termes about Religion and consequently could not tell in what â—orme to bury him that if the Dr. had died a profest Papist he would have buried him himself but being as it was he could not see how any of the Prebendaries could â—ither with safty or with credit performe that office But the Artifice and design being soon discovered took so little effect that Dr. Newel one of the Senior Prebendaâ—ies performed the Obsequies the rest of the whole Chapter attending the body to the grave with all due solâ—mnitie Fol 228. He was so great an honourer of the English 〈◊〉 that of his own cost he caused the same to be translated into Spanish and fairly printed to confute their false concept of our Church c. If this be true it makes not onely to his honour but also to the honour of the English Liturgy translated into more languages then any Liturgy in the world whatsoever it be translated into Latine by Alexand. Alesius a learned Scot in King Edwards time as afterward by Dr. Walter Haddon in the reign of Queen Elizabeth and his translation mended by Dr. Mocket in the time of King Iames translated into French by the command of that King for the Isles of Guernsey and Iersey into Spanish at the charge of this Bishop as our Author telleth us and finally into Greek by one Mr. â—etly by whom it was dedicated and presented to the late Arch Bishop of Canterbury the greatest Patron and Advancer of the English Liturgy But 2. I have some reason to doubt that the Liturgy was not translated at the charges of Bishop VVilliams That it was done by his procurement I shall easily grant but whosoever made the Bill of Charges the Church paid the â—eckoning the Dominican Fryer who translated it being â—ewarded with a Benefice and a good Prebend as Cab p. 7â— â—he Bishop himself did signifie by letter to the Duke of â—uckingham And as for the printing of the book I cannot â—hink that it was at his charges neither but at the charâ—es of the Printer it not being usual to give the Printers â—oney and the copy too And 3. Taking it for grantâ—d that the Liturgy was translated and printed at this â—ishops charges yet does not this prove him to be so â—reat an honourer of it as our Authour makes him for â—â—d he been indeed a true honourer of the English Liturgy 〈◊〉 would have been a more diligent attendant on it then 〈◊〉 shewed himself never repairing to the Church at Westminster whereof he was Dean from the 18. oâ— â—â—bruary 1635. when the businesse of the great â—ew was judged against him till his Commitment to the Tower in Iuly 1637. Nor ever going to the Chappell of the Tower where he was a Prisoner to attend the Divine Service of the Church or receive the Sacrament from Iuly 1637. when he was committed to November 1640 when he was enlarged A very strong Argument that he was no such Honourer of the English Liturgie as is here pretended A Liturgy most highly esteemed in all places wheresoever it came and never so much vilified despis'd condemn'd as amongst our selves and those amongst our selves who did so vilifie and despise it by none more countenanced then by him who is here said to be so great an Honourer of it But for this Blow our Author hath his Buckler ready telling us that Ibid Not out of Sympathy to Non-conformists but Antipathy to Arch-bishop Laud he was favourable to some select Persons of that Opinion An Action somewhat like to that of the Earl of Kildare who being accused before Henry the Eighth for burning the Cathedrall Church of Cassiles in Ireland profess'd ingeniously That he would never have burnt the Church if some body had not told him that the Bishop was in it Hare to that Bishop and Arch-Bishop of Irâ—land incited that mad Earle to burn his Cathedrall Church and hate to Bishop Laud the Primate and Metropolitan of all England stird up this Bishop to raise a more unquenchable Combuâ—â—ion in the Church of England So that we may affirm of him as Tertullian in another case of the Primitive Christians Viz. Tanti non est bonum quanti est odium Christianorum But are we sure that hee was favourable to the Non-Conformists out of an antipathy to Bishop Laud only I believe not so His antipathy to the King did at strongly biass him that way as any thing else For which I have the Testimony of the Author of the History of King Charls publisht 1656. who telleth us of him That being malevolently inclin'd about the loss of the great Seale he thought he could not gratifie beloved Revenge better then to endeavour the supplanting of his Soveraign To which end finding him declining in the Affectionâ— of his People he made his Apostrophe and Applications to them fomenting popular discourses tending to the Kings dishonour C. And being once set upon that Pin flectere si nequeo superos Achâ—ronta movebâ— as we know who said it is no mâ—rvell if he shewd himself favourable to the Nâ—n Conformists as being Enemies to Kings anâ— a Kingly Government and therefore likeliest to provide Fuell for a publick Fire and yet besides these two there was a third impressive which might move aâ— strongly on his Nature as either of them Our Author fâ—rmerly told us of him that he was A bâ—ck Friend to the Canons because he had no hand in the making of them And for the same reason also I conceive that he might shew himself a back Friend to the Church a Patron to the Non Conformists of purpose to subvert those Counsells and ruinate those Designs for uniformity which had been resolved and agreed on without his Advice Consilii omnis cujus ipse non Author esset inimicus as we know who said In order whereunto he had no sooner heard that there was a purpose in some great Bishops of the Court to regulate the standing of the Communion Table according to the Pattern of the Mother Cathedrall and the royall Chappels but he presently set himselfe against it dispercing Copies of a Letter pretended to be writâ—en â—y him to the Vicar of Grantham on that occasion and publishing his Book called the Holy Table â—ull of quotations but more in number then in weight Anâ— this he did out or a meer Spirit of Contradiction directly contrary to his own practice in all places where he had to do that is to say not only in the Collegiate Church at VVestminster whereof he was Dean and in the Cathedrall Church of Lincoln whereof he was Bishop but in his own private Chappell at Bugden also where there was no body to act any thing in it but himself alone And so I take my leave of this great Prelate whom I both reverence for hiâ— Place and honour for his Parts as much as any And yet I cannot choose but say that I find more reason to condemn then there is to commend him so that we
also I finde in the History of Cambridge about Dr. Baroâ— of whom our Author tels us thus Fol. 125. Hist. Cam. The end of Dr. Peter Baro the Margaret Professor his triennial Lectures began to draw neer C. And not long after the Vniversity intended to cut him off at the just joint when his three yâ—ars should be expired This shews our Author though well travelled in other Countries to be but peregrinus domi a stranger in his own University in which the Margaret Professor is not chosen for three years but for two years only And this appears plainly by the Statutes of that Foundation the precise words whereof are these viz. Et volumus insuper quod de caetero quolibet biennio ultimo die cessationis cujustibet termini ante magnam vacationem Vniversitatis praedictae una habilis apta idonea persona in lectorem lecturae praedictae pro uno biennio integro viz. a festo Nativitatis B. Mariae virginis tunc proximè sequente duntaxat durature eligatur fol. 105. in nigro cedice For this I am beholding to the Author of the Pamphlet called the Observator observed and thank him for it Which said we shall close up this ninth Book with some considerations on these following words which our Author very ingenuously hath laid before us viz. Fol. 233. If we look on the Non-conformists we shall finde all still and quiet who began now to repose themselves in a sad silence especially after the execution of Udal and Penry had so terrified them that though they might have secret dâ—signs we meet not their open and publick motions And to say truth it was high time for them to change their course in which they had so often been foil'd and worsted The learned works of Dr. Bilson after Bishop of Winchester in defence of the Episcopal Government of Dr. Cousins Dean of the Arches in mâ—intenance of the proceedings in â—ourts Ecclesiastical with the two Books of Dr. Bancroft the one discovering the absurdities of the Pretended holy Discipline the other their practices Positions to advance the same gave the first check to their proceedings at the push of pen. All which being publisht An. 1593. were seconded about two years after by the accurate well studied Works of Ric. Hooker then Master of the Temple and Prebend of Canterbury in which he so asserted the whole body of the English Liturgy laid such grounds to found her politie upon that he may justly be affirmed to have struck the last blow in this Quarrel But it was not so much the Arguments of these learned 〈◊〉 as the seasonable execution of some principal sticklers which occasioned the great calm both in Church and State not only for the rest of the Queens time but a long time after For besides that Cartright and some other of the principal and most active Leaders had been imprison'd and proceeded against in the Court of Starchamber the edge of the Statute 23 Eliz. c. 2. which before we spake of had made such terrible work amongst them that they durst no longer venture on their former courses Copping and Thacker hang'd at St. Edmondsbury in Suffolk Barrow and Greenwood executed at Tyburn and Penry at St. Thomas of Waterings Vdal Billot Studley and Bouler condemned to the same death though at last reprieved not to say any thing of Hackeâ— with Coppinger and Arthington his two Propheâ—s as more mad then the rest could not but teach them this sad lesson that 〈◊〉 is no safe dallying with fire nor jesting with edge tools But there are more wayes to the Wood then one and they had wit enough to cast about for some other way sâ—nce the first had fail'd them Hac non successit aliâ tentandum est 〈◊〉 had been learn't in vain if not reducible to practice So that it is no marvel if after this we finde them not in any publick and open motion when wearied with their former blusterings and terrified with the sad remembrâ—nce of such executions they betook themselves to secret and more dark designs Occultior Pompeius Caesare non mesior as it is in Tacitus Pompeys intentions were not less mischievous to the Common-wealth then Caesars were but more closely carried And bâ—cause closely carryed the more likely to have took effect had any but Caesar been the head of the opposite party The Fort that had been found impregnable by open batteries hath been took at last by undermining Nor ever were the Houses of Parliament more like to have been blown up with gunpowder then when the Candle which was to give fire to it was carried by 〈◊〉 in a dark 〈◊〉 Henceforward therefore we shall finde the Brethren 〈◊〉 anothâ—â— ward practising their party underhand working their business into a State-faction and never so dangerously carrying on the 〈◊〉 as when least observed Fill in the end when all preventions were let slip and the danger grown beyond prevention they brought their matters to that end which we shall finde too evidently in the end of this History To which before we can proceed we must look back upon a passage of another 〈◊〉 which without 〈◊〉 the coherencies of the former Observations could not be taken notice of and rectifed in its proper place and is this that followeth Fol. 179. Queen Elizabeth coming to the Crown senâ— for Abbot Fecknam to come to her whom the Messenger found setting of Elms in the Orchard of Westminster Abbey But he would not follow the messenger till first he had finished his Plantation â— The tale goes otherwise by Tradition then is here delivered and well it may For who did ever hear of my Elms in Westminster Orchard or to say truth of any Elms in any Orchard whatsoever of a late Plantation Elms are for Groves and Fields and Forests too cumbersom and over-spreading to be set in Orchards But the tale goes that Abbot Feckâ—anâ— being busied in planting Elms near his Garden wall in the place now 〈◊〉 the Deaâ—s-yard was encountred with one of his acquaintance saying My Lord you may very well save your labour the Bill for dissolving of your Monastery being just now passed To which the good old man unmoved returned this answer that he would go forwards howsoever in his plantation not doubting though it pleased not God to continue it in the state it was but that it would be kept and used as a 〈◊〉 of Learning for all times ensuing Which said our 〈◊〉 need not trouble himself with thinking how his 〈…〉 this day as he seems to do he knows where to finde them ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Tenth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King James THE Puritan clamors being hush'd and the Papists giving themselves some hopes of better dayes afforded King Iames a quiet entrance to the Crown But scarce was he warm upon the Throne but the Puritans assaulted him with their Petitions and some of the Papists finding their hopes began to fail them turned
in this caâ—e came before by whose continual importunity and 〈◊〉 the breach of the Treaties followed after The King lov'd peace â—oo well to lay aside the Treaties and engage in War before he was desperate of success any other way then by that of the Sword and was assur'd both of the hands and hearts of his subjects to assist him in it And therefore ouâ— Author should have said that the King not only called together his great Councel but broke off the Treaty and not have given us here such an Hysteron Proteron as neither doth consist with reason not the truth of story ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Eleventh Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of King Charles THis Book concludes our Authors History and my Animadverâ—â—ons And 〈◊〉 the end be 〈◊〉 unto the beginning it is like to 〈…〉 enough our Author stumbling at the Threshold 〈◊〉 â—moâ—gst superstitious people hath been 〈…〉 presage Having placed King Charles upon 〈…〉 he goes on to tell us that Fol. 117. On the fourtâ—enth 〈…〉 James his Funerals were 〈…〉 Collegiat Church at 〈…〉 but the fourth saith the 〈…〉 Reign of King Charls and 〈…〉 was on the 〈…〉 â—â—venth of May on which those solemn Obsequies were 〈…〉 Westminster Of which if he will not take my word seâ— him consult the Pamphleâ— called the 〈…〉 â—ol 6. and he shall be satisfied Our 〈…〉 muâ—â— keep time better or else we shall neveâ— know how the day goes with him Fol. 119. As for Dr. Preâ—â—on c. His party would 〈◊〉 us that he might have chose his own Mitre And 〈…〉 his party would perswade us That he had not only large parts of suâ—â—icient receipt to manage the broad 〈…〉 but that the Seal was proffered to him fol. 131. But we are not bound to believe all which is said by that party who look'd vpon the man with such a reverence as came near Idolaâ—â—y His Principles and engagements were too well known by those which governed Affairs to ventâ—â—e him â—nto any such great trust in Church or State and his activity so suspected that he would not have been long suffered to continue Preacher at Lincolns Inn. As for his intimacy with the Duke too violent to be long lasting it proceeded not from any good â—pinion which the Duke had of him but that he found how instrumental he might be to manage that prevailâ—â—g party to the Kings advantage But when it was 〈◊〉 that he had more of the Serpent in him then of the 〈◊〉 and that he was not tractable in steering the 〈◊〉 of his own Party by the Court Compass he was discountenanc'd and â—aid by as not worth the keeping He seemed the Court Mâ—reor for a while 〈◊〉 to a sâ—dden height of expectation and having 〈◊〉 and blaz'd a 〈◊〉 went out again and was as suddâ—â—nly â—oâ—gotten â—ol 119. Next day the King coming from Canterbury 〈…〉 with all solemnity she was 〈…〉 in London where a Chappel 〈…〉 her Devâ—tionâ— with a Covent 〈…〉 to the Articles of her 〈…〉 how â—ame he to be suffered to be present at 〈◊〉 in the capacity of Lord Keeper For that