Excommunicates and Absolves by himself or his Magistrates all Laymen and Ecclesiasticks Bishops and Cardinals themselves residing in his Kingdom This Right say they farther though derived from the Holy See is now Irrevocable it is the Sovereigns Property Thus the King of Spain is alike in Spirituals and Temporals and has the same Right there as the Pope has in Countries under his Obedience Joan the foolish Mother of Charles V. and divers other Princesses who Reigned alone Sicily every one of these Ladies were Sanctissimo Padre This Title was given them and their Magistrates They might in this Quality preside in Provincial and National Councils or substitute others in their Room The Kings of Spain are so jealous of this rare Prerogative that in the Reign of Charles V. a Vice-Roy of Sicily Collected all the Titles and Acts which serve for the Justification of it Three Authentick Copies of this Collection were drawn at the same time by order of the Viceroy In the year 1698. one was exposed to Sale in London it had been brought away the last time Barcelona was taken by the French I had it a pretty while in my Hands The Right Reverend the Bishop of Norwich curious in all good Books did not purchase it too dear considering the rarity of the Manuscript This is a Collection like that of the Proofs of the Liberties of the Gallican Church It contains chiefly divers Judgments given in the Tribunal commonly called of the Monarchy of Sicily The Cardinal Baronius in the eleventh Tome of his Annals vigorously Attacked this Spiritual Power which the Catholick Kings ascribe to themselves without Scruple A Right never heard of says the Cardinal A Right that Frederick the Second and his Children those unjust Tyrants and Rebellious Persecutors of the Roman Church never were so Audacious as to usurp This caused a great Contest between Baronius and the Cardinal Colonna who pretended his Brother had no Reason to set himself so violently against the King of Spain The Court of Madrid was so displeased at the Author of the Annals that she procured him to be excluded in a Conclave where he had 37 Voices At last upon the 3d of October 1610. Philip III. published an Edict where after great Complaints made against the Invectives of Baronius and a long Enumeration of the Services which the Kings of Spain and Sicily his Predecessors had done for the Church of Rome he forbids his Subjects on severe Penalties to Read or Sell the Eleventh Volume of Baronius Annals till the place Repugnant with the Monarchy of Sicily was Expunged Servin knew very well the example of the King of Spain was of great weight with Mary de Medicis who every day contracted new Tyes to Philip he hoped this would hinder the Regent from taking exception at the Proceedings of the Parlement against Bellarmine's Book The Advocate General was deceived in his Conjecture The Queen was not less devoted to the Court of Rome than that of Madrid The Nuncio in Spain did not dare to open his Mouth against the Edict of Philip. The Popes Agent was bolder and more Successful in France At his Sollicitation the Regent ordered the Execution of the Decree of Parlement against Bellarmine's Book to be Superseded The Enemies of the Sovereign Power of Kings ever had Liberty of Speaking and Writing Differences of the Marquiss of Aucre with the Count of Soissons and Dpke of Epernon The Marquess of Ancre a Favourite of Mary's began to be insupportable to the Princes and first Lords of the Court. In the Kings Journey to Rheims the Servants of the Machioness had some Contest with those of the Cardinal Joyeuse about Lodgings Conchini made first Gentleman of the Chamber had likewise a Dispute about the Precedence with Bellegarde Great Esquire at the Publick Entry of the King into Paris on his return from his Inauguration The Duke of Epernon a Kinsman of Bellegarde declared against Conchini Mem. de la Regence de Marie de Medicis and the Count of Soissons enraged at him for assisting the Duke of Guise to marry the Dowager of Montpensier would not any more speak to the Marquess of Ancre The Enmity of two such powerful Men made him very uneasie He labour'd to be reconciled to them Soissons was not very averse to this but he required the Marquess and his Wife should serve him in two Things which he passionately desired to marry the Count of Enghien his Son to the Princess Heiress of Montpensier and to ruine the Duke of Sully Their Reconciliation For the first Proposition the Marquess delivered himself in General Terms to those who were concerned in this Accommodation He spoke more positively on the Article of the Duke of Sully in case the Ministers would side with him Conchini did not love the Duke He was afraid the Interest of an Old Minister might be an Obstacle to his growing Favour Nevertheless the Count of Soissons did not dare to conclude this Reconciliation till the Duke of Epernon was satisfied It was not so easie to bring down his Haughty and Stubborn Spirit who pretended to be his own Support independently on all Favourites Epernon required Conchini should come to him and make him Satisfaction in the presence of the Count of Soissons He blown up with his Favour and New Honour refused that Submission to the Duke which he could without meanness make to a Prince of the Blood Soissons found an Expedient which might be a Salvo for the Nicety of the one and satisfie the Haughty Humour of the other The President Jeannin had presented Conchini to the Count after those Compliments had passed which were agreed oâ—… before the two New Friends sate down to play together The Game being over It is not enough says Soissons to the Marquess that we are Reconciled You must have a right understanding with all my good Friends I am going to make a visit to onâ—… of them I beg your Company I am disposed to do what you please replyed Conchini They were soon at the Hôtel of Epernon all things were carried there to thâ—… content of both Parties That which 〈◊〉 lookt on as a Trifle amonst Private Meâ—…passes for a weighty Matter with greaâ—… ones A Party formed at Court against the Duke 〈◊〉 Sully There was no need to take much painâ—… to gain the Ministers over to act in Concert with the others to ruine the Duke of Sully He had a Misunderstanding witâ—… Villeroy the only Man of their Number who had taken pains to keep him in Employ Sharp and Affronting words paâ—…sed between them in the Council in thâ—… Queens Presence Villeroy who though himself to be the more necessary and to have the better Interest leaves the Court. This was a sort of Menace that he would not return as long as Sully had a share in the Government The Regent her self was inclin'd to dismiss him A Protestant could not be very grateful to a Princess who blindly
