author of the Apostolical Constitutions and he would poorly have made good his pretence who-ever put on that Mask had not this Hymn been instituted by those holy men and the Testimony will be very considerable if the Author of those Books be as some men conjecture Clemens of Alexandria We meet with it also as an Hymn of Universal Practice in c De Orat. Dominic p. 160. S. Cyprian in d Catech. mystagog 5. p. 241. S. Cyril of Hierusalem and in e Ep. 57. Ep. 120. c. 19. Ep. 156 de spirit lit c. 11. de bono perseverant c. 13. de vera relig c. 13. c. Vide Dr. Hamm. Letters to Cheynel p. 26 27. S. Austin frequently that we may omit Dionysius the Areopagite because not so ancient as pretended the famous Bishop of Hippo affirming That they were verba ab ipsis Apostolorum temporibus petita words derived to the Church from the days of the Apostles and S. Cyril telling us that they were traditionally derived down to his time and what was Tradition in his days could be little less than Apostolical and it is observable That the Liturgy which that ancient Father so largely and Learnedly explains in his Catechetick Lectures was the Liturgy of S. James which was then in use in his Church of Hierusalem then followed the Hymn therefore with Angels c. the Prayer which the Greek Churches call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and which S. Chrysostom means when he says 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. thou singest and joinest Consort with those blest Spirits and Gregory f Tom. 1. p. 957. Nyssen says they are the words which the Seraphims with six Wings say when they sing the Hymns with the Christian Congregation and was doubtless the g Just M. Apol. 2. p. 97. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Eucharistical Hymn which was sung when the Christians brought Bread and Wine to the Priest which he receiving return'd Praises to God in the name of the Son and the holy Ghost The Form of Consecration of the Elements was says h Tom. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 6. in 2 Timoth. p. 339. S. Chrys of indispensible necessity and what was then retain'd in the Church was the same which Peter and Paul and Christ himself used at the Consecration of the sacred Symbols The Form is at large in i Tom. 4. lib. 4. de sucra cap. 4 5. p. 377. Edit Erasm S. Ambrose after this manner In what Form and in whose words is the Consecration made in the words of the Lord Jesus For in all the other Additionals thanks are given to God Suppliplications made for the people for Kings and all Orders of men this also k Apoleg c. 39. Tertullian mentions and l ubi supr Justin Martyr and S. m Ep. 119. c. 18. Austin call properly the Common Prayer like our Collect for the whole State of Christ's Church militant here on Earth but when he comes to Consecrate the venerable Sacrament then he no longer uses his own words but the words of Christ Which Form of Consecration he thus expresses a Ambr. ibid c. 5. the Priest says Make this Oblation prepared for us a reasonable and acceptable Sacrifice which is the Figure of the Body and Blood of our Master Jesus Christ who the day before he suffered took the Bread in his hands and look'd up to Heaven giving thanks to the Holy Father Almighty Eternal God he blessed it brake it and being so broken gave it to his Apostles and Disciples saying Take and eat ye all of it for this is my Body which shall be broken for many Likewise the day before he suffer'd after Supper he took the Cup and look'd up to heaven giving thanks to the holy Father Almighty eternal God he blessed it and delivered it to his Apostles and Disciples saying Take and drink ye all of it for this is my Blood See all these words are the words of the Evangelist till you come to Take my Body or my Blood Observe every particular he says who the night before he suffered took Bread in his sacred hands c. therefore it is to very great purpose and advantage that thou sayest Amen So S. Ambrose largely and to the parpose XXVIII The Form of administration was the same with ours b Cyrilaibi supra The Body of our Lord Jesus Christ which was given for thee preserve thy Body and Soul unto everlasting Life and to this the people said Amen with a loud Voice After the Celebration of the Mysteries c
haer 46. p. 171. Epiphanius affirm that Justin suffered his Martyrdom under Adrian whereas it is on all hands conceded that he dyed for the Testimony of Jesus under M. Aurelius Antoninus Philosophus and Lucius Aelius Verus III. From this we pass to Sect. 3. where the number of the Martyrs Books are reckoned what are genuine what spurious what extant what not and p. 29. we are told that his two Volumes against the Gentiles which are mentioned by Eusebius S. Hierome and others are lost whereas they are certainly the same with his Paraenesis ad Graecos and Oratio ad Graecos sive Elenchus which are p. 30. acknowledged to be extant His â—mment on Genesis in the Centurists is no 〈…〉 than the Comment on the Hexameron â—â—entioned by Anasasius Sinatia his Comment on the Apocalypse no other than an Explanation of the Chiliast Opinion according to the Scheme of that Apostle's Prophetick Vision or if a distinct Book I suppose it to have been the Tractate de Resurrectione Carnis mentioned by Damascene of which sort of make was the Comment on the Revelation which c Biblioth lib. 4. Sixtus Senensis says was writ by Irenaeus and in truth whatever Mr. H. p. 61. say to the contrary they are both joined by d Catal. v. Johannes S. Hierome for I think it will be hard to prove a Commentator on Scripture ancienter than Origen or on that part of it than Aretas the Book it self of the Revelation in S. Justin's time being hardly allowed a place in the Canon and the Question not decided who was its Author whether S. John the Apostle or another John an Asian Presbyter buried also at Ephesus in a distinct Tomb from the Evangelist In the same page he reckons a Comment of this Martyr on Dionysius the Areopagite his Eccles Hierarch out of Possevines Apparatus and that among the number of his genuine Tractates not extant but I cannot but wonder that he allows that counterfeit to be so ancient as here to make him older than Justin Martyr and p. 94. than Clemens of Alexandria asserting after another Jesuite Halloix that Clemens writing obscurely imitated Dionysius of Athens whereas all sober Writers that give the spurious S. Dennis the greatest Antiquity make him not elder than the fourth Century and generally agree that the 〈◊〉 Father was Apollinaris so Laurentius Vallaâ— Sirmondus Petavius Launoy c. among the Romanists and Gerh. Vossius Vsher and Casaubon among the Protestants especially a 〈◊〉 pist â—â— part 1. c. 10. Bishop Pearson Dr. b Answ to Cressy's Apolog chap. 2. Sect. 17. c. Stillingfleet and c Life of S. Dennis Sect. 13 14 c. p. 73 74 c. Dr. Cave to omit Dailleé that hath undertook the task of set purpose P. 34. he accounts the Book De Monarchia now extant not genuine because it differs in the Title from his Tract de Monarchia Dei mention'd by the Ancients but there are greater Differences than this in the Titles of Books among the Fathers and for his Argument that he promises in that Book to fetch Testimonies from the Scriptures and Heathen Autâ—ors it is to me manifest That the Book is imperfect and by that means not able to speak for its self His Treatise entituled Eversio quorundam Aristotelicorum dogmatum is allowed to be genuine by that excellent Judge of Antiquity d Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 162. Photius under this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he calls Disputations full of rational Arguings Vehemency and freedom and is not that other Book which he there mentions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the same with his Questiones ad Orthodoxos and if so the Book hath fallen into foul hands that have foisted in many passages it being apparent that the Book as now it is written hath not a few places in it that relate to the Arian Heresie and matters of the third Saeculum and by that Interpolator is it that Irenaeus and Origen are there quoted which could not have been done by the Author who was Martyred above forty years before Irenaeus's Death and above twenty before Origen was born herein therefore I assent to Mr. H. but must profess my dissent from his Deduction p. 38. that therefore the Doctrine of the lawful use of the Cross of the Virgin Mary's being without Sin keeping Reliques that Baptism is necessary to Salvation c. are unsound and Popish which Doctrines we will severally and a-part consider IV. The Opinion of the Virgin Mary's being without sin we explode as a Novelty unknown to the purer Antiquity her being free from Actual Transgression was first talk'd of doubtingly by a De natur grat c. 36. S. Austin but that she was untainted with Original Sin hath been the late Dream of the Franciscans and since of the Jesuites and that the Fathers universally thought otherwise 〈◊〉 may see their Sentiments quoted by b Respons ad Albert. Pium. Erasmus and c Loc. Theol. l. 7. c. 1. p. 348. c. Melchior Canus and I find d In Rom. 5. disput 51. p. 468. Salmeron himself confessing that some men quote two hundred some three hundred Fathers against this Opinion of the immaculate Conception V. The lawfulness of keeping and honouring Reliques we have already made good the worshipping of them we with the Primitive Church disown As to Religious Vows whatever some great men since the Reformation in opposition to the Romish Church may have opin'd he that knows that the Orders of Hermites and Anchorites were an institution of the third Century and that the Fathers frequently distinguish'd between Precepts Evangelical to which all men aâ—â— bound and Counsels Evangelical Vide Monâ—â—â— Appel Casâ—â— cap. 15 15 17. or Perfections to which only those are obliged that will more strictly testifie their Devotion Self-denyal and Mortification cannot doubt of their allowance of making new engagements beside the General Vow in Baptism a Practice in truth customary among Men of all Religions Christian Jewish Mahometan or Heathen and I would willingly learn why it should not be as lawful to vow under the New as the Old Testament in things not commanded as well as in what is enjoyned since Vows are no part of the Divine Service but the manner only of performing it especially while the ancient and holy Christians understand the Widdows casting off her first Faith of the breaking her Vow 1 Tim. 5.12 that dedicated her Widdowhood to God and why it should be lawful to make Vows about Fasting Prayers and Alms which e Case of Cons l. 2. c. 14. Mr. Perkins allows and not in other matters I profess I cannot understand VI. That Baptism is necessary to Salvation we assert as a Catholick and Orthodox Position and what is impregnably founded on that Doctrine of our Saviour John 3.5 Except a man be born of Water and the Holy Chost he cannot enter into the Kingdom of Heaven notwithstanding the