he did so is affirmed by our Author saying That the King took a Sâ—role of Parchment out of his bosom and gave it to the Lâ—rd 〈…〉 who read it to the Commons four sevâ—raâ— times East-West North and South fol. 123. Thirdly the Lord Keeper who read that Scrole was not the 〈◊〉 Keeper Williams but the Lord Keeper Coventry 〈◊〉 Seal being taken from the Bishop of Lincoln and 〈◊〉 to the custoâ—y of Sir Thomas Coventry in October before And therefore fourthly our Author is much ouâ— in placing both the Coronation and the following Parliament befoâ—e the change of the Lord Keeper and sending Sir Iohn Suckling to feâ—ch that Seal at the end of a Parliâ—ment in the Spring which he had brought away with him before Michaelmas Term. But as our Author was willing to keep the Bishop of Lincoln in the Deaâ—â—y of Westminster for no less then five or six years after it was confer'd on another so is he as desirous to continue him Lord Keeper for as many months after the Seal had been entrusted to another hand Fol. 122. The Earl of Arundel as Earl Marshal of 〈◊〉 and the Duke of Buckingham as Lord High Constâ—ble of England for that day went before his Majesty in that great Solemnity In this passage and the next that follows ouâ— Author shews himself as bad an Herald in marshalling a Royal shew as in stating the true time of the câ—eation of a Noble Peer Here in this place he plaâ—eth the Earl Marshal before the Constable whereas by the 〈◊〉 31 H. 8. c. 10. the Constable is to have 〈◊〉 before the Marshal Not want there Precedents to shew that the Lord High-Constable did many times direct his Mâ—ndats to the Earl Marshal as one of the Miniâ—â—ers of his Court willing and requiring him to perform such and such services as in the said Precepts were expâ—essed In the next place we are informed that Ibid. That the Kings Train being six yards long of Purple Velvet was held up by the Lord Compton and the Lord Viscount Dorcester That the Lord Compton was one of them which held up the Kings Train I shall easily grant he being then Master of the Robes and thereby châ—llenging a right to peâ—foâ—m this service But that the Lord Viscount Dorcester was the other of them I shall never grant there being no such Viscount at the time of the Coronation I cannot 〈◊〉 but that Sir Dâ—dley Carleton might be one of those which held up the Train though I am not sure of it But sure I am that Sir Dudley Carleton was not made Baron of Imber-Court till towards the latter end of the following Parliament of An. 1626 nor created Viscount Dorcester until some years after Fol. 122. The Lord Archbishop did present his Majesty to the Lords and Commons East West North South asking their mindes four several times if they did consent to the Coronation of King Charles their lawful â—overaign This is a piece of new State-doctrine never known before that the Coronation of the King and consequently his Succession to the Crown of England should depend on the consent of the Lords and Commons who were then assembled the Coronation not proceeding as he after â—elleth us till their consent was given four times by â—cclamations And this I call a piece of new State-doctrine never known before because I finde the contrary in the Coronation of our former Kings For in the form and manner of the Coronation of King Edward 6. described in the Catalogue of Honor â—et â—orth by Tho. Mills of Canterbury Anno 1610. we finde it thus The King being carried by certain Noble Courtiers in another Chair â—nto the four sides of the Stage was by the Archbishop of Canterbury declared unto the people standing round about both by Gods and mans Laws to be the right and lawâ—ul King of
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
was not to be found in the whole body of it And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Resâ—ondent readily answered that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions publisht at Geneva Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation Anno 156â— to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places but the Doctor still persisting upon that point and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory he called on one M. Westly who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalenâ— College to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles Which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecâ—tion of tâ—at particular and to go on directly to the Disputation But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia as his own words were till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue in his verbis viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and authority in Controversies of faith c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied And at this point of time it was that the Queens Almoner left the Schools pâ—ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion But to proceed upon the breaking of this blow the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper which made the matter of the Information which is now before us and for which if he received any check from the King at Woodstock it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before as afore is said Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions or to a corrupt Edition of them Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted to the great animation of the Puritan party who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid For which as D. Prideaux by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least according to the genuine and ancient Copies And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux but that there is somewhat in the Paper as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies The Paper tels us of a Hissâ— which is supposed to have been given and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church But first The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church that is to say of the diffusive body of it but denied them to be members of the Convocation that is to say the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature is ascribed by the Articles Which as it did deserve no Hisse so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken If any hisse were given at all as perhaps there was it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke a learned but meer common Lawyer in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument if by that name it may be called which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera as it seems he did what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers who kept himself too close to the Churâ—h-Representative consisting of Arch-Bishops Bishops and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned and now unseasonably revived revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters never intended for the Presse hath been unto the honour of that emiâ—nent and pious Prelate But the Squire will not so give over he hath another peece in store which must now be printed though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters or the Doctors Paper and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his that is to say the Respondents language that ways in reference namely to such eminent persons as he had to deal with For this he is beholden to some friend or other who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Haâ—well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn since Doctor whom he stiles The Parton of that pretended Saint George he hath these words of him viz In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of
seasonably here if I had not somewhat to alledge for my justification But when the Reasons which induced me to the first Adventure mentioned in the Introduction following be seriously considered as they ought to be I hope I shall be capable of excuse at the least if not of pardon And for my venturing on the other I shall say nothing more at the present but that as well my love to Truth as to doe right unto the Authour whom I would willingly look on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to Church or State hath invited me to it Truth is the Mistresse which I serve and I presume that none will be offended with me because I tell them of their Errours in a modest way and beare witnesse for them to that Truth of which they doe professe themselves such especiall Lovers In that great Disputation between the Esquires of the body of King Darius whether the King Wine Women or the Truth were of greatest power the whole Assembly cryed out in behalf of Truth Magna est Veritas praevalet that is to say Great is Truth and mighty above all things So that in standing for the Truth without consideration unto the recompence of reward I hope though I meeâ— some Adversaries I shall finde more Friends If not for I am at a reasonable passe for that it shall be no small comfort to me that the weak Candle of my Studies hath given light to othâ—rs whereby they may discern some Historicall Truâ—hs even in the darkest Mists of Errour which either partiality or incogitancy hath cast before the eyes of unwary Readers Which said I shall now adde no more but that having two Pâ—tients under cure of different tempers it is not to be thought that I should administer unto both the same kinde of Physick an ordinary purge being sufficient for the one whereas the foule body of the other doth require a Fluxing as some wounds may be healed with Balm when others more corrupt and putrified doe exact a Lancing But so it happeneth many times that some men are more impatient of the Cure then sensible of their Diseases and that in stead of giving thanks to the Physician for the great pains he took about them they pay him with nothing but displeasures Which being the worst that can befall me I am armed against it If by the hazâ—rd of my peace I shall procure this benefit to the present and succeeding times that men may prove more carefull of what they write and not obtâ—ude upon the Reader either through ignorance inadvertency or somewhat worse such and so many Falsities Mistakes and Errours as have been lately put upon him in some Modern Histories it is that I aimed at and having gained that Point I have gained my purpose Non partis studiis agimur sed sumpsimus Arma Consiliis inimica tuis ignavia fallax Peter Heyliu Examen Historicum OR A DISCOVERY AND EXAMINATION OF THE Mistakes Falsities and Defects In some Modern HISTORY Part. I. CONTAINING Necessary ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE Church-History of Britain AND The History of Cambridge Publisht by Thomas Fuller For vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy 2 Corinth 13. 8. Non possumus aliquid adversus veritatem sed pro veritate Minut. Foel in Octavio Et Veritas quidem obvia est sed requirentibus A Necessary Introduction To the Following ANIMADVERSIONS ON THE CHURCH-HISTORY OF BRITAIN Touching the Title of the Book and the Preface to it 1. INtending some short Animadversions on the Church Hâ—story of Britain for Vindication of the Truth the Church and the injured Clergy I have thought good to prepare the way unto them by a plain but necessary Introduction touching the Quality and Nature of the Book which I have in hand Concerning which the Reader is to understand that in the Year 1642. M. Fuller publisht his Book called The Holy State in the Preface whereof he lets us know that he should count it freedom to serve two Apprentiships God spinning out the thick thread of his life so long in writing the Ecclesiasticall History from Christs time to our daies And so much time it seems he had spent upon it except some starts for recreation in the Holy Land before he had finisht and expos'd it to the publike view the Book not coming out until the Year 1655. whether agreeable to his promise and such a tedious expectation we are now to see For first The Reader might expect by the former passage that he designed the Generall History of the Church from the first preaching of Christ and the calling of the twelve Apostles to the times we live in whereas he hath restrained himself to the Church of Britain which he conceives to be so far from being founded in the time of Christ that he is loth to give it the Antiquity of being the work of any of the Apostles of any of the Seventy Disciples or finally of any Apostolicall Spirit of those eldest times And secondly Though he entitle it by the name of the Church-History of Britain yet he pursues not his Designe agreeable to that Title neither there being little said of the affairs of the Church of Scotland which certainly makes up a considerable part of the Isle of Britain and lesse if any thing at all of the Church of Ireland which anciently past in the account of a British Island Nor is it thirdly a Church-History rightly and properly so called but an aggregation of such and so many Heterogeneous bodies that Ecclesiasticall affairs make the least part of it Abstracted from the dresse and trimming and all those outward imbelishments which appear upon it it hath a very fit resemblance to that Lady of pleasure of which Martial tels us Pars minima est ipsa puella sui that the woman was the least part of her self The name of a Church-Rhapsody had been fitter for it though to say truth had it been answerable thereunto in point of learning it might have past by the old Title of Fullers Miscellanies For such and so many are the impertinencies as to matters of Historicall nature more as to matters of the Church that without them this great Volume had been brought to a narrower compasse if it had taken up any room at all So that we may affirm of the present History as one did of the Writings of Chrisippus an old Philosopher viz. Si quis tollat Chrysippi Libris quae aliena sunt facilâ— illi vacua relinquerentur Pergamena that is to say that if they were well purged of all such passages as were not pertinent to the businesse which he had in hand there would be nothing left in them to fill up his Parchments 2. The first of this kinde which I am to note is a meer extrinsecall and outside unto those impertinences which are coucht within consisting of Title-Pages Dedicatory Epistles and severall intermediate Inscriptions unto every Section A new way never travelled before by
Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
