whether the Arch-Bishop had moved him to draw up those exceptions against Pryns Book which he denied or at least was not bound to confess that as he was faithful to his Sovereign so he would never prove himself unfaithful to his chief Minister both in Church and State But now John Lord Bishop of Lincoln at this Session of Parliament returned from the Tower to the Church after so long a time of his Suspension and Indevotion to say his Prayers and hear his Brother Peter Heylyn Preach in his course at the Abby in Westminster where notwithstanding the Holiness of that place to which his Lordship had no regard or reverence but only to the Name and Thing of it he was resolved publickly to revenge himself for old-done deeds that ought to have been forgotten by disturbing the Doctor in his Sermon before all the Congregation contrary to the Laws of this Realm and with Reverence to his Lordship against all good manners and the common rules of civility Mala mens furorque vecors In tantam impulerit culpam Catull. Strange That a Bishop could not rule his passions for one hour when no provocation was given by the Doctor whose Sermon from the beginning to the end of it throughout the whole discourse was pacificatory exhorting Christians to Moderation Love and Charity among themselves for the preservation of the publique peace although they differed in some opinions For satisfaction of the Reader I will set down the Doctors own words viz. Is it not that we are so affected with our own Opinions that we condemn whosoever shall opine the contrary and so far wedded to our own wills that when we have espoused a quarrel neither the Love of God not the God of Love shall divorce us from it Instead of hearkning to the voice of the Church every man hearkens to himself and cares not if the whole miscarry so that himself may bravely carry out his own devices Vpon which stubborn height of Pride what quarrels have been rais'd what Schisms in every corner of this our Church to enquire no further some rather putting all into open tumult than that they would conform to a Lawful Government derived from Christ and his Apostles to these very Times At the speaking of which words the Bishop of Lincoln sitting in the great Pew which was before the Seat of Contention knocked aloud with his Staff upon the Pulpit saying No more of that point No more of that point Peter To whom the Doctor readily answered without haesitation or the least sign of being dashed out of countenance I have a little more to say my Lord and then I have done which was as followeth viz. Others combining into close and dangerous Factions because some points of speculative Divinity are otherwise maintained by some than they would have them Also regardless of the common peace that rather than be quiet we will quarrel with our blessed Peace-maker for seeking to compose the differences though to the prejudice of neither party Thus do we foolishly divide our Saviour and rent his Sacred Body on the least occasion vainly conceiving that a difference in point of Judgment must needs draw after it a dis-joyning of the affections also and that conclude at last in an open Schism Whereas diversity of opinions if wisely managed would rather tend to the discovery of the Truth than the disturbance of the Church and rather whet-our Industry than excite our passions It was St. Cyprians resolution Neminem licet aliter senserit à Communione amovere not to suspend any man from the Communion of the Church although the matter then debated was as I take it of more weight than any of the points now controverted which moderation if the present Age had attained unto we had not then so often torn the Church in pieces nor by our frequent broils offered that injury and inhumanity to our Saviours Body which which was not offered to his Garments At this and all the other part of his Sermon the Auditory was highly pleased but the Bishop in so great wrath that his voice and the noise of his Pastoral Staff if I may so call it had like to have frighted the whole Flock or Congregation out of the Fold Considering the ill posture of affairs in which the Nation then stood overflowing with Seditions and Schisms I think a more seasonable Sermon could not have been Preached than to move men of different persuasions unto Peace and Unity one with another which is a most Christian Doctrine After the Sermon was ended he took Sir Robert Filmore his Learned Friend with some Gentlemen of Quality that were his Auditors out of the Church along with him to his House where he immediately Sealed up the Book that contained this Sermon and other Notes to which they also set their Seals that so there might not be the least alteration made in the Sermon nor any ground to suspect it which was presently after sent to the Bishop who kept it in his hands for some days in which time his passions allayed being more calm at home than in Church he sent the Book untouched back again to Dr. Heylyn in whose Study it had lain dormant for the space of fifteen years when the danger of an old Sermon of being called in question must needs be over by my persuasion and his consent he was pleased to give me leave to open that Apocalyptical Book that I might read and see the mystery that lay hid under the Seals for so many years which indeed proved only a pious and practical Sermon for Edification to moderate the heats of those fiery spirits that were like to make a Combustion in the whole Kingdom The Bishop deserved a sharper rebuke for his own Sermon which about that time he Preached before the King when he made a strange Apostrophe from his Text to the Sabbath falling down upon his knees in the Pulpit at the middle of his Sermon beseeching his Majesty in most humble manner that greater care might be taken for the better observation of the Sabbath day which was looked upon by many as a piece of most grand Hypocrisie who knew his opinion well by his practice for he did ordinarily play at Bowls on Sundays after Evening Service shoot with Bow and Arrows and used other exercises and recreations according to his Lordships pleasure The Bishop restored to his Dignities by means of that unhappy Parhament with whom he was in high favour expected that the Doctor should have submitted himself to his Lordship and particularly acknowledge his error in putting out the Antidotum Lincolniense which he commanded him to call in to which Dr. Heylyn replied that he received his Majesties Royal Command for the Writing and Printing of that Book in which he had asserted nothing but what he was still ready to justifie and defend against the opposers of it No sooner was the Doctor out of the Pulpit but he must come again before the Chair of the old Committee to
Articles had been concluded and condescended upon by the Prelates and Clergy of the Realm in their Convocation as appeareth in the very words of the Injunction For which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1247. I find not any thing in Parliament which relates to this either to countenance the work or to require obedience and conformity from the hand of the people And to say truth neither the King nor Clergy did account it necessary but thought their own Authority sufficient to go through with it though certainly it was more necessary at that time than in any since The power and reputation of the Clergy being under foot the King scarce setled in the Supremacy so lately recognized unto him and therefore the Authority of the Parliament of more Use than afterward in Times well ballanced and established 'T is true that in some other year of that Princes Reign we find some Use and mention of an Act of Parliament in matters which concerned Religion but it was only in such Times when the hopes of Reformation were in the Wane and the Work went retrogade For in the year 1539. being the 31. H. 8. When the Lord Comwels power began to decline and the King was in a necessity of compliance with His Neighbouring Princes there passed an Act of Parliament commonly called the Statute of the six Articles or the Whip with six strings In which it was Enacted That whosoever by word or writing should Preach Teach or publish that in the blessed Sacraments of the Altar under form of Bread and Wine there is not really the natural Body and Blood of our Saviour Jesus Christ conceived of the Virgin Mary or affirm otherwise thereof than was maintained and taught in the Church of Rome should be adjudged an Heretick and suffer death by burning and forfeit all his Lands and Goods as in case of High Treason Secondly That whosoever should Teach or Preach that the Communion of the blessed Sacrament in both kinds is necessary for the health of mans soul and ought to be maintained Thirdly Or that any man ofter the Order of Priesthood received might Marry or contract Matrimony Fourthly Or that any Woman which had vowed and professed Chastity might contract Marriage Fifthly Or that private Masses were not lawful and laudable or agreable to the Word of God Or sixthly That auricular Confession was not necessary and expedient to be used in the Church of God should suffer death and forfeit Lands and Goods as a Felon 31 H. 8. c. 14. The rigour of which terrible Statute was shortly after mitigated in the said King's Reign 32 H. 8. c. 10. and 35 H. 8. c. 5. and the whole Statute absolutely repealed by Act of Parliament 1 E. 6. c. 12. But then it is to be observed first that this Parliament of K. H. 8. did not determine any thing in those six points of Doctrine which are therein recited but only took upon them to devise a course for the suppressing of the contrary Opinions by adding by the secular Power the punishment of Death and forfeiture of Lands and Goods unto the censures of the Church which were grown weak if not unvalid and consequently by degrees became neglected ever since the said K. Henry took the Headship on Him and exercised the same by a Lay Vicar General And secondly you must observe that it appeareth evidently by the Act it self that at the same time the King had called a Synod and Convocation of all the Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men of the Clergy that the Articles were first deliberately and advisedly debated argued and reasoned by the said Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men of the Clergy and their opinions in the same declared and made known before the matter came in Parliament And finally That being brought into the Parliament there was not any thing declared and passed as doctrinal but by the assent of the Lords Spiritual and other Learned men of the Clergy as by the Act it self doth at large appear Finally Whatsoever may be drawn from thence can be only this That K. Hen. did make use of his Court of Parliament for the establishing and confirming of some points of Popery which seemed to be in danger of a Reformation And this compared with the Statute of the 34. and 35. prohibiting the reading of the Bible by most sorts of people doth clearly shew that the Parliaments of those times did rather hinder and retard the work of Reformation in some especial parts thereof than give any furtherance to the same But to proceed There was another point of Reformation begun in the Lord Cromwels time but not produced nor brought to perfection till after his decease and then too not without the Midwifery of an Act of Parliament For in the year 1537. the Bishops and others of the Clergy of the Convocation had composed a Book entituled The Institution of a Christian Man which being subscribed by all their hands was by them presented to the King by His most excellent judgment to be allowed of or condemned This Book containing the chief Heads of Christian Religion was forthwith Printed and exposed to publick view But some things not being clearly explicated or otherwise subject to exception he caused it to be reviewed and to that end as Supream Head on Earth of the Church of Engl. I speak the very words of the Act of Parl. 32. H. 8. c. 26. appointed the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and also a great number of the best learned honestest and most vertuous sort of the Doctors of Divinity men of discretion judgment and good disposition to be called together to the intent that according to the very Gospel and Law of God without any partial respect or affection to the Papistical sort or any other Sect or Sects whatsoever they should declare by writing and publish as well the principal Articles and points of our Faith and Belief with the Declaration true understanding and observation of such other expedient points as by them with his Graces advice counsel and consent shall be thought needful and expedient as also for the lawful Rights Ceremonies and observation of Gods Service within this Realm This was in the year 1540. at what time the Parliament was also sitting of which the King was pleased to make this special use That whereas the work which was in hand I use again the words of the Statute required ripe and mature deliberation and was not rashly to be defined and set forth and so not fit to be restrained to the present Session an Act was passed to this effect That all Determinations Declarations Decrees Definitions and Ordinances as according to God's Word and Christ's Gospel should at any time hereafter be set forth by the said Arch-Bishops and Bishops and Doctors in Divinity now appointed or hereafter to be appointed by his Royal Majesty or else by the whole Clergy of England in and upon the matter of Christ's Religion and the Christian Faith
in their Convocations as well by the common assent as by subscriptions of their hands 5 6. Edw. 6. chap. 12. And for the time of Q. Elizabeth it is most manifest that they had no other body of Doctrine in the first part of her Reign then only the said Articles of K. Edward's Book and that which was delivered in the Book of Homilies of the said Kings time In which the Parliament had as little to do as you have seen they had in the Book of Articles But in the Convocation of the year 1562. being the fifth of the Q. Reign the Bishops and Clergy taking into consideration the said book of Articles and altering what they thought most fitting to make it more conducible to the use of the Church and the edification of the people presented it unto the Queen who caused it to be published with this Name and Title viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces and the whole Clergy in the Convocation holden at London Anno 1562. for the avoiding of diversity of Opinions and for the establishing of Consent touching true Religion put forth by the Queens Authority Of any thing done or pretended to be done by the power of the Parliament either in the way of Approbation or of Confirmation not one word occurs either in any of the Printed Books or the Publick Registers At last indeed in the 13th of the said Queens Reign which was 8 years full after the passing of those Articles comes out a Statute for the Redressing of disorders in the Ministers of holy Church In which it was enacted That all such as were Ordained Priests or Ministers of God's Word and Sacraments after any other form then that appointed to be used in the Church of England all such as were to be Ordained or permitted to Preach or to be instituted into any Benefice with Cure of souls should publickly subscribe to the said Articles and testifie their assent unto them Which shews if you observe it well that though the Parliament did well allow of and approve the said Book of Articles yet the said Book owes neither confirmation nor authority to the Act of Parliament So that the wonder is the greater that that most insolent scoff which is put upon us by the Church of Rome in calling our Religion by the name Parliamentaria-Religio should pass so long without controle unless perhaps it was in reference to our Forms of Worship of which I am to speak in the next place But first we must make answer unto some Objections which are made against us both from Law and Practice For Practice first it is alledged by some out of Bishop Jewel in his Answer to the Cavil of Dr. Harding to be no strange matter to see Ecclesiastical Causes debated in Parliament and that it is apparent by the Laws of King Ina King Alfred King Edward c. That our Godly Fore-fathers the Princes and Peers of this Realm never vouchsafed to treat of matters touching the Common State before all Controversies of Religion and Causes Ecclesiastical had been concluded Def. of the Apol. part 6. chap. 2. sect 1. But the answer unto this is easie For first if our Religion may be called Parliamentarian because it hath received confirmation and debate in Parliament then the Religion of our Fore-fathers even Papistry it self concerning which so many Acts of Parliament were made in K. Hen. 8. and Q. Maries time must be called Parliamentarian also And secondly it is most certain that in the Parliaments or Common-Councils call them which you will both of King Inas time and the rest of the Saxon Kings which B. Jewel speaks of not only Bishops Abbots and the higher part of the Clergy but the whole Body of the Clergy generally had their Votes and Suffrages either in person or by proxie Concerning which take this for the leading Case That in the Parliament or Common-Council in K. Ethelberts time who first of all the Saxon Kings received the Gospel the Clergy were convened in as full a manner as the Lay-Subjects of that Prince Convocati Communi Concilio tam Cleri quam Populi saith Sir H. Spelman in his Collection of the Councils Anno 605. p. 118. And for the Parliament of King Ina which leads the way in Bishop Jewel it was saith the same Sr. H. Spelman p. 630. Communi Concilium Episcoporum Procerum Comitum nec non omnium Sapientum Seniorum Populorumque totius Regni Where doubtless Sapientes and Seniores and you know what Seniores signifieth in the Ecclesiastical notion must be some body else then those which after are expressed by the name of Populi which shews the falshood and absurdity of the collection made by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book against Dr. Cousins viz. That the Parliament as it is now constituted hath an ancient genuine just and lawful Prerogative to establish true Religion in our Church and to abolish and suppress all false new and counterfeit Doctrines whatsoever Unless he means upon the post fact after the Church hath done her part in determining what was true what false what new what ancient and finally what Doctrines might be counted counterfeit and what sincere And as for Law 't is true indeed that by the Statute 1 Eliz. cap. 1. The Court of Parliament hath power to determine and judge of Heresie which at first sight seems somewhat strange but on the second view you will easily find that this relates only to new and emergent Heresies not formerly declared for such in any of the first four General Councils nor in any other General Cuncil adjudging by express words of holy Scripture as also that in such new Heresies the following words restrain this power to the Assent of the Clergy in their Convocation as being best able to instruct the Parliament what they are to do and where they are to make use of the secular sword for cutting off a desperate Heretick from the Church of CHRIST or rather from the Body of all Christian people 5. Of the Reformation of the Church of England in the Forms of Worship and the Times appointed thereunto THIS Rub removed we now proceed unto a view of such Forms of Worships as have been setled in this Church since the first dawning of the day of Reformation in which our Parliaments have indeed done somewhat though it be not much The first point which was altered in the publick Liturgies was that the Creed the Pater-noster and the Ten Commandements were ordered to be said in the English Tongue to the intent the people might be perfect in them and learn them without book as our Phrase is The next the setting forth and using of the English Letany on such days and times in which it was accustomably to be read as a part of the Service But neither of these two was done by Parliament nay to say truth the Parliament did nothing in them All which was done in either of them
which was built upon it first taking in my way some necessary preparations made unto it by H. 8. by whom it had been ordered in the year 1536. That the Creed the Lords Prayer and the Ten Commandments should be recited publickly by the Parish Priest in the English Tongue and all the Sundays and other Holidays throughout the year And that the people might the better understand the duties contained in them it pleased him to assemble his Bishops and Clergy in the year next following requiring them Vpon the diligent search and perusing of Holy Scripture to set forth a plain and sincere Doctrine concerning the whole sum of all those things which appertain unto the Profession of a Christian man Which work being finished with very great care and moderation they published by the name of an Institution of a Christian man containing the Exposition or Interpretation of the common Creed the seven Sacraments the Ten Commandments Epls Dedit the Lords Prayer c. and dedicated to the Kings Majesty Submitting to his most excellent Wisdom and exact Judgment to be by him recognized overseen and corrected if he found any word or sentence in it amiss to be qualified changed or further expounded in the plain setting forth of his most vertuous desire and purpose in that behalf A Dedication publickly subscribed in the name of the rest by all the Bishops then being eight Archdeacons and seventeen Doctors of chief note in their several faculties Amongst which I find seven by name who had a hand in drawing up the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. that is to say Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Goodrich Bishop of Ely Hebeach then Bishop of Rochester and of Lincoln afterwards Skip then Archdeacon of Dorset after Bishop of Hereford Roberson afterwards Dean of Durham as Mayo was afterwards of S. Pauls and Cox of Westminster And I find many others amongst them also who had a principal hand in making the first Book of Homilies and passing the Articles of Religion in the Convocation of the year 1552. and so it rested till the year 1643. when the King making use of the submission of the Book which was tendred to him corrected it in many places with his own hand as appeareth by the Book it self remaining in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton Which having done he sends it so corrected to Archbishop Cranmer who causing it to be reviewed by the Bishops and Clergy in Convocation drew up some Annotations on it And that he did for this intent as I find exprest in one of his Letters bearing date June 25. of this present year because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces censure and judgment he would have nothing therein that Momos himself could reprehend referring notwithstanding all his Annotations to his Majesties exacter judgment Nor staid it here but being committed by the King to both Houses of Parliament and by them very well approved of as appears by the Statutes of this year Cap. 1. concerning the advancing of true Religion and the abolition of the contrary it was published again by the Kings command under the title of Necessary Doctrine and Erudition for any Christian man And it was published with an Epistle of the Kings before it directed to all his faithful and loving Subjects wherein it is affirmed To be a true Declaration of the true knowledge of God and his Word with the principal Articles of Religion whereby men may uniformly be led and taught the true understanding of that which is necessary for every Christian man to know for the ordering of himself in this life agreeable unto the will and pleasure of Almighty God Now from these Books the Doctrine of Predestination may be gathered into these particulars which I desire the Reader to take notice of Institut of a Christian that he may judge the better of the Conformity which it hath with the established Doctrine of the Church of England 1. That man by his own nature was born in sin and in the indignation and displeasure of God and was the very child of Wrath condemned to everlasting death subject and thrall to the power of the Devil and sin having all the principal parts or portions of his soul as reason and understanding and free-will and all other powers of his soul and body not only so destituted and deprived of the gifts of God wherewith they were first endued but also so blinded corrupted and poysoned with errour ignorance and carnal concupiscence that neither his said powers could exercise the natural function and office for which they were ordained by God at the first Creation nor could he by them do any thing which might be acceptable to God 2. That Jesus Christ the only begotten Son of God the Father was eternally preordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity to be our Lord that is to say to be the only Redeemer and Saviour of Man-kind and to reduce and bring the same from under the Dominion of the Devil and sin unto his only Dominion Kingdom Lordship and Governance 3. That when the time was come in the which it was before ordained and appointed by the Decree of the Holy Trinity That Man-kind should be saved and redeemed Necessary prayer than the Son of God the second Person in the Trinity and very God descended from Heaven into the world to take upon him the very habit form and nature of man and in the same nature of suffer his glorious Passion for the Redemption and Salvation of all Man-kind 4. That by this Passion and Death of our Saviour Jesus Christ not only Corporal death is so destroyed that it shall never hurt us but rather that it is made wholesome and profitable unto us but also that all our sins and the sins also of all them that do believe in him and follow him be mortified and dead that is to say all the guilt and offence thereof as also the damnation and pains due for the same is clearly extincted abolished and washed away so that the same shall never afterwards be imputed and inflicted on us 5. That this Redemption and Justification of Man-kind could not have been wrought or brought to pass by any other means in the world but by the means of this Jesus Christ Gods only Son and that never man could yet nor never shall be able to come unto God the Father or to believe in him or to attain his favour by his own wit and reason or by his own science and learning or by any of his own works or by whatsoever may be named in Heaven or Earth but by faith in the Name and Power of Jesus Christ and by the gifts and graces of his Holy Spirit But to proceed the way to the ensuing Reformation being thus laid open The first great work which was accomplished in pursuance of it was the compiling of that famous Liturgy of the year 1549 commanded by King Edward VI. that is to
the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine 2. The Article of Freewil in all the powers and workings of it agreed on by the Prelates and Clergy of that Convocation agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergy in that Convocation 4. The Article of Freewil approved by King Henry the eighth and Archbishop Cranmer 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of the Article to the present established Doctrine in the Church of Rome BUT First I am to take in my way another evidence which though it hath not so directly the forced of Law to bind us to consent unto it and perhaps may not be considered amongst the Monuments and Records of the Reformation yet it speaks plainly the full sense of our first Reformers I speak this of a pithy but short Discourse touching the nature of Freewil contained amongst some others in the Book published by the Authority of King Henry the cighth in the year 1543. entituled A necessary Doctrine and Erudition for all Christian men Concerning which as we have spoken at large already in Ch. 8. of this Work so now we must add something touching this particular of which there was no notice taken in the Bishops book For when the Bishops Book which had been printed in the year 1537. under the Title of An Institution for a Christian man had for some time continued without alteration it was brought under the review of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in their Convocation An. 1543. and having been reviewed in all the parts and members of it a particular Treatise touching the nature of Freewil which in those times had exercised the greatest wits Of which I find this Memorandum in the Acts of the Convocation that is to say Art of Confes 1543. Aprill ult That on Monday being the last of April Lecto publice exposito Articulo Liberi Arbitrii in vulgari c. The Article of Freewil being read and publickly expounded in the English Tongue the most Reverend Archbishops delivered it into the hands of the Prolocutor to the end that he should publish it before the Clerks of the lower House of Convocation as is accustomed in such cases Quo lecto per eos approbato which being read and approved by them it was returned with the residue to the upper House of Convocation with this Approbation Quod pro Catholicis Religiosis acceperunt necnon gratias ingentes patribus egerunt quod tantos labores sudores vigilias Religionis Reipublicae causa unitatis gratia subierant that is to say that they embraced them all for sound and Orthodox rendring unto the Fathers their most humble thanks for the great care and pains which they had undertaken for the good of the Church and Commonwealth and the preserving of peace and unity among the people Which passage I have at large laid down to shew by whose hands and by what Authority as well the Book it self which we have spoken of before as this particular Treatise in it was at first fashioned and set forth And that being said I shall first present the Treatise or Discourse it self and after Answer such Objections as either prejudice or partiality may devise against it Now the article followeth in haec verba The Article of Freewill The Commandments and threatnings of Almighty God in Scripture whereby man is called upon and put in remembrance what God would have him to do Rom. 12. 1 Tim. 4. 1 John 2. Matth. 19. most evidently do express and declare that man hath Freewil also now after the fall of our first Father Adam as plainly appeareth in these places following Be not overcome of evil neglect not the grace that is in thee Love not the World c. If thou wilt enter into life keep the Commandments Which undoubtedly should be said in vain unless there were some faculty or power left in man whereby he may by the help and grace of God if he will receive it when it is offered him understand his Commandments and freely consent unto and obey them which thing of the Catholick Fathers is called Freewill which if we will describe we may call it conveniently in all men A certain power of the Will joyned with Reason whereby a reasonable creature without constraint in things of Reason discerneth and willeth good and evil but it willeth not the good which is acceptable to God except it be holpen with Grace but that which is ill it willeth of it self And therefore other men define Freewill in this wise Freewill is a power and Reason of Will by which good is chosen by the assistance of Grace as evil is chosen without the assistance of the same Howbeit the state and condition of Freewill was otherwise in our first Parents before they sinned than it was either in them or their Posterity after they had sinned For our first Parents Adam and Eve until they wounded and overthrew themselves by sin had so in possession the said power of Freewill by the most liberal gift and grace of God their Maker that noe only they might eschew all manner of sin but also know God and love him and fulfil all things appertaining to their felicity and welfare For they were made righteous and to the image and similitude of God 1. 〈◊〉 16. having power of Freewill as Chrysostom saith to obey or disobey so that by obedience they might live and by disobedience they should worthily deserve to die A For the wise man affirmeth of them that the state of them was of this sort in the beginning saying thus God in the beginning did create man and left him in the hands of his own counsel he gave unto him his Precepts and Commandments saying If thou wilt keep these Commandments they shall preserve thee He hath set before thee fire and water put forth thy hands to whether thou wilt before man is life and death good and evil what him listeth that shall he have From this must happy estate our first Parents falling by disobedience most grievously hurted themselves and their posterity for besides many other evils that came by that transgression the high power of mans Reason and Freedom of will were wounded and corrupted and all men thereby brought into such blindness and infirmity that they cannot eschew sin except they be made free and illuminated by an especial grace that is to say by a supernatural help and working of the holy Ghost which although the goodness of God offers to all men yet they only enjoy it which by their Freewill do accept and embrace the same Nor they also that be holpen by the said grace can accomplish and perform things that be for their wealth but with much labour and endeavour So great is in our Nature the corruption of the first sin and the heavy burden hearing us down to evil For truly
Divinity as well as undertake the profession of it but afterward persuaded thereto by a Right Reverend and Learned Person Mr. Buckner he seriously applied himself to this Study and holy Profession receiving the Orders of Deacon and Priest but at distinct times in S. Aldates Church in Oxon from the Right Reverend Bishop Howson And when he was Ordained Priest he Preach'd the Ordination Sermon upon these words of our Blessed Saviour to S. Peter Luk. 22.32 And when thou art Converted strengthen thy Brethren What course and method he observed in his Theological Studies he informs us with his own Pen Theol. Vit. praef to the Reader When I began my Studies in Divinity I thought no course so proper and expedient for me as the way commended by King James which was that young Students in Divinity should be excited to study such Books as were most agreeable in Doctrine and Discipline to the Church of England and to bestow their time in the Fathers and Councils School-men Histories and Controversie and not to insist too long upon Compendiums and Abbreviators His Geography was in less than three years Reprinted And in this second Edition was enlarged and again presented by him to the Prince of Wales and by him graciously received with most affectionate commendations of the Author But it met with another kind of entertainment from King James for the Book being put into the hands of that Learned Monarch by Dr. Young then Dean of Winton who design'd nothing but the highest kindness to Mr. Heylyn thereby the King at first exprest his great value he had for the Author but unfortunatly falling on a passage wherein Mr. Heylyn gave Precedency to the French King and called France the more famous Kingdom King James became very much offended and ordered the Lord Keeper to call the Book in The Dean gave notice to Mr. Heylyn of his Majesties displeasure and advised him to repair to Court and make use of the Princes Patronage as the best lenitive to prevent the rankling of this wound But he rather chose to abide in Oxford and acquainting the Lord Danvers with the business afterward sent an Apology and Explanation of his meaning That the burden under which he suffered was rather a mistake than a crime and that mistake not his own but the Printers which was after corrected and amended In the year 1625. he took a Journey with Mr. Levet of Lincolns-Inn into France where he visited more Cities and made more observations in five weeks time for he stayed no longer than many others have done in so many years The particulars of this Journey he reduced into writing and some years after gratifi'd his Countrey with the publication of it together with some other excellent remarks made by him when he went in attendance upon the Earl of Danby to the Isle of Gernsey and Jersey Anno Dom. 1628. Had King James lived to have perused that Book Mr. Heylyn had needed no other Advocate to have restored him to his Princely favour and protection For never was the vanity and levity of the Monsieurs and deformity and sluttishness of their Madams more ingeniously exposed both in Verse and Prose than in the account that he gives of his Voyage into France On April the 18th 1627. he opposed in the Divinity-School and on Tuesday the 24th following he answered pro formâ upon these two Questions viz. An Ecclesia unquam fuerit invisibilis An Ecclesia possit errare Both which he determined in the Negative Upon occasional discourse with him he was pleased once to shew me his Supposition which I read over in his House at Lacies-Court in Abingdon but I had not then either the leisure or good luck to transcribe a Copy of it which would have been worth my pains and more worthy of the Press to the great satisfaction of others For my part I can truly say that I never read any thing with more delight for good Latin Reason and History which that Exercise was full of but since both it and many other choice Papers in his Study through the carelesness of those to whose custody they are committed I suppose are utterly lost and gone ad blattarum tinearum Epulas In stating of the first Question that caused the heats of that day he fell upon a quite different way from that of Dr. Prideaux the Professor in his Lecture De Visibilitate Ecclesiae and contrary to the common opinion of other Divines who generally prove the visibility of the Protestant Church from the poor persecuted Christians dispersed in several places as the Berengarians in Italy the Waldenses in France the Wicklifists in England and the Hussiets in Bohemia which manner of proceeding being disliked by Mr. Heylyn as that which utterly discontinued the Succession of the Hierarchy which the Church of England claims from the very Apostles and their immediate Successors He rather chose to find out a continual visible Church in Asia Ethiopia Greece Italy yea and Rome it self as also in all the Western Provinces then subject to the power of the Roman Bishop when he was the chief Patriarch which Mr. Heylyn from his great knowledge and more than ordinary abilities in History strenuously asserted and proved to which the Professor could make but weak replies as I have heard from knowing persons who were present at that Disputation because he was drawn out of his ordinany byass from Scholastical Disputation to forein Histories in which encounter Mr. Heylyn was the invincible Ajax Nec quisquam Ajacem superare possit nisi Ajax But chiefly the quarrel did arise for two words in Mr. Heylyns Hypothesis after he had proved the Church of England received no Succession of Doctrine or Government from the Berengarians Wicklifists c. who held many Heterodoxies in Religion as different from the established Doctrine of our Church as any point which was maintained at that time in the Church of Rome that the Writers of that Church Bellarmin himself hath stood up as cordially in maintenance of some fundamental points of the Christian Faith against Anti-Trinitarians Anabaptists and other Heretiques of these last Ages as any our Divines and other Learned men of the Protestant Churches which point Mr. Heylyn closed up with these words Vtinam quod ipse de Calvino sic semper errasset nobilissimus Cardinalis at which words the Reverend Doctor was so impatient in his Chair that he fell upon the Respondent in most vile terms calling him Papicola Bellarminianus Pontificius c. to draw the hatred of the University upon him according to the saying Fortiter calumniare aliquid adhaerebit grievously complaining to the younger sort of his Auditors unto whom he made his chiefest addresses of the unprofitable pains he took among them if Bellarmin whom he had laboured to confute for so many years should be honoured with the Title of Nobilissimus Notwithstanding the Respondent acquitted himself bravely before the Company ascribing no more honour to Bellarmin
the Lord Commissioners the Right of Sitting there 1. The Prebends Original Right 2. Their Derivative Right and lastly their Possessory Right Upon hearing the proofs on both sides it was ordered by general consent of the Lord Commissioners That the Prebends should be restored to their old Seat and that none should sit there with them but Lords of the Parliament and Earls eldest Sons according to the ancient custom After this there was no Bishop of Lincoln to be seen at any Morning-Prayer and seldom at Evening At this time came out the Doctor 's History of the Sabbath the Argumentative or Scholastick part of which subject was referred to White Bishop of Eli the Historical part to the Doctor And no sooner had the Doctor perfected his Book of the Sabbath but the Dean of Peterborough engages him to answer the Bishop of Lincoln's Letter to the Vicar of Grantham He received it upon good Friday and by the Thursday following discovered the sophistry mistakes and falshoods of it It was approved by the King and by him given to the Bishop of London to be Licens'd and Publish'd under the title of a Coal from the Altar In less than a twelve-month the Bishop of Lincoln writ an Answer to it Entituled The Holy Table Name and Thing but pretended that it was writ long ago by a Minister in Lincolnshire against Dr. Cole a Divine in the days of Queen Mary Dr. Heylyn receiv'd a Message from the King to return a reply to it and not in the least to spare him And he did it in the space of seven weeks presenting it ready Printed to his Majesty and called it Antidotum Lincolniense But before this he answered Mr. Burtons Seditious Sermon being thereunto also appointed by the King In July 1637. the Bishop of Lincoln was censured in the Star-Chamber for tampering with Witnesses in the Kings Cause suspended à Beneficio officio and sent to the Tower where he continued three years and did not in all that space of time hear either Sermon or publick Prayers The College of Westminster about this time presented the Doctor to the Parsonage of Islip now void by the death of Dr. King By reason of its great distance from Alresford the Doctor exchanged it for South-warnborough that was more near and convenient At which time recovering from an ill fit of Sickness he studiously set on writing the History of the Church of England since the Reformation in order to which he obtained the freedom of Sir Robert Cottons Library and by Arch-bishop Laud's commendation had liberty granted him to carry home some of the Books leaving 200 l. as a Pawn behind him The Commotions in Scotland now began and the Arch Bishop of Canterbury intending to set out an Apology for vindicating the Liturgy which he had commended to that Kirk desired the Doctor to translate the Scottish Liturgy into Latin that being Published with the Apology all the World might be satisfied in his Majesties piety as well as the arch-Arch-Bishops care as also that the perverse and rebellious temper of the Scots might be apparent to all who would raise such troubles upon the Recommendation of a book that was so Venerable and Orthodox Dr. Heylyn undertook and went through with it but the distemper and trouble of those times put a period to the undertaking and the Book went no farther than the hands of that Learned Martyr In Feb. 1639. the Doctor was put into Commission of Peace for the County of Hampshire residing then upon this Living into which place he was no sooner admitted but he occasioned the discovery of a horrid Murther that had been committed many years before in that Countrey In the April following he was chosen Clerk of the Convocation for the College of Westminster at which time the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury sending a Canon to them for suppressing the farther growth of Popery and reducing Papists to the Church our Doctor moved his Grace that the Canon might be enlarged for the Peoples farther satisfaction as well as the Churches benefit what was done therein and many other notable things by that Convocation may be seen at large in the History of the Arch-Bishops Life Friday being May the 29th the Canons were formally subscribed unto by the Bishops and Clergy no one dissenting except the Bishop of Glocester who afterward turn'd Papist and died in the Communion of the Romish Church and was all that time of his Life in which he revolted from the Church of England a very great Servant of Oliver Cromwel unto whom he dedicated some of his Books But for his Contumacy in refusing to subscribe the Articles he was voted worthy of Suspension in the Convocation and was actually Suspended by the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury which being done the Convocation was ended In Novemb. 3. A.D. 1640. began the Session of the long Parliament At the opening of which a general Rumor was spread abroad that Dr. Heylyn was run away for fear of an approaching storm that was like to fall upon his head as well as on his Grace the Arch-Bishop of Cauterbury but he who was ever of an undaunted spirit would not pusillanimously desert the Cause of the King and Church then in question but speedily hastned up to London from Alresford to confute the common calumny and false report raised on him by the Puritan faction that he appeared the next day in his Gown and Tippet at Westminster-Hall and in the Church with the accustomed formalities of his Cap Hood and Surplice employed then his Pen boldly in defence of the Bishops Rights when the Lords began to shake the Hierarchy in passing a Vote That no Bishop should be of the Committe for Examination of the Earl of Strafford being Causa sanguinis upon which the Doctor drew up a brief and excellent Discourse entituled De jure paritatis Episcopum wherein he asserted all the Bishops Rights of Peerage and principally of this as well as the rest That they ought to sit in that Committee with other Priviledges and Rights maintained by him which either by Law or ancient custom did belong unto them A rare Commendation at this juncture of time for which the Doctor is to be admired that he could command his Parts and Pen of a sudden to write on this subject or any other if there was need that did conduce to the publick good and above all make a quick dispatch in accomplishing what he had once undertaken and begun But for those quick dispatches the Doctor afterward endured many tedious waitings at the backs of Committe-men in that Parliament especially in the business of Mr. Pryn about his Histriomastix for which he was kept four days under examination because he had furnished the Lords of the Privy Council with matters out of that Book which Mr. Pryn alledged was the cause of all his sufferings Great hopes had the Committee by his often dancing attendance after them to sift the Doctor if they could gather any thing by his speeches