more Authority than the Decrees of Boniface VIII and other Constitutions of Ambitious and Usurping Popes that the Examples of Emperors and Princes Excommunicated and Deposed by Popes are facts which can't prove a Right lawfully acquired And so this Work ended in submitting all these Propositions to the Judgment of the Church Richer's Testament at the end of the 2d Vol. of his Works Edmund Richer had composed this Book at the Entreaty of the chief President Verdun He put it into the Press after the Sentence made betwixt the University of Paris and the Jesuits As soon as this Book appear'd Duval and other Doctors of the Popes Faction excited by the Nuncio made a fearful noise they got at first too strong and numerous a Cabal for having the Work to be censur'd at Sorbonne Vbaldini's Auditor and Forgemont Mercure Francois 1612. went from Door to Door to Sollicite the Censure When the Parlement had cognisance of it they sent for Richer and Forgemont The first was Reprimanded for that he had publish't his Book without permission and any Precedent Examination according to the Statutes The other Doctor was much blam'd because he was in League with a Foreigner to procure by extraordinary ways an Assembly of the faculty at Paris which was to Deliberate upon a Work where the Author treated of many Important Questions touching the Rights and Liberties of the Gallican Church The Parlement put forth another Act to prohibit the Faculty from proceeding to the Examination of Richer's Book and to order that all the Copies should be carried to the Registry of Parlement The most Prudent and most Apprehensive Doctors declared themselves for Richer but Duval and some hot Spirited Men penn'd bloody Books against him The Cardinal Perron and the Bishops of the Province of Sens condemn Richer's Book in an Assembly The outcry was so furious as they threatned him with nothing less than Transportation to Rome and sending of him to the Inquisition to be burn't there afterwards The greatest and most dangerous Enemy of Richer was Cardinal Perron push't on by the Cardinal Gonzaga and the Nuncio Vbaldini Perron had the Malice to say in the Queen's Council that he had been a long time heretofore in the party of the League that he did not set the Council above the Pope but because he supposed that the States General are above Kings Lastly that he had it in his Eye to fling at the birth of the King and his State with the Children of Henry IV. and the Validity of the Marriage of the late King with the Queen Mother Richer ask't leave to defend himself against the Calumnies of the Cardinal but the Nuncio made so great a noise on his side as so just a Request could not be granted him Vbaldini even threatned to depart presently from Paris without taking his leave of the King The Cardinal de Bonzi declar'd one day to Richer from the Chancellor Sileri that he should be taken into Custody if he answer'd any of the Libels which his Adversaries publish't against him How said Bonzi The King and Queen his Mother know how to deal with the little Republick of Geneva And why will you say can't their Majesties as well keep the Pope in awe who is otherwise more powerful than the Seignory of Geneva Besides that his Spiritual Dominion extends over all the World he is Sovereign of many Provinces in Italy T' was thus that the Grandees imagined their Elevation gave them right to pay others with most extravagant Answers The Enemies of Richer seeing there was nothing to do in the Sorbonne by reason of the Parlement they sought some other Means to stain the Reputation of this good Man Cardinal du Perron was to hold an Assembly at Paris consisting of the Bishops of the Province of Sens of which he 's the Metropolitan for to depute at a General Assembly of the Clergy to be held in the Month of May and to Nominate an Agent of the Clergy An occasion was taken to present Richer's Book to this sort of Provincial Council The President fail'd not to have it condemn'd there as containing many false Propositions Erroneous Scandalous Schismatical and Heretical without touching however said they the Rights of the King and Crown of France or the Rights Immunities and Liberties of the Gallican Church Never was there a more Irregular Censure than this The Prelates had not power to Assemble but upon some certain Temporal Affairs of the Clergy of their Province The pretended Cardinal's Council was not therefore call'd according to the rightful Form Of eight Bishops who compos'd it five Signed the Condemnation without having been present at the Examination of the Book One might have been surpriz'd to find there the Name of Gabriel de l'Aubespine Bishop of Orleans well known by his Books wherein he endeavours to clear some curious Passages of Ecclesiastical Antiquity if one did not otherwise know that this Prelate was a Courtier who led a Disorderly Life The Bishop of Orleans they were won't to say in those days is writing for the Church when he hath no more Money to game withal The Parlement having taken in hand the Affair of Richer's Book the Bishops of the Province of Sens could not pronounce upon it without encroaching upon the King and Parlement's Authority They ought to send for the Author and hear his Defence At last the Cardinals condemn'd and absolv'd at the same time All the Propositions pretended to be erroneous and heretical in Richer's Book respected the Rights of the King and Liberties of the Gallican Church and this was the reason why the Fathers of the Council would not meddle 'T was expected from their Knowledge and Equity that they would have declared to the Publick Richer's Heresies which have no Relation to the Rights of the Crown and Privileges of the Gallican Church Gondi Bishop of Paris having caused to be publish't in all his Parishes the Decree of the Council where he was present Richer appealed as from an Abuse He presented a Relief of Appeal to be Sealed but they refused him the Letters he askt for without any regard to the good Reasons he alledg'd in offering to justifie himself The Cabal was so strong as the Parlement dared not receive the Petition which Richer had presented to demand from the Court that they would be pleased to order his Letters of Relief should be Sealed Perron was too subtile to suffer that the Decree of his Provincial Council should be examin'd in Parlement The Advocate General would not have fail'd to prove to the Cardinal that t' was himself who was downright ignorant or at least a Malicious Accuser and Cowardly Flatterer of the Pope Recher is devested of his Sindic or Headship of the Doctors of the faculty of Paris Injustice was push't to the utmost against poor Richer Some Months after Harlai de Chanvalon Abbot of St. Victor at Paris a Man who according to the Nature of his Family declared for