he not only kept his Miraculous Physician at Court with him but shewed himself favourable to all persons of his Religion whereas about the 9th of his Empire begun that fierce and cruel Persecution that ended not but with his Life I would therefore presume to believe that the Donative on the occasion of which Tertullian writ the defence of that Soldier who refus'd his crown was given not in the times of Severus but in the first year of Caracalla and Geta on their return out of Britain after the death of their Father when Antoninus slew all his Fathers Physicians for not hastening his death and his own Governor Euodus for endeavouring to take up the differences between him and his Brother and all others that were favourites to Severus it being usual at the Inauguration of Princes to give such largesses and very necessary at that time to smooth the mind of the Soldiery after so many brutish acts of cruelty and continued threatnings of more mischief V. So that I cannot but see a necessity of believing that Tertullian became a follower of Montanus in the middle of the reign of Septimius Severus for in the fifteenth year of that Prince were his Books against Marcion writ as a L. 1. adv Marc. p. 56. C. Ed. Rhen. himself testifies but that he was then a Montanist is very plain for b Lib. 1. ad fin he defends the necessity of single Marriages by the testimony of the Paraclete which can be no other than Montanus and c L. 4. p. 91. D. calls the Orthodox in scorn Psychici and pleads eagerly for his new Prophetick Afflatus and Ecstasies and to this the very long Popedome of Zepherinus will give countenance and engage us to believe that the Disputation between Gaius and Proclus was manag'd some years sooner than most of the Chronologers place it Nor are several other Works of this Father commonly reckon'd among his Tracts Writ before his Desertion of the Church but infected with the leaven of Montanisme for in his De resurrect carnis he stiles Prisca a Propneâ—ess and in his Deâ—anima undertakes to prove the corporeity of the Soul by a vision of that Impostress and in the beginning of his Book De velandis virginibus he affirm That Holiness was in its rude elements under the law of nature in its infancy under the Mosâ—ick Oeconomy and the Prophets in its youth under the Gospel Dispensation but never came to its maturity and full growth till his time under the Paraclete His discourse also against Praxeas then commenc'd wherein d Cap. 1. adv Prax. he tells us that at first the Roman Prelate Baronius says it was Anicetus Dr. Cave Eleutherius but I think it was Zepherinus did believe the Prophecies of Montanus Prisca and Maximilla and granted Letters of Peace and Communion to the Churches of Asia and Phrygia that were infected with that Heresie allowing what his Predecessors had condemn'd but was diverted from continuing in that resolution by Praxeas the Author of the Sect of the Patro-passiani against whom Tertullian Writing says That he did two good Offices for the Devil while he was at Rome he expell'd the Spirit of Prophecy and brought in Heresie he banish'd the Holy Ghost i. Montanus and crucified God the Father Calling the Orthodox by the usual name of disgrace among those Herereticks Psychici which makes me wonder that that very Learned Man should number these Books among those that Tertullian Writ before he fell into Heresie Whereas in the Books which he Writ before he became a Montanist he a De praescript adv haeret c. 52. calls it a blasphemous assertion to aver That the Holy Ghost discovered more by the Ministry of Montanus than of the Apostles and his Tractate De Baptismo purposely opposes Quintilla a Woman of great repute in the Family of Montanus to prove the necessity of Water to the right Administration of Baptism and of Baptism to Salvation VI. To this Opinion for the main Mr. H. p. 13½ assents but I can no way allow of his deduction from it that therefore all the customs and usages of the Church idle Ceremonies he calls them which Tertullian reckons up in his de Corona came out of the School of Montanus as the Centurists says he profitably conjecture and which p. 169. he stiles the materials of the Antichristian Synagogue then preparing For had Tertullian argued against the Catholicks from the observances of his own Conventicle he had expos'd his reasonings to derision by begging the question whereas the Orthodox might easily retort on him that these were not the usages of the Christian Church but of their little Tribe whereas the method is perswasive when disputing against the Catholicks he urges them with their Traditional Rites and practices which were common to both them and the followers of Montanus nor is it but a most irrational inference to cast off all things that are good because of the intermixture of some unsound Positions in any person or writing as if we must think all the accounts of the Primitive usages in Eusebius were only the little arts of the Arians or in Socrates did belong only to the Novatian Schism because the one was supposed an Arian and the other a Puritan But to argue justly we must first prove the Institution of these Ceremonies to be an act of Montanus and the use of them the peculiar practices of his followers which I think Mr. H. will hardly undertake and if he hath any Veneration for that learned man B. Rhenanus whom he so often quotes he may from his Notes on this Book have a perswasive and sober account of the reason of these Institutions and if this will not satisfie b Ubi supr Tertullian shall give him my Answer Quamdiu per hanc lineam serram reciprocabimus I count it madness any longer to draw this Saw of contention but it behoves the opposers of ours and the Primitive Church to discountenance as much as may be such early instances of the use of the Cross the Responses in Baptism the prohibition of fasting on the Lords day and many other such practices The occasion of this so justly lamented defection of this great man S. c Catal. v. Tertul. Hierome says was the envy of the Church of Rome against him and the opprobrium there cast on him which might easily work on a man of his temper and Country to imbitter him Pope Victor and the Emperour Severus his Countrymen and Cotemporaries were not the most moderate men in the world such injuâ—ties being insufferable to ingenuous Natures a Lib. 6. cap. 25. Sozomen telling us that had Apollinaris been treated with more mildness and condescension by Theodotus and Georgius Bishops of Laodicea he believes the Church had never been pester'd with his new Heresie others as Pamelius and Mr. H. p. 115. that it arose from his missing the Bishoprick of Carthage and such ambition hath also much promoted
ill to affirm that he was banish'd by both Synods which was impossible or if he meant otherwise the rules of Grammar would have obliged him to have set the Synod of Arles before that of Besieres in order of writing as in that of time VI. This excellent man is seldom mentioned by the Church-Historians who writ in Greek or by the Greek Fathers whom I have met with Only I find Theodoret styling him the holy Hilary Bishop and Confessor But the Latine Fathers are more frequent in his due Encomia Vide Socrat. Eccles hist lib. 3. c. 8. Sozom. l. 3. c. 13. lib. 4. c. 8. l. 5. c. 12. Theodor. dial 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aug. contr Julian l. 1. c. 2. Ecclesiae Catholicae adversùs haereticos acerrimum defensorem venerandum quis ignorat Hilarium Episcopum Gallam virum tantâ in Episcopis Catholicis laude praeclarum tantâ notitiâ famâque conspicuum vid. cund de nat grat c. 61. c. Hieron in Isai c. 60. Cyprianus nostri temporis Confessor Hilarius â—nne tibi videntur excelsae quondam in saeculo arbores aedificâsse Ecclesiam Dei Id. Apolog. adv Ruff. l. 2. virum eloquentissimum contra Arianos Latini sermonis tubam c. he is called by S. Austin the holy blessed and venerable Hilary a man famous in the judgment of all the Christian world the most Reverend and acute Defender of the Catholick Church against the Hereticks by S. Hierome a most eminent and eloquent man whose Books with those of Athanasius he highly commends in his 7th Epistle to the reading of that good woman Laeta some of which himself had transcribed with his own hand at Triers And Ruffinus who in other places is not so just to him yet in his a Lib. 1. cap. 30. History commends him for his excellent morals his meekness and sedate temper and for his learning and eloquence adding of him and Eusebius Vercellensis That they were the illustrious lights of the world and with their rays did illuminate all Illyricum Italy and France to omit Sulpitius Severus Venantius Fortunatus and others VII § 3. p. 399. We are told that the Tractate De numero septenario is S. Hilary's because it is dedicated unto Fortunatus but that is not an argument strong enough to deprive S. Cyprian for there were more than one Clergy-man of that name in the time of that African Primate for instance there was Fortunatus à Tuccabori who subscribed in the Synod of Carthage and probably was the same to whom S. Cyprian writ his 53d Epistle and his Exhortation to Martyrdome Nor could there be that actual friendship between Venantius Fortunatus and S. Hilary which Mr. H. mentions for S. Hilary is p. 414. affirm'd to die An. 366. But Venantius Fortunatus flourish'd not till circ An. 570. nor was he a French-man by Birth but an Italian Born in Marchia Tarvisana and bred at Ravenna who being oppress'd with sore eyes travel'd to the shrine of S. Martin famous for such Miracles where finding his cure for a testimony of his gratitude he writ the life of that famous man and intending a further visit to his reliques he came to Tours and thence to Poictiers where making a halt he was first made a Priest and then Bishop of that See VIII His Book of Hymns is acknowledged to be lost unless as b Epist dedic ante opera Hilarii Erasmus conjectures those Hymns Crux fidelis and that on S. John Baptist Vt queant laxis c. be some of them But that this great man was the first among the Catholicks that set forth Hymns and Verses as is said p. 400 I cannot grant For the world is not ignorant that