of these as made him a most resolute Champion for them and was the reason that he was often heated with great Indignation against those that were so blind or obstinate to endeavour the interruption of such transcendent blessings And though some have thought his zeal too ardent yet they might consider that it was his fortune to live in such times as made the highest expressions of it not only just but necessary Of which he was so sensible that forgetting all his other diverting Studies he wholly set himself to endeavour the defence and support of a tottering Church and Grown which he laboured to that degree that his body though naturally a very strong one not being able to keep pace with his mind was often hurried into violent Fevers And at last his eyes of themselves brisk and sparkling through continual watchings and intensness lost their function and refused any longer to assist his Studies Yet could not all this abate the vigour of his mind which as tho it had lost no outward assistance or that it stood in need of none still continued its action and produced several excellent Books after their Author was neither capable of writing nor reading them Nor was any thing but death able so much as to slacken his industry for besides the discouragements I have named he had all those which an Usurped Authority under which he was forced to live and against which he could not forbear both to speak and write could threaten him with for he was thereby not only deprived of his Preferments but often put in hazard of his life But that merciful God who never faileth those that trust in him did preserve him that he might enjoy the fruits of his pains and prayers in the Restauration of that Religion and Government which he so truly loved and had so earnestly endeavoured in the publick enjoyment of which he lived three years And then having compleated the utmost of his wishes in the world God was pleased to call him to the eternal Reward of another and in so favourable a way as he might well look upon as a remarkable instance of the divine Goodness towards him For as we read in the Scriptures that God did frequently warn his Servants of their approaching deaths so he dealt with this good man For on the Saturday night before he fell sick he dreamed That he was in an extraordinary pleasant and delightful place where standing and admiring the Beauty and Glory of it he saw the late King his Master who said to him Peter I will have you buried under your Seat at Church for you are rarely seen but there or at your Study This Dream he related to his Wife next morning told her it was a significant one and charged her to let him be buried according to it On the Monday he bought an House in the Almonry Sealed the Writings and paid the Money the same day and at night told his Wife he had bought her an House to live in near the Abby that she might serve God in that Church as he had done And then renewing his Charge of burying him according to his dream went to bed very well but after his first sleep was taken with a violent Fever which deprived him of his understanding till a few hours before his death when seeing one of the Vergers of the Church in his Chamber he called him and said I know it is Church time with you and this is Ascension day I am ascending to the Church triumphant I go to my God and Saviour into joys Celestial and to Hallelujahs eternal After which and other like expressions he died the same day Anno Dom. 1663. in the 63 year of his Age. He had eleven Children four of which are still living He was buried under the Sub-Dean's Seat according to his dream and desire over against which on the North-side of the Abby stands his Monument with this Inscription composed by Dr. Earl then Dean of that Church Depositum Mortale Petri Heylyn S. Th. P. Hujus Ecclesiae Prebendarii Subdecani Viri planè memorabilis Egregiis dotibus instructissimi Ingenio acri foecundo Judicio subacto Memoria ad prodigium tenaci Cui adjunxit incredibilem in studiis patientiam Quae cessantibus oculis non cessarunt Scripsit varia plurima Que jam manibas hominum teruntur Et argumentis non vulgaribus Stylo non vulgari suffecit Constans ubiq Ecelesiae Et majestatis Regie assertor Nec florentis magis utriusque Quant afflictae Idemque perduellium Schismaticae Factionis Impugnator acerrimus Contemptor invidiae Et animo infracto Plura ejusmodi meditanti Mors indixit Silentium Vt sileatur Efficere non potest Obiit Anno Aetat 63. Posuit hoc illi Moestissima Conjux A Catalogue of such Books as were written by this Learned Doctor Spurius a Tragedy M.S. written A. D. 1616. Theomachia a Comedy M.S. 1619. Geography printed at Oxon twice A. D. 1621 and 1624. in 4. and afterwards in 1652. inlarged into a Folio under the Title of Cosmography An Essay called Augustus 1631 since inserted into his Cosmography The History of St. George Lon. 1631. reprinted 1633. The History of the Sabbath 1631 reprinted 1636. Answer to the B. of Lincolns Letter to the Vicar of Grantham 1636. twice reprinted Answer to Mr. Burtons two seditious Sermons 1637. A short Treatise concerning a Form of Prayer to be used according to what is enjoined in the 55 Canon written at the request of the Bishop of Winchester 1637. Antidotum Lincolniense or an Answer to the Bishop of Lincoln's Book entitled Holy Table Name and Thing 1637 reprinted 1638. An Uniform book of Articles fitted for Bishops Arch-Deacons in their Visitation 1640. De Jure paritatis Episcoporum or concerning the Peerage of Bishops 1740 M. S. A Reply to Dr. Hackwel concerning the Sacrifice of the Eucharist M. S. 1641. The History of Episcopacy first under the name of Theoph. Churchman afterwards in his own name reprinted 1657. The History of Liturgies written 1642. A Relation of the Lord Hoptons Victory at Bodmin A View of the proceedings in the West for a Pacification A Letter to a Gentleman in Lincolnshire about the Treaty A Relation of the proceedings of Sir John Gell. A Relation of the Queens return from Holland and the Siege of Newark The black Cross shewing that the Londoners were the cause of the Rebellion The Rebels Catechism All these printed at Oxon 1644. An Answer to the Papists groundless Clamor who Nick-name the Religion of the Church of England by the name of a Parliamentary Religion 1644. A Relation of the Death and sufferings of Will. Laud Archbishop of Canterbury 1644 The Stumbling-block of Disobedience removed written 1644. printed 1658. The Promised Seed in English Verse Theotogia Veterum or an Exposition of the Creed Fol. 1654. Survey of France with an account of the Isles of Guernsey and Jersey 1656. 4. Examen Historicum or a Discovery and
most eminent Divines of all the Kingdom to come before him whom he required freely and plainly to declare as well what their opinion was of the aforesaid Pamphlets as what they did think fit to be done concerning the Translation of the Bible into the English Tongue And they upon mature advice and deliberation unanimously condemned the aforesaid Books of Heresie and Blasphemy no smaller crime then for translating of the Scriptures into the English tongue they agreed all with one assent that it depended wholly on the will and pleasure of the Sovereign Prince who might do therein as he conceived to be most agreeable to his occasions but that with reference to the present estate of things it was more expedient to explain the Scripture to the people by the way of Sermons than to permit it to be read promiscuously by all sorts of men yet so that hopes were to be given unto the Laily that if they did renounce their errours and presently deliver to the hands of his Majesties Officers all such Books and Bibles which they conceived to be translated with great fraud and falshood and any of them had in keeping his Majesty would cause a true and catholike Translation of it to be published in convenient time for the use of his Subjects This was the sum and substance of the present Conference which you shall find laid down at large in the Registers of Arch-Bishop Warham And according to this advice the King sets out a Proclamation not only prohibiting the buying reading or translating of any the aforesaid Books but straitly charging all his Subjects which had any of the Books of Scripture either of the Old Testament or of the New in the English Tongue to bring them in without delay But for the other part of giving hopes unto the people of a true Translation if they delivered in the false or that at least which was pretended to be false I find no word at all in the Proclamation That was a work reserved unto better times or left to be solicited by the Bishops themselves and other Learned men who had given the counsel by whom indeed the people were kept up in hope that all should be accomplished unto their desires And so indeed it proved at last For in the Convocation of the year 1536. the Authority of the Pope being abrogated and Cranmer fully settled in the See of Canterbury the Clergy did agree upon a form of Petition to be presented to the King That he would graciously indulge unto his Subjects of the Laity the reading of the Bible in the English Tongue and that a new Translation of it might be forthwith made for that end and purpose According to which godly motion his Majesty did not only give Order for a new Translation which afterwards He authorized to be read both in publique and private but in the interim he permitted CROMWEL his Vicar General to set out an Injunction for providing the whole Bible both in Latine and English after the Translation then in Use which was called commonly by the name of Matthews Bible but was no other than that of Tindal somewhat altered to be kept in every Parish-Church throughout the Kingdom for every one that would repair thereunto and caused this mark or character of Authority to be set upon them in red Letters Set forth with the Kings most gracious Licence which you may see in Fox his Acts and Monuments p. 1248. and 1363. Afterwards when the new Translation so often promised and so long expected was compleat and finished Printed at London by the Kings Authority and countenanced by a grave and pious Preface of Arch-Bishop Cranmer the King sets out a Proclamation dated May 6. Anno 1541. Commanding all the Curates and Parishioners throughout the Kingdom who were not already furnished with Bibles so authorized and translated as is before said to provide themselves before All-hallowtide next following and to cause the Bible so provided to be placed conveniently in their several and respective Churches straitly requiring all his Bishops and other Ordinaries to take special care to see his said commands put in execution And therewithal came out Instructions from the King to be published by the Clergy in their several Parishes the better to possess the people with the Kings good affection towards them in suffering them to have the benefit of such Heavenly Treasure and to direct them in a course by which they might enjoy the same to their greater comfort the reformation of their lives and the peace and quiet of the Church Which Proclamation and Instructions are still preserved in that most admirable Treasury of Sir Robert Cotton And unto these Commands of so great a Prince both Bishops Priests and People did apply themselves with such chearful reverence that Bonner even that bloody Butcher as he after proved caused six of them to be chained in several places of St. Paul's Church in London for all that were so well inclined to resort unto for their edification and instruction the Book being very chargeable because very large and therefore called commonly for distinctions sake The Bible of the greater Volum Thus have we seen the Scriptures faithfully translated into the English Tongue the Bible publickly set up in all Parish-Churches that every one which would might peruse the same and leave permitted to all people to buy them for their private Uses and read them to themselves or before their Families and all this brought about by no other means than by the Kings Authority only grounded on the advice and judgment of the Convocation But long it was not I confess before the Parliament put in for a share and claimed some interest in the work but whether for the better or the worse I leave you to judge For in the year 1542. the King being then in agitation of a League with Charles the Emperour He caused a complaint to be made unto him in this Court of Parliament That the Liberty granted to the people in having in their hands the Books of the Old and New Testament had been much abused by many false glosses and interpretations which were made upon them tending to the seducing of the people especially of the younger sort and the raising of sedition within the Realm And thereupon it was enacted by the Authority of the Parliament on whom He was content to cast the envy of an Act so contrary to his former gracious Proclamations That all manner of Books of the Old and New Testament of the crafty false and untrue Translation of Tindal be forthwith abolished and forbidden to be used and kept As also that all other Bibles not being of Tindals Translation in which were found any Preambles or Annotations other than the Quotations or Summaries of the Chapters should be purged of the said Preambles and Annotations either by cutting them out or blotting them in such wise that they might not be perceived or read And finally That the Bible be not read openly in
and the lawful Rights Ceremonies and Observations of the same by his Majesties advice and confirmation under the great Seal of England shall be by all his Graces Subjects fully believed obeyed observed and performed to all purposes and intents upon the pains and penalties therein to be comprized as if the same had been in express words and sentences plainly and fully made set forth declared and contained in the said Act 32 H. 8. c. 26. where note That the two Houses of Parliament were so far from medling in the matter which was then in hand that they did not so much as require to see the Determinations and Decrees of those Learned men whom his Majesty had then Assembled before they passed the present Act to bind the Subject fully to believe observe and perform the same but left it wholly to the judgment and discretion of the King and Clergy and trusted them besides with the ordaining and inflicting of such pains and penalties on disobedient and unconformable persons as to them seemed meet This ground-work laid the work went forwards in good order and at last being brought unto as much perfection as the said arch-Arch-Bishops Bishops and other Learned men would give it without the co-operation and concurrence of the Royal assent it was presented once again to the Kings consideration who very carefully perused it and altered many things with his own hand as appears by the Book it self still extant in the famous Library of Sir Robert Cotton and having so altered and corrected it in some passages returned it to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury who bestowed some further pains upon it to the end that being to come forth in the King's Name and by his Authority there might be nothing in the same which might be justly reprehended The business being in this forwardness the King declares in Parliament Anno 1544. being the 34 year of his Reign his zeal and care not only to suppress all such Books and Writings as were noysome and pestilent and tended to the seducing of his Subjects but also to ordain and establish a certain Form of pure and sincere Teaching agreable to God's Word and the true Doctrine of the Catholick and Apostolick Church whereunto men may have recourse for the decision of some such controversies as have in Times past and yet do happen to arise And for a preparatory thereunto that so it might come forth with the greater credit he caused an Act to pass in Parliament for the abolishing of all Books and Writings comprizing any matters of Christian Religion contrary to that Doctrine which since the year 1540. is or any time during the King's life shall be set forth by his Highness and for the punishment of all such and that too with most grievous pains which should preach teach maintain or defend any matter or thing contrary to the Book of Doctrine which was then in readiness 34 35 H. 8. c. 1. Which done he caused the said Book to be Imprinted in the year next following under the Title of A necessary Doctrine for all sorts of People prefixing a Preface thereto in his Royal Name to all his faithful and loving Subjects that they might know the better in those dangerous Times what to believe in point of Doctrine and how they were to carry and behave themselves in points of Practice Which Statute as it is the greatest Evidence which those Times afford to shew that both or either of the Houses of Parliament had any thing to do in matters which concerned Religion so it entitles them to no more if at all to any thing then that they did make way to a Book of Doctrine which was before digested by the Clergy only revised after and corrected by the Kings own hand and finally perused and perfected by the Metropolitan And more then so besides that being but one Swallow it can make no Summer it is acknowledged and confessed in the Act it self if Poulton understand it rightly in his Abridgment That recourse must be had to the Catholick and Apostolick Church for the decision of Controversies Which as it gives the Clergy the decisive power so it left nothing to the Houses but to assist and aid them with the Temporal Sword when the Spiritual Word could not do the deed the point thereof being blunted and the edge abated Next let us look upon the time of K. Ed. 6. and we shall find the Articles and Doctrine of the Church excepting such as were contained in the Book of Common-Prayer to be composed confirmed and setled in no other way then by the Clergy only in their Convocation the Kings Authority co-operating and concurring with them For in the Synod held in London Anno 1552. the Clergy did compose and agree upon a Book of Articles containing the chief Heads of the Christian Faith especially with reference to such Points of Controversie as were in difference between the Reformators of the Church of England and the Church of Rome and other Opponents whatsoever which after were approved and published by the Kings Authority They were in number 41. and were published by this following Title that is to say Articuli de quibus in Synodo London Anno 1552. ad tollendum opinionum dissentionem consensum verae Religionis firmandum inter Episcopos alios Eruditis viros Convenerat Regia authoritate in lucem Editi And it is worth our observation that though the Parliament was held at the very time and that the Parliament passed several Acts which concerned Church-matters as viz. An Act for Vniformity of Divine Service and for the Confirmation of the Book of Ordination 5 and 6 Edw. 6. c. 1. An Act declaring which days only shall be kept for Holy days and which for Fasting days C. 3. against striking or drawing weapon either in the Church or Church-yard C. 4. And finally another Act for the legitimating of the Marriages of Priests and Ministers C. 12. Yet neither in this Parliament nor in that which followed is there so much as the least syllable which reflecteth this way or medleth any thing at all with the book of Articles Where by the way if you behold the lawfulness of Priests Marriages as a matter Doctrinal or think we owe that point of Doctrine and the indulgence granted to the Clergy in it to the care and goodness of the Parliament you may please to know that the point had been before determined in the Convocation and stands determined by and for the Clergy in the 31 of those Articles and that the Parliament looked not on it as a point of Doctrine but as it was a matter practical conducing to the benefit and improvement of the Common-wealth Or if it did yet was the Statute built on no other ground-work than the Resolution of the Clergy the Marriage of Priests being before determined to be most lawful I use the very words of the Act it self and according to the Word of God by the Learned Clergy of this realm
the curiosity of the Ministers and mistakes of the people rather than for any other weighty cause As the Statutes 5 and 6 Ed. 6. cap. 1. it was thought expedient by the King with the assent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament Assembled that the said Order of Common Service should be faithfully and godly perused explained and made fully perfect Perused and explained by whom Why questionless by those who made it or else by those if they were not the same men who were appointed by the King to draw up and compose a Form of Ordination for the Use of the Church And this Assent of theirs for it was no more was the only part that was ever acted by the Parliament in matter of this present nature save that a Statute passed in the former Parliament 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. unto this effect that such form and manner of making and consecrating Arch-Bishops Bishops Priests Deacons and other Ministers of the Church which before I spake of as by six Prelates and six other men of this Realm learned in Gods Laws by the King to be appointed and assigned shall be devised to that purpose and set forth under the great Seal shall be lawfully used and exercised and none other Where note that the King only was to nominate and appoint the men the Bishops and other learned men were to make the Book and that the Parliament in a blind obedience or at the least upon a charitable confidence in the integrity of the men so nominated did confirm that Book before any of their Members had ever seen it though afterwards indeed in the following Parliament this Book together with the Book of Common-prayer so Printed and explained obtained a more formal confirmation as to the use thereof throughout the Kingdom but in no other respect for which see the Statute 5 and 6 Ed. 6. c. 1. As for the time of Q. Elizabeth when the Common-prayer book now in use being the same almost with the last of King Edward was to be brought again into the Church from whence it was cast out in Queen Maries Reign it was committed to the care of some learned men that is to say to M. Whitehead once Chaplain to Q. Anne Bullen Dr. Parker after Arch-Bishop of Canterbury Dr. Grindal after Bishop of London Dr. Cox after Bishop of Ely Dr. Pilkington after Bishop of Durham Dr. May Dean of Saint Pauls Dr. Bill Provost of Eaton after Dean of Westminster and Sir Tho. Smith By whom being altered in some few passages which the Statute points to 1 Eliz. c. 21. it was presented to the Parliament and by the Parliament received and established without more ado or troubling any Committee of both or either Houses to consider of it for ought appears in their Records All that the Parliament did in it being to put it into the condition in which it stood before in Kings Edwards Reign partly by repealing the Repeal of King Edw. Statutes made in the first of Q. Mary c. 2. and partly by the adding of some farther penalties on such as did deprave the Book or neglect to use it or wilfully did absent themselves from their Parish-Churches And for the Alterations made in King James his time being small in the Rubrick only and for the additions of the Thanksgivings at the end of the Letany the Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue and the Doctrine of the Sacraments at the end of the Catechisme which were not in the Book before they were never referred unto the Parliament but were done only by Authority of the Kings Commission and stand in force by virtue only of His Proclamation which you may find before the Book the charge of buying the said Book so explained and altered being laid upon the several and respective Parishes by no other Authority than that of the eightieth Canon made in Convocation Anno 1603. The like may also be affirmed of the Forms of Prayer for the Inauguration-day of our Kings and Queens the Prayer-books for the fifth of November and the fifth of August and those which have been used in all publick Fasts All which without the help of Parliaments have been composed by the Bishops and imposed by the King Now unto this discourse of the Forms of Worship I shall subjoyn a word or two of the times of Worship that is to say the Holy-days observed in the Church of England and so observed that they do owe that observation chiefly to the Churches power For whereas it was found in the former times that the number of the Holy-days was grown so great that they became a burthen to the common people and a great hinderance to the thrift and manufactures of the Kingdom there was a Canon made in the Convocation An. 1536. For cutting off of many superstitious and superfluous Holy-days and the reducing them into the number in which they now stand save that St. George's day and Mary Magdalens day and all the Festivals of the blessed Virgin had their place amongst them according to which Canon there went out a Monitory from the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury to all the Suffragans of his Province respectively to see the same observed in their several Diocesses which is still extant on Record But being the Authority of the Church was then in the wane it was thought necessary to confirm their Acts and see execution done upon it by the Kings Injunction which did accordingly come forth with this Form or preamble That the abolishing of the said Holy-days was decreed ordained and established by the Kings Highness Authority as Supream Head in Earth of the Church of England with the common consent and assent of the Prelates and Clergy of this his Realm in Convocation lawfully Assembled and Congregate Of which see Fox his Acts and Monuments fol. 1246 1247. Afterwards in the year 1541. the King perceiving with what difficulty the people were induced to leave off those Holy-days to which they had been so long accustomed published his Proclamation of the twenty-third of July for the abolishing of such Holy-days amongst other things as were prohibited before by his Injunctions both built upon the same foundation namely the resolution of the Clergy in their Convocation And so it stood until the Reign of King E. 6. at which time the Reformation of the publick Liturgie drew after it by consequence an alteration in the present business no days being to be kept or accounted Holy but those for which the Church had set apart a peculiar office and not all those neither For whereas there are several and peculiar offices for the day of the Conversion of St. Paul and the day of St. Barnabas the Apostles neither of these are kept as Holy-days nor reckoned or esteemed as such in the Act of Parliament wherein the names and number of the Holy-days is precisely specified which makes some think the Act of Parliament to have had an over-ruling power on the Common-prayer-Book but it is not so
came out in some years succeeding for the taking away of Images and Reliques with all the Ornaments of the same and all the Monumens and writings of feigned Miracles and for restraint of offering or setting up Lights in any Churches but only to the Blessed Sacrament of the Altar in which he was directed chiefly by Arch-Bishop Cranmer as also those for eating of white meats in the time of Lent the abolishing the Fast on St. Marks day and the ridiculous but superstitious sports accustomably used on the days of St. Clement St. Katherine and St. Nicholas All which and more was done in the said Kings Reign without help of Parliament For which I shall refer you to the Acts and Mon. fol. 1385 1425 1441. The like may also be affirmed of the Injunctions published in the name of K. E. 6. An. 1547. and printed also then for the Use of the Subjects And of the several Letters missive which went forth in his Name prohibiting the bearing of Candles on Candlemas-day of Ashes in Lent and of Palms on Palm-sunday for the taking down of all the Images throughout the Kingdom for administring the Communion in both kinds dated March 13 1548. for abrogating of private Masses June 24 1549. for bringing in all Missals Graduals Processionals Legends and Ordinals about the latter end of December of the same year for taking down of Altars and setting up Tables instead thereof An. 1550. and the like to these All which particulars you have in Foxes Book of Acts and Mon. in King Edwards life which whether they were done of the Kings meer motion or by advice of his Council or by consultation with his Bishops for there is little left upon Record of the Convocations of that time more than the Articles of the year 1552 certain I am that there was nothing done nor yet pretended to be done in all these particulars by the Authority of Parliament Thus also in Q. Elizabeths time before the new Bishops were well settled and the Queen assured of the affections of her Clergy she went that way to work in the Reformation which not only her two Predecessors but all the Godly Kings and Princes in the Jewish State and many of the Christian Emperours in the Primitive times had done before her in the well ordering of the Church and People committed to their care and government by Almighty God and to that end she published her Injunctions An. 1559. A Book of Orders An. 1561. Another of Advertisements An. 1562. All tending unto Reformation unto the building up of the new Jerusalem with the advice and counsel of the Metropolitan and some other Godly Prelates who were then a-about her by whom they were agreed on and subscribed unto before they were presented to her without the least concurrence of her Court of Parliament But when the times were better settled and the first difficulties of her Reign passed over she left Church-work to the disposing of Church-men who by their place and calling were most proper for it and they being met in Convocation and thereto Authorised as the Laws required did make and publish several Books of Canons as viz. 1571. An. 1584. An. 1597. Which being confirmed by the Queen under the broad Seal of England were in force of Laws to all intents and purposes which they were first made but being confirmed without those formal words Her Heirs and Successors are not binding now but expired together with the Queen No Act of Parliament required to confirm them then nor never required ever since on the like occasion A fuller evidence whereof we cannot have than in the Canons of year 1603. being the first year of King James made by the Clergy only in the Convocation and confirmed only by the King for though the old Canons were in force which had been made before the submission of the Clergy as before I shewed you which served in all these wavering and unsettled times for the perpetual standing rule of the Churches Government yet many new emergent cases did require new rules and whilst there is a possibility of Mali mores there will be a necessity of bonae Leges Now in the confirmation of these Canons we shall find it thus That the Clergy being met in their Convocation according to the Tenour and effect of his Majesties Writ his Majesty was pleased by virtue of his Prerogative Royal and Supream Authority in causes Ecclesiastical to give and grant unto them by his Letters Patents dated April 12. and June 25. full free and lawful liberty licence power and authority to convene treat debate consider consult and agree upon such Canons Orders Ordinances and Constitutions as they should think necessary fit and convenient for the honour and service of Almighty God the good and quiet of the Church and the better government thereof from time to time c. to be kept by all persons within this Realm as far as lawfully being members of the Church it may concern them which being agreed on by the Clergy and by them presented to the King humbly requiring him to give his Royal assent unto them according to the Statute made in the 25 of K. H. 8. and by his Majesties Prerogative and Supream Authority in Ecclesiastical causes to ratifie and confirm the same his Majesty was graciously pleased to confirm and ratifie them by his Letters Patents for himself his Heirs and lawful Successors straightly commanding and requiring all his loving Subjects diligently to observe execute and keep the same in all points wherein they do or may concern all or any of them No running to the Parliament to confirm these Canons nor any question made till this present by temperate and knowing men that there wanted any Act for their confirmation which the law could give them 7. An Answer to the main Objections of either Party BUT against this all which hath been said before it will be objected That being the Bishops of the Church are fully and wholly Parliamentarian and have no more Authority and Jurisdiction nisi à Parliamentis derivatum but that which is conferred upon them by the power of Parliaments as both Sanders and Schultingius do expresly say whatsoever they shall do or conclude upon either in Convocation or in more private conferences may be called Parliamentarian also And this last calumny they build on the several Statutes 24 H. 8. c. 12. touching the manner of Electing and Consecrating Arch-Bishops and Bishops that of the 1 E. 6. c. 2. appointing how they shall be chosen and what Seals they shall use these of 3 and 4 Ed. 6. c. 12. 5. 6 E. 6. for Authorizing of the Book of Ordination But chiefly that of the 8 Eliz. c. 1. for making good all Acts since 1 Eliz. in Consecrating any Arch Bishop or bishop within this Realm To give a general answer to each several cavil you may please to know that the Bishops as they now stand in the Church of England derive their Calling together with
their Authority and power in Spiritual matters from no other hands than those of Christ and his Apostles their Temporal honours and possessions from the bounty and affection only of our Kings and Princes their Ecclesiastical jurisdiction in causes Matrimonial Testamentary and the like for which no action lieth at the common Law from continual usage and prescription and ratified and continued unto them in the Magna Charta of this Realm and owe no more unto the Parliament than all sort of Subjects do besides whose Fortunes and Estates have been occasionally and collaterally confirmed in Parliament And as for the particular Statutes which are touched upon that of the 24 H. 8. doth only constitute and ordain a way by which they might be chose and consecrated without recourse to Tome for a confirmation which formerly had put the Prelates to great charge and trouble but for the form and manner of their Consecration the Statute leaves it to those Rites and Ceremonies wherewith before it was performed and therefore Sanders doth not stick to affirm that all the Bishops which were made in King Henries days were Lawfully and Canonically ordained and consecrated the Bishops of that time not only being acknowledged in Queen Maries days for lawful and Canonical Bishops but called on to assist at the Consecration of such other Bishops Cardinal Pool himself for one as were promoted in her Reign whereof see Masons Book de Minist Ang. l. c. Next for the Statute 1 E. 6. cap. 2. besides that it is satisfied in part by the former Answer as it relates to their Canonical Consecrations it was repealed in Terminis in the first of Queen Maries Reign and never stood in force nor practice to this day That of the Authorizing of the Book of Ordination in two several Parliaments of that King the one à parte ante and the other à parte post as before I told you might indeed seem somewhat to the purpose if any thing were wanting in it which had been used in the formula's of the Primitive times or if the Book had been composed in Parliament or by Parliament-men or otherwise received more Authority from them then that it might be lawfully used and exercised throughout the Kingdom But it is plain that none of these things were objected in Queen Maries days when the Papists stood most upon their points the Ordinal being not called in because it had too much of the Parliament but because it had too little of the Pope and relished too strongly of the Primitive piety And for the Statute of 8 of Q. Elizabeth which is chiefly stood on all that was done therein was no more than this and on this occasion A question had been made by captious and unquiet men and amongst the rest by Dr. Bonner sometimes Bishop of London whether the Bishops of those times were lawfully ordained or not the reason of the doubt being this which I marvel Mason did not see because the book of Ordination which was annulled and abrogated in the first of Queen Mary had not been yet restored and revived by any legal Act of Queen Elizabeths time which Cause being brought before the Parliament in the 8th year of her Reign the Parliament took notice first that their not restoring of that Book to the former power in terms significant and express was but Casus omissus and then declare that by the Statute 5 and 6 E. 6. it had been added to the Book of Common-prayer and Administration of the Sacraments as a member of it at least as an Appendant to it and therefore by the Statute 1 Eliz. c. 2. was restored again together with the said Book of Common-prayer intentionally at the least if not in Terminis But being the words in the said Statute were not clear enough to remove all doubts they therefore did revive now and did accordingly Enact That whatsoever had been done by virtue of that Ordination should be good in Law This is the total of the Statute and this shews rather in my judgment that the Bishops of the Queens first times had too little of the Parliament in them than that they were conceived to have had too much And so I come to your last Objection which concerns the Parliament whose entertaining all occasions to manisest their power in Ecclesiastical matters doth seem to you to make that groundless slander of the Papists the more fair and plausible 'T is true indeed that many Members of both Houses in these latter Times have been very ready to embrace all businesses which are offered to them out of a probable hope of drawing the managery of all Affairs as well Ecclesiastical as Civil into their own hands And some there are who being they cannot hope to have their sancies Authorized in a regular way do put them upon such designs as neither can consist with the nature of Parliaments nor the Authority of the King nor with the privileges of the Clergy nor to say truth with the esteem and reputation of the Church of Christ And this hath been a practice even as old as Wickliffe who in the time of K. R. 2. addressed his Petition to the Parliament as we read in Walsingham for the Reformation of the Clergy the rooting out of many false and erroneous Tenets and for establishing of his own Doctrines who though he had some Wheat had more Tears by odds in the Church of England And lest he might be thought to have gone a way as dangerous and unjustifiable as it was strange and new he laid it down for a position That the Parliament or Temporal Lords where by the way this ascribes no Authority or power at all to the House of Commons might lawfully examine and reform the Disorders and Corruptions of the Church and a discovery of the errors and corruptions of it devest her of all Tithes and Temporal endowments till she were reformed But for all this and more than this for all he was so strongly backed by the Duke of Lancaster neither his Petition nor his Position found any welcome in the Parliament further than that it made them cast many a longing eye on the Churches patrimony or produced any other effect towards the work of Reformation which he chiefly aimed at than that it hath since served for a precedent to Penry Pryn and such like troublesome and unquiet spirits to disturb the Church and set on foot those dreams and dotages which otherwise they durst not publish And to say truth as long as the Clergy were in power and had Authority in Convocation to do what they would in matters which concerned Religion those of the Parliament conceived it neither safe nor fitting to intermeddle in such business as concerned the Clergy for fear of being questioned for it at the Churches Bar. But when that Power was lessened though it were not lost by the submission of the Clergy to K. H. 8. and by the Act of the Supremacy which ensued upon it then did the Parliaments
begin to intrench upon the Churches Rights to offer at and entertain such businesses as formerly were held peculiar to the Clergy only next to dispute their Charters and reverse their privileges and finally to impose some hard Laws upon them And of these notable incroachments Matthew Parker thus complains in the life of Cranmer Qua Ecclesiasticarum legum potestate abdicata populus in Parliamento coepit de rebus divinis inconsulto Clero Sancire tum absentis Cleri privilegia sensim detrahere juraque duriora quibus Clerus invitus teneretur Constituere But these were only tentamenta offers and undertakings only and no more than so Neither the Parliaments of K. Edward or Q. Elizabeths time knew what it was to make Committees for Religion or thought it fit that Vzzah should support the Ark though he saw it tottering That was a work belonging to the Levites only none of the other Tribes were to meddle with it But as the Puritan Faction grew more strong and active so they applyed themselves more openly to the Houses of Parliament but specially to the House of Commons putting all power into their hands as well in Ecclesiastical and Spiritual Causes as in matters Temporal This amongst others confidently affirmed by Mr. Pryn in the Epistle to his Book called Anti-Arminianism where he avers That all our Bishops our Ministers our Sacraments our Consecration our Articles of Religion our Homilies Common-prayer Book yea and all the Religion of the Church is no other way publickly received supported or established amongst us but by Acts of Parliament And this not only since the time of the Reformation but That Religion and Church affairs were determined ratified declared and ordered by Act of Parliament and no ways else even then when Popery and Church men had the greatest sway Which strange assertion falling from the pen of so great a Scribe was forthwith chearfully received amongst our Pharisees who hoped to have the highest places not only in the Synagogue but the Court of Sanhedrim advancing the Authority of Parliaments to so high a pitch that by degrees they fastened on them both an infallibility of judgment and an omniotency of power Nor can it be denied to deal truly with you but that they met with many apt Scholars in that House who either out of a desire to bring all the grist to their own Mill or willing to enlarge the great power of Parliaments by making new precedents for Posterity or out of faction or affection or what else you please began to put their Rules in practice and draw all matters whatsoever within the cognizance of that Court In which their embracements were at last so general and that humour in the House so prevalent that one being once demanded what they did amongst them returned this answer That they were making a new Creed Another being heard to say That he could not be quiet in his Conscience till the holy Text should be confirmed by an Act of theirs Which passages if they be not true and real as I have them from an honest hand I assure you they are bitter jests But this although indeed it be the sickness and disease of the present Times and little to the honour of the Court of Parliament can be no prejudice at all to the way and means of the Reformation amongst sober and discerning men the Doctrine of the Church being settled the Liturgy published and confirmed the Canons authorized and executed when no such humour was predominant nor no such power pretended to by both or either of the Houses of Parliament But here perhaps it will be said that we are fallen into Charybdis by avoiding Scylla and that endeavouring to stop the mouth of this Popish Calumny we have set open a wide gap to another no less scandalous of the Presbyterians who being as professed Enemies of the Kings as the Popes Supremacy and noting that strong influence which the King hath had in Ecclesiastical affairs since the first attempts for Reformation have charg'd it as reproachfully on the Church of England and the Religion here established that it is Regal at the best if not Parliamentarian and may be called a Regal Faith and a Regal Gospel But the Answer unto this is easie For first the Kings intended by the Objectors did not act much in order to the Reformation as appears by that which hath been said but either by the advice and co-operation of the whole Clergy of the Realm in their Convocations or by the Counsel and consent of the Bishops and most eminent Church men in particular Conferences which made it properly the work of the Clergy only the Kings no otherwise than as it was propouned by him or finally confirmed by the Civil Sanction And secondly had they done more in it than they did they had been warranted so to do by the Word of God who hath committed unto Kings and Sovereign Princes a Supreme or Supereminent power not only in all matters of a Temporal or Secular nature but in such as do concern Religion and the Church of Christ And so St. Augustine hath resolved it in his third Book against Cresconius In hoc Reges sicut iis divinitus praecipitur pray you note that well Deo serviunt in quantum Reges sunt si in suo Regno bona jubeant mala prohibeant non solum quae pertinent ad humanum societatem verum etiam ad Divinam Religionem Which words of his seemed so significant and convincing unto Hart the Jesuite that being shewed the Tractate writ by Dr. Nowel against Dorman the Priest in the beginning of Q. Elizabeths time and finding how the case was stated by that Reverend person he did ingenously confess that there was no Authority ascribed to the Kings of england in Ecclesiastical affairs but what was warranted unto them by that place of Augustine The like affimed by him that calleth himself Franciscus de S. Clara though a Jesuite too that you mjay see how much more candid and ingenuous the Jesuits are in this point than the Presbyterians in his Examen of the Articles of the Church of England But hereof you may give me opportunity to speak more hereafter when you propose the Doubts which you say you have relating to the King the Pope and the Churches Protestant and therefore I shall say no more of it at the present time SECT II. The manner of the Reformation of the Church of England declared and justified HItherto I had gone in order to your satisfaction and communicated my conceptions in writing to you when I received your Letter of the 4th of January in which you signified the high contentment I had given you in condescending to your weakness as you pleased to call it and freeing you from those doubts which lay heaviest on you And therewithal you did request me to give you leave to propound those other scruples which were yet behind relating to the King the Pope and the Protestant-Churches either too little
old Roman Missals not fully finished and compleated till the time of Pope Gregory Whence the distinction of Ecclesiae Ambrosianae Ecclesiae Gregorianae extant in Bonaventure and others of the Writers of the latter times Cross we the Seas unto the Diocess of Africk governed in chief by the Primate or Arch-Bishop of Carthage And there we find S. Cyprian determining against Pope Stephen in the then controverted case of Rebaptization and calling him in his Epistle to Pompeius an obstinate and presumptuous man and a fautor of Hereticks no very great tokens of subjection if you mark it well The error of his judgement in the point debated I regard not here but I am sure that in defence of his authority and jurisdiction he was right enough and therein strongly seconded by the African Church opposing the incroachments of Zosimus Boniface and Celestine succeeding one another in the Roman Patriarchate prohibiting all Appeals to Rome in the Councils of Milevis and Carthage and finally excommunicating Lupicinus for appealing to Pope Leo the first contrary to the Rites and Liberties of the African Church Next for the Diocess of Spain I look upon the Musarabick Liturgy composed by Isidore Arch-Bishop of Sevil and universally received in all the Churches of that Continent for as unquestionable a character of self-subsistency as the Ambrosian Office was in the Church of Milain the Roman or Gregorian Missal not being used in all this Countrey till the year 1083. At which time one Bernard a French-man and a great stickler in behalf of the Roman Ceremonies being made Arch-Bishop of Toledo by practising with Alfonso the then King of Castile first introduced the Roman Missal into some of the Churches of that City and after by degrees into all the rest of those Kingdoms soon after the Churches of France the greatest and most noble part of the Gallick Diocess they were originally under the Authority of the Bishop of Lions as their proper Primate not owing any suit or service to the Court of Rome but standing on their own Basis and acting all things of themselves as the others did The freedom wherewith Irenaeus the renowned Bishop of that City reproved the rashness of Pope Victor in the Case of Easter not well becoming an inferior Bishop to the Supream Pastor shews plainly that they stood on even ground and had no advantage of each other in respect of sub supra as Logicians say notwithstanding that more powerful Principality potentior principalitas as the Latine hath it which Irenaeus did allow him over those at home But a more evident proofof this there can hardly be than those large liberties and freedoms which the Church Gallican doth at this time enjoy the remainders past all doubt of those antient Rights which under their own Patriarch they were first possessed of not suffering the Decrees of the Council of Trent that great supporter of the Popedom to take place amongst them but as insensibly and by the practices of some Bishops they were introduced curbing the Popes exorbitant power by the pragmatick Sanction and by the frequent Judgments and Arrests of Parliament insomuch as a Book of Cardinal Bellarmines tending to the advancement of the Papal Monarchy and another Writ by Beanus the Jesuite entituled Controversia Anglicana in maintenance of the Popes Supremacy were suppressed and censured Anno 1612. Another Writ by Gasper Scioppius to the same effect but with far less modesty being at the same time burnt by the hands of the Hangman Finally for the Churches of the Diocess of Britain those of Illyricum lying too far off to be brought in here they had their own Primate also the Arch-Bishop of York and under him two Metropolitans the Bishops of London and Caer-leon And for a character of their Freedom or self-subsistence they had four different customs from the Church of Rome as in the Tonsure and the keeping of the Feast of Easter wherein they followed the Tradition of the Eastern Churches So firm withal in their obedience to their own Primate the Arch Bishop of Car-leon on Vsh the only Arch-Bishop of three which before they had that they would by no means yield subjection unto Augustine the Monk the first Arch-Bishop of the English though he came Armed amongst them with the Popes Authority Nor would they afterwards submit unto his Successors though backed by the Authority of the Kings of England acknowledging no other Primate but the Bishop of St. Davids to which the Metropolitan See was then translated until the time of Henry II. when the greatest part of South Wales and the City of S. Davids it self was in possession of the English These were the Patriarchs or Primates of the Western Churches and by these Primates the Church was either governed singly but withal Supreamly in their several Diocesses taking the word Diocese in the former notion or in conjunction each with other by their Letters of advice and intercourse which they called Literas Formatas and Communicatorias You see by this that though the Pope was one of the Western Patriarchs yet was he not originally and by primitive Institution either the Patriarch of the West that is to say not the only one nor could pretend unto their Rights as any of their Sees were ruined by the barbarous Nations and consequently his consent not necessary to a Reformation beyond the bounds of his own Patriarchate under that pretence Let us next see what power he can lay claim unto as the Apostle in particular of the English Nation Which memorable title I shall never grudge him I know well not only that the Wife of Ethelbert King of Kent a Christian and a Daughter of France had both her Chappel and her Chappellance in the Palace Royal before the first preaching of Austin the Monk but that the Britains living intermixt with the Saxons for so long a time may be supposed in probability and reason to have gained some of them to the Faith But let the Pope enjoy this honour let Gregory the Great be the Apostle of the English Saxons by whom that Augustine was sent hither yet this entituleth his Successors to no higher Prerogatives than the Lords own Apostles did think fit to claim in Countreys which they had converted For neither were the English Saxons Baptized in the name of the Pope they had been then Gregoriani and not Christiani or looked upon him as the Lord of this part of Gods Heritage but as an helper to their joy S. Paul the Apostle of the Gentiles did disclaim the one S. Peter the Apostle of the Jews did dissuade the other The Anglican Church was absolute and Independent from the first beginning not tied so much as to the Ceremonies of the Church of Rome it being left by Gregory to the discretion of Augustine out of the Rites and Rubricks of such Churches as he met with in his journey hither these of Italy and France he means to constitute a form of worship for the Church