it was fit that the Five Articles should be Considered in the Synode before they that maintained them should be Tolerated by Law To give leave to any said they in the same Church in the same Pulpit to Preach such contrary Doctrines is to expose the Province to great Destractions The Disputes Replied the others are about Speculative Doctrines which are of no Importance to Salvation What Inconvenience is there in giving every one the Liberty of Speaking their own Thoughts with Modesty The Emperors and Christian Princes have often without the Assistance of the Clergy made Laws to Regulate the Doctrine and Practice of the Church These Reasons did not then Convince the Deputies and Magistrates of several Cities of Holland They a long time denied their Consent to the publication of the Edict These of Amsterdam were more obstinate than the rest They Demanded that their Dissent should be Entred in the Register of the State And hence it came about that the Edict Projected in the Year 1613. was not published till the beginning of the Year 1614. The States of Holland Exhorted the Ministers when they Preachâ—… from those Texts where Predestination destination is mentioned to follow the Precept of St. Paul and to Preach that the Beginning Progress and End of Salvation was owing alone to the Grace of Jesus Christ and not to Works of those that are Called They were forbid to Preach that God made Men to damn them and that he puts them under a necessity of Sinning and that he invites those to Salvation whom he has resolved never to Save Lastly the States Ordered that they should not be molested who in explaining the Doctrine of Predestination suppose that Men are saved by the alone Grace of Jesus Christ in persevering in the Faith unto the End and that all those that believe not in Jesus Christ are damned As for all other Doctrines the States forbid them to Preach any that was not agreeable to the Doctrines commonly received in the Chuches of Holland So far was this Edict which was drawn up with such Care to satisfie all the World from Calming the Tempest which had some time continued that it encreased its Fury some Contra-Remonstrants Ministers wrote Books to persuade the People not to submit to the Edict They openly accus'd the States of favouring Popery and of introducing a bad Doctrine into the Vnited Provinces Vytenbogard wrote in Defence of the Edict of the States There came out every day some Book or other for and against the Edict One for Sibrand and another for Grotius This Division entred the Churches The Contra-Remonstrants being resolved to hold no more Communion with their Adversaries met by themselves in private Houses It was matter of great Dispute between them whether the Edict was approved of in England or no. Grotius received a Letter from Casaubon a Man equally sincere and accomplished with all polite Learning Casaubon assur'd his Friend that the King the Archbishop of Canterbury and several other Prelates of greatest Note had approved of the Edict The Strain in which it is Writ says Casaubon seems to the King and to the Rest equally distant from the Two opposite Extremes Manicheism and Pelagianism The necessity of Grace is there Establisht The Contra-Remonstrants produc'd of their Side Letters from England which Imported that neither his Brittannick Majesty nor the Prelates of the Church of England approv'd the Edict and the Conduct of the States of Holland But upon the whole the Testimonies of Casaubon who in Person spoke to the King and the Bishops seems preferâ—…able to any angry Mans Letters which the Contra-Remonstrants pretended to THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII King of France and Navarre BOOK V. THE Joy which Mary de Medicis had conceived to see her self delivered from a Rupture with Spain occasioned by the Affair of Mantua was of short Continuance The Retreat of the Prince de Conde and several other Discontented Lords who by Consent had left the Court in the beginning of the Year 1614. very much allarmed her Majesty The Mareschal de Bovillon had very cunningly Formed this new Party to serve his own Interests This subtle and ambitious Man taking it ill that he was not intrusted enough in the management of Affairs Memorie du Duc de Rohan Siri Memoire recondite To. III. p. 222. and that the Regent did not Reward him suitably to the great Services he imagined he had done her Majesty try'd to make himself necessary to the Queen and her Ministers by involving them in Troubles out of which he alone was able to deliver them Hereupon he persuades with all his might the Prince de Conde whom the Queen had disgusted by the denial she had given him of the Chà teau-trompette and by recalling the Old Ministers who he thought were utterly turned of as also by the hasty Rise of Conchini who had been drawn of from his Party publickly to make known his Discontent The Dukes de Nevers de Maìenne de Vendòme de Longueville de Piney-Luxembourg and several others being brought over by the Mareschal de Bovillon enter into New Engagements with the first Prince of the Blood They agree to retire all from Court almost at the same time and to meet in Champagne in order to Demand conjunctly Redress of the Disorders of the Government An Illusion with which the Princes and great Lords have too often blinded the Eyes of the People when they have a mind to make use of them to effect their own private Designs The People would have been Fool'd by them to this very day in France If having been less Covetous of the Preferments of the Court they had had at least the Wit to have kept them from utter Slavery and had not utterly incapacitated them to joyn with them upon occasion But the Princes and great Lords by Sacrificing the Interests of the People to their own avarice and ambition are now themselves undone without Remedy After having opprest those who might have stood by them It was an easie matter to reduce them to a most shameful Slavery The Party which was then form'd under the specious Pretence of the publick Welfare might have done good Service to the whole Kingdom if those who Listed themselves in it had done it with an honester Design and had taken better Measures Nevers Commanded in Champagne Maìenne in the Isle of France Vendòme in Bretagne Longueville in Picardie the Government of which the Comte de St. Pol his Uncle had Surrendred to him But the Mareschal de Bovillon upon whom they most depended by reason of his wisdom and his Sovereignty of Sedan had no mind to Unite a Party which he was not able to dissipate when he should find it for his advantage so to do The Prince of Conde Retired to Chateauroux an Estate which he had in Berri The Duke de Nevers went to Champagne Maìenne to Soissons the Dukes de Longueville and de Vendòme were shortly to follow But the latter