on their 〈…〉 Our Author tells us in his Brerewood upon a diligent enquiry hath found it otherwise then our Author doth letting us know That the first Countrey in Christendom whence the Jews were expelled without hope of return was our Countrey of England whence they were banished Anno 1290. by King Edward the first and not long after out of France Anno 1307. by Phiâ—ippus Pulcher. Not out of France first out of England afterwards as our Author would have it Fol. 100. Thus men of yesterday have pride too much to remember what they were the day before An observation true enough but not well applyed The two Spenâ—â—rs whom he speaks this of were not men of yesterday or raised out of the dirt or dunghill to so great an height but of as old and known Nobility as the best in England insomuch that when a question grew in Parliament whether the Baronesse de Spencer or the Lord of Aburgaveny were to have precedency it was adjudg'd unto de Spencer thereby declar'd the antientest Barony of the Kingdom at that time then being These two Spencers Hugh the Father was created Earl of Winchester for term of life and Hugh the Son by marrying one of the Daughters and co-heirs of Gilbert dt Clâ—re became Earl of Gloster Men more to be commended for their Loyalty then accused for their pride but that the King was now declining and therefore it was held fit by the prevalent faction to take his two supporters from him as they after did Fol. 113. The Lord Chancellor was ever a Bishop If our Author by this word ever understands 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 most commonly or for the most part he is right enough but then it will not stand with the following words viz. as if it had been against equity to employ any other 〈◊〉 〈…〉 he take the word ever in its proper and more natural sense as if none but Bishops had ever been advanced unto that office he doth not only misinform the Reader but confute himself he having told us fol. 31. of this present book that Thomas Becket being then but Archdeacon of Canterbury was made Lord Chancellor and that as soon as he was made Archbishop he resign'd that office But the truth is that not only men in holy Orders but many of the Laity also had attained that dignity as will appear to any who will take the pains to 〈◊〉 the Catalogue of the Chancellors and 〈◊〉 of the Grâ—at Seal in the Glossary of Sir Henry 〈◊〉 in which appear not only some of inferior dignity as Deans Archdeacons House-hold Chaplains but many also not dignified with any Ecclesiasticall â—â—â—â—or Notification and therefore in all probability to be looked on as meer Laymen Counsellors and Servants to the Kings in whose times they lived or otherwise studied in the Lawes and of good affectionâ— and consequently capable of the place of such trust and power Fol. 116. This yearâ— viz. 1350. as Authors generally agree King Edward instituted are Order of the Garter Right enough as unto the time but much mistaken in some things which relate unto that antient and most noble Order our Author taking up his Commodities at the second hand neither consulting the Records noâ— dealing in this business with men of credit For first there are not 〈◊〉 Canons resident in the Church of Winâ—or but thirteen only with the Dean it being King Edwards purpoâ—e when he founded that Oâ—deâ— consisting of twenty 〈◊〉 Knights himself being one to 〈◊〉 as many greater and lesser Canons and as many old Souldiers commonly called poor Knightsâ— to be pensioned there Though in this last the number was 〈…〉 up to his first intention He tels us secondly that if he be not mistaken as indeed he is Sir Thomas Row was the last Chancellor of the Order whereas Sir Iames Palmer one of the Gentlemen Huishers of the Privy Chamber succeeded him in the place of Chancellor after his decease Anno 1644. He tels us thirdly that there belongs unto it one Register being alwayes the Dean of Winsor which is nothing so For though the Deans of late times have been Registers also yet ab initio non suit sic it was not so from the beginning The first Dean who was also Register being Iohn Boxul Anno 1557. Before which time beginning at the year 1414. there had been nine Registers which were not Deans but how many more before that time I am not able to say their names not being on Record And soâ—â—thly he tels us that the Garter is one of the extraordinary Habiliments of the Knights of this Order their ordinary being only the blew Ribbon about their necks with the picture of St. George appendant and the Sun in his glory on the left shoulder of their Cloak whereas indeed the Garter is of common wearing and of such necessary use that the Knights are not to be seen abroad without it upon pain of paying two Crowns to any Officer of the Order who shall first claim it unless they be to take a journey in which case it is sufficient to wear a blew Ribbon under their Boots to denote the Garter Lastly whereas our Author tels us that the Knights heâ—eof do wear on the left shoulder of their Cloaks a Sun in his glory and attributes this wearing as some say to King Charles I will first put him out of doubt that this addition was King Charles his then shew him his mistake in the matter it self And first in the first year of that King Ap. 26 1626. it was thus enacted at a publick Chapter of the Oâ—der viz. That all Knights and Companions of the Order shall wear upon the left part of their Cloaks Coats and riding Cassacks at all times when they shall not wear their Roabs and in all places of Assembly an Escocheon of the Armes of St. George id est a Crosse within a Garter not enriched with Pearls or Stones in token of the honour which they hold from the said most noble Order instituted and ordained for persons of the highest worth and honour Our Authour secondly may perceive by this Act of the Kings that St. Georges Crosse within the Garter is the main device injoyned to be worn by all the Knights of that noble Order to which the adding of the Sun in his glory served but for ornament and imbellishing and might be either used or not used but only for conformities sake as they would themselves So many errors in so few lines one shall hardly meet with The Fourth Book From the first Preaching of Wickliffe to the beginning of the Reign of King Henry the Eighth OUR Author begins this Book with the Story of Wickliffe and continueth it in relating the successes of him and his followers to which he seems so much addicted as to Christen their Opinions by the name of the Gospel For speaking of such incouragements and helps as were given to Wickliffe by the Duke of Lancaster with other advantages which
Aux in Guienne called antiently Aquae Augustae from whence those parts of France had the name of Aquitaine and not of Aix which the antient writers called Aquae Sextiae in the Countrey of Provence Now Guienne was at that time in the power of the Kings of England which was the reason why this Bernard was sent with the rest of the Commissioners to the Councell of Basil and being there amongst the rest maintained the rights and preheminences of the English Kings In agitating of which controversie as it stands in our Author I finde mention of one Iohannes de Voragine a worthless Author fol. 181. Mistook both in the name of the man and his quality also For first the Author of the Book called Legenda aurea related to in the former passage was not Iohannes but Iacobus de Voragiâ—e In which Book though there are many idle and unwarrantable fictions yet secondly was the man of more esteem then to passe under the Character of a Worthless Author as being learned for the times in which he lived Archbishop of Genâ—a a chief City of Italy moribus dignitate magno precio as Philippus Bergomensis telleth us of him Anno 1290. at what time he liv'd most eminent for his translation of the Bible into the Italian tongue as we read in Vossius a work of great both difficulty and danger as the times then were sufficient were there nothing else to free him from the ignominious name of a worthlesse Author A greater mistake then this as to the person of the Man is that which followes viz. Fol. 185. â—umphâ—y Duke of Gâ—oueâ— son to King Henry the fifth This though I cannot look on as a fault of the Presle yet I can easily consider it as a slip of the pen it being impossible that our Author should be so far mistaken in Duke Humphry of Gloster who was not son but bâ—otheâ— to King Henry the fifth But I cannot think so charitably of some other errors of this kinde which I finde in his History of Cambridge fol. 67. Where amongst the English Dukes which carryed the title of Earl of Cambridge he reckoneth Edmund of Langly fifth son to Edward the third Edward his son Richard Duke of York his brother father to King Edward the fourth But first this Richard whom he speaks of though he were Earl of Cambridge by the consent of Edward his elder brother yet was he never Duke of York Richard being executed at South-Hampton for treason against King Harry the fifth before that Kings going into France and Edward his elder brother slain not long after in the Battail of Agincourt And secondly this Richard was not the Father but Grandfather of King Edward the fourth For being marryed unto Anne sister and heir unto Edmund Mortimer Eaâ—l of March he had by her a son called Richard improvidently â—estored in bloud and advanced unto the Title of Duke of York by King Henry the sixth Anno 1426. Who by the Lâ—dy Cecely his wife one of the many Daughters of Ralph Eâ—rl of Westmerland was father of King Edward the fourth George Duke of Clarence and King Richard the third Thirdly as Richard Earl of Cambridge was not Duke of York so Richard Duke of York was not Earl of Cambridge though by our Author made the last Earl thereof Hist. of Cam. 162. before the restoring of that title on the House of the Hamiltons If our Author be no better at a pedegree in private Families then he is in those of Kings and Princes I shall not give him mâ—â—h for his Art of Memory for his History less and for his Heraldry just nothing But I see our Author is as good at the succession of Bishops as in that of Princes For saith he speaking of Cardinal Beaufort Fol. 185. He built the fair Hospital of St. Cross neer Winchester and although Chancellor of the University of Oxford was no grand Benefactor thereunto as were his Predecessoâ—s Wickam and Wainfleet Wickam and Wainfleet are here made the Predecessors of Cardinal Beaufort in the See of Winchester whereas in very deed though he succeeded Wickam in that Bishopâ—ick he preceded Wainfleet For in the Catalogue of the Bishops of Winchester they are marshalled thus viz. 1365. 50. William of Wickham 1405. 51. Henry Beaufort 1447. 52. William de Wainfleet which last continued Bishop till the year 1486. the See being kept by these three Bishops above 120. years and thereby giving them gâ—eat Advantages of doing those excellent works and founding those famous Colledges which our Author rightly hath ascribed to the first and last But whereas our Author telleth us also of this Cardinal Beaufort that he built the Hospital of St. Crosse he is as much out in that as he was in the other that Hospital being first built by Henry of Blais Brotheâ— of King Stephen and Bishop of Winchester Anno 1129. augmented only and perhaps more liberally endowed by this Potent Câ—â—dinal From these Foundations made and enlarged by these three great Bishops of Winchester successively pâ—oâ—eed we to two others raised by King Henry the sixth of which our Author telleth us Fol. 183. This good precedent of the Archbishops bounty that is to say the foundation of All-Souls Colledge by Archbishop Châ—cheley may be presumed a Spur to the speed of the Kings liberality who soon after founded Eaton Colledge c. to be a Nursery to Kings Colledge in Cambridge fol. 184. Of â—aton Colledge and the condition of the same our Author hath spoken here at large but we must look foâ— the foundation of Kings Colledge in the History of Cambridge fol 77. where I finde some thing which requireth an Animadversion Our Author there chargeth Dr. Heylyn for avowing something which he cannot justifie that is to say for saying That when William of Wainfleet Bishop of Winchester afterwards founder of Magdalen Colledge perswaded King Henry the Sixth to erect some Monument for Learning in Oxford the King returned Imo potius Cantabrigiae ut duas si fieri possit in Anglia Academias habeam Yea rather said he at Cambridge that if it be possible I may have two Universities in England As if Cambridge were not reputed one before the founding of Kings Colledge therein But here the premises only are the Doctors the inference or conclusion is our Authors own The Doctor infers not thereupon that Cambridge was not reputed an Vniversity till the founding of Kings Colledge by King Henry the sixth and indeed he could not for he acknowledged before out of Robert de Reningtâ—n that it was made an Vniversity in the time of King Edward the second All that the Doctor says is this that as the Vniversity of Cambridge was of a later foundation then Oxford was so it was long before it grew into esteem that is to say to such a measure of esteem at home or abroad before the building of Kings Colledge and the rest that followed but that the King might use those words in his
now we feel and see the most bitter consequences And as for the Prelatical party the high Royalists as our Author cals them they conceive the Reformation was not so perfected in the time of that prudent Queen but that there was somewhat left to do for her two Successors that is to say the altering of some Rubricks in the Book of Common-prayer the adding of some Collects at the end of the Letany the enlargement of the common Catechism a more exact translation of the Bible then had been before the setling of the Church upon the Canons of 603. and finally a stricter and more hopeful course for suppressing Popery and for the maintenance both of conformity and uniformity by the Canons of 640. Fol. 187. And now I cannot call King Henry a Batchelor because once marryed nor a marryed man because having no wife nor properly a Widower because his wife was not dead Our Author speaks this of Henry the eighth immediately after his divorce but is much mistaken in the matter King Henry was so averse from living without a Wife that he thought it more agreeable to his constitution to have two Wives together then none at all To that end while the business of the Divorce remained undecided he was marryed privately to the Lady Anne Bollen on the 14 of November Stow puts it off till the 25 of Ianuary then next following by Dr. Rowland Lee his Chaplain promoted not long after to the Bishoprick of Coventry and Lichfield the Divorce not being sentenced till the Aprill following And whereas our Author tels us in the following words that soon after he was solemnly marryed to the Lady Anna Bollen he is in that mistaken also King Henry though he was often marryed yet would not be twice marâ—yed to the same Woman that being a kinde of Bigamy or Anabaptistry in marriage to be hardly met with All that he did in order to our Authors meaning is that he avowed the marriage openly which before he had contracted in private the Lady Anne Bollen being publickly shewed as Queen on Easter Eve and solemnly crowned on Whitsunday being Iune the second Assuredly unlesse our Author makes no difference between a Coronation and a Marriage or between a marriage solemnly made and a publique owning of a Marriage before contracted King Harry cannot be affirmed to have marryed Anne Bollen solemnly after the Divorce as our Author telleth us Fol. 208. Though many wilde and distempered Expressions be found therein yet they contain the Protestant Religion in Oare which since by Gods blessing is happily refined Our Author speaks this of a paper containing many erroneous Doctrines presented by the Prolocutor to the Convocation some few of which as being part of Wickliffs Gospel and chief ingredients in the Composition of the new Protestant Religion lately taken up I shall here subjoyn 1. That the Sacrament of the Altar is nothing else but a piece of bread or a little predie round Robin 2. That Priests have no more Authority to minister Sacraments then the Lay-men have 3. That all Ceremonies accuestomd in the Church which are not clearly expressed in Scripture must be taken away because they are Mens inventions 4. That the Church commonly so called is the old Synagogue and that the Church is the Congregation of good men only 5. That God never gave grace nor knowledge of holy Scripture to any great Estate or rich man and that they in no wise follow the same 6. That all things ought to be common 7. That it is as lawful to Christen a childe in a Tub of water at home or in a Dirch by the way as in a Font-stone in the Church 8. That it is no sin or offence to eat White-meats Egges Butter Cheese or flesh in Lent or other Fasting dayes commanded by the Church and received by consent of Christian people 9. That it is as lawful to eat flesh on Good-Friday as upon Easter day or other times in the year 10. That the Ghostly Father cannot give or enjoyn any penance at all 11. That it is sufficient for a Man or Woman to make their confession to God alone 12. That it is as lawfull at all times to confesse to a Lay-man as to a Pâ—iest 13. That it is sufficient that the sinner do say I know my self a sinner 14. That Bishops Ordinaries and Ecclesiastical Iudges have no Authority to give any sentence of Excommunication or censure ne yet to absolve or loose any man from the same 15. That it is not necessary or profitable to have any Church or Chappel to pray in or to do any divine service in 16. That buryings in Churches and Church-yards be unprofitable and vain 17. That the rich and costly Oâ—naments in the Church are rather high displeasure then pleasure or honour to God 18. That our Lady was no better then another Woman and like a bag of Pepper or Saffron when the spice is out 19. That Prayers Suffrages Fasting or Alms-deeds do not help to take away sin 20. That Holy-dayes ordained and instituted by the Church are not to be observed and kept in reverence in as much as all dayes and times be alike 21. That Plowing and Caâ—ting and such servile work may be done in the same as on other without any offence at all as on other dayes 22. That it is sufficient and enough to believe though a man do no good works at all 23. That seeing Christ hath shed his bloud for us and Redeemed us we need not to do any thing at all but to believe and repent if we have offended 24. That no humane Câ—nstitutions or Laws do binde 〈◊〉 Christian man but such as be in the Gospels Pauls Epistles or the New Testament and that a man may break them without any offence at all 25. That the singing or saying of Mass Mattens or Even song is but a roring howling whistling mumming tomring and jugling and the playing on the Organs a foolish vanity This is our Authors golden Oare out of which his new Protestant Religion was to be extracted So happily refin'd that there is nothing of the Old Christian Religion to be found therein Which though our Author doth defend as Expressions rather then Opinions the Careers of the Soul and Extravagancies of humane infirmity as he doth the rest yet he that looks upon these points and sees not in them the rude draught and lineaments of the Puritan Plat-form which they have been hammering since the time of Cartwright and his Associates must either have better eyes then mine or no eyes at all I see our Author looks for thanks for this discovery for publishing the paper which contain'd these new Protestant truâ—hs and I give him mine Fol. 239. At this time also were the Stews suppressed by the Kings command And I could wish that some command had been laid upon our Author by the Parliament to suppress them also and not to have given them any place in the present History especially not to