others with the Bishops of so many distant Nations as were there assembled suffice to make a General Council the Council of Antioch might as well have the name of General as almost any of the rest which are so entituled But laying by these thoughts as too strong of the Paradox and looking on a General Council in the common notion for an Assembly of the Prelates of the East and West to which the four Patriarchs are invited and from which no Bishop is excluded that comes commissionated and instructed to attend the service I cannot think them of such consequence to the Church of God but that it may proceed without them to a Reformation For certainly that saying of S. Augustine in his 4th Book against the two Epistles of the Pelagians cap. 12. is exceeding true Paucas fuisse haereses ad quas superandas necessarium fuerit Concilium plenarium occidentis orientis that very few Heresies have been crushed in such General Councils And so far we may say with the Learned Cardinal that for seven Heresies suppressed in seven General Councils though by his leave the seventh did not so much suppress as advance an Heresie an hundred have been quashed in National and Provincial Synods whether confirmed or not confirmed by the Popes Authority we regard not here Some instances hereof in the Synods of Aquileia Carthage Gaugra Milevis we have seen before and might add many others now did we think it necessary The Church had been in ill condition if it had been otherwise especially under the power of Heathen Emperors when such a confluence of the Prelates from all parts of the world would have been construed a Conspiracy against the State and drawn destruction on the Church and the Persons both Or granting that they might assemble without any such danger yet being great bodies moving slowly and not without long time and many difficulties and disputes to be rightly constituted The Church would suffer more under such delay by the spreading of Heresie than receive benefit by their care to suppress the same Had the same course been taken at Alexandria for suppressing Arius as was before at Antioch for condemning Paulus we never had heard news of the Council of Nice the calling and assembling whereof took up so long time that Arianism was diffused over all the world before the Fathers met together and could not be suppressed though it were condemned in many Ages following after The plague of Heresie and leprosie of sin would quickly over-run the whole face of the Church if capable of no other cure than a General Council The case of Arius and the universal spreading of his Heresie compared with the quick rooting out of so many others makes this clear enough To go a little further yet we will suppose a General Council to be the best and safest Physick that the Church can take on all occasions of Epidemical distemper but then we must suppose it at such times and in such cases only when it may conveniently be had For where it is not to be had or not had conveniently it will either prove to be no Physick or not worth the taking But so it was that at the time of the Reformation a General Council could not conveniently be Assembled and more than so it was impossible that any such Council should Assemble I mean a General Council rightly called and constituted according to the Rules laid down by our Controversors For first they say it must be called by such as have power to do it 2. That it must be intimated to all Christian Churches that so no Church nor people may plead ignorance of it 3. The Pope and the four chief Patriarchs must be present at it either in person or by Proxie And lastly that no Bishop is to be excluded if he be known to be a Bishop and not excommunicated According to which Rules it was impossible I say that any General Council should be assembled at the time of the Reformation of the Church of England It was not then as when the greatest part of the Christian world was under the command of the Roman Emperors whose Edict for a General Council might speedily be posted over all the Provinces The Messengers who should now be sent on such an errand unto the Countreys of the Turk the Persian the Tartarian and the great Mogul in which are many Christian Churches and more perhaps than in all the rest of the world besides would find but sorry entertainment Nor was it then as when the four chief Patriarchs together with their Metropolitans and Suffragan Bishops were under the protection of the Christian Emperors and might without danger to themselves or unto their Churches obey the intimation and attend the service those Patriarchs with their Metropolitans and Suffragans both then and now languishing under the tyranny and power of the Turk to whom so general a confluence of Christian Bishops must needs give matter of suspicion of just fears and jealousies and therefore not to be permitted as far as he can possibly hinder it on good Reason of State For who knows better than themselves how long and dangerous a War was raised against their Predecessors by the Western Christians for recovery of the Holy Land on a resolution taken up at the Council of Clermont and that making War against the Turks is still esteemed a cause sufficient for a General Council And then besides it would be known by whom this General Council was to be assembled If by the Pope as generally the Papists say he and his Court were looked on as the greatest grievance of the Christian Church and 't was not probable that he would call a Council against himself unless he might have leave to pack it to govern it by his own Legats fill it with Titular Bishops of his own creating and send the Holy-Ghost to them in a Cloakbag as he did to Trent If joyntly by all Christian Princes which is the common Tenet of the Protestant Schools what hopes could any man conceive as the time then were that they should lay aside their particular interesses to center all together upon one design Or if they had agreed about it what power had they to call the Prelates of the East to attend the business or to protect them for so doing at their going home So that I look upon the hopes of a General Council I mean a General Council rightly called and constituted as an empty Dream The most that was to be expected was but a meeting of some Bishops of the West of Europe and those but of one party only such as were Excommunicated and that might be as many as the Pope should please being to be excluded by the Cardinals Rule Which how it may be called an Oecumenical or General Council unless it be a Topical-Oecumenical a Particular-general as great an absurdity in Grammar as a Roman Catholick I can hardly see Which being so and so no question but it was either
Elders as Josephus telleth us Antiqu. Jud. 1. cap. was no less pleasing unto God nor less valid in the eyes of all his Subjects than those of Jehosaphat and Hezekiah in their riper years and perhaps acting singly on the strength of their own judgments only without any advice Now that there should be Liturgies for the use of the Church that those Liturgies should be celebrated in a Language understood by the people That in those Liturgies there should be some prescribed Forms for giving the Communion in both kinds for Baptizing Infants for the reverent celebration of Marriage performing the last office to the sick and the decent burial of the Dead as also for set Feasts and appointed Festivals hath been a thing of primitive and general practice in the Christian Church And being such though intermitted or corrupted as before is said the King advising with his Bishops and other Church-men though not in a Synodical way may cause the same to be revised and revived and having fitted them to edification and increase of piety either commend them to the Church by his sole authority or else impose them on the people under certain penalties by his power in Parliament Saepe Coeleste Regnum per Terrenum proficit The Kingdom of Heaven said Reverend Isidore of Sevil doth many times receive increase from these earthly Kingdoms in nothing more than by the regulating and well ordering of Gods publick worship We saw before what David did in this particular allotting to the Priest the Courses of their Ministration appointing Hymns and Songs for the Jewish Festivals ordaining Singing-men to sing and finally prescribing Vestments for the Celebration Which what else was it but a Regulating of the Worship of God the putting it into a solemn course and order to be observed from time to time in succeeding Ages Sufficient ground for Christian Princes to proceed on in the like occasions especially when all they do is rathe the reviving of the Ancient Forms than the Introduction of a new Which as the King did here in England by his own Authority the Body of the Clergy not consulted in it so possibly there might be good reason why those who had the conduct of the Kings affairs thought it not safe to put the managing of the business to a Convocation The ignorance and superstition of the common people was at that time exceeding profitable to the Clergy who by their frequent Masses for the quick and dead raised as great advantage as Demetrius and the Silver-Smith by Dianas shrines It hapned also in a time when many of the inferiour Clergy had not much more learning than what was taught them in the Massals and other Rituals and well might fear that if the Service were once extant in the English tongue the Laity would prove in time as great Clerks as themselves So that as well in point of Reputation as in point of Profit besides the love which many of them had to their former Mumpsimus it was most probable that such an hard piece of Reformation would not easily down had it been put into the power of a Convocation especially under a Prince in Nonage and a state unsettled And yet it was not so carried without them neither but that the Bishops generally did concur to the Confirmation of the Book or the approbation of it rather when it passed in Parliament the Bishops in that time and after till the last vast and most improvident increase of the Lay-nobility making the most considerable if not the greatest part of the House of Peers and so the Book not likely to be there allowed of without their consent And I the rather am inclined unto that Opinion because I find that none but Tunstal Gardiner and Bonner were displaced from their Bishopricks for not submitting in this case to the Kings appointments which seems to me a very strong and convincing argument that none but they dissented or refused conformity Add here that though the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation were nto consulted with at first for the Reasons formerly recited yet when they found the benefit and comfort which redounded by it to good Christian people and had by little and little weaned themselves from their private interesses they all confirmed it on the Post-fact passing an Article in the Convocation of the year 1552. with this Head or Title viz. Agendum esse in Ecclesiae linguae quae fit Populo nota which is the 25th Article in King Edwards Book Lay all that hath been said together and the result of all will be briefly this that being the setting out of the Liturgy in the English Tongue was a matter practical agreeable to the Word of God and the Primitive times that the King with so many of his Bishops and others of the Clergy as he pleased to call to Counsel in it resolved upon the doing of it that the Bishops generally confirmed it when it came before them and that the whole body of the Clergy in their Convocation the Book being then under a review did avow and justifie it The result of all I say is this that as the work it self I say was good so it was done not in a Regal but a Regular way Kings were not Kings if regulating the external parts of Gods publick worship according to the Platforms of the Primitive times should not be allowed them But yet the Kings of England had a further right as to this particular which is a power conferred upon them by the Clergy whether by way of Recognition or Concession I regard not here by which they did invest the King with a Supream Authority not only of confirming their Synodical Acts not to be put in execution without his consent but in effect to devolve on him all that power which formerly they enjoyed in their own capacity And to this we have a parallel Case in the Roman Empire in which there had been once a time when the Supream Majesty of the State was vested in the Senate and people of Rome till by the Law which they called Lex Regia they transferred all their Power on Caesar and the following Emperors Which Law being passed the Edicts of the Prince or Emperor were as strong and binding as the Senatus Consulta and the Plebiseita had been before Whence came that memorable Maxim in Justinians Institutes that is to say Quod Principi placuerit legis habet vigorem The like may be affirmed of the Church of England immediately before and in the Reign of K. Henry VIII The Clergy of this Realm had a Self-authority in all matters which concerned Religion and by their Canons and Determinations did bind all the Subjects of what rank soever till by acknowledging that King for their Supream Head and by the Act of Submission not long after following they transferred that power upon the King and on his Successors By doing whereof they did not only disable themselves upon concluding any thing in their Convocations
the third Council of Carthage I shall bethink my self of an Answer to it But sure I am that in the third Council of Carthage Caesario Attico Coss as it is said to be in all Collections of the Councils were made but 24 Canons as it is in balsamon but five and twenty as in zonaras whereof this is none And no less sure that it is told me by Baronius haud omnes in hac Synodo sanciri that all the Canons attributed to this Council were not made therein Baron Annal. Eccla An. 397. n. 46. nor is it to be found in the Collection of the Canons of the Councils of Carthage either of Zonaras or Balsamon or in the Codex Canonum published by Justellus and therefore in all probability made in none at all Next look we on the other parts of the publick Liturgies for other parts there were besides the ministration of the Sacraments and the daily Service and we shall find as undeniable Authorities for defence of those as any of the former before remembred Of these I shall insist upon no more at this present time than the Form of ordering Bishops Priests and Deacons and that of solemnizing Matrimony to which we shall adjoyn their Form and Rites of Burial and so descend at last to a conclusion And first for that of Ordination whereas the ancient Form thereof had been interrupted and many of the Rulers of the Church had been too sensibly indulgent to their own affections in the dispensing of the same it pleased the Fathers in the fourth Council of Carthage not so much to ordain and constitute new Forms and Ordinances as revive the old A Council of that note and eminance that as the Acts thereof were approved and ratified by Pope Leo the great if that add any thing unto them Binius in titulo Concil To. 1. p. 587. edit Col. Id. Ibid. p. 591. so by the same the following Ages of the Church did use to regulate and dispose the publick Discipline Adeo ut hoc Concilium Ecclesiae disciplinae ad pristinam consuetudinem revocatae quasi promptuarium semper meritoque apud posteros habitum fuit as saith Binius truly Now amongst those they which first lead the way unto all the rest declare the Form and manner to be used in all Ordinations whether of Bishops Priests and Deacons or of inferiour Officers in the Church of Christ And first for Bishops especial care being taken for an inquisition into their Doctrine Life and Conversation Concil Carthag IV. can 1. it is decreed that when a Bishop is to be ordained two other Bishops are to hold the Book of the holy Gospel over his head and whilest one of them doth pronounce the blessing the rest there present lay their hands upon his head Episcopus cum ordinatur Ib. Can. 2. duo Episcopi panant teneant Evangeliorum codicem super caput cervicem or rather verticem ejus uno super eum fundente benedictionem reliqui omnes Episcopi qui adsunt manibus suis caput ejus tangant So the canon goeth And this is still observed in the Church of England save that the laying of the Book on the parties head is turned and as I think with more significancy into the putting of the same into his hand Then for the ordering of the Priest or Presbyter it is thus declared Presbyter cum ordinatur Episcopo eum benedicente manum super caput ejus tenente Ib. Can. 3. etiam omnes Presbyteri qui praesentes sunt manus suas juxta manum Episcopi super caput illius teneant When a Presbyter is to be ordained the Bishop giving the benediction or saying the words of Consecration and holding his hand upon his head all other Presbyters then present are to lay their hands upon his head near the hand of the Bishop And this is also used and required in the Church of England save that more near unto the Rule and prescript of Antiquity three Presbyters at least are to be assistant in laying hands upon the party to be ordained And last of all for that of Deacons it was thus provided solus Episcopus qui eum benedicit manum super caput illius ponat Ibid. Can. 4. that the Bishop only who ordains should lay his hand upon his head The reason of the which is this quia non ad Sacerdotium sed ad ministerium consecratur because he is not consecrated to the Office of Priesthood but to an inferiour ministry in the house of God Nor is the Deacon otherwise ordained than thus in the Church of England Here are the Rites the visible and external signs but where I pray you are the Forms the prescribed words and prayers which are now in use I answer that they are included in those two phrases benedicere and fundere benedictionem to bless to give the benediction or pronounce the blessing For as a Writer of our own very well observes Benedicere hic nibil aliud est quam verba proferre Mason de Minist Angl. l. 2. cap. 17. per quae horum Ordinum potestas traditur To bless saith he or give the benediction is nothing more nor less than to say those words by which the power of Order is conferred on every or either of the parties which receive the same And that the Form of words then used was prescribed and set not left unto the liberty of every Prelate to use what Form of words he pleased so he kept the sense we saw before in that of Zonaras where he affirmed that the Canon formerly remembred about the using prescribed Forms in the Church of God did reach to Ordination also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In Ordinations Zonaras in Concil Carth. Can. 117. saith the Scholiast the Bishop or Chief Priest laying his hands on him that came to be ordained was to recite the usual and accustomed Prayers Statas preces exequi solitus est as the Translator of the Scholiast And this may be observed withal that though this Council be of good antiquity as being held An. 398. yet almost all the Acts thereof and those especially amongst the rest were rather declaratory of the antient Customs of the Church of CHRIST Baron Annal. Eccl. An. 398. than introductory of new as both Baronius and Binius do affirm and justifie That which remains concerns the Form of Marriage and Rites of Burial to which a little shall be added of those pious Gestures used by them in the Act of publick Worship and that being done I shall conclude And first for Marriage there is no question to be made but that from the beginning of Christianity it hath been celebrated by the Priest or Minister with publick Prayers and Benedictions and most times with the celebration of the blessed Eucharist whereof thus Tertullian Vnde sufficiam ad felicitatem ejus matrimonii enarrandam Tertullian ad uxorem l. 2. quod Ecclesia conciliat confirmat
Congregation are now more sensibly apparent than ever formerly Other absurdities or inconveniences in this kind I could produce but that these few may serve as a taste for the rest and I am loath to go beyond the compass of a Letter although I cannot but be fearful that I have passed the bounds thereof already However I was willing rather to trespass somewhat on good manners than to be wanting in the least degree to your desire Beseeching you as favourably to accept those Considerations as they are chearfully and faithfully digested by me in obedience to the intimation of your Lordships pleasure which in all matters tending to the Churches service carrieth the force of a Command upon all the studies and endeavours of MY LORD Your Lordships most Humble Servant THE UNDECEIVING OF THE PEOPLE In the point of TITHES Wherein is shewed I. That never any Clergy in the Church of God hath been or is maintained with less charge to the Subject than the established Clergy of the Church of England II. That there is no Subject in the Realm of England who giveth any thing of his own towards the maintenance of his Parish-Minister but his Easter-Offering III. That the change of Tithes into Stipends will bring greater trouble to the Clergy than is yet considered and far less profit to the Countrey than is now pretended By PETER HEYLYN D. D. 1 COR. IX 7. Who goeth a warfare any time at his own charges Who planteth a Vineyard and eateth not of the fruit thereof Or who feedeth a flock and eateth not of the milk of the flocks LONDON Printed by M. Clark to be sold by C. Harper 1681. TO THE READER THE Lands of Bishops and Cathedrals being put to sale there remaineth nothing to support a sinking Ministry but Parochial Tithes and upon these the eyes of Avarice and Rapine were so strongly fixt that all endeavours to preserve them were almost grown desperate The Horseleach and her Daughters in the book of Proverbs are always on the craving hand nothing but Give Give to be heard amongst them Non missura cutem nisi plena cruoris hirudo in the Poets lauguage When they have once tasted the sweets of blood they never lose their hold till full and when full not satisfied The Prey when brought within the view must be hunted close And to this end the Anabaptists on the one side and the Adjutators on the other so bestirred themselves that Petitions against Tithes were hammered in all parts of the Kingdom the Parliament continually vexed with their importunities the vulgar Landholders fool'd into an opinion that they should have those Tithes themselves which before they paid unto the Clergy the common Tradesman and Artificer which had none to pay opening as wide as any of the rest to make up the Cry In this Conjuncture of Affairs Anno 1648. I published a short and plain Discourse entituled The Undeceiving of the People in the point of Tithes under the name of Ph. Treleinie the letters of my own name being transposed into that in the way of Anagram For though I was then sequestred from my Church-preferments in a condition rather of paying than receiving Tithes and consequently could have no Self-ends in it as the case then stood yet I was fearful lest the work of avowed for mine should be neglected as the product of corrupted Interests of one that wholly advocated for his own concernments What benefit redounded by it unto some what satisfaction unto others I had rather thou shouldst hear elsewhere than expect from me All I shall add now is but this that I hope it will not be less profitable unto them that read it nor read by any with more prejudice and disaffection now I acknowledg it for my own than when it came before them in a borrowed name and so fare thee well The Undeceiving of the People In the Point of TITHES AMongst those popular deceits which have been set abroad of late to abuse the people there is not any one which hath been cherished with more endearments than a persuasion put into them of not paying Tithes Partly because it carrieth no small shew of profit with it but principally as it seems a conducible means to make the Clergy more obnoxious to them and to stand more at their devotion than they have done formerly Upon these hopes it hath been the endeavours of some leading men to represent it to the rest as a Publick grievane that the Clergy being but an handful of men in comparison of all the rest of the Kingdom should go away with the tenth or as some say the sixth part of the fruits of the earth and that the Minister sitting still in his contemplations should live upon the sweat of other mens brows and taking pains amongst the people but one day in seven should have the tenth part of their Estates allotted to them for their maintenance And 't is no marvail if some few on these mis-persuasions have importuned the High Court of Parliament from time to time with troublesome and clamorous Petitions to redress this wrong and put them up also in the name of whole Counties although the generality of those Counties had no hand therein to add the greater credit and authority to them In which design although they have prevailed no further on the two Houses of Parliament than to be sent away with this general promise As in the answer to those those of Hartford Kent c. That in due time their Petitions should be taken into consideration and that it was the pleasure of the several and respective Houses that in the mean season they should take care that Tithes be duly paid accordin to Law yet they which have espoused the quarrel will not so be satisfied For when it pleased the Lords and Commons to set out an Ordinance bearing date Novemb. 8. 1644. for the true payment of Tithes and other duties according to the Laws and customs of this Realm there came out presently a Pamphlet entituled The Dismounting of the Ordinance for Tithes followed and backed by many a scandalous Paper of the self-same strain And when it seemed good to the said Lords and Commons on the precipitancy of some of the Clergy under Sequestration to set out their Additional Ordinance of the ninth of August Anno 1647. it was encountred presently with a scurrilous Pamphlet entituled A Preparation for a day of Thanksgiving to the Parliament for their late Ordinance for Tithes newly mounted and well charged with treble damages for the people 's not giving the Tenth part of their Fstates to the Clergy or Impropriators And this according to the style of those Petitions is said to be the Result of the Parliaments Friends in Hartfordshire though I am verily persuaded that few if any of the Gentry and men of quality in the Country were acquainted with it But be it the result of few or many of the Parliaments Friends though I conceive they are but back-friends to the
had any thing to do in the Land at all For as I am informed by Sir Edward Coke in his Comment upon Littletons Tenures lib. 1. cap. 9. Sect. 73. fol. 58. It appeareth by the Laws and Ordinances of ancient Kings and especially of King Alfred that the first King of this Realm had all the lands of England in Demesne and les grands manours royalties they reserved to themselves and with the remnant they for the defence of the Realm enfeoffed the Barons of the Realm with such jurisdiction as the Court Baron now hath So he the professed Champion of the Common Laws And at this time it was when all the Lands in England were the Kings Demesne that Ethelwolph the second Monarch of the Saxon race his father Egbert being the first which brought the former Heptarchie under one sole Prince conferred the Tithes of all the Kingdom upon the Church by his royal Charter Of which thus Ingulph Abbot of Crowland an old Saxon Writer a Anno 855. Rex Ethelwulfus omnium Praelatorum Principum suorum qui sub ipso variis Provinciis totius Angliae praeerant gratuito Consensu tunc primo cum decimis terrarum bonorum aliorum sive catallorum universam dotavit Ecclesiam per suum Regium Chirographum Ingulph Anno 855. which was the 18. of his Reign King Ethelwulph with the consent of his Prelates and Princes which ruled in England under him in their several Provinces did first enrich the Church of England with the Tithes of all his Lands and Goods by his Charter Royal. Ethelward an old Saxon and of the blood Royal doth express it thus b Decimavit de omni possessione sua in partem Domini in universo regimine Principatus sui sic constituit Ethelward He gave the Tithe of his possessions for the Lords own portion and ordered it to be so in all the parts of the Kingdom under his command Florence of Worcester in these words c Aethelwulphus Rex decimam totius Regni sui partem ab omni Regali servitio tributo liberavit in sempiterno Graphio in Cruce Christi pro Redemptione Animae suae Praedecessorum suorum uni trino Deo immolavit Florent Wigorn. King Ethelwolfe for the Redemption of his own soul and the souls of his Predecessors discharged the tenth part of his Realm of all Tributes and Services due unto the Crown and by his perpetual Charter signed with the sign of the Cross offered it to the three-one God Roger of Hovenden hath it in the self same words and Huntingdon more briefly thus d Totam terram suam propter amorem Dei Redemptionem ad opes Ecclesiarum decimavit Henr. Huntingd. That for the love of God and the redemption of his soul he tithed his whole Dominions to the use of the Church But what need search be made into so many Authors when the Charter it self is extant in old Abbot Ingulph and in Matthew of Westminster and in the Leiger Book of the Abbey of Abingdon which Charter being offered by the King on the Altar at Winchester in the presence of his Barons was received by the Bishops and by them sent to be published in all the Churches of their several Diocesses a clause being added by the King saith the Book of Abingdon That whosoever added to the gift e Qui augere voluerit nostram donationem augeat omnipotens Deus dies ejus prosperos siquis vero mutare vel minuere praesumpserit noscat se ad Tribunal Christi redditurum rationem nisi prius satisfactione emendaverit God would please to prosper and increase his days but that if any did presume to diminish the same he should be called to an account for it at Christs Judgment-seat unless he made amends by full satisfaction In which as in some other of the former passages as there is somewhat savouring of the errour of those darker times touching the merit of good works yet the authorities are strong and most convincing for confirmation of the point which we have in hand Now that the King charged all the Lands of the Kingdom with the payment of Tithes and not that only which he held in his own possession is evident both by that which was said before from Sir Edward Coke and by the several passages of the former Authors For if all the Lands in the Kingdom were the Kings Demesnes and the King conferred the Tithes of all his Lands on the Church of God it must follow thereupon that all the Lands of the Realm were charged with Tithes before they were distributed amongst the Barons for defence of the Kingdom And that the Lands of the whole Realm were thus charged with Tithes as well that which was parted in the hands of Tenants as that which was in the occupancy of the King himself the words before alledged do most plainly evidence where it is said that he gave the tenth of all his Lands as Ingulph the Tithe of his whole Land as Henry of Huntingdon the tenth part of his whole Kingdom as in Florence of Worcester the tenth part of the Lands throughout the Kingdom in the Charter it self And finally in the Book of Abingdon the Charter is ushered in with this following Title viz. Quomodo Ethelwolfus Rex dedit decimam partem regni sui Ecclesiis that is to say how Ethelwolf gave unto the Church the tenth part of his Kingdom This makes it evident that the King did not only give de facto the Tithe or the tenth part of his whole Realm to the use of the Clergy but that he had a right and a power to do it as being not only the Lord Paramount but the Proprietary of the whole Lands the Lords and great Men of the Realm not having then a property or estates of permanency but as accomptants to the King whose the whole land was And though it seems by Ingulph their consents were asked and that they gave a free consent to the Kings Donation yet was this but a matter of Form and not simply necessary their approbation and consent being only asked either because the King was not willing to do any thing to the disherison of his Crown without the liking and consent of the Peers or that having their consent and approbation they should be barred from pleading any Tenant-right and be obliged to stand in maintenance and defence thereof against all pretenders And this appears yet further by a Law of King Athelstanes made in the year 930 about which time not only the Prelates of the Church as formerly but the great Men of the Realm began to be setled in Estates of permanency and to claim a property in those Lands which they held of the Crown and claiming so begun it seems to make bold to subduct their Tithes For remedy whereof the King made this Law commanding all his Ministers throughout the Kingdom that in the first place they should pay the Tithes
unconquered patience suffer And if it does appear by this Disquisition that the Episcopal Government continued from the Apostles times till the time of Constantine not interrupted by the fury of those Persecutions which made such havock amongst men of that Sacred Order there will be little question made of it for the time succeeding in which both the Order and the Men were raised unto the highest pitch of Estimation But finding one objection of a later date not to be satisfied in and by the practice of those elder times I think it not amiss to make answer to it here before we part The matter to be prov'd and in the proof whereof they do so much glory is That there is one Congregation at the least in the Christian World in which the Government of Bishops hath met with Contradiction contrary unto that which had been positively affirmed in the Humble Remonstrance And this they prove from the Bishops own Darling HEYLYN who told them in his Geography pag. 55. That the people of Biscay in Spain admit no Bishops to come amongst them and that when Ferdinand the Catholick came in progress accompanied among others with the Bishop of Pampelone the people rose up in Arms drove back the Bishop and gathering up all the dust which they thought he had trod on flung it into the Sea All this the Darling writes indeed they say true in that But can any rational Man infer from hence that the People of Biscay do abominate the Episcopal Government or that it is not there received without contradiction They may conclude as strongly I am sure more logically that the Dean and Prebends of Westminster are enemies to Episcopal Government or at the least receive it not without contradiction because they suffer neither Archbishop nor Bishop to exercise any jurisdiction within that City and the Liberties of it nor to hold any Convocation within that Church but upon special leave obtained and under a solemn protestation not to infringe thereby their antient priviledges For the truth is that the Biscains being a poor and indigent Nation and finding the Episcopal Visitations very chargeable to them procured a priviledge in times past that their Bishops should not come in person to visit their Churches for which consult the general History of Spain fol. 919. And being withal a rugged and untractable people tenaciously addicted to their antient customs and kept continually in mind of some wrongs and injuries which had been offered by their Prelats in the times foregoing they might be easily excited to that act of outrage against the Bishop of Pampelone and yet without any the least contradiction receive there as indeed they do the Episcopal Government But to proceed I could not but perceive by this scornful attribute under what prejudice I lay amongst those of that Party and therefore that any thing of mine in Answer to them would not be lookt upon with equal and impartial eyes The door of Truth is never so close barr'd as when Prejudice and Prepossession have blockt up the entrance In which respect having finished the discourse which I had in hand I thought not fit to let it pass under my own name but published it under that of Theophilus Churchman not without many honest Precedents in that kind before A name which might both serve to conceal my Person and express my Relations and whereunto I hoped to create no reproach or obloquy by my slack performances But contrary to what I hoped the Author of the Pamphlet called The Observator observed finding perhaps who walked under that Disguise must needs take him to task setting upon him first with a petulant scorn after his usual way of throwing dirt on all he meets with as not knowing by what name to call him whether Goodman Worshipful Right Worshipful Honourable Right Honourable or Right Reverend Churchman Which said he chargeth it upon him that there is nothing in his Book but what is stoln from Archbishop Whitgift Bishop Bilson Bishop Hall and others fol. 37. and reckoning up some others who have written in defence of Episcopacy he acknowledges them all but Churchman to be good men and true and consequently Churchman neither true nor good Therefore that no man else may suffer by my imperfections I have thought good to lay aside my former Vizor to shew my self in my own likeness and to cry out with him in Virgil Me me adsum qui feci in me convertite ferrum Let him and all the Enemies of Episcopacy make their blows at me and if I cannot stand my ground against all their Batteries and justifie my self from the crime of falshood in all the particulars of that History I shall with gladness follow their Triumphant Chariot like a conquered Captive It will add something to the Pageant that the bold Champion of the Bishops as he elsewhere scoffs it hath his place therein At this time passing over his reproachful taunts I am to clear my self of the Felony which is charged upon me for stealing all things in that Book from Archbishop Whitgift Bishop Bilson Bishop Hall and others this is Novum crimen ante haec tempora inauditum a Felony not heard of in the Common Law to which the Gentleman pretends such a special knowledge The citing of the Authors for every passage absolves me clearly from that crime And I would fain know of him being so perfect an Historian how a man writing the Affairs of the former times which come not within the compass of Autopsie or ocular inspection as we know who saith can possibly attain to the knowledge of them but by canvassing all sorts of Authors which either lived in or near those times or otherwise held Correspondence and Intelligence with them It is not for all men though it be for some to challenge such a soveraign or praetorian power of coining as well the matter as the words of their Histories that whatsoever they let fall their negligences and ignorances their mistakes and passions shall forthwith be received for Oracular truths We poor men who pretend unto no such priviledge and write of things done long agoe in the dark ages and obscure twilights of the Church must help our selves by the light of Letters and thankfully make use of all hands which hold forth that Candle without fear of holding up our own If this be stealing neither the Magdeburgians nor Baronius nor Torniellus Salianus Parker Harpsfield Fox nor any of our late Compilers of Ecclesiastical or Civil History can be acquitted from the Crime Let us all be discharged or condemned together guilty or not guilty all or none there 's no question of it But I have gone too far on this Gentlemans Errant And therefore for the credit of those Witnesses which I have produc'd what is desired of the Reader in relation to them with other things preparatory to the following History I must refer the Reader to the General Preface that being informed in all particulars which concern the
successors there reconciled also 9. An answer unto such Objections as have been made against S. Peters being Bishop of Rome 10. Saint Mark the first Bishop of Alexandria and of his successours 11. Notes on the observations of Epiphanius and Saint Hierom about the Church of Alexandria 12. An observation of Saint Ambrose applyed unto the former business 13. Of Churches founded by Saint Peter in Italy France Germany and the Isle of Britain and of the Bishops in them instituted OY 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 It is the observation of Saint Chrysostom that the Church never thriveth better than in persecutions Hom. in Act. cap. 11. And this he speaks on the dispersion of the Disciples after the martyrdom of Stephen than which there could not any thing fall out more fortunately for the advancement of the Gospel Act. 11.19 They which were scattered abroad saith the holy Text upon the persecution which arose about Stephen travelled as far as Phoenice and Cyprus and Antioch preaching the Word to none but the Jews only At first indeed to none but the Jews alone The Vision had not yet appeared to Peter to Authorize his going in unto the Gentiles nor had Cornelius and his Houshold as yet been made partakers of the Holy Ghost The Jews were they to whom the promises of God had first been made who as they were dispersed into many places so did Gods Word go after them and found them out either converting them unto the Faith or else convincing them of their incredulity But in no City of the East were they so thick set as in Antiochia the regal seat and City of the Kings of Syria Joseph Antiqu. Jud. l. 12. c. 3. in which by ancient priviledge first granted by Seleucus Nicanor they were all free Denizens and enjoyed all immunities whatsoever with the Greeks and Macedons Joseph de Bello Jud. l. 7. c. 24. This made them plant here in great multitudes together with their Wives and Children and so by consequence the greater opportunity was offered for the enlargement of the Church News hereof being brought unto Hierusalem and Peace by that time being setled throughout the Churches S. Peter Act. 9.31 32. as he passed throughout all quarters is said to have come down unto Antioch also and to have undertaken the charge thereof as being the most famous City of the Eastern parts It 's true the Scriptures tell us nothing of this but the Fathers do and negative proofs from Scripture Homil. 6. in Lucam in a point of History are of no Authority Origen calls Ignatius Episcopum Antiochiae post Petrum secundum the second that was Bishop of Antioch after Peter and therefore Peter must of necessary consequence be first Bishop there Euseb eccl hist l. 3. c. 35. Eusebius saith the same with Origen as to S. Peters being Bishop there and so doth Felix Pope of Rome in the fifth Council of Constantinople Actione prima But not to trust to consequences only Id. in Chron. though those clear enough Eusebius in his Chronicon saith expresly Petrus Apostolus Ecclesiam Antiochenam fundavit ibique Cathedram adeptus sedit that Peter the Apostle founded the Church of Antioch and sate Bishop there S. Hierom doth affirm the same Hieron in c. 2. ad Galat. Primum Episcopum Antiochenae Ecclesiae Petrum fuisse and makes it one of those things which S. Luke omitted Luke being an attendant of S. Paul in his peregrinations took not such special and particular notice of S. Peters actions Ipse firmavit sedem in qua septem annis quamvis discessurus sedit Greg. and therefore his omission of it is no argument that it was not so More of S. Peters being Bishop of the Church of Antioch see in the same S. Hierom in his Book de Ecclesiast Scriptoribus And in S. Gregories Epistles lib. 6. ep 37. Where he is said to have continued Bishop there seven years as indeed most Authors do agree This founding of the Church of Antioch by S. Peter and his assuming of the Bishoprick or charge thereof Euseb in Chron. is by Eusebius placed in the fourth year of the 203 Olympiad which falleth by computation into that 38 year of Christs Nativity being the fourth year after his Ascension But then withal we must restrain S. Peters Bishoprick in Antioch and his foundation of that Church only unto the Jewish Congregations there Preaching unto the Gentiles was not yet thought lawful And when it was it pleased God to make choice of others to promote that work Whereof when tidings came unto Hierusalem Act. 11.22 Ibid. 25. they sent forth Barnabas that he should go as far as Antioch And when he found the task too great for himself alone he went to Tarsus saith the Text to seek for Saul whom he brought with him to that City By these the gaining of the Gentiles in that famous City was begun and finished In this regard S. Paul is to be reckoned a co-founder at the least of the Church of Antioch and so Ignatius doth account them in his Epistle to the Magnesians Ignat. ep ad Magnes where he relateth that the Disciples were first called Christians at Antiochia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Church whereof was founded by Paul and Peter And this may serve to reconcile the difference which doth occur amongst the ancient Writers about S. Peters next Successor in the See of Antioch Homil. de transt Ignatii Dialog 1. Origen Chrysostom Theodoret and Felix whom before we spake of do make Ignatius to be S. Peters next Successor where by the way we have S. Peters being Bishop there avowed by Chrysostom and Theodoret into the bargain Hist l. 3. c. 16. descript eccles in Ignatio Epist ad Antioch And on the other side Eusebius and S. Hierom place Euodius first and after his decease Ignatius wherein Ignatius doth himself concur with them counselling or exhorting the Antiochians to call to mind Euodius that most holy Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 who first received the government of that Church from the holy Apostles Now for the reconciliation of this difference taking it first for granted as I think we may that at first there were in Antiochia two several Congregations of converted Christians the one of Jews Constitat Apostol l. 7. c. 48. the other of the Gentiles whereof S. Peter and S. Paul were the several heads the Author of the Constitutions ascribed to Clemens who in a matter of this nature may well be credited will give us an handsom hint informing us that the Apostles being to betake themselves to their other business or the business rather of the Lord S. Peter did ordain Euodius and S. Paul Ignatius to be the Bishops there in their several charges Upon which ground Baronius doth infer and not improbably that the wall of separation being beaten down and both the Congregations of Antiochia made into one Church Baron Annal. Eccle. An.