Tertullian writ against Marcion in Verse and other Poems are father'd on him on Cyprian and Lactantius and if he means it only of Hymns how can he reconcile his position with that of c Hist Eccles lib. 5. cap. ult Eusebius from a much Antienter Author who living circ an 200. and writing against the heresie of Artemon uses this as an argument to disprove that disturber of the Church that many faithful Brethren from the very infancy of Christianity had writ Psalms and Hymns to the praise of Christ the Son of God in which they attributed Divinity to him IX His Books concerning the Trinity are said by d Ubi supr Erasmus to be his Master-piece as Tully's Books de Oratore or S. Austin's de Civitate dei or S. Hierom's Comments on the Prophets are theirs But withal he wishes that that great wit had undertook a subject that would better have comported with his sublime and transcendent Eloquence and Acumen But I cannot believe that he was the first among the Latines who writ on that subject as is affirmed p. 401. for Mr. H. himself p. 143. acknowledges a Discourse of Tertullian's in defence of the Trinity which the whole Greek Church says Baronius ascribe to that Father others to S. Cyprian a third sort to Novatian the Roman Schismatical Presbyter Cyprian's Cotemporary and Antagonist who as a Catal. v. Novatian S. Hierome informs writ a great Volume of the Trinity an Epitome of what Tertullian had before-hand said on that subject the youngest of which lived some years before this French Prelate and whereas he may explain himself that he means it of defending the Doctrine of the holy Trinity against the Arians we know that that Alexandrian Incendiary did only revive and polish the decryed and condemned Opinions of Artemon Photinus Paulus Samosatenus and others though I think it were not impossible to prove that b Id. ibid. v. Lucif Lucifer Bishop of Calaris in Sardinia undertook this Controversie against the Arian Faction before Saint Hilary X. As I cannot subscribe to Cardinal Bellarmine and Possevine that the Epistle that is extant in the name of S. Hilary to his Daughter Abra is undoubtedly his so neither can I think that so indulgent so good a Father could be forgetful of his Family during his banishment but that he writ both to his Wife and Daughter which Epistles being lost this was foisted in for one as writ on that famous occasion of Abra's consulting him about her Marriage which Story is elegantly rendred into English by the Seraphick Prelate c Holy dying ch 3. sect 7. p. 102. Bishop Taylor and to him I remit the Reader XI The Epistles to S. Austin and the Poem called Genesis have been adjusted to their true owners already and as to the Fragment concerning the Transactions of the Council at Ariminum p. 405. I would not have had Mr. H. so tamely to have subscribed to Baronius whose interest it was to decry that piece and who is herein followed by his Epitomator d An. 352. sect 4. an 357. sect 9. Spondanus and the learned e Resp ad Reg. Jacob lib. 1. cap. 27. Perron The passages in that fragment being too severe and peremptory to be
better judg of the reasonableness oâ— my Animadversions and voluntary engaging my self in this Controversie aâ— an Essay or well-meant endeavour to testifie my zeal for Antiquity and its reverend usages and my duty to my holy Mother the Church of England nor can Master H. construâ— my remarquing what hath not been by him so carefully or faithfully exprest as Defamation and casting Dirâ— but rather as a serving the Interests 〈◊〉 Truth and doing homage to its Majesty Si taceamus cedere videbimur si contendamus verendum est nè nos carnales esse judicemur Ambr. lib. 5. de fide ad Gratian. cap. 1. p. 113. ed. Erasm and I had rather be thought contentious by such a Vindication than lyâ— under the misapprehension of assenting to his unsounâ— Assertions by my silence The View of Antiquity was a long time ready before it came to the Press and perhaps lay dormant so many years to wait a more favourable Crisis in the times for its publication and methinks should in that space have been accurately examin'd and peradventure had never been printed in the life time of the Author if the learned Doctor Cave's Apostolici had not appeared in which the whole design of Mr. H's book is except a few Pages eternally superseded this I conjecture hastened the impression and introduc'd it into the Light the Doctors Book having its Imprimatur May 10th the other December 9th of the same year And as it was a long time before Mr. H. would suffer his Tractate to appear in publick so was it no little space after my first reading of it e're I could perswade my self to animadvert it being never yet tickled with an itch of being in Print and not unacquainted with the shallowness of my own abilities and the meanness of my little study and expecting some better furnish'd person to vindicate the Church but when I saw no man appear and found that I had a few Books of my own that could assist me in such a disquisition I seriously applyed my self to the business not tying my self wholly to Mr. H. but occasionally making some digressions to discover the primitive Opinions or Customs in some of which I have been very large out of a perswasion that that might comport with the Genius of others which pleased mine who am not apt to be satisfied with Scraps but have ever loved an historical deduction of Opinions and Practices through all the Records of Antiquity that I could meet with and such a Sally now and then is not I presume unpardonable to one of my youth and humour but in some places I have been compell'd to amass Quotations that whereas my Author whom I undertake to correct does very magisterially in a few words condemn the use of the Cross the necessity of Baptism and many other such Catholick Dogmata I might on the contrary appear to their vindication and make it good that they are not Romish innovations but Ancient Primitive and Orthodox Doctrines and Practices I have voluntarily subjoyn'd all the Panegyricks that in my small reading I found on the Fathers whose Lives Mr. H. treats of but must forewarn my Reader that he expect not an exact confinement to the words of my Author in every place though I am not conscious to my self that I any where wilfully falsifie his meaning I having allowed my self a large liberty in expressing the Fathers as I understood them and I could wish that all that can would save themselves the trouble of reading such a bald and jejune Translation and converse with the writings of the Encomiasts in their native and ravishing Greek I have also taken upon me in some places to vary from some very Venerable men whose persons I reverence and Writings I admire but I hope it hath been no where without a becoming Modesty and some shew at least of reason for my dissent Nor am I ignorant that I have imbitter'd a Claâ—â—â—s of men that are keen in their Aspersions and not wanting to the Arts of reflection and virulency by so magnifying the Authority of the Fathers whereas I have done no more than the Church of England enjoyns every good Member of her Communion to do Can. Eccl. Angl. 1â—71 when it requires them to interpret the holy Scriptures according to the Exposition of the Catholick Fathers and ancient Bishops It is true the judgment of those admirable men hath been declined by all * Exoriri videas passim tenebriones quosdam qui simul atque didicerunt decem verba Latina Graeca duo paradoxa sex scribunt procaces libellos miroque supercilio fastidiunt tot saeculoâ—um unanimi sententia consecratos authores haud dum scio majorene ingratitudine an impietate Erasm Epist dedic ante tom 4. oper Hieron Modern Hereticks by the Socinians and Anabaptists especially who herein tread in the Steps of their Progenitors the Arians and others for the a Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 10. Sozom. lib. 7. cap. 12. Historians tell us that until the time of Theodosius the Great the Hereticks of whatsoever denomination refused to be tryed for their Orthodoxy by the Fathers but when that famous Prince had conven'd the Catholicks and Novatians the Arians Eunomians and Macedonians to give him an account of their Faith Nectarius the Patriarch of Constantinople by the advice of Sisinnius perswaded the Emperour to engage them to stand to the decision of the Ancients in the Controversies of Faith which after a strict Law made to that purpose they were content to do hence it is that the Fathers of the four first Centuries do but sparingly defend the Catholick Faith by the Testimonies of the Ancients Pearson vindic Epist Ignat. part 1. cap. 2. p. 13. cap. 6. p. 95 96. but after this time Theodoret and Gelasius begun the custom of doing it ex professo and made it usual Nor have the greatest pretenders to respect for those Sages always been constant to their duty either in the Church of Rome or the Congregation of the Discipline for when Salmeron says Disputat 51 â—n Rom. pag. 468. that at least three hundred Fathers may be muster'd against the immaculate conception he shakes them all off with Pauperis est numerare pecus That Saint Bernard and the rest of the Fathers must not be credited in such a Case Apud Dr. Hammond animadv on Dr. Owen p. 21. And when Blondel confesses that the Ancients did believe Ignatius his Epistles to be genuine yet he slights them all with Quid tum quam multa minime suspicaces ac impara tos fefellerunt semper quotidie fallunt What then how many times are men deceived that are not wary and cautious And with this sort of Men I fear me we must rank Master H. notwithstanding his usurp'd Title of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Lover of Antiquity But it hath been the peculiar glory of our holy Mother to confront the Romanists with their own Fathers in Matters of