they desired to make a publick Testimony of their Stedfastness for the Service of the King by censuring Becan's Book and to make at least the Publick know that it was not their Fault if so dangerous a Book had not been condemn'd in Forms or formally They moreover said that they entreated leave to remonstrate to the Queen upon this as an Affair of the greatest Importance Sileri approved the Zeal of the Sorbonne He gloried that he had all his Learning in the University of Paris And so he promised the Doctors to introduce them into her Majesty's Presence Dr. Fayet who was the Spokesman told the Regent that the Faculty of Paris not being accustom'd to receive Orders from the King by the Mouth of any private Person or by Letters under the Privy-Seal but only by Letters sealed with the Great Seal they had obey'd as soon as it was reported to them what the Cardinal Bonzi had told the Syndic of ther Majesty's Intentions Nevertheless Madam said he the Faculty hath believed it was their duty to receive your Order from your own Mouth If you don't judge it convenient for us to deliberate upon Jesuit Becan's Book we most humbly entreat your Majesty to take care that our Silence upon this Occasion be not interpreted as a tacit Approbation of those pernicious Sentiments which deprives Kings of their lawful Authority and justifies their Assassination The Regent answer'd that she would speak of this Affair to her Council and that the chancellor should by the Faculty know her Intentions Dr. Fayet being come to the Chancellor some Days after The Queen said Sileri is inform'd that the wicked Book of Becan is become too common Her Majesty gives you leave to do what you judge convenient 'T is a great Mischief that the Sorbonne is divided for what concerns good Sentiments Will you never unite and agree again Fayet answer'd the Chancellor That the Faculty was willing to preserve its ancient Doctrine and that they had always taught the same Doctrine in the Sorbonne till some certain Persons had broach'd there some Foreign Oâ—…inions The Chancellor commended the Doctors for their Zeal and gave the Queen's leave to censure Becan's Book â—…ut the Nuncio Vbaldini cunningly turn'd he Blow aside He being persuaded that â—â—mething would be attempted in France â—…gainst the Jesuit's Work straitways solliâ—…ited a Decree from the Inquisition As â—…on as he receiv'd it he communicated it 〈◊〉 the Queen She being always submisâ—…ve to the Pope told the Faculty that it â—…as sufficient to read the Decree openly in â—…e Sorbonne The Affair thus rested One â—…ight be surprized to find Robert Bellarâ—…in's Name amongst those Cardinals â—…ho condemn'd the Author's Book who â—…llow'd Bellarmin's Principles if it was not known that the Cardinal promoted in the Society had in a readiness his Equivocations and Mental Restrictions to condemn with safety of Conscience in the Work of one of his own Fraternity the Doctrine which he maintain'd as the most Orthodox in the World An Edict of Palement against Scioppius's Book It was the Jesuits alone who courted Paul V. by writing against James I. King of England concerning the Authority of Sovereigns and the Holy Chair Gaspar Scioppius the most violent Enemy of that Society would enter the List likewise and shew some of his fine Latin in this notable Dispute His Book having been brought from Frankfort-Fair to Paris there was a Presentment made of it to the Parlement Scioppius discours'd herein of Henry IV. as if he was a Prince without any Religion He seem'd to approve of the infamous Action of Ravillac All Kings and Sovereigns who let Hereticks live in repose in their States were in his Opinion Hereticks themselves What do I say nay even Turks and Atheists The Parlement order'd that this extravagant and impious Book should be burnt by the Hands of the Common Executioner and that all the Copies should be suppress'd That it should be branded in England after the same manner Dictionaire Hist Critique de M.. Bayle is no wonder But I can't enough admire the King of Great Britain should suffer a Farce to be acted before him wherein Scioppius was represented and hang'd upon the Stage A Revenge alike unworthy of a Prince and an Author If his Majesty had look'd upon Scioppius's Work as the Libel of a contemptible Declamator should not the King have despis'd it or at the best contented himself to have left to the Magistrates the Execution of the Laws against defamatory and pernicious Libels But to take a Pleasure to be reveng'd of the Author after such a manner so little becoming a Crown'd Head was to shew the Publick that the Book had touch'd to the Quick the Person whom the Author had attack'd The Care which his Britannick Majesty took at that time to reconcile the King of Denmark with Gustavus Adolphus Peace betwixt the Crowns of Swedeland and Denmark the new King of Swedeland was a Work more worthy of a Prince Christian IV. endeavour'd this Year to push on his Conquests in Swedeland He accompanied with George Duke of Lunenbourg who had brought him Succour advanc'd as far as Jenkoping laying all the Country desolate where he went The young Gustavus gave now such clear Tokens of his Wisdom and Valour as that the Queen Christina his Mother left to him the Administration of the Realm though he was but yet in the eighteenth Year of his Age. He stopp'd the Enemies Progress and oblig'd him to retire into the Province of Schonen Gustavus follow'd him thither and after the way of using Reprisals he put all to Fire and Sword The Swedish Army had some disadvantage in their Retreat The King of Denmark made a new Irruption into West Gothia Being aboard the Fleet he try'd to get near to Stockholm Gustavus broke the Enemy's Design with an extraordinary Prudence and Courage At last the Hans Towns and the United Provinces troubled that the War betwixt the two Northern Crowns broke off all Commerce in the Baltick Sea engag'd the King of England to intermediate for a Peace Christian himself treated with four Swedish Senators After some Conferences held at the end of this Year the Treaty was concluded at the beginning of the next following Denmark gave up to the Swedes the City of Calmar and the Isle of Oeland but kept Eâ—…sbourgh for a time and till the Crown of Swedeland had paid a certain Sum of Money which Denmark pretended was due to him Revolvtions in Muscovy Gustavus very freely surrender'd something on that side to be in a Condition of marching towards Muscovia There was a strong Party who desir'd of him Prince Charles Philip his Brother whom these People intended to set upon the Throne of their Nation Altho' the Affair of Muscovy seem to have no Relation to those of France I think I ought to say something of the surprizing Revolutions which were seen there at the beginning of the XVII Century This may give us a