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
Fellow of this Colledge whose Book entituled The Religion of Protestants a safe way to Salvation written in deâ—ence of Dr. Potters Book called Charity mistaken commended by our Author Lib. 3. fol. 115. remains unanswered by the Iesuites notwithstanding all their brags beforehand to this very day Which Book though most ridiculously buried with the Author at Arundel get thee gone thou accursed Book c. by Mr. Francis Cheynel the usu fructuary of the rich personage of Peâ—worth shall still survive unto the world in its own just value when the poor three-penny commodities of such a sorry Haberdasher of Small Wares shall be out of credit Of this Pageant see the Pamphet call'd Chillingworthi Novissima printed at London Anno 1644. Fol. 41. But now it is gone let it go it was but a beggerly Town and cost England ten times yearly more then it was worthâ— in keeping thereof Admit it be so yet certainly it was worth the keeping had it cost much more The English while they kept that Town had a dore open into France upon all occasions and therefore it was commonly said that they carried the Keyes of France at their Girdles Sound States-men do not measure the benefit of such Towns and Garrisons as are maintain'd and kept in an Enemies Countrey by the profit which they bring into their Exchequer but by the opportunities they give a Prince to enlarge his Territories Of this kinde was the Town of Barwick situate on the other side of the Tweed upon Scottish ground but Garrison'd and maintain'd with great charge by the Kings of England because it gave him the same advantage against the Scots as Calice did against the French The government of which last Town is by Comines said to be the goodliest Captain ship in the world so great an Eye-sore to the French that Mounsieur de Cordes who liv'd in the time of Lewis the eleventh was used to say that he would be content to lie in Hell seven years together upon condition that Calice were regain'd from the English and finally judged of such importance by the French when they had regain'd it that neither the Agreement made at the Treaty of Cambray nor the desire to free New-haven from the power of the English nor the necessities which Henry the fourth was reduc'd unto could ever prevail upon them to part with it But it is dry meat said the Countrey fellow when he lost the Hare and so let Caliâ—e pass for a Beggerly Town and not worth the keeping because we have no hope to get it ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Ninth Book OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reign of Queen Elizabeth THe short Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary being briefly past over by our Author he spends the more time in setting out the affairs of the Church under Queen Elizabeth not so much because her Reign was long but because it was a busie Age and full of Faction To which Faction how he stands affected he is not coy to let us see on all occasions giving us in the very first entrance this brief but notable Essay viz. Fol. 51. Idolatry is not to be permitted a moment the first minute is the fittest to abolish it all that have power have right to destroy it by that grand Charter of Religion whereby every one is â—ound to advance Gods glory And if Soveraigns forget no reason but Subjects should remember their duty Our Author speaks this in behalf of some forwardâ— Spirits who not enduring the laâ—inesse of Authority in order to the great work of Reformation fell beforehand to the beating down of superstitious Pictures and Images And though some others condemned their indiscretion herein yet our Author will not but rather gives these Reasons for their justification 1. That the Popish Religion is Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all that have power to do it 3. Which is indeed the main that if the Soveraigns do forget there is no reason but Subjects should remember their duty This being our Authors Master-piece and a fair gâ—â—â—ndwork for Seditious and Rebellious for the times ensuing I shall spend a little the more time in the examination of the pâ—opositions as before we had them And 1. It will be hard for our Author to prove that the Romish Religion is Idolatry though possible it is that some of the members of that Church may be proved Idolaters I know well what great pains Dr. Reynolds took in his laborious work entituled De Idololatria Ecclesiae Romanae and I know too that many very learned and moderate men were not thâ—oughly satisfied in his proofs and Arguments That they are worshippers of Images as themselves deny not so no body but themselves can approve them in it But there is a very wide difference betwixt an Image and an Idol betwixt the old Idolateâ—s in the state of Heathenism and those which give religious worship unto Images in some paâ—ts of Chrisâ—endom And this our Author being well stâ—died in Antiquity and not a stranger to the 〈…〉 of the present times cannot chuse but know thoâ—gh zeal to the good cause and the desire of being coâ—stanâ— to himself drew this pâ—â—â—age from him The Châ—istian faith delivered in the hâ—ly Gospels succeeded over the greatest part of the then known woâ—â—d in the place of that Idolatrous worship whiâ—h like a Leprosie had generally overspread the whole face thereof And therefore that the whole Mass of Wickliffes Heâ—erodoxies might be Christned by the name of Gospel our Author thinks it necessary that the Popish Mass and the rest of the Superstitious of that Church should be call'd Idolatry 2. That Idolatry is to be destroyed by all them that have power to do it I shall easily grant But then it must be understood of a lawful power and not permitted to the liberty of unlawful violence Id possumus quod jure possumus was the rule of old and it held good in all attempts for Reformation in the elder times For when the Fabrick of the Jewish Church was out of order and the whole Worship of the Lord either defiled with superstitions or intermingled with Idolatries as it was too often did not Gods servants carry and await his leisure till those who were supreme both in place and power were by him prompted and inflamed to a Reformation How many years had that whole people made an Idol of the Brazen Serpent and burnt â—â—cense to it before it was defaced by King Hâ—zekiah How many more might it have longer stood undefâ—ced untouched by any of the common people had not the King given order to demolish it How many years had the seduced Israelites adored before the Altar of Bethel before it was hewn down and cut in pâ—eces by the good King Iosiah And yet it cannot be denyed but that it was as much in the power of the Iews to destroy that Idol and of the honest and religious Israâ—lites to break down that
Altar as it either was or could be in the power of our English Zealots to beat down superstitious Pictures and Images had they been so minded Solomon in the Book of Canticles compares the Church unto a Army Acies Castrorum ordinaâ—a as the Vulgar hath it an Army terrible with Banners as our English reads it A powerful Body out of doubt able which way soever it moves to waste and destroy the Countrey to burn and sack the Villages through which it passeth And questionless too many of the Souldiers knowing their own power world be apt to do it if not restrained by the Authority of their Commanders and the Laws of war Ita se Ducum Authoritas sic Rigor Disciplinae habet as we finde in Tacitus And if those be not kept as they ought to be Confusi Equites Peditesque in exitium ruunt the whole runs on to a swift destruction Thus is it also in the Church with the Camp of God If there be no subordination in it if every one might do what he list himself and make such uses of that power and opportunity as he thinks are put into into his hands what a confusion would ensue how speedy a calamity must needs fall upon it Courage and zeal do never shew more amiably in inferior powers then when they are subordinate to good directions especially when they take directions from the right hand from the Supreme Magistrate not from the interests and passion of their fellow subjects It is the Princes office to command and theirs to execute With which wise caution the Emperor Otho once represt the too great forwardness of his Souldiers when he found them apt enough to make use of their power in a matter not commanded by him Vobis Arma Animus mihi Consilium virtutis vestrae Regimen relinquites as his words there are He understood their duty and his own authority allows them to have power and will but regulates and restrains them both to his own command So that whether we behold the Church in its own condition proceeding by the warrant and examples of holy Scripture or in resemblance to an Army as compared by Solomon there will be nothing left to the power of the people either in way of Reformation or Execution till they be vested and intrusted with 〈◊〉 lawful power deriv'd from him whom God hath plac'd in Authority over them And therefore though Idolatry be to be destroy'd and to be destroyed by all which have power to do it yet must all those be furnisht with 〈◊〉 lawful power or otherwise stand guilty of as high a crime as that which they so zealously endeavour to condemn in others 3. But our Author is not of this minde and therefore adds That if the Soveraign do forget the Subjects should remember their duty A lesson which he never learn'd in the Book of God For besides the examples which we have in demolishing the Brazen Serpent and the Altar of Bethel not acted by the power of the people but the command of the Prince I would 〈◊〉 know where we shall finde in the whole courâ—e and current of the holy Scriptures that the common people in and by their own authority removed the high places and destroyed the Images or cut down the Gâ—oves those excellent Instruments of Superstition and Idolatry or that they did attempt any such thing till warranted and commissionated by the Supreme Powers Where shall we finde that any of the seven thousand person which had not bowed the knee to Baal did ever go about to destroy that Idol Or that Eliah or Elisha two men as extraordinary for their calling as their zeal and courage did excite them to it Where shall we finde the Primitive Christians when living under the command of Heathenish Emperors busied in destroying Idols or defacing the Temples of those Gods whom the Pagans worshipped thoâ—gh grown in those times to such infinite multitudes that they filled all places of the Empire Vestra omnia implevimâ—â— Cities Illes Castles Burroughs your places of Assembly Camps Tribes Palaces yea the very Senate and common Forum as Tertullian pleads it No other Doctrine 〈◊〉 â—eard of till either the new Gospel of Wickliffe or the new Lights shining from Geneva gave beginning to it when the Genevians were resolv'd on a Reformation and could not get the consent of their Bishop who was also their immediate Prince they resolv'd to take the work into their own hands and proceed without him And that the presence of their Bishop might not be a hinderance unto their designs they rais'd a tumult put themselves in to a posture of war and thereby force him and his Clergy to forsake the City And this being done they did not only order matters of Religion as they pleas'd themselves but took the Soveraignty of the City into their own hands changing the Government thereof to the form of a Common-wealth Eo ejecto Genevates Monarchiam in popularem Statum commutarunt as Calvin hath it in his Epistle unto Cardinal Sadolet The practice of these men drawn afterwards into example by Knox and others became at last to be the standing Rule and Measure of all Reformations For when the King and Queen of Scots refus'd to ratifie two Acts which were sent unto them concerning the abolishing of the Mass and the Popes supremacy Knox Winram and the rest of that gang without more ado devised and set up a new form of Discipline ingrossing that power unto the Kirk which formerly had been usurped by the Popes of Rome Afterwards when the Queen was return'd into Scotland and that some of their importunate Petitions were neglected by her it was concluded by the Ministers in as plain terms as might be that if the Queen will not then we must ibid. fol. 33. According to this Rule the Netherlands proceeded also not only driving on the design which they had in hand as the French Hugonots also did without the Kings Authority but against it also Finally from a matter practical it came at last to be delivered for a point of Doctrine that if the Prince or Supreme Magistrate did not reform the Church then the people might For this I finde in Clesselius one of the Contra-Remonstrants of Roterdam If saith he the Prince and Clergy do neglect their duties in the Reforming of the Church Necesse est tumid facere plebeios Israelitas that then it doth belong to the common people And it is with a Necesse too if you mark it well they might not only do it but they must be doing Not in the way of Mediation or Petition by which the dignity of the Magistrate might be preserv'd but by force and violence Licet ad sanguinem usque pro eo pugnent even to the shedding of their own bloud and their brethrens too Our Author preacheth the same Doctrine whether by way of Application or Instruction it comes all to one for Qui Parentes laudat filios provocat as
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