but very useful Discourse His Church-History mentioned by Volaterran was doubtless a mistake of the meaning of the same Historian who uses only his Books adversus Hareses yet extant as that of his Comment on the Revelation also had its Original from a mistake of S. Hierom who only says that Irenaeus interpreted the Revelation i. maintained the Chiliast Opinion whose Foundation is laid in that Prophecie as he does largely in the end of his fifth Book and though here Mr. H. dislike the judgment of Sixtus Senensis yet on the same grounds does he entitles S. Justin the Martyr to a like Tractate X. And I could heartily wish that we had only lost those imaginary Volumes and that his other most excellent Writings had not perisht to the detriment of the Church of God and the Common-wealth of Learning by which unhappy fate we are depriv'd of all his Epistles the fragments of that Writ to Pope Victor excepted especially that Epistle to Blastus de Schismate which would have been so useful to this Age as would also his Discourses de Monarchia de Ogdoade against Florinus and his darling Opinion which I fear under a cleaner Masque hath appeared in this Age also that God is the Author of sin And here the observation of c Apud Chemnit Loc. Commun part 1. sect de causis peccati p. 145. Nicephorus is very remarkable that besides the Persecutions that harass'd the Church the Devil made use of three very subtle Methods to ruine Christianity 1. Because the prodigious performances of the Son of God were a great confirmation of the Truth and Divinity of his Doctrine he opposed the Impostures of Simon Magus and Apollonius of Tyana to the Miracles of Christ 2. Because the holiness of our Saviour's Life and Precepts was a great perswasive to incline the World to Conversion he introduc'd into the most sacred Offices of Religion all sort of Impurities and Lusts by his Instruments the Gnosticks and Cataphrygians who adopted their Vices into the number of their Mysteries and to whom the promiscuous Mixtures Incests and Eating the Blood of Men which were unjustly laid to the charge of the Primitive Christians must be attributed 3. And lest this also might not do that he might incline the World to be careless and vile he by Blastus Florinus and Marcion gave being to the Opinion that God was the Author of sin that so he might supersede all Laws and enervate the force and vigour of all the Divine Injunctions XI In the end of the Tract de Ogdoade Irenaeus adjures his Transcriber by the coming of Jesus to Judgment diligently to compare his Copy with the Original an Obtestation so sacred that not only Eusebius takes â—rotice of it in his History and S. Hierom in his Catalogue but the former prefixes it to â—â—e first Book of his Chronicon and the latter to his Translation of the same Book as Ruffinus hath also another such for sense though not for words in the Preface to his Translation of Origen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 requiring his Transcriber neither to add to nor diminish nor change any thing in it but to correct it by the Original and accordingly to publish it and in after Ages a Usher Epist Hebernic sylloge p. â—â— Adamnanus hath such an admonition at the end of his Book of the life of S. Columb a charge like that of Quintilian ad Tryphonem bibliopolam and b Ad fin Apolog. Thesium Dâ— Reynolds's ad transmarinos typographos admon tioâ— and may we not take leave to suppose that Irenaeus who was a Scholar to Papias and Polycarp S. John's Disciples did herein imitate that Apostle who closes his c Apoc. 22.18 19. Apoculypse with the like solemn Obtestation XII And I could heartily wish that we had the Greek Copy of those Books that are left for I know no more of this Father extant in the Language that he writ in than what we have in Epiphanius Eusebius Theodoret c. for no man is now so vain to imagine that Irenaeus writ in Latine although Callasius in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Edition of this Father and d Orat. delect Patrum init Chemnitius affirm that the Greek Copy had been seen in the Vatican and another read at Venice by some learned and good men who when they came to look for the Book a second time found the place empty which Relation if true as Gallasisius more than once mentions it no punishment were too big for such curs'd Villains and Plagiaries For could the World be so happy we should see how disingenuously or rather ignorantly his Latine Translator hath dâ—a't with him dressing his Notions in a style so obscure and rugged so full of Solecisms and barbarous expressions that they not only sully the Beauty but cloud the meaning of this great man whose modesty though it inclined him to make an a Pref. l. 1. Apology for his style as if it were plain and unrhetorical yet to him that reads the passages which Epiphanius against the Valentinians repeats out of him in his own Native Language his style will appear though not affected yet very elegant without that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that sublimity which some men would require but not without that gravity clearness and perswasiveness that became a Philosopher on so abstruse a subject XIII I find it the peculiar happiness of S. Irenaeus among the Ecclesiastical Writers that anciently no other Writings were father'd on him than what were genuinely his unless we shall say that he has been abus'd by ome b Vid. Phot. cod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 16. not Haeâ—chel p. 923. imputing to him as others do to Justin Martyr and a third sort to Josephus that Tractate which is truly the Commâ—ntâ—ry of Gajus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there being scarce one besides him of all the Sages of the Church that hath not been imposed upon by the bastard issue of some other men A Crime too notorious to be excused and of which we may say what c Hist lib. 1. p. 413. Tacitus does of the profession of Astrology at Rome That it always will be forbidden but always practised A Design that seems to intimate a great deal of Bounty but betrays an intention of Robbery of debasing the value and impairing the reputation of a worthy man by thus exposing him to the censures of the World in a picture drawn by a wrong hand and martyring him again in Effigie destroying noble Writers as Witches do those whose persons they cannot reach by venting their malice against an Image which themselves have molded The undertaking hath been of long standing and may now plead gray hairs and custom but well it would be with the Interests of Learning and Piety if all such men fell under the chastisement of Theodiscus d Apud Genebr Chrer lib. 3. an 657. whom Vasaeus in his Spanish Chronicle mentions who being the Arch-Bishop of Sevil
〈◊〉 7. p. 537. that if the Neighbour of an Elect person sin the good man himself is the offender for if the holy man had demean'd himself as the word or right reason directed his evil Neighbour would have stood in so much awe of his pious and well-governed life that he durst not offend XXXII Sect. 5. p. 94. Mr. H. reckons that passage of the Paedagogus as an excellent sentence that this is to drink the blood of Christ to be made partaker of the incorruption of the Lord which h De fundam S. Caenae p. 109. Chemnitius but I remember that he was a Lutheran calls a Novel Opinion and never heard of and in good truth if it be allowable to make Allegorical interpretations of the plain words of the Sacraments what evils may not thence ensue so in i Lib. 2. c. 2. the same Book S. Clem. thus expounds our Saviours words This is my blood i. the blood of the Vine which is shed for the remission of sins for as Wine refresheth the heart and maketh merry so the remission of sins is the glad tidings of the Gospel which Position the same learned Lutheran terms but too severely a prophane as well as a Novel Assertion And having thus mentioned his Censure I leave the Reader to judge XXXIII And so must I beg him to determine between me and Mr. H. in another question of moment relating to the Government of the Primitive Church by Bishops of which I find him tacitly endeavouring to supplant the belief and insinuating as if in those early days there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter while here p. 99. he quotes Clemens that there were in his time only three Orders Bishops Elders and Deacons as if that mixt and amphibious Animal call'd a Lay-Elder had been in those Primitive days a Church-officer who was never heard of till yesterday and as if Bishops were no more than Parish-Ministers and Deacons their Church-wardens and so he explains himself commonly Bishop or Pastor p. 2.17.21 c. and p. 6. Pastor Overseer or Bishop and p. 38. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Pastor or Chief President which word a Resp ad Sacar cap. 25. annot in Phil. 1 1. in 1 Tim. 1.19 in Apocal. 2.1 Beza is willing to acknowledge that it did antiently signifie a Bishop in the sense of the Church of England and which b Tom. 5. p. 499. S. Chrysostom twice in one page uses to denote the Eminency of S. Ignatius's Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Dignity and had Mr. H. Englisht the Fathers as they explain'd themselves in those early days he might better have rendred it in some places Bishop or Elder c Hier. ad Ocean To. 2. p. 325. the one being a name of their Age the other of their Authority Nor can I but admire the prejudices of some men who in this case appeal to Antiquity as Salmasius Blondel and others have done forcing it to speak the sense of the Vestry Tribunal by the most unreasonable deductions I will only instance in that of d Praefat. ad Apolog. p. 59. Blondel who has found out a new Heresie of Aerius unknown to all former Ages till this infallible Dictator in Divinity appear'd not that he affirm'd that Bishops and Presbyters were the same Order for that says he was the Opinion of S. Hierome and all the Antients but that from these premises he argued a necessity of separation and that no man could safely communicate with any of the other Opinion a device not worth the confutation which having to shadow of Antiquity to countenance it hath yet grown into practice at Geneva if we may believe Danaeus a Professor there who as Beza calls the Episcopal Government under the Papacy a devillish tyranny e Danae Isag part 2. lib. 2. c. 22. so affirms that it was their custome to re-ordain by their Presbytery any that came over to them and had been ordain'd by a Popish Prelate before as if every irregularity in the Ordainer blotted out the Character and their ill Government if nothing else were enough to countenance a Schism XXXIV I had therefore once thoughts to have deduc'd the Episcopal Pre-eminence through the three first Centuries from the works of those ten Fathers of whom Mr. H. writes the Lives but on maturer thoughts I conceived it to be unnecessary only I will mind my Reader that f De praescript adv haer p. 39. F. Edit Rhen. Tertullian reckons it as a mark of a Heretick that he is a man that pays no reverence to his Prelate and close the Paragraph with the counsel of a Tom. 1. p. 955. Ed. Paris 1627. S. Athanasius to Dracontius who refused this holy Office If the Institutions of the Church displease thee and thou imagine that there is no reward annext to the just discharge of this duty thou despisest that Saviour who gave being to this Jurisdiction Such thoughts are unworthy a sober and wise man for those things which our great Master hath ordain'd by his Apostles cannot but be good and practicable and notwithstanding any opposition shall continue firm I shall end this Section when I have mention'd that Mr. H. b P. 45. alibi in his Book of Confirmation hath rob'd the Bishops of their power in Confirmation that he might confer it on every Presbyter and ranking the Papist and Prelatical party together hath called their ways of proof blasphemous Arguments not considering that the concurrent suffrage of Antiquity makes the c Bishop Taylor of Confir sect 4. Bishop the only Minister of this Rite and that herein the Jesuite and Presbyterian are united more genuinely than the Romanist and Prelatical For when Smith Bishop of Chalcedon was sent into England by Vrban 8. as an Ordinary here the Jesuites would never submit to him and at last wrought him out of the Kingdom and presently publisht two Books in English against Episcopal Government and Confirmation disputing both into contempt d Mystery of Jesuitism let 3. p. 150 151. which Books having been sent by the English Clergy to the Sorbon there were thirty two Propositions in them censured and condemn'd by that Colledge Febr. 15. 