my self to his Vitious Palate This Admirable Author whom Salust Titus Livy and all the good Masters have taken for a Model saw farther that a perfect Historian ought not only to Relate Matters with the greatest Sincerity but must apply himself to the instruction of the Reader This he has done in his Harangues in so Artful a manner that Cicero was charmed with them There are says he almost as many Sentences as Words Cicero L. II. De Oratâ—…re This way of Instructing by Harangues was very proper in the History of the Republicks of Athens or Rome The Generals of the Army and the chief Magistrates spoke in the Assemblies of the People of the greatest Affairs of State These sort of Speeches now a days cannot have place any where but in the History of England or that of the Republick of Venice For want of these Harangues Modern Authors ought in imitation of Tacitus to endeavour to instruct in the Body of their History In his time there were yet some Speeches made in the Senate But as the Successors of Augustus never proposed the most weighty Matters there their Tyranny did not suffer the Senators to declare their Minds freely Nothing was said there but to flatter the Emperor For this reason Tacitus took a different way from Salust and Titus Livy Instead of instructing by his Harangues he does it by his Reflections on the Transactions he relates or in the Pictures he gives us of the Principal Actors he brings on the Stage I have often considered with my self why Histories have been so rare in all Agesâ—â— Polybius mentions several who had writ the same things as he has done and cannot find one to satisfie him There are several Reasons to be given for this Some seek to flatter those from whom they expect a Reward Others only aim to divert the Reader make Books of a quick and ready Sale or acquire the Reputation of Writing with Politeness and Ease Cicero ad famil Lib. V. Ep. 12. There are other Pieces wrote by Command or at the Request of Persons concerned in them such was that which Cicero desired to have of his Consulat the Author of which did not scruple to extol his Hero a little more than Truth would allow of Princes and great Men hire Men of Wit to write the Lives of their Ancestors We know some too who will have their History writ under their own Eyes What Sincerity what Truth what Instruction can we expect from those Authors who will give us hideous or beautiful Pictures as their Interests Passions or Desire to please their Patrons or Readers lead them Besides there is still another Reason why good Histories have been and ever will be extreamly rare because these Works seem to demand a great number of excellent Qualities in him who undertakes them Cicero maintains that a good Historian Lib. II. de Oratore ought to be an excellent Orator And how many things good God! do's he require to make a finish't Orator Lib. X. Institut cap. 10. Quintilian will have the Style of an History higher than that of the Tribunal and Bar and approach to a Poetical one What Care what Application must a Man use to keep that exact Medium of a Style more sublime than that of an Orator without being carried into the Dithyrambicks of the Poets Though these two Men were great Judges I do not know whether their Judgment be a sure Rule on these Occasions Lucian seems to me to speak more justly of the Historical Stile A Discourse of the manner of writing History This Author will have it clear intelligible and natural without being low and that the Figures which give a Relish to the Discourse should not be too Sublime or too far fetcht He allows indeed the Style should swell a little on some Occasions provided the Writer forbear all Euthusiasm and Poletick Rage Excessive Strains and Lines says Lucian are the two greatest Faults of an Historian If a Writer would rise let it rather be by the things he represents than Words It is much better to relate Extraordinary things in a plain and common manner than to weaken the Thought by straining the Imagination I would have the Periods neither too long nor too much studied and the Discourse neither too Numerous or neglected That the Thoughts should have more Solidity than Lustre That they should come nearer the Reasons of a Wise Statesman than the witty Turns of a Declamer In short the Sentences must not too frequently occur not be too far asunder They ought as it were to be enchased in the Body of the Work Lucian requires much less than Cicero or Quintilian but how difficult is it to reach that just Mediocrity with which he is contented Thucydides and Tacitus strove to distinguish themselves by a Nervous Eloquence which says a great many things in a few Words But they have made themselves dark and often are unintelligible Titus Livy on the contrary is embarassed by his measured Periods By seeking to give Number and Harmony to his Discourse he loses the weight of what should at first be presented to the Readers View Polybius would have an Historian to be a great Statesman None will ever be capable of Writing an History well says he nor escape committing great Faults till he has gained a Consummate Prudence by long Use and a great Experience in the Business of the World For this reason that Author who himself was an excellent Officer in an Army and Statesman wished those who had a share in the Government and Important Negotiations and knew the Reasons and Motives of Enterprizes would apply themselves in the same manner he had done to give the History of their own Times and never decline an Employment so profitable and necessary to the Publick Polybius his Wish was good in a Republick Men of Estates and Letters being ordinarily employed in these sort of Governments they are able to relate with more Art and Sincerity the Affairs they happen to manage and discover to Posterity the true Motives of the Enterprizes and the different Interests of all Parties engaged with them For this Reason it is the History of Thucydides and Polybius deserve so much to be commended Their Probity shines in every line of their Works The former lived in the time of the Peloponnesian War which he has described He had an Employ and Character in the Republick of Athens whose Policy and Government he perfectly well understood Polyb. L. III. V. The other had been the Spectator of most of the things he relates He had assisted in the Execution of some of them In short he Commanded in Enterprizes of which himself had been the Adviser What Polybius had not seen he reports from the Accounts given him by those who had been Eye-witnesses of them In vain it is to wish the present Ministers of State would write the History of their Times These Gentlemen entirely employed in making their Fortunes
think they can bestow their time better in advancing themselves and their Families They will be sure not to give us an Exact and Faithful account of the Intrigues of the Cabinet and Court and discover to the World the true Motives of Wars Alliances and other Enterprizes Will they publish to the World their own Roguery and Villanies Will they speak sincerely of the Infamies and Criminal Passions of a Prince to whom they owe their Places and Preferments Will they tell the Artifices they used to flatter or incense them to ruin a Rival of more Merit than themselves or advance their own ill-deserving Creatures Statesmen and Ambassadors sometimes write Memoirs But these are not to be trusted to Without fearing to make a rash Judgment I will say these Writers of Quality are like certain Persons who publish'd the History of their own Actions in Cicero's time This Man the vainest that ever lived was even dead with longing to see his Consulat writ by some eminent and able Pen. Ad familiares Lib. V. Ep. 12. Displeased that he could not obtain what he so earnestly coveted he was tempted to do as others had done and to write himself the Wonders of that Consulat with which he had stunn'd the World in his Orations Books and