as promised no good unto the peace and happiness of the Church of England Their names our Author truly gives us 〈◊〉 36. four Ministers four Common Lawyers and four Citizens men not unknown to such as then lived and observed the conduct of Affairs to be averse unto the Discipline of the Church then by law establisht And â—f such publick mischiefs be presaged by Astrologersâ—rom â—rom the conjunction of Iupiter and Saturn though the first of them be a Planet of a most â—weet and gentle 〈◊〉 what dangers what calamities might not be â—eared from the conjunction of twelve such persons of which there was not one that wished well to the pâ—eâ—ent Government And therefore I may say of them 〈◊〉 Domitius Aenobarbus said unto his Friends when they came to congratulate with him â—or the birth of Nero Nihil 〈…〉 nisi detestabile malo public◠〈…〉 〈…〉 this will â—uâ—ther appear by their proâ—â—â—dings in the business not laying the impâ—opriationâ— by them purchased to the Church or Chappelry â—o 〈◊〉 they had antiently belonged nor â—etling them on the 〈◊〉 of the place as many hoped they would That had been utterly destructive to their main 〈◊〉 which was not to advantage the Regular and eâ—tablished Clergy but to set up a new body of 〈◊〉 in convenient places for the promoting of the cause And therefore having bought an improâ—â—iation they parcelled it out into annual Pensions of 40 or 50 l. per annum and therewith â—alared some 〈◊〉 in such Market Towns where the people had commonly lesse to do and consequently were more apt to â—action and Innovation then in other places Our Author notes it of their Predecessors in Cartwâ—ights dayes that they preached most diligently in 〈◊〉 places it bâ—ing observed in England that those wâ—o hold the Helm of the Pulpit alwayes steer peoples hâ—arts as they please Lib. 9. fol. 195. And he notes it alâ—o of these â—eoffees that in conformity hereunto they set up a Pâ—eaching Ministery in places of greatest need not in such Paâ—ish-Churches to which the Tithes proâ—eâ—ly belonged but where they thought the Word was most wanting that is to say most wanting to advance their pâ—oâ—ect Thiâ—dly if we behold the men whom they made choice of and employed in pâ—eaching in such Market Towns as they had an eye on either beâ—ause most populous oâ— because capable of electing Burgesses to serve in 〈◊〉 they were for the most part Non-conâ—â—â—â—â— and sometime such as had been silenced by 〈…〉 or the High-commission for their 〈…〉 And 〈◊〉 an one was placed by 〈…〉 Town of 〈…〉 by the Archbishop of Canterbury out of 〈◊〉 in Middlesex by the Bishop of London 〈…〉 Yorkshire by the Archbishop of York 〈…〉 Hartfordshire by the Bishop of Lincoln and finally â—â—â—pended from his Ministry by the High-Commission yet thought the 〈◊〉 man by Geering as indeed he was to begin this Lecture Fourthly and finally these Pensions neither were so setled nor theâ—e Lecturers so well establisht in their several places but that the one might be withdrawn and the other removed at the will and pleasure of their Patrons if they grew slack and negligent 〈◊〉 the holy cause or abâ—red any thing at all 〈…〉 and fury they first brought with them Examples of which I know some and have heard of more And now I would fain know of our Author whether there be no danger to be seen or suspected in this 〈…〉 these Feoffees in short time would not 〈◊〉 had more Chaplains to depend upon them then all the Bishops in the Kingdom and finally whether such needy fellowes depending on the will and pleasure of their gracious Masters must not be forced to Preach such Doctrines only as best please their humours And though I shall say nothing here of their giving under hand private Pensions not only unto such as had been silenced or suspended in the Ecclesiastical Courts but many times also to their Wives and Children after their decease all issuing from this common-stock yet otheâ—s have beheld it as the greatest piece of Wit and 〈◊〉 both to encourage and encrease their 〈…〉 could be possibly devised If as our 〈…〉 Design was generally 〈…〉 〈◊〉 men were 〈…〉 â—as because they neither 〈…〉 the mischiefs which 〈…〉 crushâ— in timâ— â—ol 148. However there was no express in this Declarâ—tion that the Ministers of the Parish should be pressed to the 〈◊〉 Our Author doth here change his style He had 〈◊〉 told us that on the 〈◊〉 publishing of the Declaâ—ation about lawful Sports on the Lords day no Miniâ—â—er was de facto enjoyned to read it in his Parish lib. x. fol. 76. and here he tells us that there was no express Ordeâ— in the Declaration when reviv'd by King Charls that the Minister of the Parish should be prest to the 〈◊〉 of it adding withall that many thought it a moâ—e proper work for the Constable or Tithing-man then it was for the Ministers Buâ— if our Author mark it well he may easily finde that the Declaration of King Iames was commanded to be published by order from the Bishop of the Diocess through all the Parish Churches of his Jurisdiction and the Declaration of King Charles to be published with like order from the several Bishops through all their Parish Churches of their several Dioceses respectivly The Bishop of the Diocess in the singular number in the Declaration of King Iames because it principally related to the County of Lancaster the Bishops in the plural number in that of King Charles because the benefit of it was to be extendeâ— over all the Realm In both the Bishops are commanded to take Order for the publishing of them in their several Parishes and whom could they require to publish them in the Parish Churches but the Ministers only The Constable is a Lay-Officer meerly boâ—nd by his place to execute the Warrants and commands of the Iustices but not of the Bishop And though the â—iâ—hing man have some relation to Church matters and consequently to the Bishop in the way of presâ—â—â—â—ents yet was he not bound to execute any such commands because not tyed by any Oath of Canonical 〈…〉 were So that the Bishops did noâ— thaâ—â— conceive he will not ofteâ— to gainâ—ay him It is the Author of the Book called the Holy Table Name and Thing who resolves it thus All the commands of the King saith he that are not upon the first inference and illation without any Prosyllogisms contrary to a clear passage in the Word of God or to an evident Sun-beam of the Law of Nature are precisely to be obeyed Nor is it enough to finde a remote and possible inconvenience that may ensue therefrom which is the ordinary obâ—ection againâ—â— the Book of Recreations for every good â—ubject is bound in consâ—ienâ—e to believe and rest assuâ—ed that his Prince environed with 〈◊〉 Councel will be more able to discover and as 〈◊〉 to prevent any ill sequel that may come of it as
Chappel of King Henry the seventh Had it not been for these and some other passages of this nature our Author might have lost the honoâ— of being took notice of for one of the Clerks of the Convocation and one not of the lowest fourm but passing for some of those wise men who began to be fearful of themselves and to be jealous of that power by which they were enabled to make new Canons How so Because it was feared by the judicious himself still for one lâ—st the Convocation whose power of medling with Church matters had been bridled up for many years before shâ—uld now enabled with such power over-act their parts especially in such dangerous and discontented times as it after followeth Whâ—ly fore-seen But then why did not WE that is to say our Author and the rest of those wise and judicious Persons fore-warn their weak and unadvised Brethren of the present danger or rather why did they go along with the rest for company and follow those who had before out-run the Canons by their additional Conformity How wise the rest were I am not able to say But certainly our Author shew'd himself no wiser then Walthams Calf who ran nine mile to suck a Bull and came home a thirst as the Proverb saith His running unto Oxford which cost him as much in seventeen weeks as he had spent in Cambridge in seventeen years was but a second Sally to the first Knight-Errantry Fol. 168. Next day the Convocation came together c. when contrary to general expectation it was motioned to improve the present opportunity in perfecting the new Canons which they had begun I have not heard of any such motion as our Author speaks of from any who were present at that time though I have diligently labour'd to inform my self in it Not is it probable that any such motion should be made as the case then stood The Parliament had been diâ—â—olv'd on Tuesday the 5 oâ— May. The Clergy met in Convocation on the morrow after expecting then to be dissolved and licenced to go home again But contrary to that general expectation in stead of hearing some news of his Majesties Writ for their dissolution there came an Order from the Archbishop to the Prolocutor to adjourn till Saturday And this was all the business which was done that day the Clergy generally being in no small amazement when they were required not to dissolve till further Ordeâ— Saturday being come what then A new Commission saith he was brought from his Majesty by vertue whereof WE were warranted still to sit not in the capacity of a Convocation but of a Synod I had thought our Author with his wise and judicious Friends had better hearkened to the â—enor of that Commission then to come out with such a gross and wilde absurdity as this is so fit for none as Sir Edward Deering â—nd for him only to make sport within the House of Commons At the beginning of the Convocation when the Prolocutor wâ—s admitted the Archbishop produc'd his Maâ—esâ—ies Commission under the Great Seal whereby the Clergy was enabled to consult treat of conclude such Canons as they conceiv'd most expedient to the peâ—ce of the Church and his 〈◊〉 service But this Commission being to expire with the end of the Parliament it became void of no effect assoon as the Parliament was dissolved Which being made known unto the King who was resolv'd the Convocation should continue and that the Clergy should go on in compleating those Canons which they had so happily began he caus'd a new Commission to be sent unto them in the same words and to the very same effect as the other was but that it was to continue durante beneplacito only as the other was not It follows next that Ibid. Dr. Brownrig Dr. Hacket Dr. Holdsworth c. with others to the number of thirty six earnestly protested against the continuance of the Convocation It 's possible enough that Dr. Brownrig now Lord Bishop of Excester Dr. Hacket and the rest of the thirty six our Author being of the Quorum in his own understanding of the word might be unsatisfied in the continuance of the Convocation because of some offence which as they conceiv'd would be taken at it But if they had protested and protested earnestly as our Author tells us the noise of so many Voâ—es concurring must needs be heard by all the rest which were then assembled from none of which I can leaâ—n any thing of this Protestation Or if they did protestâ—o â—o earnestly as he sayes they did why was not the Protestation reduced into writing subscâ—ibed wiâ—h their hands in due form of Law and so delivered to the Register to remain upon Record amongâ— the other Acts of that House for their indemnity Which not being done rendreth this Protest of theirs if any such Protest there were to signifie nothing but their dislike of the continuance But whereas our Author tells us that the whole â—ouse consisted but of six score persons it may be thought that he diminisheth the number of 〈◊〉 purpose to make his own party seem the greater For in the lower â—ouse of Convocation for the Province of Canterbury iâ— all paâ—ties summon'd do appear there are no fewer then two and twenty Deans four and twenty Prebendaries fifty four Archdeacons and forty four Cleâ—ks representing the Diocesan Clergy amounting in the total to an hundred foâ—ty four persons whereof the thirty six Protestors if so many they were make the fourth part only Howsoever all parties being not well satisfied with the lawfulness of their continuance his Majesty was advertis'd of it who upon conference with his Judâ—es and Councel learned in the Laws caus'd a short Writing to be dâ—wn and subscribed by their several hands in these following words viz. at White-hall May the 10. 1640. the Convocation being called by the Kings Writ is to continue till it be dissolved by the Kings Writ notwithstanding the dissolving of the Parliament Subscribed by Finch Lord Keeper Manchester Lord Privy Seal Littleton chief Justice of the Common Pleas Banks Attourney General Whitfield and Heath his Majeâ—â—iâ—s Serjeants Which writing an Instrument our Author calls it being communicated to the Clergy by the Lord Archbishop on the morrow after did so compose the mindes of all men that they went forwâ—â—ds very cheerfully with the work in hand the principal of those whom oâ—r Author calls Dissenters bringing in the Canon oâ— preaching for conformity being the eighth Canon in the Book as now they are plac'd which was received and allowed of as it came from his hand without alteration Howsoever our Author keeps himself to his former folly shutting up his extravagancie with this conclusion Fol 169. Thus was an old Convocation converted into a new Synod An expression borrowed from the speech of a witty Gentleman as he is called by the Author of the History of the Reign of King Charles and since by him declar'd to be the Lord George
Digby now Earl of Bristow But he that spent most of his wit upon it and theâ—eby gave occasion unto others for the like mistakings was Sir Edward Deering in a Speech made against these Canons Anno 1640. where we finde these flourishes Would you confute the Convocation They were a Holy Synod Would you argue against the Synod Why they were Commissioners Would you dispute the Commission They will mingle all powers together and answer that they were some fourth thing that neither we know nor imagine that is to say as it follows aftâ—rwâ—rds p. 27. a Convocational-Synodical-Assembly of 〈◊〉 More of this fine stuffe we may see hereafteâ— In the mean time we may judge by this Remnâ—nt of the whole Piece and 〈◊〉 iâ— upon proof to be very â—light and not worth the weâ—ring For first the Gentleman could not our Author cannot chuse but know that a Convocation and a Synod as 〈◊〉 in England of late times are but the same one thing under diveâ—s names the one borrowed from a Grecian the other from a Latin Original the Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury being nothing but a Provincial Synod as a National Synod is nothing elâ—e but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces Secondly our Aâ—thor knows by this time that the Commission which seems to make this doughty difference changed not the Convocation into a Synod as some vainly think but only made that Convocation active in order to the making of Canons which otherwise had been able to proceed no â—urther then the grant of Subsidies Thirdly that nothing is more ordinary then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation to take unto themselves the name of Synâ—ds For the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation An. 1552. are called in the Title of the Book Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit c. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation An. 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also in the Latin Editiâ—n The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoat â Lond. in aede Divi Paulâ— c. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles with this title following viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and other the Bishops the whole Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Convocation or Synod holden at Westminster The like we finde in the year 1597. being the last active Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time in which we meeâ— with a Book entituled Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae c. in Synodo inâ—heata Londini vicâ—simo quinto die Mensis Octobris Our Author finally is to know that though the members of the two Convocations of York and Canterbury did not meeâ— in person yet they communicated their â—ounsels the Reâ—ults of the one being dispatch'd unto the other and there agreed on or rejected as they saw 〈◊〉 for it Which laid together shews the vanity of â—â—â—ther passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering where he vapoâ—reth thus viz. A strange Commission wherein no one Commissioners name is to be found a 〈◊〉 Convocation that lived when the Parliament was 〈◊〉 a strange Holy Synod where one 〈…〉 conferred with the other Lastly Siâ— Edward Deeriâ—g seems to marvel at the Title of the Book of Canoâ—â— then in question expressing that they were treated upon in Convocation agreed upon in Synâ—d And this saith he is a new Mould to cast Canons in never us'd before But had he looked upon the 〈◊〉 of the Book of Canons An. 160â— he hâ—d found it otheâ—wise The Title this viz. Constitutions and Canons 〈…〉 by the Bishop of London President of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury c. and agreed upon with the Kings Majesties Licence in their Synod 〈◊〉 at London An. 