1631. XXXV The design of S. Clemens in his Stromata is to instruct his Gnostick i. his accomplisht Disciple a man extraordinarily acquainted with the Principles of Christianity in which sense e Apud Socrat hist Eccles lib. 4. c. 18. Evagrius entitles one of his Books which he writ of the Monastick Institution Gnosticus wherein he calls the Society of more eminent and contemplative Monks the Sect of the Gnosticks for much after that rate that Plato does instruct his wise man does this Alexandrian Presbyter instruct his Gnostick whom he presumes to be a man elevated above the common pitch and fit to be intrusted with the Mysteries of Scripture such as he and his Scholar Origen were pleas'd in their Allegorizing way to make describing 〈◊〉 〈◊〉
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Clemens Romanus words it the qualifications of a true Gnostick for it was not the usage of the Primitive Church to communicate the knowledge of their Arcana to their Catechumens or Strangers but after Baptism and Confirmation they were permitted those fruitions and for this reason I suppose among others might Baptism be call'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illumination f Basil To. 2. de Spirit S. cap. 18. p. 190. because then the Spirit of knowledge affords to the lovers of Truth a certain image of the things they desire XXXVI But the name was commonly put to a worse use and the Gnostick was a Synonymon of a Heretick the whole Tribe being a mock-sort of Christians 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epiphanius calls them elegantly who begun under Simon Magus the great pretender to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1 Tim. 6.20 the knowledge falsly so called and the Atheistical methods of seducing Menander one of the Scholars of that Leviathan was the first Leader of the Party says a Lib. 3. c. 4. Irenaeus till afterward the name was usurpt by the b Id. ibid. c. 11. followers of Carpocrates and the Nicolaitans who challenged it as their peculiar denomination though indeed the title was claim'd by almost all the Hereticks of the first Century but in the second Saeculum the Valentinians ingrost it and were peculiarly so called against whom S. Irenaeus writing entitles his Book A Refutation of the Gnostick Heresie who may be term'd the second Family of the Gnosticks the Disciples of Basilides c Hier. Gatal v. Agrippa having been also on his deatn so stiled at Alexandria for there was a strange sympathy in Opinion between the followers of Basilides and Valentinus which last sort of Hereticks having been guilty of falfifying the works of Plato as well as the Scriptures were also opposed and writ against by the learned d Porphyr in vit Plotin Plotinus in his Books against the Gnosticks XXXVII To the judgment of Pope Gelasius in his Condemnation of the writings of this most learned Father I cannot pay that respect which I else would while it is unknown whether that Censure be his or every Book therein condemn'd do infallibly deserve it of which in a similar Subject the Reader may have an account and information from e Vindic. Ignat. part 1. c. 4. p. 44. c. Bishop Pearson who hath made it appear that that Roman Synod hath been foisted into the world under the name of that Pope in which Convention if there were any such S. Clemens need not be asham'd of his company of whom to omit others I will only mention two whose writings are at the same time reprobated viz. Hermes his Pastor and Barnabas his Catholick Epistle both frequently quoted by this great man of whom the first was acknowledg'd to be a genuine and very useful discourse by f Apud eund p. 39. c. Irenaeus and Origen Eusebius Athanasius Sedulius and others and reckon'd with the Wisdom of Solomon and Ecclesiasticus c. though I cannot believe g Not. in Philocal p. 683. Tarinus that Origen writ a Comment on the Book for the passage which he quotes in the Philocalia will not countenance it and questionless deserv'd it before it fell into the same evil hands with others of the Fathers who did adulterate it and h Catal. v. Hermes S. Hierome gives a reason why it was so slighted in the Western Churches because not known there whereas in many Churches of the East it was publickly read as Clemens his Epistle to the Corinthians and Polycarp's were XXXVIII That the Catholick Epistle St. Barnabas is the true Off-spring of that Father which the learned i Life of S. Earn p. 41 42. Dr. Cave doubts but is acknowled'gd by the most Reverend Vsher the acute Isaac Vossius the immortal Grotius and others I am convinc'd by Clemens Alexandrinus and Origen the frequent Allegories being no argument of its spuriousness as strange interpretations being to be found in the gennine Epistle of St. Clemens to the Corinthians his quoting passages and speeches of our Saviour not Recorded in the Evangelists usual also in the foremention'd Epistle and for its being accounted k Vid. Is Vossii Not. in Ep. Barn p. 311. Apocryphal I suppose it cannot mean that there was any doubt of the Author but because some doctrines in the Epistle were disrelisht it was not thought fit to be admitted into the publick Codex or Canon of the Scripture for if all Books that were early controverted must presently be rejected Vâ—d Euseb hist lib. 6. c. 13. because so accounted then the Epistle to the Hebrews the Catholick Epistles of St. Peter and St. Jude the second and third of St. John and the Apocalypse must be expung'd the Canon of the Scripture and the Epistle of Barnabas which Tertullian quotes is no other but that to the Hebrews And so I believe St. b Catal. v. Barn Hierome understood the case who disputes not either the Author or worth of the Epistle but says That it was writ for the edification of the Church although it were numbred among the Apocryphal Scriptures XXXIX The error of this learned and holy Priest that our Saviour while on earth was not subject to our passions and infirmities 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 lib. 1. in Prodico had its rise I conjecture from his very venerable thoughts of the Son of God as if to stoop him to our infirmities had been to debase him That Christ Preach'd but one year from his mistake of that place of Holy Writ which says he both the Prophets and Gospels Record He hath sent me to Preach the acceptable Year of the Lord. That Christ descended into the Limbus Patrum to save the Fathers there detain'd is not his peculiar Error but an Opinion which most of the Antients embrac'd as is confess'd by c Answ to the Jes sect of Limbus Patr. vid. Montag Apparat 1. sect 1â—4 the Lord Primate and is reckon'd among the allowed Dogmata of the Catholick Church by d Dedogm Eccl. c. 78. Gennadius The Doctrines of Free-will and the Incontinency of the Angels have been already consider'd The Opinion of the Salvability of the fallen Angels I conjecture proceeded from an over high conceit of Gods propensity to be merciful and to forgive e Vid Hier. in Jon. 3. Ephes 6. p. 149. b. Edit Praâ—n The Fathers generaily of the Four first Centuries being perswaded That the Devils are not yet locally in Hell nor snall be till the day of Judgment but are inhabitants of the Air where God allowing them some respite it encourag'd this Father and his Scholar Origen to suppose there might be yet some hopes of their Salvation XL. But greater Errors than these are pardonable to one that hath so honorably deserv'd of the Interests of Religion and it is to be lamented that the Church hath not a
better Account of his last Actions whom we find buryed in silence by the Antients Only what Mr. H. p. 109 110. affirms That he out-lived his Master Pantaenus many years and yet dyed an 195. cannot be reconciled For Pantaenus flourished under Caracalla says St. Hierome the first year of whose Empire did not Commence till an 211. So that we cannot imagine St. Clemens to dye till circ an 220. at the least when probably he went into his Grave in Peace the Martyrologies of either Church allowing him no place though unjustly they having honored many persons that worse deserv'd that solemn Commemoration and more than a few that never swam to Heaven in their own Blood But it was their neglect and our unhappiness that we cannot Celebrate this brave person in an Encomium tantamount to his Worth THE LIFE OF Tertullian I. TErtullian was a man eminent for his Birth being of the Tribe Septimia of which there had been several Kings admirable for his great Endowments being well seen in all Learning and as the most antient so without controversie the best read of all the Latine Fathers and as famous for his fall his deserting the Catholick Church and suffering himself to be wheadled by the Disciples of Montanus but notwithstanding his Original was illustrious I cannot believe him to have been the Son of a Pro-Consul as Mr. H. p. 111. mistaking St. Hierome makes him for St. a Catal. v. Tertul. vid. Dr. Cave 's Life of Tert. p. 202. Hierome says his Father was Centurio Pro-Consularis i. a Centurion at Carthage under the Pro-Consul of Africk for I think we shall never find in the Roman History an ordinary Centurion intrusted with a Pro-Consular dignity II. Under his Father without doubt he had a liberal and ingenuous Education which furnisht him with those sublime parts that in his Writings exert themselves