45. n. 14. Ignatius did willingly resign his present interest unto Euodius whom he succeeded also after his decease But be this how it will certain I am that the preferment of Euodius to the See of Antioch is placed by Eusebius in the 45. year of Christs Nativity who having sate there six and twenty years did leave the same unto Ignatius Anno 71. S. John and perhaps other of the Apostles being then alive More than so Chrysostom affirms expresly Serm. de Ignat. Tom. 5. p. 499. edit Savil. not only that some of the Apostles were then alive but that he was made Bishop by them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that the hands of the Apostles touched his holy head And so much for the Bishops of Antioohia which lived and were co-temporary with the Apostles But to go forwards with S. Peter having thus setled and confirmed the Church of Antioch and by this Preaching to Cornelius opened a door unto the Gospel in Caesarea and amongst the Gentiles he followed on the course of his Apostleship Preaching unto the Jews dispersed in the Eastern parts as namely throughout Pontus Galatia Cappadocia Asia and Bithynia as himself intimates in his first Epistle 1 Pet. 1.1 And when he was to leave those parts and make for Italy he left them not without a Ministery nor did he leave that Ministery without some Bishops to govern and direct the Flock The Roman Martyrology doth reckon in these Churches of S. Peters founding Cornelius the first fruits of the Gentiles Februar 2. Quem B. Petrus Episcopali honore sublimavit made by him Bishop of Caesarea Metaphrastes if he may be credited Citat ap Baron An. 44. n. 10. as in most things which do not tend to miracles I think he may relateth that S. Peter in his peregrination did ordain Bishops in the Churches of Sydon Berytus and Laodicea that he made Marson Bishop of Tripolis and Prochorus of Nicomedia and finally that in the Provinces of Pontus Cappadocia and Bithynia he did not only plant Churches but he founded Bishopricks But waving these things as I find them and the report of Agapetus in the fifth Council of Constantinople that the first Bishop of Bizantium was of Peters founding though of unquestionable credit Let us repair unto the Scriptures Conc. Constant 5. Act. 2. There find we the Apostles stirring up the Pastors to have a care unto the Flock The Elders which are amongst you I exhort who am also an Elder and a witness of the sufferings of Christ Feed the Flock of God which is among you 1 Pet. 5.1 Oecumen in 1 Pet. cap. 5. Ask Oecumenius who these Presbyters or Elders were and he will tell you they were Bishops And then he gives this reason of it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that Bishops are called Presbyters in the book of Acts. But Oecumenius being of a later standing may possibly be undervalued when he speaks alone and therefore we will stare super vias antiquas enquire amongst the ancients and ask their judgments in the case And here we meet with Gregory Nazianzen Nazian in Apâ—â—get who pencelling and describing a perfect Prelate makes amongst others this to be a special quality belonging to him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 not to constrain their people to the works of piety by force and violence but to allure them by persuasions For proof whereof he instanceth in this present Text Feed the Flock of Christ which is among you not by constraint but willingly of a ready mind But this construction may be verified from the Text it self as well as from the Glosses of the ancient Writers and that from three particular words or phrases that occur therein For first Saint Peter calling himself their Fellow Presbyter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek shews plainly that they were not simple Presbyters which he thus exhorteth but Presbyters invested with some higher dignity such as had some resemblance of the Apostolical function In which regard S. John the Apostle in his two last Epistles calls himself a Presbyter the Elder as our English reads it Which word he used as Oecumenius hath observed Oecum in 2. Joh. ep 1. v. 1. either because he was grown aged when he wrote the same 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or intimating that he was a Bishop according as the word Presbyter would bear in those former times And why not thus since Beza doth affirm on those words of Saint Peter Generale esse nomen Presbyteri Beza Annot. in 1 Pet. c. 5. that the name of Presbyter was very general so general as it seems by him ut etiam ipsi Apostoli hoc nomine comprehendantur that even the holy Apostles are comprised therein And therefore Beza being Judge S. Peter may mean Bishops here though he calls them Presbyters And that he meaneth Bishops may be also gathered from the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Feed ye the Flock which is among you 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the Greek not signifying to feed only and no more than so but such a feeding as implyeth a rule or governance annexed unto it which is the proper act of Bishops Inferiour Presbyters may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 feed the particular Flock committed to them by the word of Doctrine The Bishop only may 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 so feed them with the word of Doctrine as that he also rule them with the rod of Discipline In this respect as the Apostle joyns the Shepherd and the Bishop in a line together 1 Pet. 2.25 So primitive Antiquity did arm the Bishop with a Crozier or Pastoral staff to shew the union of those Offices in the self-same person But hereof we shall speak more fully in another place And indeed need not speak more of it upon this occasion considering that there is another word behind in S. Peters Text which putteth the matter out of question Feed ye the Flock of God which is among you saith the Apostle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 saith the Text taking the oversight thereof as our English reads it doing the Office of a Bishop as the word doth signifie Phil. 3.17 cap. 9. v. 9. The ordinary Presbyters may be called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Seers if you will according to the notion of that word in the first of Samuel the Bishops are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 such as do over-see the Seers So then the Presbyters whom S. Peter speaks of being such as might 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 both feed and oversee and govern it is apparent they were Bishops and not simple Presbyters But in this point Saint Peter shall not go alone S. Paul will put in for a share and keep him company who writing to the Hebrews even to the very hebrews of Saint Peters Province Heb. 13.17 doth advise them thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Obey them that have the rule over you and submit your selves for they watch
of that Church his being Bishop there and suffering there an ignominious yet a glorious death for the sake of Christ are such noted Truths that it were labour lost to insist upon them Only I shall direct the Reader to such pregnant places in the most ancient and incorrupted Writers as may give satisfaction in those points to any one that will take pains to look upon them And first to look upon the Greeks he may find Papias and Clemens ancient Writers both alledged to this purpose by Eusebius Hist Eccles l. 2. c. 14. Caius Dionysius Bishops of Corinth both of good antiquity alledged in the same book cap. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eusebius speaking for himself not only in the 13. Chap. of the same book also but also in his Chronicon in which he notes the year of his first coming to that City to be the 44. after Christs Nativity See to this purpose also Saint Chrysostom in his Homily De Petro Paulo Saint Cyril of Alexandria in his Epistle to Pope Celestine Theodoret Sozomen and others Next for the Latins there is hardly any but saith somewhat in it whereof see Irenaeus l. 3. c. 3. Tertullian in his book de praescript adv haeret Lactant. lib. 4. cap. 21. Optatus lib. 2. contr Parmen Hierom in his Tract De Eccl. Scriptoribus Saint Austin in Epist 165. and other places not to descend to later Writers of the Latin Churches whose interest it may seem to be To close this point Saint Austin Aug. ep 169. whom I named last shall speak once for all who reckoning up the Bishops in the Church of Rome thus begins his Catalogue Si enim c. If the succession of the Bishops there be a thing considerable quanto certius verè salubriter ab ipso Petro numeramus how much more certainly and assuredly do we begin the same with Peter who bare the figure of the whole Church And then goes on Petro successit Linus Linus succeeded Peter Clemens him and so to Anastasius who then held the See Nor can it be replyed that Peter took the Church of Rome into his Apostolical care and had not the Episcopal charge thereof as some now suppose The Tables of succession make that clear enough Saint Peter the Apostle could have no successours but the Bishop might Linus or whosoever else succeeded nor did nor could pretend succession to the preheminences and miraculous priviledges which were required necessarily unto the making of an Apostle challenge an interest by succession in his Pastoral Office they both might and did The Writers of all ages since do afford them that Only the difference is amongst them who was the first that did succeed him in his Pastoral charge St. Austin gives it unto Linus as before we saw next Clemens Adv. haeres l. 3. c. 3. Haeres 26. Lib. 2. contr Parmen Hieron de Script Eccles in Clement Id. ibid. in Petro. and then Anacletus Irenaeus doth agree with Austin placing Linus first but placing Anacletus second and then Clemens third and so doth Epiphanius also Optatus reckoneth them as before in Austin Saint Hierom sometimes ranketh them as Irenaeus and Epiphanius did Linus Cletus Clemens and sometimes placeth Clemens first as Tertullian and plerique Latinorum most of the ancient Latin Writers had done before I know there is much pains taken to compose this difference amongst our Antiquaries those most especially of the Papal party But in my mind there cannot be a better course taken to effect the same than that which was observed before in the case of Antioch And to effect this composition Ignatius and some other Fathers give a ground as probable as that which was laid down before in the former business Iren. l. 3. c. 3. For first it is affirmed by Irenaeus that S. Paul had as great an interest in the foundation of the Church of Rome as Saint Peter had A duobus Apostolis Petro Paulo Romae fundatae constitutae Ecclesiae as his own words are The like saith Epiphanius in another language Ado. haeres 27. num 6. Ep. ad Tral making both of them Bishops of that Church Next it is said expresly by Ignatins who might well speak on certain knowledg living in those times that Anacletus for I conceive that Cletus and Anacletus were the same was Deacon to S. Peter and Linus Deacon to S. Paul who doth indeed make mention of him in his second Epistle unto Timothy This ground thus laid why may we not conceive as before in Antioch that in the first planting of the Church of Rome there were two several Churches or congregations that of the Circumcision being collected by Saint Peter that of the Gentiles first drawn together by Saint Paul each of them being Bishop or chief Pastor of their Congregations Secondly that when the two Apostles perceived the time of their sufferings to draw near Peter ordained Anacletus Bishop of the Churches of the Circumcision and that Paul did commit to Linus the government of the Churches of the Gentiles both whom they had employed before as Deputies and Substitutes to attend these charges whilst they themselves did travel to and fro as occasion was and the necessities of the Church required Thirdly and lastly that Linus being dead Clemens who had before been specially designed by Saint Peter to possess his place succeeded Bishop of the Churches of the Gentiles there who finally surviving Cletus or Anacletus call him which you will and the division between Jew and Gentile being worn away united the two Churches in his person as the sole Bishop of the whole And this I am the rather induced to think because that Epiphanius making up a Catalogue of the Popes of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Epiph haer 27. first joyns together Peter and Paul next coupleth with the like conjunction Linus and Cletus and after brings in Clemens Euaristus Alexander c. in a line successively And yet the Tables of succession may well stand as they have done hitherto first Linus after Cletus and thirdly Clemens because that Linus dying first left Cletus in possession of the Pastoral charge and Cletus dying before Clemens left him the sole surviver of the three which possibly may be the reason why many of the Latins reckon Clemens for the first Bishop after Peter whom they conceive to be sole Bishop of that Church as indeed it was before there was a Church of Gentiles founded in that famous City For being formerly designed by Saint Peter to be his Successour and afterward enjoying the whole charge alone as Peter for a season did it might not seem improper to report him for the second Bishop that is the second of the whole And then again Clemens is placed by some next and immediately after Linus whose successor he was in the direct line as Bishop of the more famous Church viz. of the Gentiles and by some also after Cletus whom he succeeded at the
far more express Episcopos vocat stellas c. Paraeus in Apocal cap. 1. v. 20. The Bishops are called Stars saith he because they ought to out-shine others aswell in purity of Doctrine as sincerity of Conversation in the Church of God eosdem Angelos vocat quia sunt Legati Dei ad Ecclesiam and they are also called Angels because they are the Legats or Embassadours of God to his holy Church And lest we should mistake our selves and him in the word Episcopus he laboureth to find out the Bishop of each several Church as we shall see hereafter in that inquisition for those who speak to the particular Beza Annot. Apoc. c. 2.1 we begin with Beza who on those words unto the Angel of the Church of Ephesus gives this Annotation Angelo i. e. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quem nimirum oportuit imprimis de his rebus admoneri c. To the Angel that is saith he to the chief President whom it behoved to have the notice of the charge there given and by him to the rest of his Colleagues and the whole Congregation but fearing lest this Exposition might give some advantage for the upholding of the Hierarchie which he so laboured to pull down he adds de proprio that notwithstanding this acknowledgment Episcopal authority being a thing of mans invention hinc statui nec potest nec debet nor may nor ought to have any ground from hence Finally Marlorat himself on those very words Marlorat Eccl. Expâ—sit in Apocal c. 2. v. 1. shews that however there were many things in the Church of Ephesus which required Reformation both in the Clergy and the people Non tamen populum aggreditur sed Clerum yet the Apostle doth not apply himself unto the people but the Clergy Nor doth he fashion his discourse to the Clergy generally Sed ad Principem Cleri Episcopum utique but to the chief or principal of the Clergy which was the Bishop Nay Marlorat goes further yet and he as he layeth down his interpretation so he doth also give a reason of it and such a one as may well satisfie any man of reason Idem Ibid. His reason is Nam Pastor non modo pro propriis c. Because the Pastor is not only to render an account to the supream Judg for his own sins alone but for the sins of all his flock if any of them by his sloth or negligence do chance to perish And certainly this reason is of special use and efficacy to the point in hand For if the Lord do look for an account at the Pastors hand for every sheep that shall be lost by his sloth or negligence it must needs follow thereupon that those of whom so strict a reckoning is expected must not have power only to persuade and counsel but also to correct and censure and by their own proper and innate authority to rectifie such things as are amiss in their several charges The Son of God is neither so unjust as that the Pastor should be charged with those enormities which he hath no authority to amend or rectifie nor so forgetful as to threaten and rebuke the Pastor not only for the peoples faults but the Errata of the Presbyters in case he were not trusted with a greater power than any of the rest for that end and purpose Which being so and that our Saviour by Saint John doth send out his summons neither unto the Church in general nor to the Presbyters in common but to the Angel of each Church in the singular number it is most plain and evident as I conceive that in the time of writing the Apocalypse as long time before it the Church of Christ had certain Pastors of more eminent note when they as we intituled Bishops which governed as well the Presbyters as the rest of the Flock and those the Son of God acknowledgeth for stars and Angels And howsoever the inferiour Pastors both are and may be called Angels in a general sense as Messengers and Ministers of God Almighty yet if it be the Angel in the singular number the Angel in the way of eminence and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 it is peculiar only to the Bishop Now that each Church of those remembred in that Book had his proper Angel and that they were not governed by a Corporation or Colledg of Presbyters to whom those several Epistles might be sent by the name of Angels the word Angel being to be taken collectively and not individually as some men suppose is in the next place to be shewed And first for proof Smectymn p. 52. there is a pregnant evidence in a Discourse or Treatise touching the Martyrdom of Timothy the Author of the which relates that after Saint John the Apostle was revoked from his exile by the sentence of Nerva Apud Phot. in Biblioth n. 254. he betook himself to the Metropolis of Ephesus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and being assisted with the presence of the seven Bishops he took upon himself the government of the Metropolis of the Ephesians and there continued preaching the Doctrine of salvation till the time of Trajan Which as it is an evident and convincing proof that the seven Churches had their several Bishops to each Church one Bishop so is it no such difficult matter to find out most of them by name and what Church each of them did govern And first for Ephesus Paraeum in Apocal cap. 2. some have conceived that Timothy was still alive and Bishop at that time when the Apocalypse was written which hotly is defended by Alcasar against Ribera Lyra and Pererius who opine the contrary But surely Timothy it could not be as doth appear in part by that which was alledged out of the Treatise of his Martyrdom which if it were not written by Polycrates is yet very antient and authentick wherein he is conceived to be dead before but principally by the quality and condition of that blessed Evangelist so plentifully endued with the Holy Ghost so eminent in piety and all heavenly graces that no man can conceive him lyable to the accusation with which the Angel of that Church is charged And therefore it must either be that John when on the death of Timothy as I conceive Saint John ordained Bishop of this Church as is reported in the Constitutions Constitut Apost l. 7. c. 48. ascribed to Clemens or else Onesimus another of the Successors of Timothy in the See of Ephesus who is intituled Bishop of it in the Epistle of Ignatius written to that Church within twelve years after the writing of the Revelation In which Epistle Ignatius blessing God for so good a Bishop Igna. in Epist ad Ephes admonisheth the people of their duty 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in submitting themselves unto his judgment or concurring with it as their whole Presbytery did which harmony of the Bishop and his Presbyters he doth compare 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unto the concord of the
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apoc. 2.24 I say to you the rest in Thyatira the spirit there addressing his discourse to those godly men that had not known the depths of Satan And so besides the antient Copy sent hither by the Patriarch of Constantinople and cited by my L. B. of Exeter Def. of the humble Remonstr p. 105. Primasius in Apoc. l. 1. c. 2. doth Primasius read it Vobis autem dico reliqui qui estis Thyatirae Paraeus also doth observe Veterem sine copula that the old Latine hath not the conjunction and that Andreas and Montanus do adhere to that So that for all this observation the Angel of this Church was a singular person And this doth further yet appear since we are fallen upon these Criticisms by some antient readings of the 20. verse For whereas now we read in our usual Copies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the woman Jesebel Cited in the Def. of the Remonstr p. 105. the old Greek Copy from Constantinople writ above 1300 years ago doth read it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 thy Wife Jesebel and so doth that also of Aretas Caesariensis And this doth seem to be the ancienter and the truer reading as being followed by S. Cyprian and Primasius also In Can. Apoc. Epistola 52. In Can. Apoc. Vindication c. p. 140. in marg the first of which lived 1400 years agone in whom we read uxorem tuam And though I grant that the Original standing thus may be translated thy woman Jesebel or that woman of thine Jesebel as I perceive some men would have it yet then it must be granted therewithal that the Angel of this Church was one singular individual person not a body collective It could not otherwise be thine but yours The fifth in order of these Angels is he of Sardis Ecclesiae Antistes the Bishop of that Church as Paraeus noteth and he observes withal veteres quosdam Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. v. 1. that some ancient writers conceive that Melito of whom Eusebius speaketh lib. 4. cap. 26. was then the Bishop of this Church and probably it might be so For howsoever he excepteth against this opinion because that Melito was Bishop of this place under Antoninus tamdiu vero Melitonem Sardibus praefuisse non est verisimile and therefore that it is not likely that he should so long hold this Bishoprick yet granting it in Polycarpus tamdiu Smyrnensibus praefuisse that he was Bishop of Smyrna for as long a time I see no reason why the like may not be granted of the other also As for his other reason that Melito is commended for his sanctimony and the Angel here accused for his Hypocrisie it may well be that though this Angel were accused of Hypocrisie at the present time yet having many good things in him he might be brought unto a sense thereof upon this admonition from our Lord and Saviour and so become a careful and a painful Pastor So that the ancient Writers as Paraeus saith reporting that this Angel was that Melito may be believed for ought I see unto the contrary in that affirmation and this I am the rather inclined to think Euseb hist Eccl. l. 4. c. 25. because I find a tract of Melito's inscribed Onesimo Fratri unto Onesimus his Brother who was the Angel of the Church of Ephesus as before was said which shews they lived together in one age or time The Angel of the Church of Philadelphia must be looked on next whom some conceive to be Quadratus a Scholar or Disciple of the Apostles of whom Eusebius speaks lib. 3. cap. 37. Paraeus in Apocal c. 3. But surely if Eusebius speaks of him at all it is as Bishop of Athens not of Philadelphia unless perhaps we may conceive that being first Bishop of Philadelphia he was translated afterwards to Athens Publius the Bishop being dead whom he there succeeded which I somewhat doubt But whatsoever was his name or whether he were that Demetrius who as Clemens saith was by S. Paul made Bishop of this place I take him for the very man whom Ignatius speaks of in his Epistle to this People where speaking of their Bishop he tells them this that at the very first sight of him he did plainly see 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ignat. ad Philadelphens that neither of his own desire nor by choice of man was he preferred unto that place but by the love of Jesus Christ and God the Father commending him for modesty and for a careful walking in Gods Commandments being like Zachary without reproof and finally not only free from passion but perfectly adorned with all kind of vertue A commendation very well agreeing with that bestowed upon this Angel by the Holy Ghost as did the Character of the Angel of the Church of Smyrna agree unto the quality of Polycarpus the then Bishop of it it being generally observed as it is most true that only these two Angels are presented to us without fault or blemish Last of all for the Angel of the Church of Laodicea Paraeus in Apocal cap. 3. Paraeus as before conceiveth that he was the Bishop quis vero fuerit nos latet but who this Bishop was that he cannot tell Only he notes him for a man qui Episcopi titulum perfunctoriè sustineret that only had the name of Bishop but not one lively spark of Piety being wholly taken up with luxury and the love of money But whether he were Lucius mentioned by S. Paul Rom. 16. whom Dorotheus makes to be Bishop here or one Archippus said by Clemens to be the Bishop of this Church or Sagaris Euseb hist Eccl. l. 5. c. 23. who by Polycrates is affirmed to be the Bishop of this place I am not able to say positively Though I incline rather unto Sagaris whose Martyrdom being touched upon by Melito Id. l. 4. c. 25. in his books de Paschate is a strong argument that he departed some good time before him and so most like to be the man Nor is it any obstacle unto this conjecture Apocal. 3.16 that Christ did threaten to spew this Angel out of his mouth being he called him to repentance V. 19 20 21. and promised him a throne if he overcame To bring this business to an end these Angels as they had a singularity in reference unto that personal Authority which each of them enjoyed in his several Church so had they all and every one of them a singularity in the succession thereunto For sure it were no difficult matter to a diligent eye to find out many of their Successors in those several Sees since that of Laodicea which was in most apparent danger to lose its Candlestick retained a continual and constant successions of Bishops there from the death of Sagaris to the Nicene Council and a long time after Where by the way I must needs rectifie Paraeus in this one particular who shewing that this Church of Laodicea
and shewing what perfections were in them required then adds Quos Successores relinquebant sunm ipsorum locum magisterii tradentes whom they did leave to be their Successors delivering unto them their own place of government Cypr. Epist 42. vel l. 2. ep 10. S. Cyprian next writing to Cornelius then Bishop of Rome exhorts him to endeavour to preserve that unity Per Apostolos nobis Successoribus traditam which was commended by the Apostles unto them their Successors So in another place speaking of the commission which our Saviour gave to his Apostles he adds that it was also given to those Praepositi Id. Epist 69. vel l 4. ep 10. rulers and governours of the Church Qui Apostolis Vicaria ordinatione succedunt which by their ordination have been substituted as Successors to them And lest we should mistake his meaning in the word Prupositi Firmilianut anothe â—i shop of those times Firmil ep Cy. Epist 79. in an Epistle unto Cyprian useth instead thereof the word Episcopi not varying in the rest from those very words which Cyprian had used before Hieron ad Marcell adv Mont. Hierom although conceived by some to be an adversary of the Bishops doth affirm as much Where speaking of Montanus and his faction he shews this difference betwixt them and the Church of God viz. that they had cast the Bishop downwards made him to be the third in order Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent but in the Catholick-Church of Christ the Bishops held the place or room of the Apostles The like he saith in his Epistle to Euagrius Id. ad Euagr. where speaking of the parity of Bishops amongst themselves that the eminency of their Churches did make no difference in their authority he gives this reason of the same Omnes Apostolorum successores sunt because they were all Successors to the Apostles So also in his Comments on the Book of Psalms writing upon those words Id. in Psal 44. Instead of thy Fathers thou shalt have Children he tells us that at first the Apostles were the Fathers of the Church but they being gon Habes pro his Episcopos filios the Church had Bishops in their stead which though they were her Children as begotten by her Sunt tamen patres tui yet they were also Fathers to her in that she was directed and guided by them August in Psal 44. S. Austin on the same words hath the like conceit the Fathers of the Church saith he were the Lords Apostles Pro Apostolis filii nati sunt tibi constituti sunt Episcopi instead of those Fathers the Church hath Children Bishops that be ordained in her such whom she calleth Fathers though her self begat them constituit in Sedibus patrum and placed them in the seats or thrones of those holy Fathers August Epist 42. The like the same Saint Austin in another place to the same effect The root saith he of Christian Religion is by the seats of the Apostles Successiones Episcoporum and the succession of the Bishops dispersed and propagated over all the world Grego Magn. hom 26. And so S. Gregory discoursing of the power of binding and loosing committed by the Lord unto his Apostles applies it thus Horum nunc in Ecclesiâ locum Episcopi tenent that now the Bishops hold their places in the Church of Christ Not that the Bishops do succeed them in their personal graces their mighty power of working Miracles speaking with tongues giving the Holy Ghost and others such as these which were meerly temporary but in their Pastoral charge and government as the chief Rulers of the Church the ordinary Pastors of the Flock of Christ Now that the Bishops are the ordinary Pastors of the Church and so conceived to be by the ancient Fathers will be made evident by as good authority as the point before Ignatius Ignat. Epist ad Antioch who conversed with most of the Apostles writing unto the Antiochians requireth them to call to mind Euodius who was his Predecessor in the See of Antioch 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Tertull. de fuga in persecut their most blessed Pastor Tertullian discoursing on those words of Christ The hireling seeth the Woolf coming and fleeth but that the good Shepherd layeth down his life for the Sheep Joh. 10. inferreth thereupon Praepositos Ecclesiae in persecutione fugere non oportere that the Prelates or Governours of the Church are not to fly in persecution By which it is most clear not to dispute the truth of his assertion that Pastor Praepositus Ecclesiae do come both to one Cypr. de Aleatore S. Cyprian in his tract de Aleatore is more plain and positive Nam ut constaret nos i. e. Episcopos Pastores esse ovium Spiritualium c. that it might evidently appear saith he that we the Bishops are the Pastors of the Flock of Christ He said to Peter feed my Sheep And in another place for fear the former Book may prove none of his expostulating with Pupianus Id. Epist 69. who charged him as it seemeth for some defect in his administration he thus drives the point Behold saith he for these six years Nec fraternitas babuerit Episcopum neither the Brother-hood hath had a Bishop nor the People a Praepositus or Ruler nor the Flock a Pastor nor the Church a Governour nor Christ a Prelate nor God a Priest Where plainly Pastor and Episcopus and so all the rest are made to be the same one function More clearly in another place of the same Epistle where he defineth a Church to be Plebs sacerdoti adunata Pastori suo grex adhaerens that is to say a People joyned or united rather to their Priest a Flock adhering to their Pastor Where by Sacerdos as before and in other Authors of the first times he meaneth no other than a Bishop as doth appear by that which followeth Vnde scire debes Episcopum in Ecclesia c. From whom thou oughtest to understand saith he the Bishop to be in the Church and the Church to be also in the Bishop and that whoever is not with the Bishop is not in the Church Optatus saith the same in brief Opta de schismate lib. 1. by whom Pastor sine grege Episcopus sine populo a Bishop without a Church or People and a Pastor without a Flock are joyned together as Synonyma S. Austin speaking of two sorts of Over-seers in the fold of Christ some of them being Children and the others hirelings then adds Praepositi autem qui filii sunt Pastores sunt Augâ—st Traâ—â— 46. in Job the Rulers which are Children of the Church they are the Pastors And in another place not long since cited speaking of Episcopale judicium the condemnation that attends the Bishops sentence he presently subjoyns Pastoralis tamen necessitas Id de corrâ—pt grat c. 15. that yet the necessity
Epist ad Corinth p. 62. There find we the good man complaining that the Church of Corinth so ancient and well grounded in the faith of Christ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 should for the sake of one or two contentious persons tumultuate against their Presbyters and that the scandal of their functions should come unto the ears of Infidels to the dishonour of the Lord. Nor did the faction rest in the people only Ibid. p. 58. though it proceeded to that height as the ejecting of those Presbyters whom they had distasted but it had taken too deep sooting amongst the Presbyters themselves encroaching with too high an hand on the Bishops Office or wilfully neglecting his authority Part. 1. ch 5. For whereas in those times as before was shewn the blessed Eucharist regularly and according to the Churches Orders could not be celebrated but by the Bishop by his leave at least and that it did pertain to him to appoint the Presbyters what turns and courses they should have in that ministration these men perverting all good order neither observed the time and place appointed for that sacred Action nor kept themselves unto those turns and courses in the performance of the same which were assigned them by their Bishop Certain I am that the discourse of Clemens in the said Epistle doth militate as well against the one as against the other blaming as well the Presbyters for their irregular proceeding in their ministration as censuring the People for their insolency in the ejecting of their Presbyters So that we have two factions at this time in the Church of Corinth one of some inconformable Presbyters so far averse from being regulated by their Bishop as they ought to be Clem. p. 57. that they opposed the very Calling raising contentions and disputes about the Name and Office of Episcopacy another of the people against the Presbyters and that pursued with no less acrimony and despite than the former was For the repressing of these factions at this present time and the preventing of the like in the times to come the good old man doth thus proceed Beginning with the Presbyters Id. p. 48. he first presents unto them the obedience that Souldiers yield to their Commanders shewing them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 how orderly how readily and with what subjection they execute the several Commands imposed upon them by their Leaders that since all of them are not Generals Collonels Captains or in other Office every one 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in his rank or station is to obey the charge imposed upon him by the King or Emperour and his Commanders in the Field Then represents he to them the condition of the natural Body Id. 49. in which the Head can do but little without the ministery of the Feet the Feet as little out of question without direction from the Head that even the least parts of the body are not only profitable but also necessary concurring all of them together to the preservation of the whole Which ground so laid he thus proceeds in his Discourse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. Id. p. 52 c. These things being thus declared and manifested looking into the depth of heavenly knowledg we ought to do those things in their proper order the People in the tendring of their Oblations the Presbyters in the celebrating of the Liturgy according to the times and seasons by the Lord appointed who would not have these sacred Matters done either rashly or disorderly but at appointed times and hours and by such Persons as he hath thereunto designed by his supream Will that being done devoutly and Religiously they might be the more grateful to him They therefore who upon the times presixed make their Oblations to the Lord are blessed and very welcom unto him from whose commands they do not vary 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. For to the High-Priest was assigned his particular function the Priest had his peculiar ministery prescribed unto him and the Levites theirs the Laymen being left unto Lay-imployments Therefore let every one of you my brethren in his Rank and Station offer to God the blessed Eucharist with a good Conscience 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 53. keeping within the bounds of his ministration appointed to him by the Canon For so I take it is his meaning For not in every place was it permitted to the Jews to offer up the daily and perpetual Sacrifices whether they were Sin-offerings or Eucharistical Oblations but at Hierusalem alone nor there in any place indifferently but only in the Court of the Temple at the Altar the Sacrifice being first viewed and approved of both by the High Priest and the foresaid Ministers They that did any thing herein otherwise than agreeable to his will and pleasure were to die the Death you see my brethren that as we are endued with a greater knowledg so are we made obnoxious to the greater danger The Apostles have Preached the Gospel unto us from Christ JESUS Christ from God Christ being sent by God as the Apostles were by Christ and both proceeding orderly therein according to his holy Will For having received his Commands and being strengthened by the Resurrection of our Lord JESUS Christ and confirmed by the Word of God they spread themselves abroad in full assurance of the Holy Ghost publishing the coming of the Kingdom of God and having Preached the Word throughout many Regions and several Cities they constituted and ordained the first fruits of their labours such whom in spirit they approved of to be Bishops and Deacons unto those that afterwards were to believe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. p. 54.55 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p. 55. Nor was this any new device it being written many ages since in the book of God Esay 60. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i.e. I will appoint them Bishops in Righteousness and Deacons in Faith Afterwards laying down the History of Aarons Rod budding and thereby the miraculous confirmation of his Election he adds that the Apostles knowing by our Lord JESUS Christ the contention that would arise 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 about the name or function of Episcopacy Id. p. 57. take it which you will and being for this very cause endued with a perfect foresight of that which afterwards should happen ordained the aforesaid Ministers and left to every one their appointed Offices that whensoever they should die other approved men should succeed in their several places and execute their several parts in the Ministration Those therefore which were either ordained by them or by those famous and renowned men that followed after them with the consent and approbation of the Church and have accordingly served unblameably in the fold of Christ with all humility and meekness and kept themselves from baseness and corruption and have a long time carried a good testimony from all men those we conceive cannot without much injury be deprived of their place and service it being