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons whom either that gentleman or this oâ—r Authoâ— hâ—ve mis-informed and consequently abâ—â—ed in this particular Ibid. Now because great Bâ—aies mâ—ve 〈…〉 it was thought fit to contract the 〈…〉 of some 26 beside the Prolocutor No â—â—ch contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of There was indeed a Committee of twenty â—ix or thereabouts appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies of which number were the principal of those whom he calls dissenters and our Author too amongst the rest who having agreed upon the Canon it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation and by them appâ—ov'd And possible it is that the drawing â—p of some other Canons might be refer'd also to that Committee â— as is accustomed in such cases without contracting the whole Hoâ—se into that small body or excluding any man from being present at their consultation But whereas our Author afterwards tells us that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice as he takes it publickly voted therein It is but as he takes it or mistakes it rather and so let it goe But I needed not to have signified that our Author was one of this Committee he will tell it himself And he will tell us more then that publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side The next day so he lets us know We all subscribed the Canons suffering our selves â— according to the Order of such meetings to be all concluded by the majority of votes though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars So then our Author was content to play the good fellow at the last and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company dissenting privately but consenting publickly which is as much as can be looked for Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a publick view but various were mens censures upon them Not possible that in such a confusion both of Affections and Opinions it should otherwise be Non omnibus una voluntas was a note of old and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many mindes And yet if my information deceive me not these Canons found great approbation from the mouths of some from whom it had been least expected particularly from Justice Crook whose Argument in the case of Ship-mâ—ny was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Commons Of whom I have been told by a person of great worth and credit that having read over the Book of Canons when it first came out he lifted up his hands and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God that he had liv'd to see such good effects of a Conâ—â—â—â—tion It was very well that they pleased him but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for Fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof having its Bowels puffed up
whom he thus upbraideth had been left by their Fatheâ—s From the first part of which calumny the Bishops freed themselves well enough as appears by our Author And from the second since they were too modest to speak in their own commendations our Author might have freed them with one of the old tales which are in his budget And the tale is of a Nobleman in King Harry the eighths time who told Mr. Pacâ— one of the Kings Secretaries in contempt of Learning that it was enough for Noblemens sons to winde their horn and carry their Hauk fair and to leave study and learning to the children of mean men to whom the aforesaid Mr. Pace replyed then you and other Noblemen must be content that your children may winde their horns and keep their Hauks while the children of mean men do mannage matters of Estate And certainly there can be no reason why men that have been verst in Books studied in Histories and thereby made acquainted with the chief occurrences of most States and Kingdomes should not be thought as fit to manage the affairs of State as those who spend their time in Hauking and Hunting if not upon some worse employments For that a Superinduction of holy Orders should prove a Supersedeas to all civil prudence is such a wilde extravagant fancy as no man of judgement can allow of Fol. 188. The next day the 12 Subscribers were voted to be committed to the Tower save that Bishop Morton of Durham and Hall of Norwich found some favour Our Author speaks this of those twelve Bishops who had subscrib'd a Protestation for preserving their Rights and Votes in the House of Peers during the time of their involuntary absence to which they were compelled by threats menaces and some open acts of violence committed on them But in the name of one of the Bishops who found the favour of not being sent unto the Tower he is much mistaken it not being Dr. Hall Bishop of Norwich but Dr. Wright Bishop of Coventry and Lichfield who found that favour at their hands The like Misnomer I finde after fol. 193. where he speaks of William Earl of Bath the Earl of Bath of whom he speaks being nam'd Henry and not William unless he chang'd his name when he succeeded in that Earldom as I think he did not I am sure our Author will not say he did As much he is mistaken also in point of time leaving the Bishops in prison for eighteen weeks whereas they were scarce detained there for half that time For being committed to the Tower in the end of December they were released by an Order of the House of Peers on the fifteenth of February being the next day after the Bill for taking away their Votes had passed in Parliament But then the Commons looking on them as devested of their Right of Peerage and consequently as they thought in the same rank with themselves return'd them to the Tower again and having kept them there some few weeks long enough to declare their power discharged them upon Bail and so sent them home Fol. 195. About this time the word Malignant was 〈◊〉 born as to common use in England and first as a nâ—te â—f disgrace on the Kings Party and because one had had as good be dumb as not speak with the volge possibly in that sense it may occur in our ensuing History Nothing more possible then that our Author should make use of any word of disgrace with which the Kings party was râ—proached And if he calls them formerly by the name of Royalists and High Royalists as he â—ometimes 〈◊〉 it was not because he thought them worthy of no woâ—â—e a Title but because the name of Malignant hâ—d not then been born He cannot chuse but know that the name of Round-head was born at the same time also and that it was as common in the Kings Party to call the Parliamentarians by the name of Round-heads as it was with those of the Parliament Party to call the Kings Adherents by the name of Malignants And yet I 〈◊〉 〈…〉 that the word Round-head as it was fixed as a 〈◊〉 of disgrace on the Parliament party doth not occur on any occasion whatsoever in our Authors History But kissing goes by favour as the saying is and therefore let him â—avour whom he pleases and kiss where he favouâ—eth Fol. 196. By this time ten of the eleven Bishops formerly 〈◊〉 their Protestation to the Parliament were after sâ—me moneths durance upon good Bail given released c. Of the releasing of these Bishops we have spoke already We aâ—e now only to observe such mistakes and errors as relate unto it And first they were not released at or about the time which our Author speaks of that is to say after sâ—ch time as the word plunder had begun to be us'd amongst us Plunder both name and thing was unknown in England till the beginning of the war and the war began not till September Anno 1642. which was some moneths after the releasing of the Bishops Secondly he telleth us that ten of the eleven which had subscribed were released whereas theâ—e were twelve which had subscrib'd as appears fol. 187. whereof ten were sent unto the Tower and the other two committed to the cusâ—ody of the Black-Rod fâ—l 188. And if ten only were releast the other two must be kept in custody for a longer time whereas we finde the Bishop of Norwich at home in his Diocess and the Bishop of Durham at liberty in London they being the two whom he makes so far favour'd by the Parliament as they sâ—apt the Tower Thirdly he telleth us that when all others were releast Bishop Wren 〈…〉 detain'd in the Tower which is nothing so That Bishop was releast upon bail when the other were return'd into his 〈◊〉 as the otheâ—s did and there continued for a time when on a sudden he was snatched 〈◊〉 his 〈◊〉 at 〈◊〉 in the Isle of Ely carryed 〈◊〉 the Tower and there imprisoned never being brought unto a hearing nor any cause shewn 〈◊〉 his imprisonment to this very day Fourthly Aâ—chbishop Williams after his restoring unto liberty went not into the Kings Quarters as our Authoâ— saith but unto one of his own houses in Yorkshire where he continued till the year 1643. and then came to Oxâ—â—rd not that he found the North too cold for him oâ— the 〈◊〉 but to solicit for renewing of his Câ—mmâ—ndam in the Deaâ—ry of Westminster the time for which he wâ—s to hold it drawing towards an end Fol. 196. Some of the aged Bishops had their tongues so used to the language of a third Estate that more then once they ran on that reputed Rock in their speâ—ches for which they were publickly sâ—enâ— and enjoyned an acknowledgement of their mistake By whom they were so publickly shent and who they were thâ—t so ingenrously acknowledged their mistake as my Author telleth us not so neither can I say whether it be 〈◊〉 or
false But I must needs say that there was small ingenâ—ity in acknowledging a mistake in that wherein they 〈◊〉 not been mistaken or by endeavouring to avoid a reputed Rock to run themselves on a certain Rock even the Rock of scandal For that the English Bishops had their vote in Parliament as a third 〈◊〉 and not in the capacity of temporal Barons will evidently appear by these reasons following For first the Clegy in all other Christian Kingdoms of theâ—e Noâ—thwest pâ—rts make the third Estate that is to say in the German Empire as appears by Thuanus the Historian lib. 2. In France as is affirmed by Paulus Aemilius lib. 9. in Spain as testifieth Bodinus in his De Bepub lib. 3. Foâ— which consult also the General History of Spain as in point of practice lib. 9 10 11 14. In Hâ—ngâ—ry as witnesseth Bonfinius Dec. 2. l. 1. In 〈…〉 by Thuanus also lib. 56. In Denmarkâ— as 〈◊〉 telleth us in Historia 〈…〉 observing antiently the same form and order of Government as was us'd by the Danes The like we finde in Camden for the Realm of Scotland in which antiently the Lords Spiritual viz. Bishops Abbots Priors made the third Estate And certainly it were very strange if the Bishops and other Prelates in the Realm of England being a great and powerful body should move in a lower Sphere in England then they doe elsewhere But secondly not to stand only upon probable inferences we finde first in the History of Titus Livius touching the Reign and Acts of King Henry the fifth that when his Funerals were ended the three Estates of the Realm of England did assemble together and declared his Son King Henry the sixth being an Infant of eight moneths old to be their Soveraign Lord as his Heir and Successor And if the Lords Spiritual did not then make the third Estate I would know who did Secondly the Petition tendred to Richard Duke of Glocester to accept the Crown occurring in the Parliament Rolls runs in the name of the three Estates of the Realm that is to say The Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons thereof Thirdly in the first Parliament of the said Richard lately Crowned King it is said expresly that at the request and by the consent of the three Estates of this Realm that is to say the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of this Land assembled in this present Parliament and by Authority of the same it be pronounced decreed and declared That our said Soveraign Lord the King was and is the very and undoubted King of this Realm of England c. Fourthly it is acknowledged so in the Statute of 1 Eliz. cap. 3. where the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in that Parliament assembled being said expresly and in terminis to represent the three Estates of this Realm of England did recognize the Queens Majesty to be their true lawful and undoubted Soveraign Liege Lady and Queen Adde unto these the Testimony of Sir Edward Cooke though a private person who in his Book of the Jurisdiction of Courts published by order of the long Parliament chap. 1. doth expresly say That the Parliament consists of the Head and Body that the Head is the King that the Body are the three Eâ—tates viz. the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons In which words we have not only the opinion and tesâ—imony of that learned Lawyer but the Authority oâ— the long Parliament also though against it self Thoâ—e aged Bishops had been but little studied in their own concernments and betray'd their Rights if any of them did acknowledge any such mistake in châ—llenging to themselves the name and priviledges of the third 〈◊〉 Fol. 196. The Convocation now not sittingâ— and matters of Religion being brought under the cognizance of the Parliament their Wisdoms adjudged it not only convenient but necessary that some prime Clergy men might be consulted with It seems then that the setting up oâ— the new Assembly consisting of certain Lords and Gentlemen and two or more Divineâ— out of every County must be ascrib'd to the not sitting of the Convocation Whereas if that had been the reaâ—on the Convocation should have been first waâ—ned to reassemble with liberty and safe conducts given them to attend that service and freedom to debate such matters as conduced to the Peace of the Church If on those terms they had not met the substituting of the new Assembly might have had some ground though being call'd and nominated as they were by the Hoâ—se of Commons nothing they did could binde the Clergy further then as they were compellable by the power of the sword But the truth is the Convocation was not held fit to be trusted in the present Designs there being no hope that they would 〈…〉 change of the Goverâ—â—ent or to the abrogating of the Liturgy of the Church of England in all which the Divines of their own nomination were presum'd to serve them And so accordingly they did advancing their Presbyteries in the place of Episcopacy their Directory in the room of the Common Prayer Book their Confession to the quality of the Book of Articles all of them so short liv'd of so little continuance that none of them past over their Probationers year Finally having seâ—v'd the turn amus'd the world with doing nothing they made their Exit with far fewer Plaudites then they expected at their entrance In the Recital of whose names our Author craves pardon for omitting the greatest part of them as unknown to him whereas he might have found them all in the Ordinance of the Lords and Commons by which they were called and impowered to be an Assembly Of which pardon he afterwards presumes in case he hath not marshalled them in their Seniority because saith he Fol. 198. It â—avours something of a Prelatical Spirit to be offended about Precedency I â—ee our Author is no Changeling Primus ad extremum similis sibi the very same at last as he was at the first Certainly if it â—avour of a Prelatical Spirit to contend about Precedencies that Spirit by some Pythagorean Metempsychosis hath passed into the bodies of the Presbyterians whose pride had swell'd them in conceit above Kings and Princes Nothing more positive then that of Travers one of our Authors shining Lights for so he cals him Lib. 9. fol. 218. in his Book of Discipline Huic Discipline omnes Principes submittere Fasces suos necesse est as his words there are Nothing more proud and arrogant then that of the Presbyterians in Queen Elizabeths time who used frequently to say That King and Queens must lay down their Scepters and lick up the very dust of the Churrches feet that is their own And this I trow doth not savour so much of a Prelatical as a Papal Spirit Diogenes the Cynick affecting a vain-glorious poverty came into Plato's Chamber and trampled the Bed and other furniture thereof under his feet using these words Calco Platonis fastum