manifesting him a great Historian and excellent Orator in his African way and an acute Lawyer though that he pleaded at the Bar as Mr. H. p. 112. and others suggest is not so clear b Dr. Cave ibid. p. 203. the Argument from that passage in his Book De Pallio serving as well to prove him to have been a Soldier or a Courtier which Book was not Writ by Tertullian at his first Conversion as Mr. H. p. 113. out of Pamelius supposes c Baron Salmas apud eund p. 205. Prim. Christian part 2. cap. 3. but nine or ten years after when he entred into Holy Orders and so was obliged to change his Gown his ordinary habit for the Cloak Sacerdos Suggestus the Sacerdotal Habit as he calls it a Garb that denoted more Mortification and Contempt of the World and love of the best sort of Philosophy and continued till the time of d Socr. l. 7. c. 36. Sylvanus Bishop of Troas who refused to wear it and e Can. 12. the Council of Gangra condemn'd the wearing when it was presum'd there was much Holiness inherent in the Habit. And f Dr. Cave's Life of S. Justin p. 144. Ferri hoc non posse cùm ipsi capita supercilia sua radant si quando Isidis suscipiunt sacra si forte Christianus vir attentior sacrosanctae religioni vestes mutaverit indignum facinus appellant Ambr. l. 6. Ep. 36. ad Sabin in truth the sordid and mean black Coats of the Christian Monks were by Libanius Eunapius and others laid to their charge till it became Proverbial There goes a Greek Impostor because the Pallium was a Greek Habit as the Toga was a Roman III. In this I cannot but subscribe to that Learned Man whose name I reverence but must take leave to profess my dissent from him in another piece of Chronology when he fixes the Epocha of Tertullian's turning Montanist at the third or fourth year of the Emperor Caracalla and yet affirms that his Book De Corona was Writ the 7th year of Severus at the Creating his eldest Son Antoninus his Co-partner in the Empire and his youngest Geta Caesar for then we must grant Tertullian's fall to have been very early it being very plain to me that he was of that fond belief when he writ the Tractate De Corona Militis from these words a De Coron c. 1. with which he girds the Catholick Soldiers who wore their Garlands on their heads and thought it lawful to fly in time of Persecution which Montanus condemn'd They may be well allowed to fly from Martyrdome who have rejected the Prophecies of the Holy Spirit Where he can mean no other person but Montanus nor does he forbear on this account to rally the very Bishops of Rome in the succeeding words I have known their Prelates Lyons in peace but more timorous than Stags in times of difficulty And in the b Cap. 11. same Book he makes it unlawful for a Christian to be a Soldier contrary to his former judgment in his Apologetick where he tells the Emperor That his Army was full of the Disciples of Jesus and recites the famous undertaking of the Legio fulminatrix without blaming them But the former passage of the Paraclete is so clear that all that Pamelius can do in his Annotations will not wash the Aethiop IV. I therefore think that the Book was Written neither at the 7th nor the 16th year of Severus as Learned Men diversly opine not in the 7th year for Tertullian's Apologetick could not be Writ till that time there being no appearance of a persecution before that year of Severus nor I think at least till three or four years after for c Apologet. cap. 35. in it he not only mentions the overthrow of Cassius Niger and Albinus but of Plautianus as I suppose he means him in that Description Post vindemiam parricidarum racematio superstes calling him the Gleanings after the full Vintage of the Traytors whom he Characters as a Man entring into the Palace Arm'd to the ruine of the Emperor that he affected the assuming the Regalia in his Habit and Houses being most princely and was not negligent in the consultation of Magicians concerning the Fate of the Empire which are an exact Description of that Traiterous and proud African if we consult d Lib. 3. p. 76 77. Herodian and e Spartian in Sept. Severo Spartianus now the Treason of Plautianus did not break out till the 10th or 11th year of Severus Nor do I think it writ in the 16th year of that Prince because f Cap. 1. Tertullian introduces that scrupulous and over-nice man's Fellow-Soldiers complaining of him as if that fact of his would incense the Emperor and give occasion to the raising of a Persecution that would put an end to their serene days and enjoyments So that if it relate to the reign of Septimius it must necessarily be referred to the beginning of it when g Id. ad Scapul c. 4. p. 71. having been cured of a desperate Distemper by Proculus a Christian
against the Marcionites lately set out by Wetsteinius at Basil 1674. which are only Collections out of the Works of Origen by Maximus or some other Antient and set out in his name we have by the same Editor the Tractate De Martyrio and the Epistle to Julius Africanus perfect which long before was publisht imperfectly by Heschelius at Auspurgh an 1602. and since by the Collectors of the Critici in the 8th Tome The discourse De Engastrimutho was publish'd by Leo Allatius and is doubtless a part of his Comments on 1 Reg. 17. to omit the Treatise De Oratione the MSS. Copies whereof are in the Libraries at Cambridge and elsewhere these of his Tractates are extant in Greek and Mons Huet hath lately at Paris given the World a new Edition of the Comments of this Father where in their native stile we have 17 Homilies on the Prophet Jeremy 7 Tomes on S. Matthew and 9 Tomes on S. Johns Gospel and all these his genuine and uncontroverted Works But I perceive that Mr. H. is a stranger to this last and best Edition and it would be pardonable to a man that lives retired and a great way from such conveniences did a Praef. to his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 he not tell us that he hath given his reader as full a Catalogue as could be gotten of whatever bears the Fathers name with a hint of what kind they are whether genuine spurious or dubious Which promise how it hath been fulfilled while he never mentions Vossius's Edition of Ignatius or Huets Origen I leave to the reader to judge XI Many also of the Books which he p. 206 207 reckons as lost are extant as for example his discourse of Martyrdome his Epitome of the History of Susanna which is an Epistle of his in answer to Julius Africanus his Homily De Engastrimutho and one Epistle more to Gregory Thaumaturgus exâ—ant in the Philocalia Among his Comments affirm'd to be lost the Homily on the Song of Hannah is extant even in Merlin's Edition as is also that on the second Book of the Kings of Solomon's judgment between the two Harlots in Huets Edition the Comments on Job were written after the Arian Controversie began probably by Maximinus the Homilies on the Canticles are discarded by Erasmus Amerbachius Cook and others but vindicated by Merlin Genebrard and our Reverend b Vindic. Ep. Ign. part 1. c. 7. p. 106. c. Pearson and in truth the judgment of Erasmus whom most men blindly follow and his Acumen which for the most part happily assisted him in censuring the Works of the Latine Fathers wonderfully failed him when he played the Critick with the Greek Mr. H. also p. 217. mentions but 14. Homilies in Jerem. whereas there are 17 extant in the Paris Edition XII Many of his Works which are lost are omitted by Mr. H. as his Homilies on Deuteronomy the Chronicles Ezra and Nehemiah and Daniel his Comments in Veteres Philosophos his Dialogues De Resurrectione and Disputations with Beryllus which were Origen's genuine Writings These supposititious Tractates also are omitted the Commentaries on S. Mark the Scholia on the Lords Prayer c. Origen also is intituled to two Books De Visione 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ad Gratam which c Prooem in l. 1. Comment in Isai S. Hierome says are falsly father'd on Origen but I think them to be a part of his Comments on the Evangelical Prophet of which d Hist l. 6. c. 25. Eusebius says he saw 30 Tomes as far as the Vision of the Four-footed Beasts in the Desart Some also e Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 16. father'd on him the Book of Gaius the Roman Presbyter called the Labyrinth but wrongly and it were to be wish'd that the Epistle of S. Jerome ad Paulam wherein he designedly enumerates the Works of this Father and compares him with Varro were extant that the great enemies of this most learned man might see of what a treasure their spight and envy hath rob'd the World of wise men and Christians XIII In his discourse of the stupendious undertaking of the Octapla the loss whereof is more easily talk'd of than retriev'd this is omitted that in the Edition of the Psalms a Hist l. 6. c. 12. Eusebius reckons one Version more than the common Interpreters which different Translation I suppose to be that which the Fathers call the Vulgar Translation and which as appears by S. Hierom's Epistle ad Suniam Fretelam was the same with the inemendate Edition of the 70 Consul Woweri syntagm de 70 Interp. c. 11. but vastly different from the more correct Copy of Origen which he who reads that Epistle may see proved at large Nor did the two Anonymous Copies found at Jericho and Nicopolis contain a Version of the whole Old Testament as Mr. H. intimates but only of some certain Books those as I conjecture which we call the Hagiographa which b Ubi supr Eusebius calls the Psalms and c Comment in Tit. 3. S. Hierome Libri qui apud Hebraeos versu compositi sunt The Books among the Hebrews which were writ in Verse Of all which several Versions the Original Copy of Symmachus came to the Fathers hands by the gift of Juliana a Virgin at Caesarea with whom he took refuge during the Persecution and on whom it devolv'd either by right of inheritance or being d Euseb l. 6. c. 14. given her by the Author which very Copy e Hist Lausiac c. 51. Palladius says he saw in which all these particulars were attested under Origen's own hand XIV His style Mr. H. p. 22â…ž commends for its brevity and succinctness whereas it is too luxuriant and he abounds in words and this was a crime which Eustathius lays to his charge and with him Epiphanius whose objection favours of more envy than prudence especially the last who was a profess'd enemy of the name of Origen and will allow him to have done nothing well but his Octapla and yet while he is so severe a Critick to animadvert the stile of this eloquent Priest he that looks into his f Phot. Cod. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p 162. shall find it rugged and dry and drest in a vulgar way of expressing himself that bids defiance to the ornaments of Language But his manner of speaking was not all which the Bishop of Salamis objected against Origen it being as regular to expect that all mens faces should be alike as their stiles but he with Theophilus of Alexandria Eustathins of Antioch Methodius and Apollinaris a Quarternion of slanderers g Hist Eccl. l. 6. c. 7 9 12. Socrates calls them in several Synods condemn'd his writings as Heretical and forbad the reading of them which occasion'd that hot quarrel between S. Chrysostome and Epiphanius wherein we may see an instance of the infirmities of the greatest men when their passions transport them to bitterness and evil speaking and