it continue still from this time forwards even to the days of Dioclesian Gildas de excidio Brit. in initio sure I am Gildas doth expresly say it that howsoever the Gospel was received here but very coldly at the first apud quosdam tamen integre apud alios minus usque ad persecutionem Diocletiani tyranni novennem yet it continued amongst some in greater with others in a less perfection until the nine years Persecution raised by Dioclesian Balaeus descriptor Cent. 1. c. 27.28 Antiq. P. it alii And questionless from this old brood of Christians Eluanus and Meduinus before remembred whereof the one is called Avalonus the other Belga this being the old name of that sept or nation to which the Isle of Avalonia in those times belonged receive their first affections to the Faith of Christ But of this little question hath been raised amongst our Antiquaries The greatest scruple is concerning Lucius and the number of Episcopal Sees by him erected whom the opposers of this story allow not to be King of Britain which was reduced at that time to a Roman Province and so by consequence of no ability to build so many Christian Churches and endow the same for the advancement of a Religion not publickly allowed of in the Roman Empire But this as I conceive is no such objection but what may easily be answered considering what was vouched out of Bede before the ancientest writer of the English Nation and no great friend unto the British For they that know the customs of the Roman Empire Tacit. de vit Agâ—â—c know this well enough that nothing was more usual with them quam habere instrumenta servitutis Reges than to permit Kings in the conquered Countries making them to be helps and instruments for bringing the People into bondage And they that know the passages of the present times cannot choose but tell that Lucius Verus living in the times whereof we speak having put an end unto the War against the Parthians Capitolinus in Vero. regna Regibus provincias vero Comitibus suis regendas dedisse did give those Kingdoms which he had subdued to be ruled by Kings the Provinces to be ruled by Earls or Counts So that our Lucius might be very well a King in Britain notwithstanding the reduction of it to a Roman Province especially considering that besides his birth-right he was confirmed in the same Balaeus de scrip Brit. Cen. 1. c. 29. M. Antonini Veri tum benevolentiâ cum authoritate both by the power and favour of M. Antoninus Verus then the Roman Emperour A King then Lucius was and a King in Britain in Britain as a King of some part thereof such as Pratusagus and Cordigunus Tacit. Annal. l. 14. l. de Vit. Agric. of whom Tacitus speaketh had been before but not a King of Britain as of all the Island it being probable that there were other petty Kings and Roytelets as well as he But as it hapned after in the Saxon Heptarchie that he which was more eminent than the rest for power and puissance was called commonly Rex Gentis Anglorum the King or Monarch of the English Nation So I conceive that of these tributary Kings in Britain such as were in their several times of more power than others assumed unto themselves the stile or title of Reges Britannorum the Kings of the Britains by which name of Rex Britannorum and not Rex Britanniae Lucius is called in Beda as before was said And thus then the seeming difficulty may be better solved than by running out I know not whither beyond the territories of the Romans to look for Lucius in the North parts of the Isle which we now call Scotland only because it is affirmed by Tertullian Tertul. li. adv Judaeos cap. 7. Britannorum inaccessa Romanis loca Christo esse subdita that those remoter parts of Britain which never had been Conquered by the Romans were subdued to Christ which might well be after the Gospel had been first received in the Southern Countreys In which as I can no way blame the Scots for seeking to appropriate this honour to their own part of the Island so can I not but wonder at our Learned Camden Camden in Bâ—l. deseript that without seeing better cards he should so easily give up such an hopeful game As for the name of Lucius it is meerly Latine and that derived upon him either from the British Llos fashioned on the Roman anvil as in that language he is called or taken up from Lucius Verus one of the partners in the Empire at that very time unto which family he stood indebted for his Crown and dignity or given him else upon the post-fact after the glorious light of truth had shined on him in which regard the Britans call him Lever Maur a man of great splendor and renown Addit in Nin. ap Armacan de Primordies c. 3. propter fidem quae in ejus tempore venit by reason of the faith which in his time was brought into this Island But to go forwards with our story Lucius and his Nobles being thus Baptized Faganus and Deruvianus return to Rome giving to Eleutherius an account of their great success of whom being joyfully received and their Acts applauded they returned back again to Britain accompanied with many others Matth. Westm hist in an 186. quorum doctrina gens Britonum in fide Christi in brevi fundata refulsit by whose assiduous preaching the whole British Nation became in very little time to be well setled and confirmed in the faith of Christ Now at this time of their repair unto the Pope I conceive it was that they received instructions from him for dealing with that godly King to found Episcopal Sees in the most convenient places of his Dominions themselves receiving at that time in all probability the Episcopal Character For after this I find them honoured with the name of Bishops being by Rodburn in his Chronicle called Antistites Citat ap Ar. l. de Primor c. 6. Id ibid. cap. 5. and by the Author of the book entituled De Antiquitatibus Ecclesiae Wintoniensis in plain terms Episcopi Faganus being further said by some to have been made the first Arch-Bishop of the See of York Being returned into Britain and the King throughly established in the faith of Christ it was no difficult matter to persuade him to turn the Temples of the Idols into Christian Churches and to appropriate the revenues of them to more pious uses And this he did as Matthew of Westminster observes Matth. westmor hist in An. 187. although he differ from us in his calculation the very next year after their return from Rome Gloriosus Rex Britonum Lucius c. Lucius the glorious King of the Britains when he had seen the faith of Christ dispersed and propagated over his dominions possessiones territoria Ecclesiis viris Ecclesiasticis abundanter
was a very pregnant evidence that they had neither verity nor antiquity to defend their Doctrins nor could with any shew of Justice challenge to themselves the name and honour of a Church Id. ibid. ca. 36. And such and none but such were those other Churches which he after speaketh of viz. of Corinth Philippi Thessalonica Ephesus and the rest planted by the Apostles apud quas ipsae Cathedrae Apostolorum suis locis praesidentur in which the Chairs of the Apostles to that time were sate in being possessed not by themselves but by their Successors By the same argument Optatus first and after him St. Austin did confound the Donatists that mighty faction in the Church St. Austin thus Numerate Sacerdotes vel ab ipsa sede Petri August contr Petil. l. 2. in illo ordine quis cui successerit videte Number the Bishops which have sate but in Peters Chair and mark who have succeeded one another in the same A Catalogue of which he gives us in another place Id. Epist 165. lest else he might be thought to prescribe that to others on which he would not trust himself Nay so far he relyed on the authority of this Episcopal Succession in the Church of Christ as that he makes it one of the special motives quae eum in gremio Ecclesiae justissimè teneant which did continue him in the bosom of the Catholick Church Id. contr Epist Manichaei c. 4. As for Optatus having laid down a Catalogue of the Bishops in the Church of Rome till his own times He makes a challenge to the Donatists to present the like Optat. de schis Donat. l. 2. Vestrae Cathedrae originem edite shew us saith he the first original of your Bishops and then you have done somewhat to advance your cause In which it is to be observed that though the instance be made only in the Episcopal succession of the Church of Rome Irt. adv haere lib. 3. cap. 3. the argument holds good in all others also it being too troublesome a labour as Irenaeus well observed omnium Ecclesiarum enumerare successiones to run through the succession of all particular Churches and therefore that made choyce of as the chief or principal But to return again unto Tertullian whom I account amongst the Writers of this Age though he lived partly in the other besides the use he made of this Episcopal succession to convince the Heretick he shews us also what authority the Bishops of the Church did severally enjoy and exercise in their successions which we will take according to the proper and most natural course of Christianity First for the Sacrament of Baptism which is the door or entrance into the Church Tertul. lib. de Baptism c. 17. Dandi quidem jus habet summus sacerdos i. e. Episcopus The Right saith he of giving Baptism hath the High-Priest which is the Bishop and then the Presbyters and Deacons non tamen sine Episcopi antoritate yet not without the Bishops licence and authority for the Churches honour which if it be preserved then is Peace maintained Nay so far he appropriates it unto the Bishop as that he calleth it dictatum Episcopi officium Episcopatus a work most proper to the Bishop in regard of his Episcopacy or particular Office Which howsoever it may seem to ascribe too much unto the Bishop in the administration of this Sacrament is no more verily than what was after affirmed by Hierom Hieron adver Lucifer shewing that in his time sine Episcopi jussione without the warrant of the Bishop neither the Presbyters nor the Deacons had any authority to Baptize not that I think that in the days of Hierom before whose time Parishes were assigned to Presbyters throughout the Church the Bishops special consent and warrant was requisite to the baptizing of each several Infant but that the Presbyters and Deacons did receive from him some general faculty for their enabling in and to those Ministrations Next for the Sacrament of the blessed Eucharist that which is a chief part of that heavenly nourishment by which a Christian is brought up in the assured hopes of Eternal life he tells us in another place non de aliorum manu quam Praesidentium sumimus Tertul. de Corona Militis that they received it only from their Bishops hand the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or President of the Presbytery as Justin Martyr seconded by Beza did before call him Which Exposition or construction lest it should be quarrelled as being injurious to the Presbyters who are thereby excluded from the honour and name of Presidents I shall desire the Reader to consult those other places of Tertullian in which the word Prefident is used as viz. Prescriptio Apostoll Bigames non sinit praesidere Tert. ad axor lib. ad uxorem and lib. de Monogamia in both of which the man that had a second Wife is said to be disabled from Presiding in the Church of God and on consideration to determine of it whether it be more probable that Presbyters or Bishops be here meant by Presidents Besides the Church not being yet divided generally into Parishes but only in some greater Cities the Presbyter had not got the stile of Rector and therefore much less might be called a President that being a word of Power and Government which at that time the Presbyters enjoyed not in the Congregation And here Pope Leo will come in to help us if occasion be assuring us that in his time it was not lawful for the Presbyter in the Bishops presence nisi illo jubente Leo Epist 88. unless it were by his appointment conficere Sacramentum corporis sanguinis Christi to consecrate the Sacrament of Christs body and blood The author of the Tract ascribed to Hierom entituled de Septem Ecclesiae ordinibus doth affirm as much but being the author of it is uncertain though it be placed by Erasinus amongst the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 docta we will pass it by From the Administration of the Sacraments which do belong ad potestatem ordinis to the power of Order proceed we on to those which do appertain ad potestatem jurisdictionis unto the power of Jurisdiction And the first thing we meet with is the appointing of the publick Fasts used often in the Church as occasion was A priviledg not granted to the common Presbyter and much less to the common people but in those times wherein the Supream Magistrate was not within the pale or bosom of the Church entrusted to the Bishop only This noted also by Tertullian in his book entituled de jejuniis which though he writ after his falling from the Church and so not to be trusted in a point of Doctrine may very well be credited in a point of custom Quod Episcopi universae plebi mandare jejunia assolent non dico de industria stipium conferendarum sed ex aliqua sollicitudinis Ecclesiae causa
Tertul. lib. de jejuniis c. 13. That Bishops use to impose Fasts upon the people is not done of purpose for lucre or the Alms then given but out of a regard of the Churches welfare or the sollicitousness which they have thereof Wherein as he removes a cavil which as it seems was cast upon the Church about the calling of those Fasts so plainly he ascribes the calling of them to the Bishop only according unto whose appointment in unum omnes 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 agitabant they met together for the humbling of themselves before God the Lord. So for disposing of the Churches Treasure for Menstrua quaque die modicam quisque stipem vel quam velit Id. in Apol. c. every month the people used to bring their Offerings as we call them now every man as he would and could that also appertained unto the Bishop Which as it was distributed most commonly amongst the Clergy for their present maintenance so was it in the Bishops power to bestow part thereof upon other uses as in relief of Widows and poor Virgins which appears plainly in that place and passage of Tertullian Tertul. de Virg. veland cap. 9. in his book de Virginibus velandis where speaking of a Virgin which contrary to the custom of the Church had been admitted into the rank of Widows he adds cui si quid refrigerii debuerat Episcopus that if the Bishop did intend to allow her any thing towards her relief and maintenance he might have done it without trespassing on the Churches discipline and setting up so strange a Monster as a Virgin-Widow And this is that which after was confirmed in the Council of Antioch Conc. Antioch Can. 25. where it is said 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that the Bishop ought to have authority in the disposing of the things or goods that appertained unto the Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 that so he might dispose them unto such as stood in need in the fear of God Finally for the reconciling of a Penitent to the Church of God in the remitting of his sins Tertul. de pudicitia cap. 18. and bringing of him back to the fold again that in Tertullians time was a Peculiar of the Bishop also For speaking of Repentance after Faith received de poenitentia post fidem as he calls it he is content to give this efficacy thereunto though otherwise he held being then a Montanist that heinous Sinners after Grace received were not to be admitted to Repentance I say he is content to give this efficacy thereunto that for smaller sins it may obtain pardon or remission from the Bishop for greater and unpardonable from God alone But take his own words with you for the greater surety and his words are these viz. Salva illa poenitentiae specie post fidem quae aut levioribus delictis veniam ab Episcopo consequi potest aut majoribus irremissibilibus à Deo solo Pamel Annot. praedict lib. 159. In which Pamelius seems to wonder at his moderation as being of a better temper in this point than was Montanus into whose Sect he now was fallen who would have no man to make confession of his sins to any other than to God and seek for reconciliation from no hands but from his alone And in another place of the same book also Tertul. lib. de Pudicit cap. 1. although he seem to jeer and deride the usage he granteth that the Bishops of the Christian Church did usually remit even the greatest fins upon the performance of the Penance formerly enjoyned For thus he bringeth in the Bishop whom in the way of scorn he calleth Pontifex Maximus and Episcopus Episcoporum proclaiming as it were a general Pardon to such as had performed their Penance Ego moechiae fornicationis delicta poenitenti functis dimitto that he remitted to all such even the sins of Fornication and Adultery Which words of his declare not more his Errour than the Bishops Power in this particular What interest the Presbyters of the Church did either challenge or enjoy in this weighty business of reconciling Penitents to the Lord their God we shall see hereafter when as the same began to be in practice and was by them put in execution Mean time I take it for a manifest and undoubted Truth that properly originally and in chief it did belong unto the Bishop both to enjoyn Penance and admit the Penitent and not to the inferiour Presbyters but as they had authority by and under him Which lest I may be thought to affirm at random let us behold the manner of this Reconciliation as layed down by Sozomen Sozomen Eccl. hist l. 7. c. 16. not as relating to his own times but to the times whereof we speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 c. They stand saith he in an appointed place sorrowful and lamented and when the Eucharist is ended whereof they are not suffered to be partakers they cast themselves with grief and lamentation flat upon the ground 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Bishop then approaching towards him kneeleth also by him on the ground and all the multitude also do the like with great grief and ejulation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 This done the Bishop riseth first and gently raiseth up the prostrate Penitent and having prayed for those that are thus in the state of Penance as much as he thinks fit and requisite they are dismissed for the present And being thus dismissed every man privately at home doth afflict himself either by fasting or by abstinence from Meats and Bathes for a certain time 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as long as by the Bishop is enjoyned him Which time appointed being come and his Penance in this sort performed he is absolved from his sins sins 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and joyned again unto the residue of the Congregation And this saith he hath been the custom of the Western Church and especially of the Church of Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the very first beginning to this present time So that both in the City of Rome in which Tertullian sometimes lived and in the Western Church whereof he was a member being a Presbyter of Carthage and in the times in which he flourished for thus it was from the beginning the Bishop regularly had the power both of enjoyning Penance and reconciling of the Penitent as it still continueth Nor doth that passage in Tertullian any way cross the point delivered where speaking of the several acts of humiliation which were to be performed by the Penitent before he could be reconciled to the Church of God Tertul. lib. de Poenitent c. 9. he reckoneth these amongst the rest Presbyteris advolvi aris or caris Dei adgeniculari for whether of the two it is adbuc sub Judice omnibus fratribus legationes deprecationis suae injungere to cast themselves before the Presbyters to kneel before the Altars or the Saints of God to entreat the Prayers
displeasure when some of the Presbyters neither mindful of the Gospel or their own duty or the day of Judgment nor thinking that they have a Bishop set over them cum contemptu contumelia praepositi totum sibi vendicent with the contempt and reproach of him that is their Bishop shall arrogate all Power unto themselves Which their behaviour he calls also contumelias Episcopatus nostri the reproach and slander of his Government in having such affronts put on him as never had been offered to any of his Fredecessors The like complaint to which he doth also make but with more resolution and contempt of their wicked practices in an Epistle to Cornelius being the 55. in number according to the Edition of Pamelius I have the more at large laid down the storms and troubles raised against this godly Bishop at his first coming to the place because it gives greater light unto many passages which concern his time especially in that extraordinary Power which he ascribes sometimes both to the People and the Presbyters in the administration of the Church as if they had been Partners with him in the publick Government Which certainly he did not as his case then stood without special reason For being so vehemently opposed from his first Election to the Episcopal Office all opportunities espied to draw away the peoples hearts and alienate their affections from him every advantage taken against him during his absence from the City to vex and cross him in his doings what better way could he devise to secure himself in the affections of the people and the obedience of his Presbyters than to profess that in all his acts and enterprises whatsoever he did and would depend upon the counsel of the one and consent of the other And this is that which he professeth in a Letter to the Presbyters and Deacons of Carthage quod à primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim Idem Epist 6. nihil sine consilio vestro consensu plebis meae privatâ sententiâ gerere that he resolved from his first entrance on that Bishoprick to do nothing of his own head as we use to say without the Counsel of his Clergy and the consent of his People and that on his return for he was then in exile when he wrote this Letter he would communicate his affairs with them Et in commune tractabimus and manage them in common with their assistance And certainly this was a prudent resolution as the World went with him For by this means he stood assured that whatsoever Schism or Faction should be raised against him it would be never able to prevail or get ground upon him as long as he had both the People and the Presbyters so obliged unto him for the support of his authority But this being but a private case and grounded on particular reasons makes no general Rule no Bishop being bound unto the like by this Example but where all circumstances do concur which we meet with here and then not bound neither except he will himself but as it doth conduce to his own security So that it is to me a wonder why the example of St. Cyprian should be pressed so often and all those passages so hotly urged wherein the Presbyters or People seem to be concerned in matters of the Churches Government as if both he and all other Bishops had been bound by the Law of God not to do any thing at all in their holy function but what the Presbyters should direct and the people yield their suffrage and consent unto For being but a resolution taken up by him the better to support himself against his Adversaries it obligeth no man to the like as before I said And he himself did not conceive himself so obliged thereby but that he could and did dispense with that resolution as often as he thought it necessary or but expedient so to do performing many actions of importance in the whole course and Series of his Episcopal Government wherein he neither craved the advice of the one nor the good liking of the other and which is more doing some things not only without their knowledg but against their wills as we shall make appear in that which followeth Now whereas the points of most importance in the Government and Administration of the Church are the Election of Bishops the Ordination of Ministers the Excommunicating of the Sinner and the reconciling of the Penitent it will not be amiss to see what and how much in each of these St. Cyprian did permit as occasion was either unto the People or the Presbyters and what he did in all and every one of these as often as he saw occasion also without their knowledg and consent First for Election of their Bishops it is conceived and so delivered that all their Elections were ordered by the privity Semctymn pag. 33. Sect. 7. consent and approbation of the people where the Bishop was to serve and for the proof of this St. Cyprian is alledged as one sufficient in himself to make good the point The place most commonly alledged is in his 68. Epistle touching the Case of Basilides and Martialis two Spanish Bishops who had defiled themselves with Idols and many other grievous Crimes concerning whom the people of those parts repaired unto him for his resolution But he remitting the cause back to them tells them how much it did concern them A peccatore Praeposito se separare to separate themselves from such sinful Prelates and not to participate with them in the Sacrifice Cypr. Ep 68. giving this reason for the same quando ipsa maxime habeat potestatem vel eligendi dignos Sacerdotes vel indignos recusandi because the people specially have power either of chusing worthy Prelates or of rejecting the unworthy For that by Sacerdotes here the Father understandeth Bishops Smectymn p. 33. is confessed on all hands Nor doth the Father only say it but he goeth forward to make good the same by Divine Authority ut Sacerdos plebe praesente that the Bishop should be chosen in the presence of the People under all mens eyes that so he may be proved to be fit and worthy by their publick testimony And for the proof of this is urged a Text from Moses in the book of Numbers where God is said to speak thus to Moses Apprehende Aaron fratrem tuum Take Aaron thy brother and Eleazar his son and thou shalt bring them to the Mount before all the Assembly and put off Aarons garments and put them on Eleazar his son By which it is apparent that God willeth the Priest to be made before all the multitude shewing thereby that the Priest should not be ordained but in the presence of the People that so the People being present the offences of the evil may be detected and the merits of the good made known and consequently the Election or rather Ordination may be good and lawful being discussed by the opinion and voice of all
the Cardinal that either Sunday is not meant in the Revelation or else Saint John was not the Author of keeping Easter with the Jews on what day soever Rather we may conceive that Saint John gave way unto the current of the times which in those places as is said were much intent upon the customs of the Jews most of the Christians of those parts being Jews originally For the composing of this difference and bringing of the Church to an uniformity the Popes of Rome bestirred themselves and so did many others also And first Pope Pius published a Declaration Com. Tom. 1. Pascha domini die dominica annuis solennitatibus celebrandum esse In Chronic. that Easter was to be solemnized on the Lords day only And here although I take the words of the letter decretory yet I rely rather upon Eusebius for the authority of the fact than on the Decretal it self which is neither for the substance probable and the date stark false not to be trusted there being no such Consuls it is Crabbes own note as are there set down But the Authority of Pope Pius did not reach so far as the Asian Churches and therefore it produced an effect accordingly This was 159. and seven years after Polycarpus Bishop of Smyrna a Reverend and an holy man Euseb hist l. 4. c. 13. made away to Rome 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 then to confer with Anicetus then the Roman Prelate about this business And though one could not wooe the other to desert the cause yet they communicated together and so parted Friends But when that Blastus afterwards had made it necessary which before was arbitrary and taught it to be utterly unlawful to hold this Feast at any other time than the Jewish Passeover becoming so the Author of the Quarto-decimani as they used to call them then did both Eleutherius publish a Decree that it was only to be kept upon the Sunday and Irenaeus though otherwise a peaceable man writ a Discourse entituled De schismate contra Blastum now not extant A little before this time this hapned Anno 180. the controversie had took place in Laodicea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 L. 4. c. 25. as Eusebius hath it which moved Melito Bishop of Sardis a man of special eminence to write two Books de Pascbate and one de die Dominico 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But to what side he took it is hard to say Were those Discourses extant as they both are lost we might no doubt find much that would conduce to our present business Two years before the close of this second Century Pope Victor Euseb l. 5. c. 23.24 presuming probably on his name sends abroad his Mandate touching the keeping of this Feast on the Lords day only against the which when as Polycrates and other Asian Prelates had set out their Manifests he presently without more ado declares them all for excommunicate But when this rather hindred than advanced the cause the Asian Bishops cared little for those Bruta fulmina and Irenaeus who held the same side with him having persuaded him to milder courses he went another way to work by practising with the Prelates of several Churches to end the matter in particular Councils Of these there was one held at Osroena another by Bachyllus Bishop of Corinth a third in Gaul by Irenaeus a fourth in Pontus a fifth in Rome a sixth in Palestine by Theophilus Bishop of Caesaria the Canons of all which were extant in Eusebius time and in all which it was concluded for the Sunday By means of these Syndical determinations the Asian Prelates by degrees let fall their rigour and yielded to the stronger and the surer side Yet waveringly and with some relapses till the great Council of Nice backed with the Authority of as great an Emperour setled it better than before none but some scattered Schismaticks now and then appearing that durst oppose the resolution of the that famous Synod So that you see that whether you look upon the day appointed for the Jewish sabbath or on the day appointed for the Jewish Passover the Lords day found it no small matter to obtain the victory And when it had prevailed so far that both the Feast of Easter was restrained unto it and that it had the honour of the Publick Meetings of the Congregation yet was not this I mean this last exclusively of all other days the former Sabbath the fourth and sixth days of the week having some share therein for a long time after as we shall see more plainly in the following Centuries But first to make an end of this this Century affords us three particular Writers that have made mention of this day First Justin Martyr who then lived in Rome doth thus relate 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Apolog. 2. c. Vpon the Sunday all of us assemble in the Congregation as being that first day wherein God separating the light and darkness did create the World and Jesus Christ our Saviour rose again from the dead This for the day then for the service of the day he describes it thus Vpon the day called Sunday all that abide within the Cities or about the Fields do meet together in some place where the Records of the Apostles and writing of the Prophets as much as is appointed are read unto us The Reader having done the Priest or Prelate ministreth a word of Exhortation that we do imitate those good things which are there repeated Then standing up together we send up our prayers unto the Lord which ended there is delivered unto every one of us Bread and Wine with Water After all this the Priest or Prelate offers up our Prayers and Thanksgiving as much as in him is to God and all the people say Amen those of the richer sort 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 every man as he would himself contributing something towards the relief of the poorer Brethren which after the Priest or Prelate was disposed amongst them A Form of service not much different from that in the Church of England save that we make the entrance unto our Liturgy with some preparatory prayers The rest consisting as we know of Psalms and several Readings of the Scriptures out of the Old Testament and the New the Epistles and the holy Gospel that done the Homily or Sermon followeth they offer twice next then Prayers and after that the Sacrament and then Prayers again the people being finally dismissed with a Benediction The second testimony of these times is that of Dionysius Bishop of Corinth who lived about 175 some nine years after Justin Martyr wrote his last Apology who in an Epistle unto Soter Pope of Rome doth relate it thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Euseb l. 4. c. 22. c. To day saith he we kept holy the Lords day wherein we read the Epistle which you writ unto us which we do always read for our instruction as also the first Epistle writ by Clemens Where note that not
that is to say that we may will the things which are good and following or assisting that we do not will them to no purpose we are not able to do any thing in the works of Piety And by comparing the said Clause with St. Augustins words it cannot easily be discerned why the one party should be branded for the Enemies of the Grace of God while theo ther is honoured as the chief Patron and Defender of it It cannot be denied but that they ascribe somewhat more to the will of man than some of the rigid Lutherans and Calvinians do who will have a man drawn forcibly and irresistably with the cords of Grace velut inanimatum quiddam like a sensless stock without contributing any thing to his own salvation But then it must be granted also that they ascribe no more unto it than what may stand both with the Grace and Justice of Almighty God according to that Divine saying of St. Augustine viz. Si non est gratia Dei quomodo salvat mundum Si non est liberum arbitrium quomodo judicat mundum Were it not for the Grace of God no man could be saved and were there not a freedom of will in man no man with justice could be condemned And as for the Reproachful words which King James is noted to have spoken of them it hath been said with all due reverence to the Majesty of so great a Prince that he was then transported with prejudice or particular Interesse and therefore that there lay an Appeal as once to Philip King of Macedon from the King being not then well informed to the same King whensoever he should be better informed Touching their proceedings it was observed 1. That he had his Education in the Kirk of Scotland where all the Heterodoxies of Calvin were received as Gospel and therefore could not so suddenly cast off those opinions which he suckt in as it were with his MOthers Milk 2. He was much governed at that time by Dr. Mountague then Bishop of Bath and Wells and Dean of his Majesties Chappel Royal who having been a great Stickler in the Predestinarian Controversies when he lived in Cambridg thought it his best way to beat down all such Opinions by Kingly Authority which he could not over-bear by the strength of Arguments And thirdly That K. James had then a turn to serve for the Prince of Orange of which more anon which turn being served and Mountague dying not long after his ears lay open to such further informations as were offered to him which drew him to a better liking both of the Men and then Opinions than he had formerly entertained of either of them It is objected secondly that these Doctrines symbolize so much with the Church of Rome that they serve only for a Bridg for Popery to pass over into any Church into which they can obtain admittance This Calamity first laid upon them in a Declaration of the States General against Barnevelt before remembred wherein they charge him with a design of confederating with the Spaniard to change the Religion of those Countreys and countenancing to that end the Arminian party as his fittest Instruments which clamor being first raised in Holland was afterwards much cherished and made use of by the Puritan or Calvinian party amongst us in England By one of which it is alledged Justificat of the Fathers c. that Mr. Pym being to make a report to the House of Commons Anno 1626. touching the Books of Richard Mountague after Bishop of Chichester affirmed expresly that the whole scope of his Book was to discourage the well-affected in Religion and as much as in him lay to reconcile them unto Popery He gives us secondly a Fragment of a scattered Paper pretended to be written to the Rector of the Jesuits colledg in Bruxels in which the Writer lets him know that they had strongly fortified their Faction here in England by planting the Soveraign Drug Arminianism which he hoped would purge the Protestants from their Heresie Thirdly he backs this Paper with a Clause in the Remonstrance of the House of Commons 1628. where it is said that the hearts of hsi Majesties Subjects were perplexed in beholding the daily growth and spreading of the Faction of Arminanism that being as his Majesty well knew so they say at least but a cunning way to bring in Popery To all which being but the same words out of divers mouths it is answered first That the points which are now debated between the Calvinians and the old Protestants in England between the Remonstrants and the Contra-Remonstrants in the Belgick Churches and finally between the rigid and moderate Lutherans in the upper Germany have been as fiercely agitated between the Franciscans and the Dominicans in the Church of Rome The old English Protestants the Remonstrants and the moderate Lutherans agreeing in these points with the Franciscans as the English Calvinists the Contra-Remonstrants and the rigid Lutherans do with the Dominicans So that there is a compliance on all sides with one of the said two differing parties in the Church of Rome And therefore why a general compliance in these points with the Fryers of S. Dominick the principal sticklers and promoters of that Inquisition should not be thought as a ready a way to bring in Popery as any such compliance with the Fryers of St. Francis he must be a very wise man indeed which can give the reason Secondly it is answered that the Melancthonian or moderate Lutherans which make up infinitely the greatest part of the Lutheran Churches agree in these points with the Jesuits or Franciscan Fryers and yet are still as far from relapsing to the Church of Rome as when they made the first separation from it And therefore thirdly that if Arminianism as they call it be so ready a Bridg for passing over to Popery it would be very well worth the knowing how and by what means it should come to pass that so few of the Remonstrants in the Belgick Provinces and none of those whom they call Arminians in the Church of England should in so long a time pass over that Bridg notwithstanding all the provocations of want and scorn which were put upon the one and have been since multiplied upon the other In the next place it is observed that the Arminian Doctrines naturally incline a man to the sin of pride Justif of the Fathers c. p. 34. in attributing so much to the power of his own will and so little to the Grace of God in chusing both the means and working out of the end of his own salvation And for the proof hereof a passage is alledged out of the History of the Council of Trent that the first Opinion that is to say the Doctrine of Predestination according to the opinion of the Dominican Fryers as it is hidden and mystical keeping the mind humble and relying on God without any confidence in it self knowing the deformity of Sin and
Ark of Gods Secret Counsels of which spirit I conceive this Frith to be not that I find him such in any of his Writings extant with the other two but that he is affirmed for such in a Letter of Tyndals directed to him under the borrowed name of Jacob For in the collection of his pieces neither the Index nor the Margent direct us unto any thing which concerns this Argument though to the Writtings of the others they give a clearer sense howsoever made then in favour of the Calvinian party than the Books themselves or possibly was ever meant by the men that made them Acts and Mon. fol. 987. Now Tyndals Letter is as followeth Dearly beloved Jacob my hearts desire in our Saviour Jesus is That you arm your self with patience and be hold sober wise and circumspect and that you keep you a low by the ground avoiding high questions that pass the common capacity but expound the Law truly and open the Rule of Moses to condemn all flesh and prove all men sinners and all deeds under the Law before mercy hath taken away the condemnation thereof to be sin and damnable And then as a faithful Minister set abroach the mercy of our Lord Jesus and let the wounded consciences drink of the water of life And then shall your preaching be with power not as the Doctrine of Hypocrites and the Spirit of God shall work with you and all consciences shall bear record unto you and feel that it is so And all Doctrine that casteth a mist on these two to shadow and hide them I mean the Law of God and mercy of Christ that resist you with all your power Of him it is or of such high Climers as he was â—roloe before the Epist unto the Rom. p. 48. who we find Tyndal speaking in another place But here saith he we must set a mark upon those unquiet busie and high-climing Wits how far they shall go which first of all bring hither their high Reasons and pregnant Wits and begin first from on high to search the bottomless secrets of Gods Predestination whether they be predestinated or no These must needs either cast themselves headlong down into Desperation or else commit themselves to free chance careless But follow thou the order of this Epistle and nuzzel thy self with Christ and learn to understand the Law and the Gospel-means and the office of both that thou mayst in the one know thy self and how thou hast of thy self no strength but to sin and in the other the grace of Christ and then see thou fight against sin and the flesh as the seven first Ghapters teach thee Of these high flyings Lambert another of our Martyrs was endicted also who as he would not plead Not guilty Acts and Mon. fol. 1008. so he stood not mute but bound to the Endictment in this manner following Vnto the Article saith he whether it be good or evil cometh of necessity that is as you construe it to wit whether a man hath Free-will so that he may deny joy or pain I say as I said at the beginning that unto the first part of your Riddle I neither can nor will give any desinitive answer for so much as it surmounteth any capacity trusting that God will send hereafter others that be of better cunning than I to incite it If there be any thing in this which may give any comfort to our rigid Calvinists much good do them with it and if they meet with any in the former passages let them look back upon the Answers before laid down and then consider with themselves what they have got by the adventure or whether Tyndal Barns and Frith conjunct or separate may be considered as a Rule to our first Reformers which having done I would have them finally observe the passage in the eighth of St. Mark where the blind man whom our Saviour at Bethsaida restored to his sight at the first opening of his eyes said he saw men as trees walking that is to say he saw men walking as trees quasi dicat homines quos ambulantes video non homines sed arbores mihi videntur as we read in Maldionale By which the blind man declared saith he se quidem videre aliquid imperfecte tamen videre cum inter homines c arbores distinguere non posset I discern somewhat said the poor man but so imperfectly that I am not able to distinguish between trees and men Such an imperfect sight as this might these Martyrs have in giving unto men no greater power of walking in the ways of Gods Commandments than as if they had been sensless Trees or liveless shadows And such an imperfect sight as his the Lord gave many times to those whom he recovered out of the Egyptian darkness of Popish Errours who not being able to discern all divine Truth at the first opening of the eyes of their understanding were not to be a Rule or President to those that followed and lived under a brighter beam of illumination Finally taking all for granted as to the judgment of these men in the points disputed which the Calvinians can desire and pretend unto and letting them enjoy the Title which Mr. Fox hath given them of being called the Ring-leaders of the Church of Englanp which Bilney Byfield Lambert Garet or any other of our ancient Martyrs may as well lay claim to yet as they suffered death before the publick undertaking of the Reformation under E. 6. so nothing was ascribed to their Authority by the first Reformers CHAP. VIII Of the Preparatives to the Reformation and the Doctrine of the Church in the present points 1. The danger of ascribing too much to our ancient Martyrs c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers but much to the Augustine Confession the writings of Melancthon 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus his Paraphrases being commanded to the use of the Church by King Edward VI. and the Reasons why 4. The Bishops Book in order to a Reformation called The Institution of a Christian man commanded by King Henry VIII 1537. corrected afterwards with the Kings own hand examined and allowed by Cranmer approved by Parliament and finally published by the name of Necessary doctrine c. An. 1543. 5. The Doctrine of the said two Books in the points disputed agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward the Sixth 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward VI. and the manner of them the testimony given unto the first and the alterations in the second 7. The first Book of Homilies by whom made approved by Bucer and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles with the Harmony or consent in Judgment between
Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points 10. An answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensive or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why I Have the longer stood upon the answering of this Objection to satisfie and prevent all others of the like condition in case it should be found on a further search that any of our godly Martyrs or learned Writers who either suffered death before the Reign of Edward VI. or had no hand in the carrying on of the Reformation embraced any opinions in Doctrine or Discipline contrary to the established Rules of the Church of England For otherwise as we must admit all Tyndals Heterodoxies and Friths high flying conceits of Predestination which before we touch'd at so must we also allow a Parity or an Identity rather in Priests and Bishops because John Lambert another of our Godly Martyrs did conceive so of it In the primitive Church saith he there were no more Officers in the Church of God than Bishops and Deacons that is to say Ministers as witnesseth beside Scripture S. Hierom in his Commentaries on the Epistles of S. Paul Whereas saith he that those whom we now call Priests were all one and no other but Bishops and the Bishops no other but Priests men ancient both in age and learning so near as could be chosen nor were they instituted and chosen as they be now a days the Bishop and his Officer only opposing them whether they can construe a Collect but they were chosen also with the consent of the people amongst whom they were to have their living as sheweth S. Cyprian But alack for pity such elections are banished and new fashions brought in By which opinion if it might have served or a Rule to the Reformation our Bishops must have been reduced to the rank of Priests and the right of Presentation put into the hands of the people to the Destruction of all the Patrons in the Kingdom If then the question should be asked as perhaps it may On whom or on whose judgment the hrst Reformers most relied in the weighty business I answer negatively First That they had no respect of Calvin no more than to the judgement of Wicklef Tyndal Barns or Frith whose offered assistance they refused when they went about it of which he sensibly complained unto some of his friends as appears by one of his Epistles I answer next affirmatively in the words of an Act of Parliament 2. 3. Edw. 6. where it is said That they had an eye in the first place to the more pure and sincere Christian Religion taught in the Scriptures and in the next place to the usages of the Primitive Church Being satisfied in both which ways they had thirdly a more particular respect to the Lutheran Plat-forms the English Confession or Book of Articles being taken in many places word for word out of that of Ausberg and a conformity maintained with the Lutheran Churches in Rites and Ceremonies as namely in kneeling at the Communion the Cross in Baptism the retaining of all the ancient Festivals the reading of the Epistles and Gospels on Sundays and Holy-days and generally in the whole Form of External Worship Fourthy in reference to the points disputed they ascribed much to the Authority of Melancthon not undeservedly called the Phoenix of Germany whose assistance they earnestly desired whose coming over they expected who was as graciously invited hither by King Edward the Sixth Regiis literis in Angliam vocari as himself affirms in an Epistle to Camerarius His coming laid aside upon the fall of the Duke of Sommerset and therefore since they could not have his company they made use of his writings for their direction in such points of Doctrine in which they though it necessary for the Church to declare her judgment I observe finally That as they attributed much to the particulars to the Authority of Melancthon so they ascribe no less therein unto that of Erasmus once Reader of the Greek Tongue in Cambridge and afterwards one of the Professors of Divinity there whose Paraphrases on the four Evangelists being translated into English were ordered to be kept in Churches for the use of the People and that they owned the Epistles to be studied by all such as had cure of souls Concerning which it was commanded by the injunctions of King Edward VI. published by the advice of the Lord Protector Somerset and the Privy Council Acts and Mon. fol. 1181. in the first year of the said Kings Reign 1. That they should see provided in some most convenient and open place of every Church one great Bible in English with the Paraphrase of Erasmus in English that the People might reverently without any let read and hear the same at such time as they listed and not to be inhibited therefrom by the Parson or Curate but rather to be the more encouraged and provoked thereunto And 2. That every Priest under the degree of a Batchellour of Divinity should have of his own one New Testament in English and Latine with the Paraphrases of Erasmus upon the same and should diligently read and study thereupon and should collect and keep in memory all such comfortable places of the Scripture as do set forth the Mercy Benefits and Goodness of Almighty God towards all penitent and believing persons that they might thereby comfort their flock in all danger of death despair or trouble of Conscience and that therefore every Bishop in their Institution should from time to time try and examine them how they have profited in their studies A course and care not likely to have entred into the thoughts of the Lord Protector or any of the Lords of the Council if it had not been advised by some of the Bishops who then began to have an eye on the Reformation which soon after followed and as unlikely to be counselled and advised by them had they intended to advance any other Doctrine than what was countenanced in the Writings of that Learned man Whereupon I conclude the Doctrine of the points disputed to be the true and genuine Doctrine of the Church of England which comes most near to the plain sense of holy Scripture the general current of the Fathers in the Primitive times the famous Augustane Confession the Writings of Melancthon and the Works of Erasmus To which Conclusion I shall stand till I find my self encountred by some stronger Argument to remove me from it The ground thus laid I shall proceed unto the Reformation
say the Lord Protector and the rest of the Privy Council acting in his Name and by his Authority performed by Archbishop Cranmer and the other six before remembred assisted by Thirdby Bishop of Winchester Day Bishop of Chichester Ridley Bishop of Rochester Taylor then Dean after Bishop of Lincoln Redman then Master of Trinity Colledge in Cambridge and Hains Dean of Exeter all men of great abilities in their several stations and finally confirmed by the King the Lords Spiritual and Temporal and the Commons in Parliament Assembled 23 Edw. VI. In which Confirmatory act it is said expresly to have been done by the especial aid of the Holy Ghost which testimony I find also of it in the Acts and Monuments fol 1184. But being disliked by Calvin who would needs be meddling in all matters which concerned Religion and disliked it chiefly for no other reason as appears in one of his Epistles to the Lord Protector but because it savoured too much of the ancient Forms it was brought under a review the cause of the reviewing of it being given out to be no other than that there had risen divers doubts in the Exercise of the said Book for the fashion and manner of the Ministration though risen rather by the curiosity of the Ministers and Mistakers than of any other cause 5 6 Edw. 6. cap. 1. The review made by those who had first compiled it though Hobeach and Redman might be dead before the confirmation of it by Act of Parliament some of the New Bishops added to the former number and being reviewed was brought into the same form in which now it stands save that a clause was taken out of the Letany and a sentence added to the distribution of the blessed Sacrament in the first year of Queen Elizabeth and that some alteration was made in two or three of the Rubricks with an addition of Thanksgiving in the end of the Letany as also of a Prayer for the Queen and the Royal Issue in the first of King James At the same time and by the same hands which gave us the first Liturgy of King Edward VI. was the first Book of Homilles composed also in which I have some cause to think that Bishop Latimer was made use of amongst the rest as one who had subscribed the first other two books before mentioned as Bishop of Worcester Ann. 1537. and ever since continued zealous for a Reformation quitting in that respect such a wealthy Bishoprick because he neither would nor could conform his judgment to the Doctrine of the six Articles Authorized by Parliament For it will easily appear to any who is conversant in Latimers writings and will compare them carefully with the book of Homilies that they do not only savour of the same spirit in point of Doctrine but also of the same popular and familiar stile which that godly Martyr followed in the course of his preachings for though the making of these Homilies be commonly ascribed and in particular by Mr. Fox to Archbishop Cranmer yet it is to be understood no otherwise of him thad than it was chiefly done by encouragement and direction not sparing his own hand to advance the work as his great occasions did permit That they were made at the same time with King Edwards first Liturgy will appear as clearly first by the Rubrick in the same Liturgy it self in which it is directed Let. of Mr. Bucer to the Church of England that after the Creed shall follow the Sermon or Homily or some portion of one of them as they shall be hereafter divided It appears secondly by a Letter writ by Martin Bucer inscribed To the holy Church of England and the Ministers of the same in the year 1549. in the very beginning whereof he lets them know That their Sermons or Homilies were come to his hands wherein they godlily and effectually exhort their people to the reading of Holy Scripture that being the scope and substance of the first Homily which occurs in that book and therein expounded the sense of the faith whereby we hold our Christianity and Justification whereupon all our help censisteth and other most holy principles of our Religion with most godly zeal And as it is reported of the Earl of Gondomar Ambassador to King James from the King of Spain that having seen the elegant disposition of the Rooms and Offices in Burleigh House not far from Stanford erected by Sir William Cecil principal Secretary of State and Lord Treasurer to Queen Elizabeth he very pleasantly affirmed That he was able to discern the excellent judgment of the great Statesman by the neat contrivance of his house So we may say of those who composed this book in reference to the points disputed A man may easily discern of what judgment they were in the Doctrine of Predestination by the method which they have observed in the course of these Homilies Beginning first with a discourse of the misery of man in the state of nature proceeding next to that of the salvation of man-kind by Christ our Saviour only from sin and death everlasting from thence to a Declaration of a true lively and Christian saith and after that of good works annexed unto faith by which our Justification and Salvation are to be obtained and in the end descending unto the Homily bearing this inscription How dangerous a thing it is to fall from God Which Homilies in the same form and order in which they stand were first authorized by King Edward VI. afterwards tacitly approved in the Rubrick of the first Liturgy before remembred by Act of Parliament and finally confirmed and ratified in the book of Articles agreed upon by the Bishops and Clergy of the Convocation Anno 1552. and legally confirmed by the said King Edward Such were the hands and such the helps which co-operated to the making of the two Liturgies and this book of Homilies but to the making of the Articles of Religion there was necessary the concurrence of the Bishops and Clergy Assembled in Convocation in due form of Law amongst which there were many of those which had subscribed to the Bishops book Anno 1537. and most of those who had been formerly advised with in the reviewing of the book by the Commandment of King Henry VIII 1543. To which were added amongst others Dr. John Point Bishop of Winchester an excellent Grecian well studied with the ancient Fathers and one of the ablest Mathematicians which those times produced Dr. Miles Coverdale Bishop of Exon who had spent much of his time in the Lutheran Churches amongst whom he received the degree of Doctor Mr. John Story Bishop of Rochester Ridley being then preferred to the See of London from thence removed to Chichester and in the end by Queen Elizabeth to the Church of Hereford Mr. Rob. Farran Bishop of St. Davids and Martyr a man much favoured by the Lord Protector Sommerset in the time of his greatness and finally not to descend to those of the lower
determinations in a National Church no more than is of making Laws to bind the Subjects in an unsetled Commonwealth with an intent to leave them in their former liberty either of keeping or not keeping them as themselves best pleased Which said we shall enquire into the meaning of the Articles as before laid down whether they speak in favour of the Melancthonian or Calvinian way so far forth as the meaning of them can be gathered from the publick Liturgy and book of Homilies or from the Writings of those men who either had a hand in the making of them or died in the Religion here by Law established CHAP. IX Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles the Homilies the publick Liturgies and the Writings of some of the Reformers 1. The Articles indifferently understood by the Calvinian party and the true English Protestants with the best way to find out the true sense thereof 2. The definition of Predestination and the most considerable points contained in it 3. The meaning of those words in the Definition viz. whom he hath chosen in Christ according to the Exposition of St. Ambrose St. Chrysostom St. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and the Book of Homilies 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer as a means to Licentiousness and carnal living 5. For which and making God to be the Author of sin condemned as much by Bishop Hooper 6. Our Election to be found in Christ not sought for in Gods secret Counsels according to 〈◊〉 judgment of Bishop Latimer 7. The way to find out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop and by Bishop Hooper with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies 8. The Doctrine of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute personal and irrespective Decree of Predestination in the publick Liturgy 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgy as seem to favour that Opinion as also touching the number of Gods Elect. THUS have we seen the Doctrine of the Church of England in the five controverted Points according as it is delivered in the Book of Articles but in what sense we ought to understand it hath been made a Question Some take the Articles in the Literal and Grammatical sense which is the fairest and most approved way of Interpretation according to the saying of an ancient Writer Declar. before the Art 1628. That if the Literal sense of holy Scripture will stand with the Analogy of Faith and Piety it is to be preferred before any other Others they are of which his late Majesty complained who draw the Articles aside and put their own sense or Comment to be the meaning of the Articles fashioning them to their own fancies as they please themselves Each of the parties in those curious points in which the present differences do most consist conceive the Articles of the Church to speak for them exclusive wholly of the other but with a notable difference in the Application The Calvinists Our Divines commonly called Calvinists Yates in Ap Caesar cap. 5. p. 38. by which name they love to be called endeavour to captivate the sense of the Article and bring it to the bent of their own understanding but the true English Protestants whom for distinction sake we may call Confessionists accommodate though they do not captivate their own sense to the sense of the Church according to the plain and full meaning of the Articles in the points disputed But because possibly both parties may not be agreed on a Rule or Medium by which the proper sense and meaning of the Articles may be best discovered it will not be amiss to follow the directions of the Civil Laws in cases of like doubtful nature which is briefly this viz. Si de interpretatione Legis quaeritur imprimis inspiciendum est quo jure Civitas retro in hujusmodi casibus usa fuit And this we shall the better do if we enquire into the Doctrine of those Learned Religious and Godly men who either had a principal hand in the Reformation or were most conversant with them and beloved of them in their several stations taking along with us the Authority of the Homilies and publick Liturgy to which all parties have subscribed In order whereunto it will first be necessary to lay down the definition of Predestination as before we had it in the Article to sum up the particular points and contents thereof to shew the sense of one phrase in it and then to travel more exactly in this Enquiry whether the method of Predestination illustrated by the story of Agilmond and Amistus Kings of Lombardy cap. 7. num 4. agree not more hamoniously with the true sense and meaning of the Church of England than any other whatsoever First then Predestination unto life is defined in the seventeenth Article to be the everlasting purpose of God whereby and before the foundations of the World were laid he hath constantly decreed by his Council secret unto us to deliver from damnation those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankind and to bring them by Christ unto everlasting salvation In which definition there are these things to be observed First That Predestination doth presuppose a curse or state of damnation in which all mankind was represented to the sight of God which plainly crosseth the Opinion of the Supra-Lapfarians the Supra-Creaturians or Credibilitarians as some call them now Secondly That it is an act of his from Everlasting because from Everlasting he foresaw into what misery wretched man would fall by the abuse of that liberty in which first he stood Thirdly That he founded it and resolved for it in the Man and Mediator Christ Jesus both for the purpose and performance which crosseth as directly with the Sublapsatians who place the absolute decree of Predestination to life and of Reprobation unto death both of body and soul before the decree or consideration of sending his only beloved Son Jesus Christ into the World to be the common Propitiation for the sins of men Fourthly That it was of some special ones alone Elect called forth and reserved in Christ and not generally extended unto all mankind a General Election as they say being no Election Fifthly That being thus elected in Christ they shall be brought by Christ but not without their own consent and cooperation to everlasting salvation And finally That this Council is secret unto us for though there be revealed to us some hopeful signs of our Election and Predestination unto life yet the certainty thereof is a secret hidden in God and in this life unknown to us For who hath known the mind of the Lord or hath been his Counsellour or of his Secret Council saith the great Apostle Such is the definition of Predestination and the substance of it in which there is
of those godly men which teach us to enquire no further after our Election than as it is to be found in our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ Of which Bishop Latimer in the first place thus viz. Lat. in Serm. on Septuages p. 3. fol. 214. If thou art desirous to know whether thou art chosen to everlasting life thou maist not begin with God for God is too high thou canst not comprehend him the judgments of God are unknown to man therefore thou must not begin there But begin with Christ and learn to know Christ and wherefore that he came namely That he came to save sinners and made himself a subject of the Law and fulfiller of the same to deliver us from the wrath and danger thereof and therefore was crucified for our sins c. Consider I say Christ and his coming and then begin to try thy self whether thou art in the Book of Life or not If thou findest thy self in Christ then thou art sure of everlasting life If thou be without him then thou art in an evil case for it is written nemo venit ad patrem nisi per me that is no man cometh to my Father but through me therefore if thou knowest Christ thou maist know further of thy Election And then in another place When we are troubled within our selves whether we be elected or no we must ever have this Maxim or principal rule before our eyes namely that God beareth a good will towards us God loveth us God beareth a Fatherly heart towards us But you will say How shall I know that or how shall I believe that We may know Gods good will towards us through Christ for so saith John the Evangelist Filius qui est in sinu patris ipse revelavit that is The Son who is in the bosom of the Father he hath revealeed it Therefore we may perceive his good will and love towards us He hath sens the same Son into the World which hath suffered most painful death for us Shall I now think that God hateth me or shall I doubt of his love towards me And in another place Here you see how you shall avoid the scrupulous and most dangerous question of the Predestination of God for if thou wilt enquire into his Councils and search his Consistory thy wit will deceive thee for thou shalt not be able to search the Council of God But if thou begin with Christ and consider his coming into the World and dost believe that God hath sent him for thy sake to suffer for thee and to deliver thee from Sin Death the Devil and Hell Then when thou art so armed with the knowledge of Christ then I say this simple question cannot hurt thee for thou art in the Book of Life which is Christ himself For thus it is writ Sic Deus dilexit mundum that God so entirely loved the World that he gave his only begotten Son to the end that all that believed in him should not perish but have everlasting life whereby appeareth most plainly that Christ is the Book of Life and that all that believe in him are of the same Book and so are chosen to everlasting life for only those are ordained that believe Not stays that godly Bishop here but proceeds after some intervening passages towards this Conclusion Here is now taught you saith he how to try your Election namely in Christ For Christ is the Accompting Book and Register of God and even in the same Book that is Christ are written all the names of the Elect therefore we cannot find our Election in our selves neither yet the high Council of God for inscrutabilia sunt judicia Altissimi Where then shall I find my Election in the Compting Book of God which is Christ c. Agreeable whereunto we find Bishop Hooper speaking thus The cause of our Election is the mercy of God in Christ howbeit he that will be partaker of this Election must receive the promise in Christ by faith for therefore we be Elected because afterwards we are made the Members of Christ So we judge of Election by the event or success that hapneth in the life of man those only to be Elected that by faith apprehend the mercy promised in Christ To the same purpose also but not so clearly and perspicuously speaks the Book of Homilies Hom. of the misery of man fol. 11. where we find it thus viz. That of our selves as in our selves we find nothing whereby we may be delivered from this miserable captivity in which we were cast through the envy of the Devil by breaking Gods Commandment in our first Parent Adam It is the Lord with whom is plenteous Redemption he is the God which of his own mercy saveth us c. not for our own deserts merits or good deeds c. but of his meer mercy freely and for whose sake truly for Christ Jesus sake the pure and undesiled Lamb of God c. for whose sake God is fully pacified satisfied and set at one with man Such is the Doctrine of the Church in the matter of Predestination unto life according to the judgment of these learned men and godly Martyrs who were of such Authority in the Reformation Proceed we next to one of an inferiour Order the testimony of John Bradford Martyr a man in very high esteem with Martin Bucer made one of the Prebends of S. Pauls Church by Bishop Ridley and one who glorified God in the midst of the flames with as great courage as his Patron of whom we find a Letter extant in the Acts and Monuments Fox Acts and Mon. fol. 1505. directed to his friends N. S. and R. C. being at that time not thoroughly instructed in the Doctrine of Gods Election The words of which Letter are as followeth I wish to you my good Brethren the same grace of God in Christ which I wish and pray the Father of mercies to give me for his holy names sake Amen Your Letter though I have not read my self because I would not alienate my mind from conceived things to write to others yet I have heard the sum of it that it is of Gods Election wherein I wil briefly relate to you my faith and how for I think it good and meet for a Christian to wade in I believe that man made after the Image of God did fall from that blessed estate to the condemnation of him and all his posterity I believe that Christ for man being then fallen did oppose himself to the judgment of God as a Mediator paying the ransom and price of Redemption for Adam and his whole Posterity that refuse it not finally I believe that all that believe I speak of such as be of years of discretion are partakers of Christ and all his merits I believe that faith and belief in Christ is the work and gift of God given to no other than to those which be his Children that is to those whom God the Father before the
beginning of the World hath Predestinated in Christ unto Eternal life Thus do I wade in Predestination in such sort ' as God hath patesied and opened it Though to God it be the first yet to us it is the last opened and therefore I begin with Creation from whence I come to Redemption so to Justification so to Election On this sort I am sure that warily and wisely a man may walk it easily by the light of Gods Spirit in and by his Word seeing this faith is not to be given to all men 2 Thes 3. but to such as are born of God Predestinated before the World was made after the purpose and good will of God c. Which judgment of this holy man comes up so close to that of the former Martyrs and is so plainly cross to that of the Calvinistical party that Mr. Fox was fain to make some Scholia's on it to reconcile a gloss like that of Orleance which corrupts the Text and therefore to have no place here however it may be disposed of at another time But besides the Epistle above mentioned there is extant a Discourse of the said godly Martyr entituled The sum of the Doctrine of Predestination and Reprobation in which is affirmed That our own wilfulness sin and contemning of Christ are the cause of Reprobation as is confessed by the Author of the Anti-Arminianism p. 103. though afterwards he puts such a gloss upon it as he doth also on the like passages in Bishop Hooper as makes the sin of man to be the cause only of the execution and not of the decree of Reprobation But it is said That any one that reads the common-prayer-Common-Prayer-book with an unprejudiced mind Justifi Fatâ—â—s cannot chuse but observe divers passages that make for a Personal Eternal Election So it is said of late and till of late never so said by any that ever I heard of the whole frame and fabrick of the Publique Liturgy being directly opposite to this new conceit For in the general Confession we beseech the Lord to spare them that confess their faults and restore them that be penitent according to his promises declared unto mankind in Christ Jesus our Lord In the Te Deum it is said that Christ our Saviour having overcome the sharpness of death did open the Kingdom of Heaven to all believers In the Prayer for the first day of Lent That God hateth nothing which he hath made but doth forgive the sins of all them that be penitent In the Prayer at the end of the Commination That God hath compassion of all men that he hateth nothing which he hath made that he would not the death of a sinner but rather that he should turn from sin and repent In the Absolution before the Communion That God of his great mercy hath promised forgiveness of sins to all them which with hearty repentance and true faith turn unto him Can any one which comes with an unprejudiced mind to the Common-Prayer book observe any thing that favoureth of a Personal Election in all these passages or can he hope to find them in any other Look then upon the last Exhortation before the Communion in which we are required above all things To give most humble and hearty thanks to God the Father and the Holy Ghost for the Redemption of the World by the death and passion of our Saviour Christ both God and man who did humble himself even to the death upon the Cross for us miserable sinners which lay in darkness and the shadow of death More of which nature we shall find in the second Article Look on the Collect in the form of publique Baptism in which we pray That whosoever is here dedicated unto God by our Office and Ministry may also be endued with Heavenly vertues and everlastingly rewarded through Gods mercy O blessed Lord God c. And in the Rubrick before Confirmation where it is said expr sly That it is certain by Gods Word that Children being baptized have all things necessary to their salvation and be undoubtedly saved Look on these passages and the rest and tell me any one that can whether the publique Liturgy of the Church of England speak any thing in favour of such a Personal and Eternal Election that is to say such an absolute irrespective and irreversible Decree of Predestination and that of some few only unto life Eternal as is maintained and taught in the Schools of Calvin Some passages I grant there are which speak of Gods People and his chosen People and yet intend not any such Personal and Eternal Election as these men conceit unto themselves Of which sort these viz. To declare and pronounce to his People being penitent O Lord save thy People and bless thy Heritage that it would please thee to keep and bless all thy People and make thy chosen People joyful with many others intersâ—ers'd in several places But then I must affirm withal that those passages are no otherwise to be understood than of the whole bo y of the Church the Congregation of the faithful called to the publique participation of the Word and Sacraments Which appears plainly by the Prayer for the Church Militant here on earth where having called upon the Lord and said To all thy People give thy Heavenly grace we are taught presently to add especially to this Congregation here present that is to say the members of that particular Church which there pour forth their prayers for the Church in general More to their purpose is that passage in the Collect for the Feast of All-Saints where it is said That Almighty God hath knit together his Elect in one communion and fellowship in the mystical body of his Son Jesus Christ though it doth signifie no more but that inseparable bond of Charity that Love and Unity that Holy Communion and Correspondency which is between the Saints in Glory in the Church Triumphant and those who are still exercised under the cares and miseries of this present life in the Church here Militant But it makes most unto their purpose if any thing could make unto their purpose in the Common-Prayer book that at the burial of the dead we are taught to pray That God would please of his gracious goodness shortly to accomplish the number of his elect and to hasten his Kingdom From whence as possibly some may raise this inference That by the Doctrine of the Church of England there is a predestinated and certain number of Elect which can neither be increased nor diminished according to the third of the nine Articles which were agreed upon at Lambeth So others may perhaps conclude That this number is made up out of such Elections such Personal and Eternal Elections as they have fancied to themselves But there is nothing in the Prayer which can be useful to the countenancing of any such fancy the number of the Elect and the certainty of that number being known only unto God in the way of his
Christ came to be a Lamb without spot who by the Sacrifice of himself once made should take away the sins of the world Than which there can be nothing more conducible to the point in hand And to this purpose also when Christ our Saviour was pleased to Authorize his Holy Apostles to preach the good Tidings of Salvations he gave them both a Command and a Commission To go unto all the World and preach the Gospel to every Creature Mark 16.15 So that there was no part of the World nor any Creature in the same that is to say no rational Creature which seems to be excluded from a Possibility of obtaining Salvation by the Preaching of the Gospel to them if with a faith unfeigned they believe the same which the Church further teacheth us in this following Prayer appointed to be used in the Ordering of such as are called to the Office of the holy Priesthood viz. Almighty God and Heavenly Father which of thine Infinite Love and Goodness toward us hast given to us thy only and most Dear Beloved Son Jesus Christ to be our Redeemer and Author of Everlasting Life who after he had made perfect our Redemption by his Death and was ascended into Heaven sent forth abroad into the world his Apostles Prophets Evangelists Doctors and Pastors by whose labour and Ministry he gathered together a great Flock in all the parts of the World to set forth the Eternal Praise of his Holy Name For these so great Benefits of thy Eternal Goodness and for that thou hast vouchsafed to call thy Servant here present to the same Office and Ministry of Salvation of Mankind we render unto thee most hearty thanks and we worship and praise thee and we humbly beseech thee by the same thy Son to grant unto all which either here or elsewhere call upon thy Name that we may shew our selves thankful to thee for these and all other thy benefits and that we may daily increase and go forward in the knowledg and faith of thee and thy Son by the Holy Spirit So that as well by these thy Ministers as by them to whom they shall be appointed Ministers thy Holy Name may be always glorified and thy Blessed Kingdom enlarged through the same thy Son our Lord Jesus Christ who liveth and reigneth with thee in the Vnity of the same Holy Spirit world without end Amen Which Form in Ordering and Consecrating Bishops Priests and Deacons I note this only by the way being drawn up by those which had the making of the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and confirmed by Act of Parliament in the fifth and sixth of the said King was afterwards also ratified by Act of Parliament in the eighth year of Queen Elizabeth and ever since hath had its place amongst the publick Monuments and Records of the Church of England To these I shall only add one single testimony out of the Writings of each of the three godly Martyrs before remembred the point being so clearly stated by some of our Divines commonly called Calvinists though not by the Outlandish also that any longer insisting on it may be thought unnecessary First then Bishop Cranmer tells us in the Preface to his Book against Gardiner of Winchester aforementioned That our Saviour Christ according to the will of his Eternal Father when the time thereof was fully accomplished taking our Nature upon him came into this World from the high Throne of his Father to declare unto miserable Sinners the Goodness c. To shew that the time of Grace and Mercy was come to give light to them that were in darkness and in the shadow of death and to preach and give Pardon and full Remission of sin to all his Elected And to perform the same he made a Sacrifice and Oblation of his body upon the Cross which was a full Redemption Satisfaction and Propitiation for the sins of the whole World More briefly Bishop Latimer thus The Evangelist saith When Jesus was born c. Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. What is Jesus Jesus is an Hebrew word which signifieth in our English Tongue a Saviour and Redeemer of all Mankind born into the World This Title and Name To save appertaineth properly and principally unto him for he saved us else had we been lost for ever Bishop Hooper in more words to the same effect That as the sins of Adam Pref. to the ten Commandments without Priviledg or Exemption extended and appertained unto all and every of Adams Posterity so did this Promise of Grace generally appertain as well to every and singular of Adams Posterity as to Adam as it is more plainly expressed where God promiseth to bless in the seed of Abraham all the people of the World Next for the point of Vniversal Vocation and the extent of the Promises touching life Eternal besides what was observed before from the Publick Liturgy we find some Testimonies and Authorities also in the Book of Homilies In one whereof it is declared That God received the learned and unlearned and casteth away none Hom. of Holy Scrip. p. 5. but is indifferent unto all And in another place more largely that the imperfection or natural sickness taken in Adam excludeth not that person from the promise of God in Christ except we transgress the limits and bounds of this Original sin by our own folly and malice If we have Christ then have we with him Hom. against fear of death p. 62. and by him all good things whatsoever we can in our hearts wish or desire as Victory over death sin hell c. The truth hereof is more clearly evidenced in the Writings of the godly Martyrs so often mentioned as first of Bishop Latimer who discourseth thus We learn saith he by this sentence that multi sunt vocati that many are called c. that the preaching of the Gospel is universal that it appertaineth to all mankind Serm. Septure that it is written in omnem terram exivit sonus eorum through the whole world their sound is heard Now seeing that the Gospel is universal it appeareth that he would have all mankind be saved that the fault is not in him if they be damned for it is written thus Deus vult omnes homines salvos fieri God would have all mankind saved his salvation is sufficient to save all mankind Thus also in another place That the promises of Christ our Saviour are general they appertain to all mankind He made a general Proclamation saying Qui credit in me 1 Serm Lincol habet vitam aeternam Whosoever believeth me hath eternal life And not long after in the same Sermon That we must consider wisely what he saith with his own mouth Venite and me omnes Hook pres to Commo c. Mark here he saith mark here he saith Come all ye wherefore should any body despair or shut out himself from the promises of Christ which be general and appertain to the whole