England is much beholding to our Author for making question whether their adhering to the Liturgy then by Law established were not to be imputed rather unto obstinacy and doating then to love and constancy The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great blessing of God upon this Nation by the generality of the people for the spâ—ce of fourscore years and upwards they found it estâ—â—lisâ—t by the Law seal'd by the bloud of those that made it confirm'd by many godly and religious Pâ—inces and had almost no other form of making their ordinary addresses to Almighty God but what was taught them in the Book of Common-Prayer And could any discreet man think or wise man hope that a form of Prayer so univeâ—sally receiv'd and so much esteem'd could be laid by without reluctancy in those who had been so long accustom'd to it or called obstinacy or doating in them if they did not presently submit to every new nothing which in the name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them And though our Author doth profess that in the agitating of this Controveâ—sie pro and con he will reserve his private opinion to himself yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage Quid verba audiam cum facta videam is a good rule here He must needs shew his private opinion in this point say he what he can who makes a question whether the adhesion of the people generally to the publick Liturgy were built on obstinacy and doating or on love and constancy But if it must be obstinacy or doating in the generality of the people to adhere so cordially unto the Book of Common-Prayer I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshall of Essex that great Bel-weather for a time of the Presbyterians who having had a chief hand in compiling the Directory did notwithstanding marry his own Daughter by the form prescrib'd in the Common-Prayer Book and having so done paid down five pound immediately to the Church-wardens of the Parish as the fine or forfeiture for using any other form of Marriâ—ge then that of the Directory The like to which I have credibly been infoâ—med was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley on the like occasion and probably by many others of the same strain also With like favour he beholds the two Universities as he dâ—e the Liturgy and hard it is to say which he injureth most And first beginning with Oxford he lets us know that Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such who should be deputed by him But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford was urged against them wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation Our Author here subjects the Vniversity of Oxford to the power of the Parliament and that not only in regard of that Paramount power which he ascribes unto the Parliament that is to say the two Houses of Parliament for so we are to understand him above all Estates but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford by which that Vniversity was subjected to such Visitations I finde indeed that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City That the Chancellor Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxon and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foâ—ndation and all other Heads and Governors Masters Fellows and Scholars of the Colledges Halls and Bodies Corporate and Societies of the same University and the publiâ—â—â— Professors and Readers and the Orator thereoâ— and all other persons belonging to the said University or to any Colledges or Halls therein shall and may according to their Statutes Charters and Customs enjoy their antient form of government suboâ—dinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament But I finde not that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article or consented â—o it or thoâ—ght themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it Nor indeed could it stand with reason that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign who had been a Nursing Father to them and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them And that the University did not think it self oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article appears even by our Author himself who tells us in this very passage that the Delegates from the Vniversity pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such as should be deputed by him which certainly they had never done unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or mad-men had they before submitted to that Paramount power which he adscribes unto the Houses Nor did the Houses of Parliament finde themselves impowered by this clause of the Article to obtrude any such Visitation on them And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded and prov'd their priviledges a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made which notwithstanding the University stood still on their own defence in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission yet they knew well that he had never given his consent unto it Whereupon followed that great alteration both 〈◊〉 the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation which was made in Cambridge the Visitors whereof as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament he more sensibly favoureth then the poor sufferers or malignant members as he calls them of that Vniversity For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigionsis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons whereby they were sworn to detect one another even their dearest friends Our Author who was out of the storm seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation must write to Mr. Ash who was one of those Visitors to be inform'd in that which he knew before and on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer declares expresly that no such Oath was tendred by him to that Vniversity But first Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny that there was any such Oath but that he was a stranger to it and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy Secondly Mr. Ash only saith that he cannot call to minde that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester and yet I â—row such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not
looked on as a man well principled and of no ill affections to the Church or State And having finished it with as much brevity as I could it was intended onely as an Appendix to the work precedent though now upon the coming out of the other piece it serves as a preamble to that as having the precedence of it both in time and method what moved me to the undertaking and examination of the following History I have declared at large in the Preface unto those Advertisements which are made upon it wherein I have carried my self with more respect unto his person and far less Acrimony in the Phrase and garb of my Expressions there he hath reason to expect His most unhandsome dealing with me in the Book it self seconded by a more ridiculous manifestation of his Spleen and Passion in his post hasâ—e Reply c. might well have sharpned one of a duller edge to cry quittance with him But I consider rather what is fit for me to do then for him to suffer and have not yet forgot the Lesson which I learn'd in one of the Morals of my Aesops Fables where I was taught to imitate those generous Horses Qui latrantes caviculos cum contemptâ— praetereunt which said I pass'd on with a quiet and pacifick minde to the rest that follows ADVERTISMENTS On a Book Entituled THE COMPLETE HISTORY OF THE LIFE and REIGN OF KING CHARLES From his CRADLE to his GRAVE Horat. De Arte Poet Nec sic incipies ut scripsit Scythicus olim Fortunam Priami câ—ntabo nobile Bellum Quid dignum tanto quaerit hic promissor hiatu A SHORT SURVEY OF Mr. SANDERSONS long HISTORY OF THE Life and REIGN of King CHARLES AS ALSO Of the Motives which induced the Author of these Advertisments to engage in this businesse THere are two things as necessary to the writing Histories as to the Composing of Orations or any other Philosophical Civil or Divine discourses that is to say clearnesse of Method and perspicuity of Language For if the Method be irregular and inartificial the Reader will soon find himself in a wood in which he can neither travel with pleasure nor stand still with profit Or if the Language be unpleasing or rendred lesse intelligible to the vulgar Reader either by new affected words not to be understood without the help of a Dictionary or by obscure expressions which require a Comment he stands deprived of that contentment which otherwise would beguile him to the end of the work before he thinks he is half way in it In which respect a perspicuous comlinesse of words and a regular 〈…〉 Nâ—r stand I singly by my self in this opinion of that Hâ—â—tory but finde it seconded by others of good 〈◊〉 and quaâ—ity A judicious and learned friend 〈◊〉 mine having read it over gave me this judgement of â— without my seeking and as such time as I am sure 〈◊〉 never dreamt of my engaging in this businesse I 〈◊〉 spent some houres saith he upon his other two Histories of Maâ—y Queen of Scoâ—s and King 〈◊〉 her â—on wherein though I finde not many 〈◊〉 untruthes yet much stealing from 〈…〉 and Camden and methinks he 〈◊〉 nothing like a Historian either 〈…〉 Compoâ—â—◠〈…〉 â—entences many time 〈◊〉 and his Digreâ—â—ons â—edious and impertiment But this being a private Adverâ—â—ment and but laâ—ely given could not come time enough to the â—ares of this Autâ—or had it been so meant that he might thereby have rectified any thing which was observed to be 〈…〉 or method And thereâ—ore I râ—fer him to a passage 〈…〉 Book entituled Obâ—â—â—vatioâ—â— upon some particular peâ—soâ—s and passages in the Compleaâ— History oâ— Maâ—y Queen of Scots c. which I am sure came to 〈◊〉 andâ— because he returned an Answer to it The Auâ—hor of which observations tells us That his whole Book is but a rapsody of notes and 〈◊〉 papers 〈◊〉 other men collected without either Order or Method being exceedingly defective both in time place â—and nominations and written in so unseemly and disjointed a stile that we may easily perceive he hath taken up other mens words without understanding their matter and unlesse it be where he raileth on persons of Honour which he doth plainly and often though â—omeâ—imes very falsly his Language is dark harsh and unintelligible According to this last censure the Author of this History stands not onely charged with want of â—are in the digesting of his matter and the well languagâ—ing of the same as was observed in the private Letter before mentioned but with railing on 〈◊〉 Persons of Honour without ground or truth So that being publickly forewarned it might have been presumed that in 〈…〉 he would have 〈◊〉 and amended whatsoever was observed to be defective in the other or condemned in it But some there are who haâ—e to be reformed in the Psalmists Language others who think it an acknowledgement of their wants and weaknesses if they persist not in the same way which before they walked in I am so charitable to the Author of the present History as not to rank him with the first though I have reason to beleeve that he is willing to be reckoned amongst the second We might have otherwise expected such a Reformation in those particulars as might very well have stood with ingenuity and without disparagement But on the contrary the Earl of Aâ—undel my Lord Finch and Sr. Francis Windeâ—anck persons of eminence and Honour are brought under the Lash two of them being unjustly condemned for profest Papists and the third for doing somewhat but he knows not what which had lost his head if he had not saved it by his heels His Method as perplexed and confused his Language as rugged and uneven as before it was It seemes it did concern him in the point of Decorum to make the History of this King alike both in form and matter unto those of his Ancestors and that his picture should not be laid with better colours then the others were facies not omnibus una Nec diversa â—amen as we know who saies I know some who affect Brevity do many times fall into Obscurity Brevis esse laboro Obscurus â—io as 〈◊〉 in his Book de Arte poe ica But in a peice of such proâ—ixity as this is the Author had room and scope enough to expresse himself clearly and intelligibly even to an ordinary Reader which renders him the more inexcusable amongst knowing men His History made much longer by Incorporating into it his late Majesties most excellent Meditations and Divine Discourses those Menâ—is aureae 〈…〉 comprised in the Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or The Portraiture of his sacred Majesâ—y in his Solâ—â—udes and Sufferings A Book which rather ought to have been preserved by its self like Apples of Gold in Pâ—â—â—ures of Silver c. to be ingraven on Pillars of Marble with a Pen of Diamond then to be buried in the Grave of an obscure Writer like a Pearl
King as our Authour words is it gave the King occasion to consider of the generall tendency of the Puritan doctrine in this point unto downright Iudâ—â—sme and thereupon to quicken the reviving of his Fathers Declaration about Lawfull sports in which the signification of his pleasure beareth date the 18. of October in the 9. year of his Reign Anno 1633. A remedy which had been prescribed unseasonably to prevent and perhaps too late to cure the disease if Bradburns Book had been publisht six years before as our Authour makes 〈◊〉 Our Authour secondly relating this very businesse of Bradburnes Book or rather of Barbarous Books as he cals them there fol. 196. must either be confest to speak Vngrammatically or else the coming out of these Barbarous Books must be one chief motive for setting out that Declaration by King Iames Anno. 1618. Thirdly This Bradbuâ—u was not made a Convert by the High Commission Couâ—t bâ—t by a private conference with some Learned Divines to which he had submitted himself and which by Gods blessing so far prevailed with him that he became a Converts and freely conformed himself to the Orthodoxall Doctrine of the Church of England both concerning the Sabbath day and likewise concerning the Lords day So Bishop White relates the Story in his Epistle Dedicatory before his Book to the Aâ—ch-Bishop of Canterbury Anno 1635. Fourthly Whereas our Authour tels us fol. 175. That the Declaration was not 〈◊〉 on the Ministers to publish more proper for a Lay-Officer or a Constable I must needs grant that the publishing of this Declaration was not prest on the Minister by any expresse command of the King But then I would fain know withall how the Bishops could take Order that publication thereof be made in all the Parish Churches of their severall Diocesses according to his 〈◊〉 will and pleasure but by the mouth of the Ministers The Constable and other Lay-Officers whom our Authour thinks more proper for that Employment were not under the Bishopâ— command as to that particular and therefore as he â—ad nâ— Authority so he had no reason to require any such duty from them And as for the Church-Wardens which are more liable to the power and command of the Oâ—dinary it happeneth many times especially in Countrey-Villages that they cannot reade and theâ—efore no such publication of the Kings pleasure to be laid on them The Ministers who had takeâ— an Oath oâ— Canonicall Oâ—edience to their severall and respective Bishops must consequently bâ— the fittest men for that Employment implicitly intended though not explicitly named in the Declaration As many mistakes there are concerning the decay and repair of S. Pauls Church in London For first the high Spire was not burnt down by accident of Lightning in the time of Queen Elizâ—beth as our Authour tels us fol. 176. That vulgar Errour hath been confuted long agoe and no such thing as the burning of Pauls Steeple by Lightning hath for these twenty years and more occurred in the Chronologies of our common Almanacks that dreadfull accident not happening by the hand of Hâ—aven but by the negligence of a Plumber who leaving his pan of Coals there when he went to Dinner was the sole occasion of that mischief Secondly The Commission for the Repair of this Church issued in the time of King Charles came not out in the year 1632. where our Authour placeth it but had past the Seal and was published in Print the year before Anno 1631. Thirdly The Reparation of the Church began not at the West end as our Authour tels us fol. 177. the Quire or