Letters One thing restrained him For says he very Ingenuously there are two very great Inconveniences in being the Historian of a Man 's own Actions He must be too modest in his own Praises and dissemble his Faults to save his Honour See here the Condition of all Writers of Memoirs If Decency requires them not to speak too well of themselves their Partiality leads them to conceal or at least palliate what they have done amiss If an Historian ought to be a Statesman for the same Reason he ought to be skilful in the Art of War Without this how shall he describe an Incampment a Siege or a Battle If I may freely speak my Thoughts these Particulars are not very necessary in a General History This Caution belongs more to a particular Relation or the Memoirs of a Man who intends to give Instructions to those of his Profession Dr. Burnet Bishop of Salâ—…sbury I have heard an eminent Prelate who has a Noble Genius for writing History as well as for the Pulpit and Divinity say That the late Mr. de Schombergh Mareschal of France and after a Duke in England had advis'd him to forbear entring too far into Particulars in Matters of War None said that excellent General but the most able Men of the Trade can speak well of these things It is almost impossible to know exactly all the Circumstances of an Action The General gives Orders and after is ignorant of what passes The Inferiour Officers must give an Account of what they do themselves It is reasonable to believe the Memoirs Caesar has left to Posterity should have the utmost Exactness Yet there were some Men in his time who did not exceedingly rely on them Caesar said they Suetonius in Julio Caesare cap. 56. too lightly gave credit to what was reported to him of other Mens Actions and is not very faithful in what he relates of his own either because his Memory deceiv'd him or he would not sincerely speak the Truth Since it is difficult to learn all the Circumstances of a Battle where things on both sides are in great Confusion an Historian may be excused if he do not inform us of all Particulars He may describe more exactly a March an Incampment or a Siege But of what use is this at bottom Few have any Interest here except those of the Trade The Business of History is more to form a Gentleman than to instruct a Soldier or an Officer These Reasons have prevailed with me to think I may undertake to write the History of a Reign which contains a great number of Sieges and Battles though I understand nothing of the Military Art I have not more Experience in Affairs of State or Court Intrigues This is true But on the other Hand I do not relate the Actions of my own time I have chosen with all the Industry and Judgment I am Master of what is extant any where of all that passed in the Reign of Lewis XIII There are some who imagine a good History cannot be written unless the Author have secret and curious Mâ—â—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 This is the way some late Wriâ—â—â—◠〈◊〉 â—â—ken to raise and give a 〈…〉 Works Varillas at first 〈…〉 by publishing that 〈…〉 Histories from Extracts of 〈◊〉 in the King of France's Library and Memoirs preserved in the Cabinets of some of the chief Families of the Kingdom But when the World took the Pains to enquire into what this boasting Scribler bodly advances they soon discover'd his Books were only Romances wrote with something of Easiness And when they press'd him to name his Authorities he could only produce some exploded Writers Manuscripts so confus'd that no one could find out the Truth and Memoirs so secret that the Persons who own'd them would not be named For my part I will not dissemble I have not yet procured any of those rare and curious Memoirs After the Example of Titus Livy and Tacitus who compiled their Histories out of the Works of those who writ before them I have carefully collected the best Things I could find in the Country where I reside and have compos'd out of them a continued History of the Reign of Lewis XIII in the most useful and instructive manner I was able I have taken that part of the Annals of Tacitus which yet remains for my Model not for the Stile or that mysterious Air which he affects in every thing he speaks of but in the Design and Plan of the Work It is plain the principal End Tacitus had in view was to shew by what Means and Degrees Tyranny was entirely established in Rome after the Death of Augustus And my chief Aim is to shew the Practices after the Death of Henry IV. to destory the little remaining Liberty of France to oppress the Clergy the Nobility and People in short to lay the Foundations of an enormous Power which has struck a Terrour into all Europe in our Days Perhaps some will reproach me that if I want the Strength and the Sententious Stile of Tacitus at least I have imitated his Malignity Some charge him with giving an ill Turn to all the Actions of those he speaks of and finding no Virtue and Probity any where But not to say how small the number of the Good is when a Man is obliged to bring on the Stage ambitious Men who sacrifice all to their Rise and Fortunes Base and flattering Courtiers who make no Scruple of betraying their Religion and Country Can he give these Actors the Part of an honest Man All that can be reasonably required of an Historian is that Men being rarely entirely corrupt and wicked he should not conceal what is good and commendable where he
Poland He succeeds to the Kingdom of Sweden Differences between King Sigismund and Charles Duke of Sudermannia The States of Sweden give the Regency of the Kingdom in the absence of King Sigismund to the Duke of Sudermannia The Duke of Sudermannia and the Senate of Sweden are divided King Sigismund Attempts in vain to reduce the Duke of Sudermannia by Force The States of Sweden depose King Sigismund Charles Duke of Sudermannia is chosen King of Sweden The King of Sweden sends the Challenge to the King of Denmark The Death of Charles King of Sweden BOOK III. THE State of France since the Regency of Mary de Medicis The Treaty of the double Marriage between France and Spain The double Marriage is concluded between the two Kings Intrigues in the Court of France when the Treaty of the double Marriage was known there The double Marriage at last passes in the Council of France The Popes Nuncio complains of the Sentence of Parlement on the Process of the Vniversity of Paris against the Jesuits The Nuncio's Invectives against the Advocate-General Servin The Nuncio's Advances to the Parlement to procure a Modification of the Sentence The Nuncio's Intrigues with the Clergy The Difficulties of the Jesuits to keep even in their Conduct to the Court of Rome and Parlement of Paris A Book of Doctor Richer Syndic of the Faculty of Paris makes a great Noise there The Cardinal du Perron and the Bishops of the Province of Sens assembled together to Condemn Richers Book Richer has the Syndicat of the Faculty of Paris taken from him Publick Rejoycings for the double Marriage New Disturbances in the Court of France