world The like saith Bishop Hooper also telling us Pref. to his Exposition There was no diversity in Christ of Jew or Gentile that it was never forbid but that all sorts of people and every propeny of the World to be made partakers of the Jews Religion And then again in the example of the Ninevites Thou hast saith he good Christian Reader the mercy of God and general promise of salvation performed in Christ for whose sake only God and man were set at one The less assistance we had from Bishop Hooper in the former points the more we shall receive in this touching the causes why this great benefit is not made effectual unto all alike Concerning which he lets us know That to the obtaining the first end of his justice he allureth as many as be not utterly wicked and may be helped Ibid. partly with threatnings and partly with promises and so provoketh them unto amendment of life c. and would have all men to be saved therefore provoketh now by fair means now by foul that the sinner should satisfie his just and righteous pleasure not that the promises of God appertain to such as will not repent or his threatnings unto him that doth repent but these means he useth to save his creature this way useth he to nurture us until such time as the holy Spirit worketh such a perfection in us that we will obey him though there were neither pain nor joy mentioned at all And in another place more briefly That if either out of a contempt or hate of Gods Word we fall into sin and transform our selves into the image of the Devil then we exclude our selves by this means from the promises and merits of Christ Serm. 1. Sund. after Epiph. Bishop Latimer to the same point also His salvation is sufficient to satisfie for all the World as concerning it self but as concerning us he saveth no more than such as put their trust in him and as many as believe in him shall be saved the other shall be cast out as Infidels into everlasting damnation not for lack of salvation but for infidelity and lack of faith which is the only cause of their damnation One word more out of Bishop Hooper to conclude this point which in fine is this To the Objection saith he touching that S. Peter speaketh of such as shall perish for their false doctrine c. this the Scripture answereth that the promise of grace appertaineth to every sort of men in the world and comprehendeth them all howbeit within certain limits and bounds the which if men neglect to pass over they exclude themselves from the promise of Christ CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and mans co-operation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and proved by some passages in the Liturgy and Book of Homilies 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper 5. The necessity of Grace preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publick Liturgy 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer 9. And their gainsayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books And 10. The Book of Homilies THIS leads me unto the Disputes touching the influences of Grace and the co-operation of mans will with those Heavenly influences in which the received Doctrine of the Church of Rome seems to have had some alteration to the better since the debating and concluding of those points in the Council of Trent before which time the Doctrine of the Roman Schools was thought to draw too near to the lees of Pelagianism to ascribe too much to mans Free-will or so much to it at the least as by the right use of the powers of nature might merit grace ex congruo as the School-men phrase it of the hands of God Against this it was that Dr. Barnes declared as before was said in his discourse about Free-will and against which the Church of England then declared in the 13 Article His works p. 821. affirming That such works as are done before the grace of Christ and the inspiration of his Spirit do not make men meet to receive grace or as the School-men say deserve grace of Congruity Against which Tyndal gives this note That Free-will preventeth not Grace which certainly he had never done if somewhat to the contrary had not been delivered in the Church of Rome and against which it was declared by John Lambert another of our ancient Martyrs in these following words viz. Concerning Free-will saith he I mean altogether as doth S. Augustine that of our selves we have no liberty nor ability to do the will of God but are subject unto sin Acts and Mn. fol. 1009. and thrals of the same conclusi sub peccato or as witnesseth S. Paul But by the grace of God we are rid and set at liberty according to the proportion that every man hath taken of the same some more some less But none more fully shewed himself against this opinion than Dr. Barnes before remembred not touching only on the by Collection of his works by I. D. sol 266. but writing a Discourse particularly against the errours of that time in this very point But here saith he we will search what strength is of man in his natural power without the Spirit of God to will or do those things that be acceptable before God unto the fulfilling of the will of God c. A search which had been vain and needless if nothing could be found which tended to the maintenance of acting in spiritual matters by mans natural power without the workings of the Spirit And therefore he saith very truly That man can do nothing by his Free-will as Christ teacheth for without me ye can do nothing c. where it is opened that Free-will without Grace can do nothing he speak not of eating and drinking though they be works of Grace but nothing that is fruitful that is meritorious that is worthy of thanks that is acceptable before God To which effect we also find these brief Remembrances Mans Free-will without Gods Grace can do nothing that is good p. 268. that all which
touching the subversion of Nineveh the other of her conversion kept within the heart of God Whereupon he changed the sentence pronounced but not the counsel whereunto the sentence weas referred 3. If you consider Nineveh in the inferiour cause that is in the deservings of Inineveh it shall fall to the ground but if you take it in the superiour cause in the goodness and clemency of Almighty God Nineveh shall escape Lastly the judgment was pronounced with a condition reserved in the mind of the judge Nineveh shall be overthrown if it repent not Now he that speaketh with condition may change his mind without suspition of lightness 2 Cor. 1. As Paul promised the Corinthians to come to them in his way towards Macedonia and did it not For he evermore added in his soul that condition which no man must exclude if it stand with the pleasure of God and he hinder me not Philip threatned the Lacedemonians that if he invaded their Country he would utterly extinguish them They wrote him no other answer but this If meaning it was a condition well put in because he was never like to come amongst them Si nisi non esset perfectum quidlibet esset If it were not for conditions and exceptions every thing would be perfect but nothing more unperfect than Nineveh if this secret condition of the goodness of God at the second hand had not been So far this Reverend Prelate hath discoursed of the nature of Gods decrees and accommodated his discourse thereof to the case of the Ninevites Let us next see how far the principal particulars of the said discourse and the case of the Ninevites it self my be accommodated to the Divine decree of Predestination concerning which the said Reverend Prelate was not pleased to declare his judgment either as being impertinent to the case which he had in hand or out of an unwillingness to engage himself in those disputes which might not suddenly be ended All that he did herein was to take care for laying down such grounds in those learned Lectures by which his judgment might be guessed at though not declared As Dr. Peter Baroe of whom more hereafter declared his judgment touching the Divine Decrees in the said case of the Ninevites before he fell particularly on the Doctrine of Predestination as he after did And first as for accommodating the case of the Ninevites to the matter which is now before us we cannot better do it than in the words of Bishop Hooper so often mentioned who having told us that Esau was no more excluded from the promise of grace than Jacob was Pres to his Expos on the ten Commandments proceedeth thus viz. By the Scripture saith he it seemeth that the sentence of God was given to save the one and damn the other before the one loved God or the other hated him Howbeit these threatnings of god against Esau if he had not of his wilful malice excluded himself from the promise of grace should no more have hindred his salvation than Gods threatnings against Nineveh which notwithstanding that God said should be destroyed within forty days stood a great time after and did penance Esau was circumcised and presented unto the Church of God by his Father Isaac in all external Ceremonies as well as Jacob. And that his life and conversation was not as agreeable unto justice and equity as Jacobs was the sentence of God unto Rebecca was not in the fault but his own malice Out of which words we may observe first that the sentence of God concerning Esau was not the cause that his conversation was so little agreeable to justice and equity no more than the judgment denounced against the Ninevites could have been the cause of their impenitency if they had continued in their sins and wickednesses without repentance contrary to the Doctrine of the Gospellers in Queen Maries days imputing all mens sins to Predestination Secondly that Gods threatnings against Esau supposing them to be tanta-mount to a reprobation could no more have hindred his salvation than the like threatning against the Ninevites could have sealed to them the assurance of their present destruction if he had heartily repented of his sins as the Ninevites did And therefore thirdly as well the decree of God concerning Esau as that which is set out against the Ninevites are no otherwise to be understood than under the condition tacitly annexed unto them that is to say that the Ninevites should be destroyed within forty days if they did not repent them of their sins and that Esau should be reprobated to eternal death if he gave himself over to the lusts of a sensual appetite Which if it be confessed for true as I think it must then fourthly the promises made by God to Jacob and to all such as are beloved of God as Jacob was and consequently their election unto life eternal are likewise to be understood with the like condition that is to say if they repent them of their sins and do unfainedly believe his holy Gospel The like may be affirmed also in all the other particulars touching Gods decrees with reference to the Doctrine of Predestination which are observed or accommodated by that learned Prelate in the case of the Ninevites had I sufficient time and place to insist upon them CHAP. XIX Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church by whom it was made and what was done towards the making of it up 1. Great alterations made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service if otherwise of known zeal against the Papists 2. Several examples of that kind in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination 3. His notes on one of the Letter of John Bradford Martyr touching the matter of election therein contained 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper 5. Exceptions against some passages and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments by the Convocation An. 1571. 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation no more than for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes and some particular passages in it disgraceful to the Rites of the Church attire of the Bishops 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine and all other Novelisms of that kind IT was not long that Queen Mary sate upon the Throne and yet as short time as it was it gave
occasion to these controversies many appearing in defence of Perkins and his Opinions which afterwards involved the Sublapsarians in the self same quarrel Hal. in Holy State p. 50. Amongst our selves it was objected That his Doctrine referring all to an absolute decree ham-string'd all industry and cut off the sinews of mens endeavours towards salvation for ascribing all to the wind of Gods Spirit which bloweth where it listeth he leaveth nothing to the cares of mens diligence either to help or hinder to the attaining of happiness but rather opens a wide door to licentious security Absolv contr Tompsoni Diatrib But none of all our English was so sharp in their censures of him as Dr. Robert Abbot then Dr. of the Chair in Oxon and not long after Bishop of Sarum who in his book against Thompson though otherwise inclined too much to Calvins Doctrines gives this judgment of Mr. Perkinsius viz. Alioqui eruditus pius in discriptione Divinae Praedestinationis quam ille contra nostram contra veteris Ecclesiae fidem citra lapsum Adami absolute decretum constituit erravit errorem non levem cujus adortis quibusdam viris inita jamdudum suscepta defensio turbas ecclesiis non necessarias dedit quas etiamnum non sine scandalo periculo haerere videmus dum viam quisque quam ingressus est sibi ante tenendum judicat quam ductam sacrarum literarum authoritate lineam veritatis tanquam filum Ariadnaeum sibi ducem faciat that is to say Perkins though otherwise a godly and learned man in his description of Divine Predestination which contrary not only to the Doctrine of the primitive times but also unto that of the Church of England he builds upon an absolute decree of Almighty God without reference to the Fall of Adam ran himself into no small error The defence whereof being undertaken by some learned men hath given the Church some more than necessary troubles which still continued not without manifest scandal and danger to it whilst every one doth rather chuse to follow his own way therein than suffer himself to be guided in the Labyrinth by the line of truth as by the Clew of Ariadne drawn from the undeniable Authority of holy Scriptures And so I leave the man with this observation that he who in his writings had made the infinitly greatest part of all man-kind uncapable of Gods grace and mercy by an absolute and irrespective decree of Reprobation who in expounding the Commandments when he was Catechist of Christs Colledge in Cambridge did lay the Law so home in the ears of his Auditors that it made their hearts fall down Holy State p. 90. and yea their hair to stand almost upright and in his preaching use to pronounce the word Damned with so strong an Emphasis that it left an eccho in the ears of his hearers a long time after this man scarce lived out half his days being no more than forty-four years of age from the time of his death at the pangs conducing unto which he was noted to speak nothing so articulately as Mercy Mercy which I hope God did graciously vouchsafe to grant him in that woful Agony But to proceed this Doctrine finding many followers and Whitacres himself then Dr. of the Chair in Cambridge concurring in opinion with him it might have quickly over-spread the whole University had it not been in part prevented and in part suppressed by the care and diligence of Dr. Baroe and his Adherents who being a French man born of eminent piety and learning and not inclinable at all unto Calvins Doctrines had been made the Lady Margarets Professor for the University somewhat before the year 1574. For in that year he published his Lectures on the Prophet Jonah In one of which being the 29th in number he discourseth on these words of the Prophet viz. Baroe Fraelect 29. p. 216. Yet forty days and Nineveh shall be destroyed cap. 3. ver 4. where we find it thus Haec denunciatio non est quasi Proclamatio decreti divini absoluti sed quaedam patio praeponendae divinae voluntatis qua Deus eorum animos flectere voluit quare haec oratio etsi simplex absoluta videatur tacitam tamen habet conditionem nisi rescipiscant namque hanc in esse conditionem eventus comprobavit The denouncing of this Judgment saith that learned man is not to be beheld as the publication of one of Gods absolute Decrees but only as a form observed in making Gods Will known unto them by which he meant to put them to it and rouse their spirits to Repentance Therefore saith he although the Denunciation of the following Judgment seem to be simply positive and absolute yet hath it notwithstanding this Condition that is to say unless they do repent included in it for that such a Condition was included in it the event doth shew which said he leads us on to the denouncing of the like Judgment on the house of Abimelech which he had before in Dr. King Chap. 18. Num. 11. who herein either followed Baroe or at the least concurred in Opinion with him And in the next place he proceeds a little further than the case of the Ninevites Baroe Prael â—i 32. p. 217. touching upon the point of Election unto life Eternal by the most proper superstructure could be laid upon such a foundation Dei voluntas non erat ut perirent si rescipiscerent non vult enim mortem preccatoris sed ut convertatur Et rursus Dei erat voluntas ut perirent nisi rescipiscerent Haec enim duo unum sunt ut Dei voluntas est ut vitam habeamus si credamus Et Dei voluntas non est ut vitam habeamus nisi credamus aut si credentes perseveremus non autem si aliquandiu credentes non perseveremus that is to say It was not the Will of God that they should perish if they did repent For God desireth not the death of a sinner but rather that he be converted and live and yet it was his will that they should perish if they did not repent for these two are one as for Example It is the Will of God saith he that we should have eternal life if we believe and constantly persevere in the faith of Christ And it it is not the will of God that we should have eternal life if we do not believe or believing only for a time do not persevere therein to the end of our lives which point he further proves by the condition of the Message sent from God to Hezekiah by the Prophet Isaiah 2 Kings 20.1 as before was said in Dr. King For which together with the rest of his discourse upon that occasion concerning the consistency of these alterations with the immutability or unchangeableness of Almighty God I shall refer the Reader to the book it self So far that learned man had declared himself upon occasion of that Text and the case
long professed and received doctrine but continue to use all good means and seek at your Lordships hands some effectual Remedy hereof lest by petmitting passage to these Errors the whole body of Popery should by little and little break in upon us to the overthrow of our Religion and consequently the withdrawing of many here and elsewhere from true obedience to her Majesty May it therefore please your Lordship to have an honourable consideration of the premises and for the better maintaining of peace and the truth of Religion so long received in this University and Church to vouchsafe your Lordships good aid and advice both to the comfort of us wholly consenting and agreeing in judgment and all others of the University truly affected and to the suppression in time not only of these errors but even of gross Popery like by such means in time easily to creep in amongst us as we find by late experience it hath dangerously begun Thus craving pardon for troubling your Lordship and commending the same in praise to Almighty God we humbly take our leave From Cambridge March 8th 1595. Your Lordships humble and bounden to be commanded Roger Goad Procan R. Some Tho. Leg John Jegon Thomas Nevil Thomas Preston Hump. Tyndal James Mountague Edmond Barwel Laurence Cutterton Such was the condition of Affairs at Cambridge at the expiring of the year 1595. the genuine Doctrine of the Church beginning then to break through the clouds of Calvinism wherewith it was before obscured and to shine forth again in its former lustre To the advancement of which work as the long continuance of Baroe in the University for the space of 20 years and upwards the discreet activity of Dr. Harsnet Fellow and Master of Pembrook Colledge for the term of 40 yeaas and more gave a good encouragement so the invincible constancy of Mr. Barret and the slender opposition made by Overald contributed to the confirmation and encrease thereof For scarce had Overald warmed his Chair when he found himself under a necessity of encountring some of the remainder of Baroes Adversaries though he followed not the blow so far as Baroe did for some there were of the old Predestination Leven who publickly had taught as he related it in the conference at Hampton Court all such persons as were once truly justified though after they fell into never so grievous sins yet remained still just or in the state of Justification before they actually repented of those sins yea though they never repented of them through forgetfulness or sudden death yet they should be justified and saved without Repentance Against which Overald maintained that whosoever although before justified did commit any grievous sin as Adultery Murder Treason or the like did become ipso facto Conf. at Ham. C. p. 42. subject to Gods wrath and guilty of damnation or were in the state of damnation quoad presentem statum until they repented And so far he had followed Baroe but he went no further holding as he continued his own story that such persons as were called and justified according to the purpose of Gods Election did neither fall totally from all the graces of God though how a justified man may bring himself into a present state of Wrath and Damnation without a total falling from all the graces of God is beyond my reason and that they were in time renewed by the Spirit of God unto a lively faith and repentance and thereby justified from those sins with the guilt and wrath annexed unto them into which they had fallen nor can it be denied but that some other Learned men of those times were of the same opinion also Amongst which I find Dr. John Bridges Dean of Sarum Anti-Armini pag. 202. and afterwards Lord Bishop of Oxon to be reckoned for one and Mr. Richard Hooker of whom more anon to be accounted for another But being but the compositions of private men they are not to be heard against the express words of the two Homilies touching falling from God in case the point had not been positively determined in the sixteenth Article But so it hapned notwithstanding that Overald not concurring with the Calvinists concerning the estate of such justified persons as afterwards fell into grievous sins there grew some diffidences and distrust between them which afterwards widned themselves into greater differences Insomuch that diffenting from them also touching the absolute decree of Reprobation and the restraining of the benefit of Christs death and Gods grace unto a few particulars and that too in Gods primitive purpose and intent concerning the salvation and damnation of man-kind those of the Anti-Calvinian party went on securely with little or no opposition and less disturbance At Oxford all things in the mean time were calm and quiet no publick opposition shewing it self in the Schools or Pulpits The reasons of that which might be first that the Students of that University did more incline unto the canvasing of such points as were in difference betwixt us and the Church of Rome than unto those which were disputed against the Calvinists in these points of Doctrine for witness whereof we may call in the works of Sanders Stapleton Allyns Parsons Campian and many others of that sid as those of Bishop Jewel Bishop Bilson Dr. Humphreys Mr. Nowel Dr. Sparks 〈◊〉 Hist l. 9. Dr. Reynolds and many others which stood firm to the Church of England And secondly though Dr. Humphreys the Queens Professor for Divinity was not without cause reckoned for a Non conformist yet had he the reputation of a moderate man a moderate Non-conformist as my Author calls him and therefore might permit that liberty of opinion unto other men which was indulged unto himself neither did Dr. Holland who succeeded him give any such countenance to the propagating of Calvins doctrines as to make them the subject of his Lectures and Disputations Insomuch that Mr. Prin with all his diligence can find but seven men who publickly maintained any point of Calvianism in the Schools of Oxon from the year 1596. to the year 1616. and yet to make that number also he is fain to take in Dr. George Abbot and Dr. Benfield on no other account but for maintaining Deum non esse authorem peccati that God is not the Author of sin which any Papist Lutheran or Arminian might have maintained as well as they And yet it cannot be denied but that by errour of these times the reputation which Calvin had attained to in both Universities and the extream diligence of his followers for the better carrying on of their own designs there was a general tendency unto his opinions in the present controversies so that it is no marvel if many men of good affection to that Church in government and forms of worship might unawares be seasoned with his Principles in point of Doctrine Instit fathers in the Pref. his book of Institutes being for the most part the foundation on which the young Divines of
those times did build their studies and having built their studies on a wrong foundation did publickly maintain some point or other of his Doctrines which gave least offence and out of which no dangerous consequence could be drawn as they thought and hoped to the dishonour of God the disgrace of Religion the scandal of the Church or subversion of godliness amongst which if judicious Mr. Hooker be named for one as for one I find him to be named yet is he named only for maintaining one of the five points that namely of the not total or final falling away of Gods Elect as Dr. Overald also did in the Schools of Cambridge though neither of them can be challenged for maintaining any other point of Calvins Doctrine touching the absolute decree of Reprobation Election unto life without reference to faith in Christ the unresistible workings of Grace the want of freedom in the will to concur therewith and the determining of all mens actions unto good or evil without leaving any power in men to do the contrary And therefore secondly Mr. Hookers discourse of Justification as it now comes into our hands might either be altered in some points after his decease by him that had the publishing of it or might be written by him as an essay of his younger years before he had consulted the Book of Homilies and perused every clause in the publick Liturgy as he after did or had so carefully examined every Text of Scripture upon which he lays the weight of his judgment in it as might encourage him to have it printed when he was alive Of any men who publickly opposed the Calvinian tenents in this University till after the beginning of King James his Reign I must confess that I have hitherto found no good assurance though some there were who spared not to declare their dislike thereof and secretly trained up their Scholars in other principles An argument whereof may be that when Dr. Baroe dyed in London which was about three or four years after he had left his place in Cambridge his Funeral was attended by most of the Divines then living in and about the City Dr. Bancroft then Bishop of London giving order in it which plainly shews that there were many of both Universities which openly favoured Baroes Doctrines and did as openly dislike those of the Calvinians though we find but few presented to us by their names Amongst which few I first reckon Dr. John Buckridge President of St. Johns Colledge and Tutor to Archbishop Laud who carried his Anti-Calvinian doctrines with him to the See of Rochester and publickly maintained them at a conference in York House Ann. 1626. And secondly Dr. John Houson one of the Canons of Christ Church and Vice-Chancellor of the University Ann. 1602. so known an enemy to Calvin his opinions that he incurred a suspension by Dr. Robert Abbots then Vice Chancellor And afterwards being Bishop of Oxon subscribed the letter amongst others to the Duke of Buckingham in favour of Mountague and his Book called Appello Cesarem as before was said And though we find but these two named for Anti-Calvinist in the five controverted points yet might there be many houses perhaps some hundreds who held the same opinions with them though they discovered not themselves or break out in any open opposition 1 King 19 18. 1 King 19 1◠as they did at Cambridge God had 7000. Servants in the Realm of Israel who had not bowed the knee to Baal though we find the name of none but the Prophet Eliah the residue keeping themselves so close for fear of danger that the Prophet himself complained to God that he alone was left to serve him A parallel case to which may be that the Christians during the power and prevalency of the Arian Hereticks St. Jerome giving us the names of no more than three who had stood up stoutly in defence of the Nicene council and the points of Doctrine there established viz. 1. St. Athanasius Patriark of Alexandria in Egypt St. Hillary Bishop of Poictious in France and St. Eusebius Bishop of Vevelli in Italy of which thus the Father Siquidem Arianis victis triumphatorem Athanasium suum Egyptus excepit Hillarium è prelio revertentem galliarum ecclesia complexa est ad reditum Eusebii sui lugubres vestes Italia mutavit that is to say upon the overthrow of the Arians Egypt received her Athanasius now returned in triumph the Church of France embraced her Hillary coming home with victory from the battel and on the return of Eusebius Italy changed her mourning garments By which it is most clear even to vulgar eyes that not these Bishops only did defend the truth but that it was preserved by many others as well of the Clergy as of the People in their several Countreys who otherwise never had received them with such joy and triumph if a great part of them had not been of the same opinions though no more of them occur by name in the records of that age But then again If none but the three Bishops had stood unto the truth in the points disputed at that time between the Orthodox Christians and the Arian Hereticks yet had that been sufficient to preserve the Church from falling universally from the faith of Christ or deviating from the truth in those particulars Deut. 17.6 Mat. 18 19. the word of truth being established as say both Law and Gospel if there be only two or three witnesses to attest unto it two or three members of the Church may keep possession of a truth in all the rest and thereby save the whole from errour even as a King invaded by a foreign Enemy doth keep possession of his Realm by some principal fortress the standing out whereof may in time regain all the rest which I return for answer to another objection touching the paucity of those Authors whom we have produced in maintenance of the Anti Calvinian or old English doctrines since the resetling of the Church under Queen Elizabeth for though they be but few in number and make but a very thin appearance Apparent rari nautes in gurgite vasto in the Poets language yet serve they for a good assurance that the Church still kept possession of her primitive truths not utterly lost though much endangered by such contrary Doctrines as had of late been thrust upon her there was a time when few or none of the Orthodox Bishops durst openly appear in favour of St. Athanasius but only Liberius Pope of Rome Theod. Hist Eccles lib. 2. cap. 15. who thereupon is thus upbraided by Constantius the Arian Emperour Quota pars tu es orbis terrarum qui solus c. How great a part saith he art thou of the whole world that thou alone shouldst shew thy self in defence of that wicked man and thereby overthrow the peace of the Universe To which Liberius made this answer non diminuitur solitudine mea verbum dei nam olim
regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti regni Paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus consulere tractare ordinare statuere diffinire ac caetera facere quae Parliamento ibidem imminent facienda In vita Gul. Courtney This put together makes enough abundantly for the proofs de jure and makes the Bishops right to have Vote in Parliament to be undeniable Let us next see whether this right of theirs be not confirmed and countenanced by continual practice and that they have not lost it by discontinuance which is my second kind of proofs those I mean de facto And first beginning with the reign of the Norman Conqueror we find a Parliament assembled in the fifth year of that King wherein are present Episcopi Abbates Comites Primates toties Angliae the Bishops Abbots Earls and the rest of the Baronage of England Matth. Paris in Williglmo 1. In the 9th year of William Rufus an old Author telleth us de regni statu acturus Episcopos Abbates quoscunque Regni proceres in unum praecepti sui sanctione egit that being to consult of the affairs of the Kingdom he called together by his Writ the Bishops Abbots and all the Peers of the Realm Eadmer hist Nov. l. 2. During the reign of Henry the 2d for we will take but one Example out of each Kings reign though each Kings reign would yield us more a Patliament was called at London wherein were many things dispatched as well so Ecclesiastical as secular nature the Bishops and Abbots being present with the other Lords Coacto apud Londoniam magno Episcoporum Procerum Abbatumque Concilio multa ecclesiasticarum secularium rerum ordinata negotia decisa litigia saith the Monk of Malmesbury Malmesb. hist reg Angl. l. 5. And of this Parliament it is I take it that Eadmer speaketh Hist Novel l. 4. p. 91. Proceed we to King Henry the 2d for King Stephens reign was so full of Wars and Tumults that there is very little to be found of Parliaments and there we find the Bishops with the other Peers convened in Parliament for the determination of the points in controversie between Alfonso K. of Castile and Sancho K. of Navarre referred by compremise to that King of England and here determined by K. Henry amongst other things habito cum Episcopis Comitibus Baronibus cum deliberatione consilio as in Roger Hoveden Hoveder Annal pars posterin Hen. 2. Next him comes Richard the first his Son during whose imprisonment by the D. of Austria his Brother John then Earl of Moriton endeavoured by force and cunning in Normandy to set the Crown on his own head which caused Hubert the Arch-bishop of Canterbury to call a Parliament Convocatis coram eo Episcois Comitibus Baronibus regni wherein the Bishops Id in Joh. Earls and Barons did with one consent agree to seiz on his Estate and suppress his power the better to preserve the Kingdom in wealth peace and safety After succeded John and he calls a Parliament wherein were certain Laws made for the defence of his Kingdom Communi assensu Archiepiscoporum Episcoporum Comitum Baronum omnium fidelium suorum Angliae by the common Council and assent of the Arch-bishops Bishops Earls Barons and the rest of his Leiges Remember what was said before touching the Writ of Summons in the said Kings time From this time till the last Parliament of King Charles there is no Kings reign of which we have not many though not all the Acts of Parliament still in print amongst us Nor is there any Act of Parliament in the printed Books to the enactig of the which the Bishops approbation and consent is not plainly spectified either in the general Prome set before the Acts or in the body of the Act it self as by the books themselves doth at large appear And to this kind of proof may be further added the form and manner of the Writ by which the Prelates in all times have been called to Parliament being the very same verbatim with that which is directed to the Temporal Barons save that the Spiritual Lords are commanded to attend to the service in fide dilectione the Temporal in fide homagio and of late times in fide legeantia A form or copy of which summons as ancient as King Johns time V. Titles of Hon. pt 2. c. 5. is still preserved upon Record directed nominatim to the Arch-bishop of Canterbury and then a scriptum est similiter to the residue of the Bishops Abbots Earls and Barons Then add the Priviledg of Parliament for themselves and their servants during the time of the Sessions the liberty to kill and take one or two of the Kings Deer as they pass by any of his Forests in coming to the Parliament upon his commandment Charta de Foresta cap. Cambden in Britannia their enjoying of the same immunities which are and have been heretofore enjoyed by the Temporaal Barons and tell me if the Bishops did not sit in Parliament by as good a Title and have not sat there longer by some hundreds of years in their Predecessors as or than any of the Temporal Lords do sit or have sat there in their Progenitours and therefore certainly Essential Fundamental parts of the Court of Parliament But against this it is objected first that some Acts have passed in Parliament to which the Prelates did not Vote not could be present in the House when the Bill was passed as in the sentencing to death or mutilation of a guilty person as doth appear both by the Laws and constitutions recognized at Clarendon and the following practice This hath been touched on before and we told you then that this restraint was laid upon them not by the Common Law of England or an Act or Ordinance of the House of Peers by which they were disabled to attend that service It was their own voluntary Act none compelled them to it but only out of a copnformity to some former Canons ad sanctorum Canonum instituta Antiqu. Brit. in Gul. Conrineâ— Constitut Othobon fol. 45. as their own words are by which it was not lawful for the Clergy-men to be either Judges or Assessors in causa Sanguinis And yet they took such care to preserve their Interests that they did not only give their Proxies for the representing of their persons but did put up their Protestation with a salvo jure for the preserving of their rights for the time to come jure Paritatis interessendi in dicto Parliamento quaod omnia singula ibi exercenda in omnibus semper salvo Antiqu. Britan. in Gul. Courtney as the manner was Examples of the which are as full and frequent as their withdrawing themselves on the said occasions But then the main Objection is that as some Acts have passed in Parliament absentibus Praelatis when the Bishops
held on the 25th of June 1622. were severally condemned to be erroneous scandalous and destructive of Monarchical Government Upon which Sentence or determination the King gave order that as many of those books as could be gotten should solemnly and publickly be burnt in each of the Universities and St. Pauls Church-yard which was done accordingly An accident much complained of by the Puriten party for a long time after who looked upon it as the funeral pile of their Hopes and Projects till by degrees they got fresh courage carrying on their designs more secretly by consequence more dangerously than before they did The terrible effects whereof we have seen and felt in our late Civil Wars and present confusions But it is time to close this point and come to a conclusion of the whole discourse there be no other Objections that I know of but what are easily reduced unto those before or not worth the answering 15. Thus have we taken a brief survey of those insinuations grounds or principles call them what you will which Calvin hath laid down in his book of Institutions for the incouragement of the Subjects to rebellious courses and putting them in Arms against their Sovereign either in case of Tyranny Licentiousness or Mal-administration of what sort soever by which the Subject may pretend that they are oppressed either in point of Liberty or in point of Property And we have shewn upon what false and weak foundations he hath raised his building how much he hath mistaken or abused his Authors but how much more he hath betrayed and abused his Readers For we have clearly proved and directly manifested out of the best Records and Monuments of the former times that the Ephori were not instituted in the State of Sparta to oppose the Kings nor the Tribunes in the State of Rome to oppose the Consuls nor the Demarchi in the Common-wealth of Athens to oppose the Senate or if they were that this could no way serve to advance his purpose of setting up such popular Officers in the Kingdoms of Christendom those Officers being only found in Aristocraties or Democraties but never heard or dreamt of in a Monarchical Government And we have shewn both who they are which constitute the three Estates in all Christian Kingdoms and that there is no Christian Kingdom in which the three Estates convened in Parliament or by what other name soever they do call them have any authority either to regulate the person of the Sovereign Prince or restrain his power in case he be a Sovereign Prince and not meerly titular and conditional and that it is not to be found in Holy Scripture that they are or were ordained by God to be the Patrons and Protectors of the common people and therefore chargeable with no less a crime than a most perfidious dissimulation should they connive at Kings when they play the Tyrants or wantonly abuse that power which the Lord hath given them to the oppression of their Subjects In which last points touching the designation of the three Estates and the authority pretended to be vested in them I have carried a more particular eye on this Kingdom of England where those pernicious Principles and insinuations which our Author gives us have been too readily imbraced and too eagerly pursued by those of his party and opinion If herein I have done any service to supream Authority my Countrey and some misguided Zealots of it I shall have reason to rejoyce in my undertaking If not posterity shall not say that Calvins memory was so sacred with me and his name so venerable as rather to suffer such a Stumbling-block to be laid in the Subjects way without being censured and removed than either his authority should be brought in question or any of his Dictates to a legal tryal Having been purchased by the Lord at so dear a price we are to be no longer the Servants of men or to have the truth of God with respect of persons I have God to be my Father and the Church my Mother and therefore have not only pleaded the cause of Kings and Supream Magistrates who are the Deputies of God but added somewhat in behalf of the Church of England whose rights and priviledges I have pleaded to my best abilities The issue and success I refer to him by whom Kings do Reign and who appointed Kings and other Supream Magistrates to be nursing Fathers to his Church that as they do receive authority and power from the hands of God so they may use the same in the protection and defence of the Church of God and God even their own God will give them his Blessing and save them from the striving of unruly people whose mouth speaketh proud words and their right hand is a right hand of iniquity FINIS De Jure Paritatis Episcoporum OR A BRIEF DISCOURSE ASSERTING THE Bishops Right of Peerage WHICH EITHER By Law or Ancient Custom DOTH Belong unto them WRITTEN By the Learned and Reverend PETER HEYLYN D. D. In the Year 1640. When it was Voted in the Lords House That no Bishop should be of the Committee for the preparatory Examination of the EARL of STRAFFORD He being dead yet speaketh Heb. xi 4. LONDON Printed by M. Clark for C. Harper 1681. A PREFACE ALthough there are Books enough writ to vindicate the Honours and Priviledges of Bishops yet to those that are fore-stalled with prejudice and passion all that can be said or done will be little enough to make them wise unto sobriety to prevail with them not to contradict the conviction of their mind with absurd and fond reasonings but that Truth may conquer their prepossessions and may find so easie an access and welcome unto their practical judgments that they may profess their faith and subjection to that order which by a misguided zeal they once endeavoured to destroy Many are the methods that have been and are still used to rase up the foundation of Episcopacy and to make the Name of Bishop to be had no more in remembrance For first some strike at the Order and Function it self And yet St. Paul reckons it among his faithful sayings 1 Tim. 3.1 that the Office of a Bishop is a good work And the order continued perpetually in the Church without any interruption of time or decrees of Councils to the contrary for the space of many Centuries after the Ascension of Christ and the Martyrdom of the Apostles For they ordained Bishops and approved them Before St. John died Rome had a succession of no less than four viz. Linus Anacletus Clemens and Evaristus Jerusalem had James the just and Simeon the Son of Cleophas Antioch had Euodius and Ignatius and St. Mark Anianus Abilius and Cerdo successively fill'd the See of Alexandria All these lived in St. Johns days and their order obeyed by Christians and blessed by God throughout the whole world for the Conversion of Jews and Gentiles for the perfecting of the Saints and the edifying of