Eastern part of the Church being fully finisht before the Western part or the main body of the Chuâ—ch had been undertaken Fourthly The little Church called S. Gregories was not willingly taken down to the ground the Parishioners opposing it very strongly and declaring as much unwillingnesse as they could or durst in that particular and fiftly the Lord Mayor for the time then being was not named Sir Robert 〈◊〉 as our Authour makes it but Sir Robert Ducy advanc'd by â—is â—ajesty to the dâ—gree of a Baronet as by the Commission doth appear so many mistakes in so few linâ—â— are not easily met with in any Author but our present Histâ—â—rian But we proceed Fol. 179. â—he Turkâ— hâ—ve Auxiliâ—ry friendâ—hip of the 〈◊〉 Tartar Chrim from whose Ancestors Tamberlain proceeded â— A Proposition strangely mixt of truth and falshood it being most true that the Turks have Auxiliary Forces from the Tartar Chrim and no less false that Tamberlain dâ—â—cended from him All who have written of that great Prince make him the son of Og or Zain-Cham the Cham of Zagathey a Province some thousands of miles distant from the dwellings of the Tartar-Chrim which Og or Zâ—in-Châ—m was the Grand-childe of another Zâ—in-Cham the third great Cham of the Tartars and he the Grand-childe of Cingis the first great Cham who laid the foundation of that mighty and for a time most terrible Empire Whereas the Chrim-Tartar or the Tartar-Chrim as our Authâ—r calls him derives 〈◊〉 from Lochtan-Cham descended from one Bathu or Roydo a great Commander of the Tartars who during the Reign of Hoccata the second great Cham subdued these Countries But this mistake I shall more easily pardon in our Author then another of like nature touching Vladislaus King of Poland of whom he tells us that being the fâ—urth of that name he succeeded his Brother Sigismund in that Kingdom Vladislaus the fâ—â—rth saith he was after the death of his Brother Sigismund by the consent of the States preferred to the â—hroâ—e fol. 182. In which few words there are two things to be corrected For first Vlâ—dislâ—us who succeeded Sigâ—smund was not his Brother but his Son And secondly he succeeded not by the name of Vladislaus the fourth but of Vladâ—slâ—us the sevenâ—h Adde herein his making of Smolensko a Town of Pâ—land ibâ—d which most of our Geograpâ—ers have placed in Râ—ssia A Town whâ—ch sometime by the chance of War or otherwise hâ—th been in possession of the Pole though properly belonging to the great Duke of Muscovy which can no more entitle it to the name of a Polish Town then Calice may be now said to be an English Colony because once a Colony of the English Nor does our Author speâ—k more properly I will not say more understandingly of the Affairs of Ireland then of those of Poland For first He tells us fol. 185. That the Conquest of it was never perfected till its subjection to King Charls whereas there was no other subjection tendred by that People to King Charls then by those of his other two Kingdoms of England and Scotland Secondly Forgetting what he had said before he tells us fol. 186. That Mountâ—oy made an end of that War in the Reign of King James and yet he says not true in that neither â—or the War was ended by Mountjoy at the Battle of Kingsale by which that great Rebel the Earl
He tells me indifinitely of my Helpers page 5. of the charitable Collections of my numerous Helpers pag. 23. Helpers import a plural number and numerous Helpers signifie a multitude and who can stand against so many when they joyn together But I would not have my Squire affright himself with these needless terrors my helpers are but few in number though many in vertue and effect for though I cannot say that I have many helpers yet I cannot but confess in all humble gratitude that I have one great Helper which is instar omnium even the Lord my God Aurilium meum a domino my help cometh even from the Lord which hath made heaven and earth as the Psalmist hath it And I can say with the like humble acknowledgements of Gods mercies to me as Iacob did when he was askt about the quick dispatch which he had made in preparing savery meat for his aged Father Voluntas Dei suit ut tam citoâ— occurreâ—et mihi quod volebam Gen. 27. 20. It is Gods goodness and his onely that I am able to do what I do And as for any humane helpers as the French Courâ—iers use to say of King Lewis the XI That all his Councel rid upon one Horse because he relyed upon his own Judgement and Abilities onely So may I very truly say That one poor Hackney-horse will carry all my Helpers used be they never so numeâ—ous The greatest help which I have had since it pleased God to make my own â—ight unuseful to me as to writing and reading hath come from one whom I had entertained for my Clerk or Amanuensis who though he reasonably well understood both Greek and Latine yet had he no further Education in the way of Learning then what he brought with him from the School A poor Countrey School And though I have no other helps at the present but a raw young fellow who knows no Greek and understands but little Latine yet I doubt not but I shall be able to do as much reason to my Squire as he hath reason to expect at my hands My stock of Learning though but small hath been so well husbaâ—ded that I am still able to winde and turn it to the vindication of the truthâ— never reputed such a Banckrupt till I was made such by my Squire as to need such a charitable Collection to set me up again as is by him ascribed to my numerous helpers Thus singly armed and simply seconded I proceed to the examination of those personal charges which defect he is pleased to lay upon me and first he tells us how gladly Dr. Heylyn would take occasion to assume fresh credit of copeing with â—he deceased now at rest whom he hath endeavored to disturb even the most Râ—verend Name and living Fame of that approved Learned Prelate the late Arch-Bishop of Armagh Primate of all Ireland pag. 5. And still he might have been at rest without any dâ—sturbance either unto his Reverend Name or Living Fame if Dr. Barnâ—â—d first and afterwards Squire Sanderson had not rated him out of his Grave and brought him back upon the Stage from which he had made his Exit with so many Plaudites And being brought back upon the Stage hath given occasion to much discourse about his advising or not advising the King to consent unto the Earl of Straâ—â—ords death and his distinction of a personal and political conscience either to prepare the King to give way unto it or to confirm him in the justice and necessity of it when the deed was done Both these have been severally charged on the Observator by Dr. Barnard and his Partakers Pag. 18. and both of them severally disclaimed by him both in the Book called the Observator rescued pag. 296 297 349. and in the Appendix to the Book called Respondâ— Petrus c. p. 143 144 and 152. Nay so far was the Obseâ—vator of his alâ—er idem from disturbing the reverend Name living Fame of that learned Prelate that in the Book called Extraâ—eâ—s vâ—pulans he declares himself unwilling to revive that question Whether the Lord Primate had any sharp tooth against the Lord Lieutenant or not in regard the parties were both dead and all displeasures buried in the same grave with them page 292. And in the Book called Respondit Petrus he affirms expresly That having laid the Lord Primate down again in the Bed of Peace he would not raise him from it by a new disturbance and that having laid aside that invidious argument he was resolved upon no provocation whatsoever to take it up again pag. 124. Had not this promise tyed me up I could have made such use of these provocations as to have told the Doctor and his Squire to boot that the Lord Primate did advise the King to sign that destructive Bill by which that Fountain of Blood was opened which hath never been fully shut up again since that ebolishion for which I have my Author ready and my witness too And as for the distinction of a political and a personal conscience ascribed to the Lord Primate by the Author of the Vocal Forest as Mr. Sanderson in his History saith nothing to acquit him of it so neither doth the Squire affect to act any thing in it if he speaks sence enough to be understood in this Post-Haste Pamphlet for having told us that Petrus fancied him to act for Dr. Barnard in acquitting the Lord Primate from the distinction of a poliâ—ical and a personal conscience page 18. he adds That it is confessed by himself the self-same Peâ—rus to have been done to his hand by Mr. Howels attestation of his History who was concerned in those words In which passage if there be any sence in it it must needs be this that it appeareth by the attestation which Iames Howell gave unto his History that he had acted nothing toward the discharge of the Lord Primate from the fatall distinction which D. Bernard had ascribed in his Funerall Sermon to the Vocall Forrest So that the Respondent may conclude as before he did pag. 144. of the said Appendix that as well the errour of that distinction as the fatall application of it must be left at the Lord Primâ—teâ— door as neither being removed by D. Bernard himself or by any of his undertakers The next Charge hath relation to the Lord Primate also in reference to the Articles of the Church of Ireland which he will by no means grant to be abrogated anâ— those of England setled inserted in his own word in the place thereof How so Because the Respondent hath prevented any further confirmation of either by his own confessing of his being too much â—â—edulous in beleeving and inconsiderate in publishing such mist then intelligence which are his own words fol. 87. And his own words they are indeed but neither spoken nor applied as the Squire would have it who must be thought to be in very great Post-haste when he read them over For
Gâ—ng as they from Calvin and Chemnitius and the 〈…〉 â—heir â—ollowers or as all of them differed in that pâ—int 〈◊〉 â—haâ—â—hich D. Hackwell hath â—onâ—est to have 〈…〉 received in Ecclesiasticall History touching S. Georâ—â— being a man and an holy Marâ—yr And secondly â—he Respondentâ—aith â—aith that as he Hâ—ckwellâ—hould â—hould ratâ—er have said our Masters so he magn fies 〈◊〉 Romane Writers especially â—he legendaries that is to say by concurring with them in some â—oints of S. George History in which he findes them secâ—nded by the testimonies of more approved Writers then themselves And if at any time he speaketh favourably of any of the Legendaries as sometimes he doth and for the credit of the cause he was bound to do he did it not in his own words and speaking his own sence of them only but in the words and sence of such ancient and modern Authours as are of most unquestioned credit amongst the Learned Thus speaking of Simeon Metaphrastes he tels us what a high esteem was had of him in the Greek Minâ—logies and what high commendation had been given him by Michael Psellus a man of great Learning in those times and speaking of Iacobus de Voragine he lets the Reader know what had been said of him by Iohanno Gerrard Voscius a man of too great parts for D. Hackwell to contend with sic de câ—teris But whereas D. Hackwell tels his friend in that Letter that the condition of the man that is to say the Respondent was such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander The Respondent thereunto replyes that he looks no otherwise on those words then as the extravagances of a proud and passionate weaknesse The Respondent stood at that time in as good a condition for reputation and esteem with the generality of the Nation as D. Hackwell could pretend too and would not have refused an encounter with him upon any argument either at the sharp or at the â—mooth as the Pamphleter words it I am soâ—ry to have said thus much but the indignity of the provocation hath enforced me to it for which D. Hackwells Friend is to thank M. Sandâ—rson oâ— condemn himself in publishing those passages in cold blouâ— five and twenty years after they were written which escaped the Doctor in his heats And so I leave my three great Names those Magni nominis Vmbras in the Poets Language with a Tria sunt omnia not looking for a Tria sequunâ—ur tria though the Squire should once again play the School boy and rather fall upon small games then none at all But the Pampâ—leter will not leave the Respondent so The Lord Primate in a Letter to an Honourable friend had accused him of Sophâ—stry and the Pamphleter is resolved to make good the charge assuring us That in the judgement of divers he made it good throughout his book and divers they may be though they be but two Squire Sanderson and D. Bernard which are so many so it follows that they would finde as much work for an Observator as he saith my History will afford him Never was Lillies head so broken as it is by this Squire who is so far from keeping the Rules of Grammar that he hath forgotten his very Accidence he would not else give us two Adjectives viz. which and many which he knows cannot stand by themselves without another word to be added to them for shewing of their sence or signification Substantive I am sure there is none to owne them and therefore we must take his meaning by his gaping only Which though it be not wide enough to speak out doth import thus much That the Errours in the Book called Respondent Petrus are so great and many that they would finde as much work for an Observator as the Pamphleters History It seems that the Respondent Helpers being many in number for he cals them by the Name of his Numerous helpers and all of them as subject unto errour as the Squire himself each of them hath committed one mistake at the least which will affoâ—d as much matter for an Observator as the History doth what work the History hath found for an Observator hath been seen by this time And if ther◠〈◊〉 so many in the Book called Respondet Petrus as he 〈◊〉 there are why hath not he or D Bernard presentâ—d them to the view of the world in so long a time But yet wâ—ll fare the Authour for his wonderfull chaâ—ity who thâ—ugh he meet with many errours and mistakes throughout the book for such Helper on yet is pleased to satisfie himself with instancing in one but such a one in such greâ—t Châ—â—â—cters that he who rides Post the Squire is alwaies in 〈…〉 may reade it without stopping Parturiunt montes You have shewed us the mountain gentle Sir but pray you Where is the mouse Marry sayes he we finde it pag. 63. where he repâ—â—ing a quotation of thâ— Lord Primate in the end of his Letter to D. Twisse â—orrâ—wed from Gregory the Great he had blindely mistaken the copulative And for the Disjunctive Or Had it been so a man of any ordinary candor would have looked upon it as an errour rather of the Presse then the Pen. Bâ—t the Squire who hath a quicker sight quam aut â—qâ—ila 〈◊〉 serpens Epidaurius in the Poets Language hath in this shown himself more blinde then he makes the Respondent for in pag. 63. which the Pamphlâ—ter cites we finde the whole passage to be thus viz. The next Authority is taken from Gregâ—ry the Greâ—t who telleth us that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist qui veniens diem Dominicum Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work Now let the Sâ—uireâ—who â—who can see further iâ—to a mill-stone then the Râ—spondent and his Helpers are affirmed to do resolve me when he next sets out whether the word in S. Gâ—egory be turned into or by the Râ—spondent and if it be not as it is not what is become of that mistake so grosse and written in such greâ—t characters that any one who rides Post may reade it Our Squiâ—e for this deserves the Spurs and to be made a Knight of the advice then the nature of the offence required What followed upon this Appeal we are informed by both our Authours In the relating of which story from the first to the last M. Sâ—nâ—â—rson hath dealt more ingenuously then the 〈…〉 For fiâ—â—t M. Saâ—dersâ—n telleth us that the occasion of the Diâ—contâ—nts which encreased at Oxon An. 1631. arose from tâ—is â—iz Many 〈◊〉 that the Renovations reducing 〈…〉 times was now no lesse then Innovation 〈…〉 in their Pulpits and 〈◊〉 But M. Fulâ—er according to his wonted manner of reporting all things favourably for the Puritan party will have the occasion to