The Duke of Mayenne is sent into Spain to demand the Infanta for the King Matthias King of Hungary and Bohemia is Elected Emperor after the Death of Rodolphus II. Antonio Memmi is chosen Doge of Venice after the Death of Leonard Donato The Embassy of the Mareschal of Bouillon into England The Discontent of the Mareschal Lesdiguieres Mary de Medicis depresses â—…e Factions of the Duke of Guise and Epernon The Count of Soissons undertakes to ruine the Ministers and engages outragiously to Attack the Chancellor de Sillery The Marquess de Coeuvres diverts the Count of Soissons from this Enterprize The Impostures of the Marquess of Ancres Some Persons suborned to accuse him of Magick The Affair of the Duke of Rohan at St. John of Angeli The Reconciliation of the French Protestant Lords The Protestation of the National Synod of Privas in the Name of all the Reformed Churches of France against the King's New Declaration The Entry of the Duke of Pastrane into Paris The Signing of the Marriage Articles between the Prince of Spain and the Eldest Daughter of France The Duke of Mayenne's Entry into Madrid The Signing the Marriage Articles between Lewis XIII and the Infanta of Spain A Conspiracy against the Duke of Parma A Discourse of Marrying Christina second Daughter of France to Henry Prince of Wales The Death of Henry Prince of Wales The Fortunes of Robert Carr in England The Death of the Count of Soissons A New Face of the Court of France The Condemnation of a Book of the Jesuit Becanus The Sentence of the Parlement of Paris against a Book of Schioppius Peace between the Crowns of Sweden and Denmark Revolutions in Muscovy A False Demetrius in Poland Demetrius enters Muscovy and causes himself to be Crowned there Demetrius and a great number of Poles are Massacred at Moscow Susky is made Czar of Muscovy and after lays down Ladislaus Prince of Poland is proclaimed Czar of Muscovy The Polanders are driven out of Muscovy and Michael Federovitz is elected Czar BOOK IV. THE Baron de Luz is killed by the Chevalier of Guise The Regents Anger against the Guises The Duke of Guise desires to combine with the Prince of Conde The Queen becomes jealous of the Prince of Conde The Violence and Mercenary Temper of the Duke of Guise The generous Sense of the Duke of Epernon The Regent is Reconciled to the Dukes of Guise and Epernon The Ancient Ministers are recalled The Confusion and Perplexity of the Prince of Conde The young Baron de Luz is killed again by the Chevalier of Guise The Death of Francis Duke of Mantua New Projects of the Duke of Savoy upon this occasion Artifices of the Duke of Savoy The Governor of Milan demands the Dutchess Dowager of Mantua and her Daughter The Regent of France opposes the Duke of Savoy's designs The Pope's Conduct in the Affair of Mantua The Republick of Venice supports the Cardinal of Mantua Ferdinand Cardinal de Gonzaga takes the Character of Duke of Mantua New Efforts of the Duke of Savoy to fetch away from Mantua the Princess Mary his Grand-daughter Ambitious Projects of the Duke of Savoy The Duke of Savoy carries Montserrat This Enterprize is the cause of New Metions in Italy Manifesto's of the Duke of Savoy and the Cardinal Duke of Mantua Artifices and Bravades of the Duke of Savoy His Intrigues at the Court of France are discovered The Marquess of Ancre being found Intriguing with the Duke of Savoy is exceedingly Embarassed The Ministers are reconciled to the Marquess of Ancre The Court resolves to send a powerful Aid to the House of Mantua The Queen is diverted from sending Aid so soon to the Cardinal Duke The King of Spain declares against the Duke of Savoy The Emperor requires the Duke of Savoy to desist from his Enterprize on Montferrat The Governor of Milan constrains the Duke of Savoy to submit to the King of Spain's pleasure A difference between the Duke of Nevers and the Governour of Milan The Marriage of the Elector Palatin to a Daughter of the King of England A Discourse concerning the Marriage of Charles Prince of Wales with Christina of France The Emperor Matthias comes to the Diet at Ratisbon The Catholicks and Protestants reciprocally complain of each other The ill success of the Diet at Ratisbon The Fortune of Bethlem Gabor Prince of Transilvania A difference between the Houses of Brandenburgh and Neuburgh about the Government of Cleves and Juliers Prince Wolfgang of Neuburgh Marries the Sister of the Duke of Bavaria and changes his Religion Difficulties to make the Peace concluded between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua lasting The Governor of Milan presses the Duke of Savoy to Disarm The Dukes Evasion The Governor of Milan demands the Princess of Mantua on the King of Spains part The King of Spains Views in this demand The Republick of Venice traverses the King of Spain's Designs The Perplexity of Mary de Medicis in the Business of Mantua A Proposition made to the Council of France to cause Troops to march into Italy The Regent sends the Marquiss de Coeuvres into Italy to treat an Accommodation between the Dukes of Savoy and Mantua The vast Ambition of Conchini made a Mareschal of France and Galigai his Wife A Continuation of the Disputes about Grace
and Predestination in the Vnited Provinces A new Contest in Holland about the manner of chusing Pastors The Differences in the Vnited Provinces encrease A Conference at Delft between the Remonstrants and Contra-remonstrants The Prejudice of James King of England against the Arminians is abated Sibrund a Frieseland Minister publishes a Libel on the States of Holland Grotius is ordered to reply An Edict of the States of Holland to compose the Differences about the Questions of Predestination and Grace BOOK V. A New Party form'd at Court by the Marechal of Bouillon Artifices of the Duke of Savoy to raise a Civil War in France Different Measures propos'd to the Council of Franco for dispersing the Prince of Conde's Faction The Regent's Circular Letter upon the Retreat of the Prince of Conde and some Lords of his Faction The Duke of Nevers seizes the Citadel of Mezieres in Champagne The Prince of Conde writes a Letter to the Regent in form of a Manifesto The Weakness of the Parlement of Paris on this Occasion Reflections on the Answer the Cardinal of Perron made the Prince of Conde The Reply of Mary de Medicis to the Prince of Conde Mary de Medicis raises Six Thousand Swisses Bassompierre is made Colonel General of the Swisses in the Duke of Rohan's Place The Conduct of the Reformed in France in the Prince of Conde's Business The Wisdom of Du Plessis The Prince of Conde solicits the Reformed The wise Reply of du Plessis Mornay to the Regent and the Prince of Conde The Duke of Rohan seems to hear the Prince of Conde's Propositions The Duke of Vendome's Evasion He writes into Britany The Death of the Constable of Montmorency The Duke of Savoy shuns meeting the Marquess de Coeuvres Ambassador from France into Italy The Jealousie of the Princes and States of Italy occasioned by the