Courts Coke Institutes part 4 p. 45. out of the Records of Parliament and in his Margent pointing to the 13th of King Edward the third doth instruct us thus viz. Abbates Priores aliosque Praelatos quoscunque per Baroniam de Domino Rege tenentes pertinet in Parliamentis Regni quibuscunq ut pates Regni praedicti personaliter interesse ibique de Regni negotiis ac aliis tractari consuetis cum caeteris dicti Regni Paribus aliis ibidem jus interessendi habentibus consulere tractare ordinare statuere definire ac caetera facere quae Parliamenti tempore imminent facienda Which if it be the same with that which we had before differing only in some words as perhaps it is yet we have gained the Testimony of that Learned Lawyer whose judgment in this Case must be worth the having For hear him speaking in his own words and he tells us this viz. Coke Institut fol. 4. That every Lord of Parliament either Spiritual as Arch-bishops and Bishops or Temporal as Dukes Marquesses Earls Viscounts and Barons Peers of the Realm and Lords of Parliament ought to have several Writs of Summons where plainly these words Peers and Lords of Parliament relate as well to Spiritual as to the Temporal Lords And therefore if the Arch-bishops and the Bishops may be granted to be Lords of Parliament they must be also granted to be Peers of the Realm Now to the Testimony and Authority of particular persons we shall next add the sentence and determination of our Courts of Law in which the Bishops are declared to be Peers of the Realm and to be capable of all the priviledges which belong to the Peerage For first in the aforesaid Case of the Bishop of Winchester when he was brought upon his Trial for departing from the service of the Parliament without leave of the King and pleaded sor himself quod esset unus è Paribus Regni c. The priviledg of Barony It was supposed clearly both by Court and Council that he was a Peer that part of his defence being not gainsayed or so much as questioned So in the Year-Books of the Reign of King Edward the 3d in whose Reign the Bishop of Winchester's Case was agitated as before is said a Writ of Wards was brought by the Bishop of London and by him pleaded to an Issue and the Defendant could not be Essoyned or have day of Grace for it was said that a Bishop was a Peer of the Land haec erat causa saith the Book which reports the Case In the like Case upon an Action of Trespass against the Abbot of Abbingdon who was one of the Lords Spiritual day of Grace was denied against him because he was a Peere de la Terre So also it is said expresly that when question was made about the returning of a Knight to be of a Jury where a Bishop was Defendant in a Quare impedit the Rule of the Court was that it ought to be so because the Bishop was a Peer of the Realm And in the Judgment given against the Bishop of Norwich in the time of Richard the 2d he is in the Roll expresly allowed to be a Peer for he had taken exceptions that some things had passed against him without the Assent or knowledg of his Peers of the Realm To which Exception it was Answered that it behoved him not at all to plead that he was a Prelate for traversing such Errors and misprisions as in the quality of a Souldier who had taken wages of the King were committed by him Thus also in the Assignment of the Errors under Henry the fifth for the Reversal of the Attainder of the Earl of Salisbury one Error is assigned that Judgment was given without the consent of the Prelates which were Peers in Parliament And although that was adjudged to be no Error yet was it clearly allowed both in the Roll and the Petitions that the Bishops were Peers Finally in the Government of the Realm of France the Bishops did not only pass in the Ranks of Peers but six of them were taken into the number of the Douze-pairs or twelve Peers of that Kingdom highly esteemed and celebrated in the times of Charlemayne that is to say the Arch-bishop and Duke of Rhemes the Bishop and Duke of Laon the Bishop and Duke of Langres the Bishop and Earl of Beuvois the Bishop and Earl of Noyon the Bishop and Earl of Chalons And therefore it may be inferred that in the Government established by the Anjovin and Norman Kings the English Bishops might be ranked with the Peers at large considering their place in Parliament and their great Revenues and the strong influence which they had on the Church and State But there is little need for Inferences and book-Cases and the Authorities of particular men to come in for Evidence when we are able to produce an Act of Parliament to make good the point For in the Statute made the 4th year of King Henry the fifth it was repeated and confirmed That no man of the Irish Nation should be chosen by Election to be an Arch-bishop Bishop Abbot or Frior nor in no other manner received or accepted to any dignity and benefice within the said Land c. The Reason of which inhibition is there said to be this viz. because being Peers of the Parliament of the said Land they brought with them to the Parliaments and Councils holden there some Irish servants whereby the privities of the Englishmen within the same Land have been and be daily discovered to the Irish people Rebels to the King to the great peril and mischief of the Kings lawful Liege people in the said Land And if the Bishops and Arch-bishops of Ireland had the name of Peers there is no question to be made but the name of Peers and the right of Peerage may properly be assumed or challenged by them Now as this Statute gives them the name of Peers so in an Act of Parliament in the 25th year of King Henry the 8th they are called the Nobles of your Realm as well Spiritual as Temporal as all your other Subjects now living c. Which Term we find again repeated by the Parliament following the Nobles Spiritual and Temporal and that twice for failing so that we find no Title given to Earls and Barons Nobles and Peers and Lords as the Statutes call them but what is given to the Bishops in our Acts of Parliament and certainly had not been given them in the stile of that Court had any question then been made of their Right of Peerage And that their calling had not raised them to a state of Nobility concerning which take this from the Lord Chief Justice Coke for our more assurance and he will tell us that the general division of persons by the Law of England is either one that is Noble and in respect of his nobility of the Lords House of Parliament or one of the Commons of the
the custom of the Alexandrian and Western Churches Page 292 5. Origen ordained Presbyter by the Bishops of Hierusalem and Caesarea and excommunicated by the Bishop of Alexandria Page 293 6. What doth occur touching the superiority and power of Bishops in the Works of Origen ibid. 7. The custom of the Church of Alexandria altered in the election of their Bishops Page 294 8. Of Dionysius Bishop of Alexandria and his great care and travels for the Churches peac Page 295 9. The Government of the Church in the former times by Letters of intercourse and correspondence amongst the Bishops of the same ibid. 10. The same continued also in the present Century Page 296 11. The speedy course taken by the Prelats of the Church for the suppressing of the Heresies of Samosatenus Page 297 12. The Civil Jurisdiction Train and Throne of Bishops things not unusual in this Age Page 298 13. The Bishops of Italy and Rome made Judges in a point of title and possession by the Roman Emperour Page 299 14. The Bishops of Italy and Rome why reckoned as distinct in that Delegation Page 300 CHAP. VI. Of the estate wherein Episcopacy stood in the Western Churches during the whole third Century 1. Of Zepherinus Pope of Rome and the Decrees ascribed unto him concerning Bishops Page 301 2. Of the condition of that Church when Cornelius was chosen Bishop thereof Page 302 3. The Schism raised in Rome by Novatianus with the proceedings of the Church therein Page 303 4. Considerable observations on the former story Page 304 5. Parishes set forth in Country Villages by P. Dionysius ibid. 6. What the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do signifie most properly in ancient Writers Page 305 7. The great Authority which did accrue unto the Presbyters by the setting forth of Parishes Page 306 8. The rite of Confirmation reserved by Bishops to themselves as their own Prerogative Page 307 9. Touching the ancient Chorepiscopi and the Authority to them entrusted Page 308 10. The rising of the Manichean Heresie with the great care taken by the Bishops for the crushing of it Page 309 11. The lapse of Marcellinus Pope of Rome with the proceedings the Church in his condemnation Page 310 12. The Council of Eliberis in Spain what it decreed in honour of Episcopacy Page 311 13. Constantine comes unto the Empire with a brief prospect of the great honours done to Bishops in the following Age Page 312 14. A brief Chronology of the estate of holy Church in these two last Centuries Page 314 The History of the Sabbath BOOK I. From the Creation of the World to the destruction of the Temple CHAP. I. That the Sabbath was not instituted in the Beginning of the World 1. THE entrance to the Work in hand Page 325 2. That those words Gen. 2. And God blessed the seventh day c. are there delivered as by way of anticipation Page 326 3. Anticipations in the Scripture confessed by them who deny it here Page 327 4. Anticipations of the same nature not strange in Scripture Page 328 5. No Law imposed by God on Adam touching the keeping of the Sabbath Page 329 6. The Sabbath not ingraft by Nature in the soul of man ibid. 7. The greatest Advocates for the Sabbath deny it to be any part of the Law of Nature Page 330 8. Of the morality and perfection supposed to be in the number of seven by some learned men Page 331 9. That other numbers in the confession of the same learned men particularly the first third and fourth are both as moral and as perfect as the seventh ibid. 10. The like is proved of the sixth eighth and tenth and of other numbers Page 332 11. The Scripture not more favourable to the number of seven than it is to others Page 333 12. Great caution to be used by those who love to recreate themselves in the mysteries of numbers Page 334 CHAP. II. That there was no Sabbath kept from the Creation to the Flood 1. Gods rest upon the Seventh day and from what he rested Page 335 2. Zanchius conceit touching the Sanctifying of the first Seventh day by Christ our Saviour Page 336 3. The like of Torniellus touching the Sanctifying of the same by the Angels in Heaven ibid. 4. A general demonstration that the Fathers before the Law did not keep the Sabbath Page 337 5. Of Adam that he kept not the Sabbath ibid. 6. That Abel and Seth did not keep the Sabbath Page 333 7. Of Enos that he kept not the Sabbath Page 339 8. That Enoch and Methusalem did not keep the Sabbath ibid. 9. Of Noah that he kept not the Sabbath Page 340 10. The Sacrifices and devotions of the Ancients were occasional ibid. CHAP. III. That the Sabbath was not kept from the Flood to Moses 1. The Sons of Noah did not keep the Sabbath Page 341 2. The Sabbath could not have been kept in the dispersion of Noahs Sons had it not been commanded Page 342 3. Diversity of Longitudes and Latitudes must of necessity make a variation in the Sabbath Page 343 4. Melchisedech Heber Lot did not keep the Sabbath Page 344 5. Of Abraham and his Sons that they kept not the Sabbath ibid. 6. That Abraham did not keep the Sabbath in the confession of the Jews Page 345 7. Jacob nor Job no Sabbath-keepers ibid. 8. That neither Joseph Moses nor the Israelites in Egypt did observe the Sabbath Page 346 9. The Israelites not permitted to offer Sacrifice while they were in Egypt ibid. 10. Particular proofs that all the Moral Law was both known and kept amongst the Fathers Page 347 CHAP. IV. The nature of the fourth Commandment and that the Sabbath was not kept among the Gentiles 1. The Sabbath first made known in the fall of Mannah Page 348 2. The giving of the Decalogue and how far it bindeth Page 349 3. That in the judgment of the Fathers in the Christian Church the fourth Commandment is of a different nature from the other nine Page 350 4. The Sabbath was first given for a Law by Moses Page 351 5. And being given was proper only to the Jews Page 352 6. What moved the Lord to give the Israelites a Sabbath ibid. 7. Why the seventh day was rather chosen for the Sabbath than any other Page 353 8. The seventh day not more honoured by the Gentiles than the eighth or ninth Page 354 9. The Attributes given by some Greek Poets to the seventh day no argument that they kept the the Sabbath Page 355 10. The Jews derided for their Sabbath by the Grecians Romans and Egyptians Page 356 11. The division of the year into weeks not generally used of old amongst the Gentiles Page 357 CHAP. V. The practice of the Jews in such observances as were annexed unto the Sabbath 1. Of some particular adjuncts affixed unto the Jewish Sabbath Page 358 2. The Annual Festivals called Sabbaths in the Book of God and reckoned as a
too much to our ancient Martyrs c. exemplified in the parity of Ministers and popular elections unto Benefices allowed by Mr. John Lambert Page 547 2. Nothing ascribed to Calvins judgment by our first Reformers but much to the Augustine Confession the Writings of Melancthon Page 548 3. And to the Authority of Erasmus his Paraphrases being commended to the use of the Church by King Edward VI. and the Reasons why ibid. 4. The Bishops Book in order to a Reformation called The institution of a Christian man commanded by King Henry VIII 1537. correcied afterwards with the Kings own hand examined and allowed by Cranmer approved by Parliament and finally published by the name of Necessary Doctrine c. An. 1543. ibid. 5. The Doctrine of the said two Books in the points disputed agreeable unto that which after was established by King Edward VI. Page 549 6. Of the two Liturgies made in the time of King Edward VI. and the manner of them the testimony given unto the first and the alterations in the second Page 550 7. The first Book of Homilies by whom made approved by Bucer and of the Argument that may be gathered from the method of it in the points disputed ibid. 8. The quality and condition of those men who principally concurred to the Book of Articles with the Harmony or consent in judgment between Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Ridley Bishop Hooper c. Page 551 9. The Doctrine delivered in the Book of Articles touching the five controverted points ibid. 10. An Answer to the Objection against these Articles for the supposed want of Authority in the making of them Page 552 11. An Objection against King Edwards Catechism mistaken for an Objection against the Articles refelled as that Catechism by John Philpot Martyr and of the delegating of some powers by that Convocation to a choice Committee Page 553 12. The Articles not drawn up in comprehensible or ambiguous terms to please all parties but to be understood in the respective literal and Grammatical sense and the Reasons why ibid. CHAP. IX Of the Doctrine of Predestination delivered in the Articles the Homilies the publique Liturgies and the Writings of some of the Reformers 1. The Articles differently understood by the Calvinian party and the true English Protestants with the best way to find out the true sense thereof Page 555 2. The definition of Predestination and the most considerable points contained in it ibid. 3. The meaning of those words in the definition viz. Whom he hath chosen in Christ according to the Exposition of S. Ambrose S. Chrysostom S. Jerom as also of Archbishop Cranmer Bishop Latimer and the Book of Homilies Page 556 4. The Absolute Decree condemned by Bishop Latimer as a means to Licentiousness and Carnal living ibid. 5. For which and making God to be the Author of sin condemned as much by Bishop Hooper ibid. 6. Our Election to be found in Christ not sought for in Gods secret Councils according to the judgment of Bishop Hatimer Page 557 7. The way to find out our Election delivered by the same godly Bishop and by Bishop Hooper with somewhat to the same purpose also from the Book of Homilies ibid. 8. The Doctrine of Predestination delivered by the holy Martyr John Bradford with Fox his gloss upon the same to corrupt the sense Page 558 9. No countenance to be had for any absolute personal and irrespective decree of Predestination in the publique Liturgie ibid. 10. An Answer to such passages out of the said Liturgie as seem to favour that opinion as also touching the number of Gods Elect. CHAP. X. The Doctrine of the Church concerning Reprobation and Universal Redemption 1. The absolute Decree of Reprobation not found in the Articles of this Church but against it in some passages of the publick Liturgie Page 560 2. The cause of Reprobation to be found in a mans self and not in Gods Decrees according to the judgment of Bishop Latimer and Bishop Hooper ibid. 3. The Absolute Decrees of Election and Reprobation how contrary to the last clause in the seventeenth Article Page 561 4. The inconsistency of the Absolute Decree of Reprobation with the Doctrine of Vniversal Redemption by the death of Christ ibid. 5. The Vniversal Redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ declared in many places of the publick Liturgie and affirmed also in one of the Homilies and the Book of Articles Page 502 6. A further proof of it from the Mission of the Apostles and the Prayer used in the Ordination of Priests ibid. 7. The same confirmed by the Writings of Archbishop Cranmer and the two other Bishops before mentioned Page 563 8. A Generality of the Promises and an Vniversality of Vocation maintained by the said two godly Bishops ibid. 9. The reasons why this benefit is not made effectual to all sorts of men to be found only in themselves ibid. CHAP. XI Of the Heavenly influences of Gods grace in the Conversion of a Sinner and a mans cooperation with those Heavenly influences 1. The Doctrine of Deserving Grace ex congruo maintained in the Roman Schools before the Council of Trent rejected by our ancient Martyrs and the Book of Articles Page 564 2. The judgment of Dr. Barns and Mr. Tyndal touching the necessary workings of Gods grace on the will of man not different from that of the Church of England Page 565 3. Vniversal grace maintained by Bishop Hooper and approved by some passages in the Liturgie and Book of Homilies ibid. 4. The offer of Vniversal grace made ineffectual to some for want of faith and to others for want of repentance according to the judgment of Bishop Hooper ibid. 5. The necessity of Grace Preventing and the free co-operation of mans will being so prevented maintained in the Articles in the Homilies and the publique Liturgie Page 566 6. The necessity of this co-operation on the part of man defended and applied to the exercise of a godly life by Bishop Hooper ibid. 7. The Doctrine of Irresistibility first broached by Calvin pertinaciously maintained by most of his followers and by Gomarus amongst others Page 567 8. Gainsaid by Bishop Hooper and Bishop Latimer ibid. 9. And their gain-sayings justified by the tenth Article of King Edwards Books Page 568 And 10. The Book of Homilies ibid. CHAP. XII The Doctrine of Free-will agreed upon by the Clergy in their Convocation An. 1543. 1. Of the Convocation holden in the year 1543. in order to the Reformation of Religion in points of Doctrine Page 569 2. The Article of Free-will in all the powers and workings of it agreed on by the Prelates and Clergie of that Convocation agreeable to the present Doctrine of the Church of England ibid. 3. An Answer to the first Objection concerning the Popishness of the Bishops and Clergie in that Convocation Page 571 4. The Article of Free-will approved by King Henry VIII and Archbishop Cranmer Page 572 5. An Answer to the last Objection concerning the Conformity of
Doctrine in the Points disputed under the new establishment made by Queen Elizabeth 1. The Doctrine of the second Book of Homilies concerning the wilful fall of Adam the miserable estate of man the restitution of lost man in Jesus Christ and the universal redemption of all mankind by his death and passion Page 601 2. The doctrine of the said second Book concerning universal grace the possibility of a total and final falling and the co-operation of mans will with the grace of God Page 602 3. The judgment of Reverend Bishop Jewel touching the universal redemption of man-kind by the death of Christ Predestination grounded upon faith in Christ and reached out unto all them that believe in him by Mr. Alexander Nowel ibid. 4. Dr. Harsnet in his Sermon at St. Pauls Cross Anno 1584. sheweth that the absolute decree of Reprobation turneth the truth of God into a lie and makes him to the Author of sin Page 603 5. That it deprives man of the natural freedom of his will makes God himself to be double-minded to have two contrary wills and to delight in mocking his poor Creature Man ibid. 6. And finally that it makes God more cruel and unmerciful than the greatest Tyrant contrary to the truth of Scripture and the constant Doctrine of the Fathers Page 604 7. The rest of the said Sermon reduced unto certain other heads directly contrary to the Calvinian Doctrine in the points disputed ibid. 8. Certain considerations on the Sermon aforesaid with reference to the subject of it as also to the time place and persons in and before which it was first preached Page 605 9. An Answer to some Objections concerning a pretended Recantation falsly affirmed to have been made by the said Mr. Harsnet ibid. 10. That in the judgment of the Right Learned Dr. King after Bishop of London the alteration of Gods denounced judgments in some certain cases infers no alteration in his Councils the difference between the changing of the will and to will a change Page 606 11. That there is something in Gods decrees revealed to us and something concealed unto himself the difference between the inferiour and superiour causes and of the conditionality of Gods threats and promises ibid. 12. The accomodating of the former part of this discourse to the case of the Ninevites Page 607 13. And not the case of the Ninevites to the case disputed ibid. CHAP. XIX Of the first great breach which was made in the Doctrine of the Church by whom it was made and what was done towards the making of it up 1. Great alterations made in the face of the Church from the return of such Divines as had withdrawn themselves beyond Sea in the time of Queen Mary with the necessity of imploying them in the publick service if otherwise of known zeal against the Papists Page 609 2. Several examples of that kind in the places of greatest power and trust in the Church of England particularly of Mr. Fox the Martyrologist and the occasion which he took of publishing his opinion in the point of Predestination ibid. 3. His Notes on one of the Letters of John Bradford Martyr touching the matter of Election therein contained ibid. 4. The difference between the Comment and the Text and between the Author of the Comment and Bishop Hooper Page 612 5. Exceptions against some passages and observations upon others in the said Notes of Mr. Fox ibid. 6. The great breach made hereby in the Churches Doctrine made greater by the countenance which was given to the Book of Acts and Monuments by the Convocation Anno 1571. Page 613 7. No argument to be drawn from hence touching the approbation of his doctrine by that Convocation no more than for the Approbation of his Marginal Notes and some particular passages in it disgraceful to the Rites of the Church attire of the Bishops ibid. 8. A counterballance made in the Convocation against Fox his Doctrine and all other Novelisms of that kind Page 614 CHAP. XX. Of the great Invocation made by Perkins in the publick Doctrine the stirs arising thence in Cambridge and Mr. Barrets carriage in them 1. Of Mr. Perkins and his Doctrine of Predestination with his recital of the four opinions which were then maintained about the fame Page 614 2. The sum and substance of his Doctrine according to the Supralapsarian or Supra-creatarian way Page 615 3. The several censures past upon it both by Papists and Protestants by none more sharply than by Dr. Rob. Abbots after Bishop of Sarum Page 616 4. Of Dr. Baroe the Lady Margarets Professor in the Vniversity and his Doctrine touching the divine Decrees upon occasion of Gods denounced Judgment against the Ninivites ibid. 5. His constant opposition to the Predestinarians and the great increase of his Adherents Page 617 6. The Articles collected out of Barrets Sermon derogatory to the Doctrine and persons of the chief Calvinians ibid. 7. Barret convented for the same and the proceedings had against him at his first conventing Page 618 8. A Form of Recantation delivered to him but not the same which doth occur in the Anti-Arminianism to be found in the Records of the Vniversity ibid. 9. Several Arguments to prove that Barret never published the Recantation imposed upon him Page 619 10. The rest of Barrets story related in his own Letter to Dr. Goad being then Vice-Chancellor ibid. 11. The sentencing of Barret to a Recantation no argument that his Doctrine was repugnant to the Church of England and that the body of the same Vniversity differed from the heads in that particular Page 620 CHAP. XXI Of the proceedings against Baroe the Articles of Lambeth and the general calm which was in Oxon touching these Disputes 1. The differences between Baroe and Dr. Whitacres the address of Whitacres and others to Arch-bishop Whitgift which drew on the Articles of Lambeth Page 621 2. The Articles agreed on at Lambeth presented both in English and Latine Page 622 3. The Articles of no authority in themselves Archbishop Whitgift questioned for them together with the Queens command to have them utterly supprest ibid. 4. That Baroe neither was deprived of his Professorship nor compelled to leave it the Anti-Calvinian party being strong enough to have kept him in if he had desired it Page 623 5. A Copy of the Letter from the Heads in Cambridge to the Lord Treasurer Burleigh occasioned as they said by Barret and Baroe Page 624 6. Dr. Overalds encounters with the Calvinists in the point of falling from the grace received his own private judgment in the point neither for total nor for final and the concurrence of some other Learned men in the same opinion Page 625 7. The general calm which was at Oxon at that time touching these disputes and the Reasons of it ibid. 8. An Answer to that Objection out of the writings of judicious Hooker of the total and final falling Page 626 9. The disaffections of Dr. Bukeridge and Dr. Houson to Calvins
albeit the light of Reason doth abide yet is it much darkned and with much difficulty doth discern things that be inferiour and pertain to this present life but to understand and perceive things that be spiritual and pertain to that everlasting life it is of it self unable And so likewise there remains a certain freedom of the will in those things which do pertain unto the desires and works of this present life yet to perform spiritual and heavenly things Freewill of it self is unsufficient and therefore the power of mans Freewill being thus wounded and decayed hath need of a Physician to heal it and one help to repair it that it may receive light and strength whereby it may be so and have power to do those godly and spiritual things which before the fall of Adam it was able and might have done To this blindness and infirmity of mans Nature proceeding of Original sin the Prophet David hath regard when he desired his eyes to be lightened of Almighty God that he might consider the marvellous things that be in his Law And also the Prophet Jeremy saying Psalm 115. Jer. 16. Heal me O Lord and I shall be made whole Augustin also plainly declareth the same saying We conclude that Freewill is in man after his fall which thing whoso denieth is not a Catholick man but in spiritual desires and works to please God it is so weak and feeble hat it cannot eithre begin or perform them unless by the Grace and help of God it be prevented and holpen And hereby it appeareth that mans strength and Will in all things which be helpful to the soul and shall please God hath need of the graces of the holy Ghost by which such things be inspired to men and strength and constancy given to perform them if we do not wilfully refuse the said Grace effered to them And likewise as many things be in the Scripture which do shew Freewill to be in man so there be now fewer places in Scripture which declare the Grace of God to be so necessary that if by it Freewill be not prevented and holpen it neither can do nor will any thing good and godly of which sort be these Scriptures following Without me you can do nothing no man cometh to me except it be given him of my Father John 15. Jon. 6.1 Cor. 3. We be not sufficient of our selves as of our selves to think any good thing According unto which Scriptures and such other like it followeth That Freewill before it may will or think any godly thing must be holpen with the grace of Christ and by his Spirit be prevented and inspired that it may be able thereunto And being so made able may from thenceforth work together with grace and by the same sustained holpen and maintained may both accomplish good works and avoid sin and persevere also and increase in grace It is true of the grace of God only that first we are inspired and moved to any good thing but to resist temptations and to persist in goodness and go forward it is both of the Grace of God and our Freewill and endeavour And finally after we have persevered unto the end to be crowned with glory therefore is the gift and mercy of God who of his bountiful goodness hath ordained that reward to be given after this life according to such good works as be done in this life by his Grace Therefore men ought with much diligence and gratitude of mind to consider and regard the inspiration wholesom motions of the holy Ghost and to embrace the Grace of God which is offered to them in Christ and moveth them to work good things And furthermore to go about by all means to shew themselves such as unto whom the Grace of God is not given in vain And when they do settle that notwithstanding their diligence yet through their infirmity they be not able to do that they desire then they ought earnestly and with a fervent devotion and stedfast faith to ask of him which gave the beginning that he would vouchsafe to perform it which thing God will undoubtedly grant according to his promise to such as persevere in calling upon him For he is naturally good and willeth all men to be saved and careth for them and provideth all things by which they may be saved except BY THEIR OWN MALICE they will be evil and so by the righteous judgment of God perish and be lost For truly men be to themselves the AVTHOR OF SIN and DAMNATION God is neither the AVTHOR OF SIN nor the CAVSE OF DAMNATION and yet doth he most righteously damn those men that do with Vices corrupt their Nature which he made good and do abuse the same to evil desires against his most holy will wherefore men be to be warned that they do not impute to God their Vice or their damnation but to themselves who by Freewill have abused the grace and benefits of God All men be also to be monished and chiefly Preachers that in this high matter they looking on both sides so attemper and moderate themselves that neither they so preach the Grace of God as to take away thereby Freewill Nor on the other side so extol Freewill that injury be done to the grace of God Such was the judgment of the Bishops and Clergy assembled in Convocation Anno 1543. touching the nature of Freewill and the co-operations of it with the grace of God In which I can see nothing not agreeable to the present establish'd Doctrine of the Church of England And if it be objected as perhaps it may that this Convocation was held in times of Popery and managed by a Popish Clergy it may be answered that the Bishops and Clergy then assembled were such as had a principal hand in the Reformation and generally subscribed unto the Articles of Religion agreed upon and published in King Edwards time Anno 1552. At which time fifteen of the Bishops which had been present at the Convocation Anno 1543. were not only living but present and consenting to the Articles in King Edwards time that is to say Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury Parfew Bishop of Saint Asaph Buchely Bishop of Bangor Bush Bishop of Bristol Sampson Bishop of Litchfield Barlow Bishop of Saint David Goodrich Bishop of Ely Ship Bishop of Hereford Folgate Bishop of Landaff and afterwards Archbishop of York King Bishop of Oxon Chambers Bishop of Peterborough Cepon Bishop of Sarum Thirlby then Bishop of Westminster Aldrich then Bishop of Carlile and Bird Bishop of Chester By which proportion we may conclude that a far greater number of the Deans and Arch-deacons who have a personal right of voting in all Convocations and coming to the number of eighty and thereabouts must be living and consenting also to the Reformation as being younger men than the Bishops were not to say any thing of the Clerks or Procurates of Cathedral Churches and those of the Diocesan Clergy as being variable and changeable
from time to time though possibly a great part of them might be present and consenting also 1552. Nor stood this book nor the Article of Freewill therein contained upon the order and authority only of this Convocation but had as good countenance and encouragement to walk abroad as could be superadded to it by an Act of Parliament as appears plainly by the Kings Preface to that Book and the Act it self to which for brevity sake I refer the Reader But if it be replyed that there is no relying on the Acts of Parliament which were generally swayed changed and over-ruled by the power and passions of the King and that the Act of Parliament which approved this Book was repealed the first year of King Edward the sixth as indeed it was we might refer the Reader to a passage in the Kings Epistle before remembred in which the Doctrine of Freewill is affirmed to have been purged of all Popish Errors concerning which take here the words of the Epistle Epist Ded. viz. And for as much as the heads and senses of our people have been imbusied and in these days travelled with the understanding of Freewill Justification c. We have by the advice of our Clergy for the purgation of Erroneous Doctrine declared and set forth openly plainly and without ambiguity of speech the meer and certain truth of them so as we verily trust that to know God and how to live after his pleasure to the attaining of everlasting life in the end this Book containeth a perfect and sufficient Doctrine grounded and established in holy Scriptures And if it be rejoyned as perhaps it may that King Henry used to shift Opinion in matters which concerned Religion according unto interest and reason of State it must be answered that the whole Book and every Tract therein contained was carefully corrected by Archbishop Cranmer the most blessed instrument under God of the Reformation before it was committed to the Prolocutor and the rest of the Clergy For proof whereof I am to put the Reader in mind of a Letter of the said Archbishop relating to the eighth Chapter of this book in which he signified to an honourable Friend of his that he had taken the more pains in it because the Book being to be set forth by his Graces that is to say the Kings censure and judgment he could have nothing in it that Momus himself could reprehend as before was said And this I hope will be sufficient to free this Treatise of Freewill from the crime of Popery But finally if notwithstanding all these Reasons it shall be still pressed by those of the Calvinian party that the Doctrine of Freewill which is there delivered is in all points the same with that which was concluded and agreed on in the Council of Trent as appears Cap. de fructibus justificationis merito bonorum operum Can. 34. and therefore not to be accounted any part of the Protestant Doctrine which was defended and maintained by the Church of England according to the first Rules of her Reformation the answers will be many and every answer not without its weight and moment For first it was not the intent of the first Reformers to depart farther from the Rites and Doctrines of the Church of Rome than that Church had departed from the simplicity both of Doctrine and Ceremonies which had been publickly maintained and used in the Primitive times as appears plainly by the whole course of their proceedings so much commended by King James in the Conserence at Hampton Court Secondly this Doctrine must be granted also to be the same with that of the Melancthonian Divines or moderate Lutherans as was confessed by Andreas Vega one of the chief sticklers in the Council of Trent who on the agitating of the Point did confess ingenuously that there was no difference betwixt the Lutherans and the Church touching that particular And then it must be confessed also that it was the Doctrine of Saint Augustine according to that Divine saying of his Sine gratia Dei praeveniente ut velimus subsequente ne frustra velimus ad pietatis opera nil valemus which is the same of that of the tenth Article of the Church of England where it is said That without the grace of God preventing us that we may have a good will and working with us when we have that good will we can do nothing that is acceptable to him in the ways of piety So that if the Church of England must be Arminian and the Arminian must be Papist because they agree together in this particular the Melancthonian Divines amongst the Protestants yea and St. Augustine amongst the Ancients himself must be Papists also CHAP. XIII The Doctrine of the Church of England concerning the certainty or uncertainty of Perseverance 1. The certainty of Grace debated in the Council of Trent and maintained in the Affirmative by the Dominicans and some others 2. The contrary affirmed by Catarinus and his adherents 3. The doubtful resolution of the Council in it 4. The Calvinists not content with certainty of Grace quoad statum praesentem presume upon it also quoad statum suturum 5. The bounds and limits wherewith the judgment in this point ought rationally to be circumscribed 6. The Doctrine of the Church of England in the present Artìcle 7. Justified by the testimonies of Bishop Latimer Bishop Hooper and Master Tyndal 8. And proved by several arguments from the publick Liturgy 9. The Homily commends a probable and sted-fast hope But 10. Allows no certainty of Grace and perseverance in any ordinary way to the Sons of men OF all the Points which exercised the wits and patience of the School-men in the Council of Trent there was none followed with more heat between the parties than that of the certainty of Grace occasioned by some passages in the writings of Luther wherein such certainty was maintained as necessary unto justification and an essential part thereof In canvasing of which point the one part held that certainty of grace was presumption the other that one might have it meritoriously The ground of the first was Hist of the Coun of Trent fol. 205. c. that Saint Thomas Saint Bonaventure and generally the School-men thought so for which cause the major part of the Dominicans were of the same opinion besides the authority of the Doctors they alledged for reasons that God would not that man should be certain that be might not be lifted up in pride and esteem of themselves that he might not prefer himself before others as he that knoweth himself to be just would do before manifest sinners and a Christian would so become drowsie careless and negligent to do good Therefore they said that uncertainty was profitable yea and meritorious besides because it is a passion of the mind which doth afflict it and being supported is turned to merit They alledged many places of the Scripture also of Solomon that a man knoweth not