who brings no prejudice with him and understands the words that he reads in the sense of the Author not according to his own perswasion and fancy XVI His fourth error that we are the Sons of God not only by Adoption but Nature hath its Apology in that of the Apostle 2 Pet. 1.4 That we are made partakers of the divine Nature 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and if this be as probably it may be a Translation out of the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 we know in that Language is a word of various signification and that even in Scripture to instance only in that one controverted place 1 Cor. 11.14 and there is now a MS. Commentary says b Apud Pears vindic part 2. cap. 14. p. 196. Lambecius in the library at Vienna with this Title 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 How many ways the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is understood in holy writ XVII His fifth opinion that all things were created at once in the same moment and that Moses added the distinction of six days the better to suit the shallow capacities of men is a tenet that hath found many late c Vide Valesii sacr philos c. 1. Patrons and among the Antiens the vulgar Translation of Ecclus. 18.1 He that lives for ever created all things at once Which place we find did sway d De Genes ad lit li. 4. c. 33. lib. 10. c. 2. Confes l. 12. c. 9. S. Austin and is easily solved if we understand it in the sense of Rhabanus Maurus whom the Master of the sentences Albertus Magnus Thomas Aquinas Carthusianus and many others follow that the substances of all things were created at once that Chaos so much talk'd of but the introducing fit forms into every particular part of that rude heap was the work of the six days XVIII His opinion of freewil is very suspiciously worded and yet not only the Greek Fathers usually so express themselves but also e Lib. 3. contr Pelag tom 2. p. 301. S. Hierome even when he designedly writes against the Pelagians Know this that it is our duty to ask and Gods part to bestow what we Petition for we must begin and God will perfect the good work So that such sentences are more tolerable in S. Hilary who spoke less warily because Pelagius had not yet appeared in the world and to this purpose the remarque of the most learned a Hist Pelag l. 4. part 2. p. 438. Gerhard Vossius is very pertinent These harsh sayings of the Antients were the cause that that admirable and transcendent Bishop S. Austin was in nothing so put to it as when his adversaries urged him with the Testimonies of the Fathers of which some he interprets dextrously and to the best advantage some he excuses and a few which he could no way Apologize for he couragiously condemns XIX That S. Hilary lived only six years after his return from his exile as is asserted p. 414. is opposed by b In Chronic S. Hierome who tells us that he returned from his banishment an MM CCC LXXVI and dyed an MM CCC LXXXIII which is seven years so that he could not dye in the fourth year of the Emperours Valentinian and Valens as says c Hist l. 2. Sulpitius Severus nor in the sixth year after his return as say d Lib. 1. cap. 39. Gregory Turonensis and Mr. H. but in the sixth year of those Emperours and an Chr. 369. for himself in his answer to Auxentius tells us that he opposed that Heretick at Millain ten years after the Council at Ariminum which could not be till Ann. 369. And in that year probably he left the world e Greg. Turon ubi supr Plenus Sanctitate fide Famous for the holiness of his Life and miraculous atchievements among many others of which prodigious Actions he is reported to have raised the dead f Erasm ubi supr he was certainly a Prelate of a sanctified converse and exact orthodoxy of singular learning and admirable Eloquence In a word he lived and dyed the glory of his Age. FINIS Books printed for and sold by Richard Chiswel FOLIO SPeed's Maps and Geography of Great Brittain and Ireland and of Foreign Parts Dr. Cave's Lives of the Primitive Fathers Dr. Cary's Chronological Account of Ancient time Wanly's Wonders of the little World or History of Man Sir Tho. Herbert's Travels into Persia c. Holyoak's large Dictionary Latin and English Sir Rich. Baker's Chronicle of England Causin's Holy Court. Wilson's compleat Christian Dictionary Bishop Wilkin's Real Character or Philosophical Language Pharmacopoeia Regalis Collegii Medicorum Londinensis Judge Jone's Reports of Cases in Common-Law Judge Vaughan's Reports of Cases in Common-Law Cave Tabulae Ecclesiasticorum Scriptorum Hobbes's Leviathan Lord Bacon's Advancement of Learning Bishop Taylor 's Sermons Sir Will. Dugdale's Baronage of England in 2 Vol. Ravanelli Bibliotheca Theologica 3 Vol. QUARTO THe several Informations exhibited to the Committee appointed by Parâ—iament to enquireinto the burning of Lond. 1667. Godwin's Rom. Antiquities Dr. Littleton's Dictionary Bishop Nicholson on the Church Catechism The compleat Clark Dr. Pierce on Gods Decrees History of the late Wars of New-England Dr. Outram de Sacrificiis Bishop Taylor 's Disswasive from Popery Garissolius de Chr. Mediatore Corpus Confessionum Fidei Spanhemii Dubia Evangelica 2 Vol. Dr. Gibb's Sermons Parkeri Disputationes de Deo Caryl on Job compleat 12 parts Description and History of the future State of Europe 1 s. Fowler 's defence of the Design of Christianity against John Bunyan 1 s. Lyford's discovery of Errors and Heresies of the times 4 s. Dr. Sherlock's Visitation Sermon at Warrington 1659. 6 d. Dr. West's Assize-Sermon at Dorchester 1671. 6. d. Mr. Dobson's Serm. at Lady Farmers Funeral 1670. 8 d. Directions for Improvement of Barren Land 6 d. Culverwel's Discourse of the Light of Nature 3 s. 6 d. Dr. Meric Casaubon's Letter to Dr. Du Moulin about Experimental Philosophy 6. d. Lord Hollis's Relation of the Unjust Accusation of certain French Gentlemen charged with a Robbery 1671. 6 d. The Magistrates Authority asserted in a Sermon by James Paston OCTAVO COnold's Notion of Schism according to the Ancients with Reflections on Mr. Hales The Posing of the Parts Elborow's Rationale upon the English Service Burnet's Vindication of the Ordination of the Church of England Winchester Phrases Wilkin's Natural Religion Hardcastle's Christian Geography and Arithmetick Ashton's Apology for the Honours and Revenues of the Clergy Lord Hollis's Vindication of the Judicature of the house of Peers in the case of Skinner Jurisdiction of the house of Peersin case of Appeals Jurisdiction of the house of Peers in case of Impositions Letter about the Bishops Vote in Capital Cases Xenophont Cyropaedia Gr. Lat. Duporti Versio Psalmorum Graeca Grews Idea of Philological Hist continued on Roots Spaniards Conspiracy against the State of Venice Batei Elenchus motuum nuperorum in Anglia
demanded a 1000 pounds of him That he had not so much in store as would serve to buy him Bread that day his best dainties being only a few Herbs a morsel of Bread and a little flat sowr Wine And when b Tom. 7. Ep. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Cyriaco eâ—uli p. 169. St. Chrysostome was accused of entertaining a Woman in his Chamber and lying with her he invalidates the Argument by no other Topick but this Strip me of my cloaths and you shall see all my members so mortified that that very sight will confute the calumny These severities alter'd the countenances of the Holy Men of those days and introduc'd a livid wanness and the symptomes of the Grave into their faces and expos'd them to the censures of the Infidels Lucian bringing in Critias into the Christian Assembly to see nothing but a company of men with their faces inclining to the earth and deformed with paleness nor could any thing less be expected from those that used customarily to fast ten days and spent the whole night in singing Hymns XIII And is it not hard measure that so many persons who were of the same persuasion with Tertullian both before and after him should escape censure and all the guilt of such Opinions should light on his Head only But so have we seen Clemens of Alexandria acquitted for holding the salvability of Daemons but his Scholar Origen condemn'd for the same the Millenary Opinion the belief of the whole second Century but branded for Heresie in Apollinaris and Cyprian allowed to assert re-baptization while in the Donatist it was Heterodoxy and all for want of a little Christian condescension and a generous Charity And in truth what are all Tertullians Discourses after he was so infected but Apologies for greater and more solemn acts of self-denial his Exhortatio castitatis and De Monogamia to decry the incontinence of second Marriages De fuga in persecutione to upbraid the cowardise of those that durst not die for their Master which is also the subject of his De Corona militis his Books De Jejuniis a vindication of frequent Fastings and De Pudicitia a Satyr against those that admitted Adulterers to the Communion and what more sublime demonstrations of a mortified soul though the precepts were taught in the School of Montanus XIV But I know not how to reconcile these Opinions with the practices of some of that Sect if we may believe c Apud Euseb l. 5. c. 17. Hier. Catal. v. Apollon Apollonius asserting that Prisca and Maximilla were guilty of the most profligate and unpardonable extravagancies Against this Apollonius Tertullian writ not in vindication of these excesses but to prove Montanus to be a Prophet and that his Ecstasies were Divine Vide Euseb l. 5. c. 3. for Prophecy did continue till that time in the Church of which Quadratus and after him Gregory Neo-Caesariensis are instances and S. Cyprian frequently talks of his Visions so that it was no difficult matter for one that had but little skill and insight into nature as Tertullian had to be deluded And in truth what more plausible and bold charms can we meet with than those of Montanus's she-Proselytes who so confidently pretended to enjoy those spiritual Charismata especially that of Prophecy in succession to S. John Quadratus and others of whom Prisca for I suppose Tertullian means her whom he a De Resurrect carn p. 19. D. Ed. Rhen. elsewhere stiles the Prophetess acted by the Paraclete to confute those who denied the Resurrection took on her to boast of her b Id. de anima p. 250. A. B. Revelations which on the Sunday at the publick meeting communicated themselves to her in an Ecstasy in which she assured the deluded Vulgus that she convers'd with Angels and sometimes with Christ himself that she both saw and heard Mysteries and knew the thoughts of some persons and the matter of her Visions was taken either from the Lessons or Psalms for the day from the Sermons or the Prayers which after the end of the Service when the multitude was dismiss'd she committed to the select followers of Montanus who took care to record them Tertullian while she was in one of these Ecstasies was discoursing of the nature of the Soul she returning out of her Trance tells him that she saw a Soul in that Vision not of a pure spiritual substance but thin and airy and of a bright colour and in all its lineaments of a humane form and shape This either gave rise to his Opinion or at least confirm'd him in his belief of the corporeity of the Soul c De fuga in persecut c. 9. p. 194. C. D. The like Prophecies inclin'd him to think it unlawful to fly in time of Persecution If says he you consult the dictates of the holy spirit those divine exhortations advise to embrace not to fly Martyrdome that lays its commands on men not to defire to die in their beds or by the short fits of an easie disease but by the pains of Martyrdome that he who suffer'd for us may be glorified in us that tells thee that he that is expos'd and proscrib'd in the world is in a glorious condition for he that is not proscrib'd by the World shall be proscrib'd by God Nor is he without his Vision d De Virgin veland p. 178. E. for the necessity of Virgins being vayled XV. But it is very considerable that there were many differences between this Ecstatick and the true Revelation the Writers of the Church frequently calling that of Montanus a new and unheard of way of Prophecy i. the followers of that Pseudo paraclete were acted by a violent and frantick Afflatus and their raptures discover'd themselves in furious and wild Schemes of action and not in that quiet peaceable and serene way in which the true Ecstasie made it self known the true Prophet whose impressions were made on his reason never suffering any alienation of mind to which the pretended Enthusiast was liable because his influences rise no higher than his fancy and by the extravagant motions of that and his passions introduc'd disorder and distraction into his reason Miltiades Apollonius apud Euseb lib. 5. c. 16. Epiphan haer 48. Hier. praefat in Isai alibi passim prae aliis Chrysost Tom. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in 1 Cor. 12. p. 430. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so that he spake what himself understood not as the Poets describe the Pythian Priestesses rather like mad-Women than devout and religious persons * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. Alex. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 228. D. vide Naz. Orat 14. p. 221. Orat. 23. p. 414. Orat. 25. p. 441. the Fathers calling such pretenders to Revelation in Ecstasie the Ministers of Satan and men acted by an evil spirit in opposition to the spirit of God and in set Tractates undertaking to evince that a Prophet ought not to
speak in an Ecstasie as do the Books of Pope Miltiades and Apollonius which Eusebius mentions That the Montanist Enthusiasts had their Ecstasies Tertullian grants but denies that they fell into any rageings and fits of fury and would undertake to a Tert. adv Marc. l. 4. c. 22. prove that the true Prophets were so acted from the example of S. Peter who on the Holy Mount Luke 9.33 would have three Tabernacles rear'd one for his Master another for Moses and a third for Elias not knowing what he said for says he how was he ignorant was it from the erroneous notions that then possess'd his mind or from some extraordinary grace and assistance that threw him into an Ecstasie For that man who is acted by the spirit of God especially when he sees the glory of God or God speaks by him must necessarily be deprived of his senses being overshadowed and amazed by the brightness of the divine power And this says he is the Question between us and the Psychici i. the Orhthodox But herein Tertullian went alone it being apparent that S. Peter's mistake proceeded from his ignorance of the state of glorified bodies and that the Masters among the Jews and all the Fathers acknowledge that the Prophets had a clear light and apprehension of what was communicated unto them and that correspondent thereunto their deportment was grave and their demeanour sober Tertullian therefore was very happy when he more than once renders Ecstasis by Amentia their raptures being nothing else but fits of madness wherein they were acted by an assistant Daemon to reveal strange things Melancholy and a busie swelling fancy with a little help from Satan the great pretender to Oracles easily setting up a confident cheat to imitate the dictates and inspirations of the true Prophets XVI Secondly The false Prophets of Montanus were of very vitious lives and conversations notwithstanding their great pretences to extraordinary strictness and mortifications but the true spirit of God will not dwell in unhallowed minds b Talmud Gemar Joma c. 2. Abarban pref in 12. prophet Maimon Mor. Nev. p. 2. c. 32. c. Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 424. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Vid. Orig. contr Cels lib. 7. the Jewish Masters affirming that he that will be a true Prophet must be acted by a spirit of true probity and piety must be an humble man a man of wisdom and fortitude and who hath gotten a conquest over his passions And to this agrees S. Peter 2 Ep. 1. ch v. 21. That they were holy men that spake as they were inspired by God And so the Fathers did believe that those that had such uncommon assistances of the spirit of God were men whose souls were purified by the light of a sublime reason and whose lives were guided by that light But a Apollin aâ—ud Euseb â— 5. c. 15. Montanus himself was a man of unsatiable ambition and covetousness of an ungovern'd wildness and impudency and his b Apollonius â—pud eund â— 5. c. 18. Prophetesses were Adulteresses so far from being Virgins as was boasted that they deserted their Husbands to follow this Pseudoparaclete they were addicted to the use of Fucus and painting to gawdery and intemperance and unlawful games to putting their money to use and to what not and Theodotus Themison and Alexander and other of their followers were notorious profligate wretches and at last Montanus and his two female Proselytes fell into the condemnation of Judas and were their own executioners and now let the tree be judg'd of by the fruit XVII Thirdly The Predictions of the true Prophets were always fulfill'd but the Revelations of Maximilla were like the old Oracles at best dubious and many times very false she undertaking to threaten the world with Wars and Seditions that should scourge the Church if her dotages were not embrac'd c Apollinaris ubi supr whereas the Father observes that from the death of that Impostress to the time of his Writing there had past 13 years in which there was a profound peace over all the World but more especially the Church enjoyed her serene and quiet days and was free from Persecution and she also d Epiphan haeres 48. Prophesied that after her decease there should not arise another Prophet but the consummation of all things should commence whereas the World yet continues Fourthly True Prophecy is a spirit which descending from above is not to be controll'd by any thing but that supreme power that gives the inspiration who bestows and retrieves it at his pleasure but when these Ecstatick cheats appear'd in the World the good Fathers of that age undertook to exorcise the Daemoniack and cast out the evil Guest e Serapion Apollinaris Apollonius apud Euseb l. 5. c. 15 17 18. Zoticus Bishop of Comana in Pontus resolving to undertake the action but the Montanists oppos'd it XVIII Fifthly The true Prophets had never granted them against the ordinary and establisht Government of the Church the Prophets of the old Testament being to be judged by the Consistory and of the New by the Church against which I can only find one instance of Elijah at Mount Carmel superseding a positive law but these men were guilty of introducing new doctrines of opposing and reviling their Ecclesiastical Superiors and broach'd Opinions that contradicted the word of God Montanus himself says a Ubi supr Epiphanius affirming That the righteous at the day of judgment shall be a hundred times brighter than the Sun and the wicked a hundred times brighter than the Moon And what makes me most of all suspect the cheat is that this Afflatus made it self appear only at set times by Tertullian's own confession usually on the Sunday and that only during the celebration of Divine Service when the people were gather'd together like our Modern Quakers pretences to the spirit to assist them in their publick discourses as that thought fit which now no longer acts them but at set intervals and that the subject of the Prophecy was hinted to the Enthusiast from some passage or other in the Prayers or Lessons or Sermons of the Church whereas the true spirit of God tyed not its self to such Methods nor could be confin'd within such limits and needed not such concurrent circumstances from whence it might take the measures of its discoveries but as a free and uncontroll'd agent shed its influences on the mind of the Prophet at what seasons and in what degrees were best lik'd of by the supreme Inspirer Thus the Devil as they say can take upon him the shape of a man Naz. Orat. 25. p. 441. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Id. Orat 14. p. 221. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. but cannot so wholly play the counterfeit but that by a Satyrs tail or a cloven foot he will be betray'd to a severe and diligent inspector so when he seizes the Prophets Mantle to abuse the World there are some peculiar