Correspondence of the Two Crowns about the Affairs of that Country The Spaniards secretly traverse the Treaty carried on by the Marquess de Coeuvres The Cardinal-Duke of Mantua accepts the Conditions proposed by the Marquiss de Coeuvres The Duke of Savoy seems likewise to accept them Troops are raised at Turin The Treaty of the Duke of Ventadour and the other Commissioners of the King with the Prince of Conde and those of his Party The Prince retires to Soissons and goes into Champagne A Division in the Regent's Council on the Demands which the Prince of Conde and the Malecontents make with respect to their private Interests Intrigues of the Marshal of Ancre to divert the Regent from making War on the Prince of Conde The Pope's Nuncio's reasoning on the Resolution taken to make Peace with the Prince of Conde An Examen of the Political Reflexion of a Venetian Author of the Treaty made with the Prince of Conde A Treaty concluded at St. Menehoud between the Regent and the Prince of Conde The Sentiments of the Parlement of Paris against a Book of Suarez the Jesuit Paul V. complains of the Proceedings of Parlement against Suarez's Book A Discourse of the Pope to the French Ambassador upon the Parlements Sentence The Conduct of the Court of France to satisfie the Pope The Jesuits stir to have the Parlement's Sentence burnt The King's Declaration in his Council concerning the Parlement's Sentence The Pope will not be satisfied with the King's Declaration The King at last is obliged to suspend the Execution of the Parlements Sentence Differences in the Court of France The Duke of Vendome refuses to accept the Treaty of Menehoud The Ability and Prudence of du Plessis Mornay Mary de Medicis sends the Marquiss de Coeuvres to the Duke of Vendome to dispose him to an Accommodation A new Disturbance of the Prince of Conde An Interview of the Prince of Conde and the Duke of Rohan The Prince of Conde thinks to make himself Master of Poitiers A great Tumult at Poitiers The Gates of the City are shut against the Prince He retreats to Chateouroux in Berry A Remonstrance of du Plessis Mornay to the Regent The King and Queen Mother go to Poitiers The Queen goes to Nants in Brettany to hold a Meeting of the States The Prince of Conti's Death New Differences between the Princes of Brandenburgh and Newburgh about the Administration of the Countries of Cleves and Juliers The Town of Aix la Chapelle is put under the Ban of the Empire The Marquess of Spinola reduces the Town of Aix la Chapelle and seizes divers Places in the Countries of Cleves and Juliers Maurice Prince of Orange takes divers Places in the same Country A Conference at Santheim about the Succession of Cleves and Juliers The Duke of Savoy is more embroyl'd with Spain than ever He seeks to gain the Venetians into his Interests The Marquiss of Rambouillet is sent Ambassador Extraordinary into Italy An open War between Spain and Savoy Several Things writ on both sides The Pope's Nuncio and French Ambassador labour for an Accommodation between them The Duke of Savoy accepts the Conditions proposed and Spain refuses them The King of Spain is not satisfied with the Governour of Milan's Conduct The Majority of Lewis XIII His first Act. Sits in his Seat of Justice Education of Lewis XIII THE HISTORY OF THE REIGN OF LEWIS XIII King of France and Navarre BOOK I. THE Reign whose History I am about to write The Plan of the Work abounds in Great Events Here is a Scene of Civil and Foreign Wars Bloody Battles Towns attack'd and defended with great Conduct and Courage The Protestants oppress'd in France and supported in Hungary Germany and the Vnited Provinces The Nobility Clergy Parlements and People reduced to Slavery A King unable to extricate himself from those Difficulties in which some were still busie to involve him leaves the Care of Affairs to his Favourites and Ministers Alike averse to his Mother his Wife his Brother he treats the one ill and obliges the rest to form Leagues at Home and Abroad and at last to throw themselves into the Hands of the ancient Enemies of France The Princes of the Blood and the Great Lords disgusted sometimes at the ill Administration of a Regent at other times with the excessive Power of a Favourite or Minister rise under the specious Pretence of a Concern for the Publick Good The Protestants driven to Extremity by the frequent Infractions of the most inviolable Edict that ever was at last take Arms to defend the Liberty of their Consciences and preserve those Securities which had been so justly granted them in the preceding Reign The Enterprizes of the House of Austria on the Princes of Italy force them to have recourse to the Protection of France and make an Alliance with her These Sovereigns jealous of their Repose and Liberty see without concern the Duke of Savoy give up to the King of France a Place which opens a way into Italy whenever he shall think fit to send any Aid thither A great Conqueror coming from the
Blasphemies against the late King Henry III. and against the Persons and States of Kings and Soveraign Princes The Jesuits have ever had their Partisans and Adversaries The first were ready to excuse them and the latter rose up against them with great Zeal and Vehemence The Abbot Dubois preaching at St. Eustace in Paris undertook in one of his Sermons to refute the Opinions of Mariana By a figure of Rhetorick lively enough he addrest his Speech to the good Fathers and exhorted them strongly for the future to take care in the Books published in the name of their Body and with Approbation of their Superious to let nothing pass offensive to France unless the Jesuits would expose themselves to Dangers which all their Prudence strengthen'd by the Power of their Friends would not be able to avoid This Discourse made a great Impression on the Audience They went away enraged against the Society and the People appeared extreamly incensed against them Complaint was made to the Queen of this Sermon and she remitted the Affair to the Archbâ—…shop of Paris Dubois protested before that Prelate he meant no hurt to the Society My Love said he to Truth my Grief for the Death of the King and a just Dread of the fatal Effects that the Doctrine of Mariana may produce such Sentiments as these made me speak in that manner The Archbishop of Paris had nothing to reply and contented himself with exhorting the Preacher to live well with all the Servants of God and particularly with the Jesuits But it had been more to the purpose to perswade effectually those good Fathers to pardon the Abbot the injury which they thought they had received I do not know how it came to pass but Dubois had the Imprudence to go to Rome the next year and then they did not want colour to shut him up in a close Prison The Patience of Father Coton Confessour to the late King could not bear to hear the General Exclamation against his Brethren He resolved to justifie the Society against the Imputation on the account of Mariana's Book His Wise and discerning Friends advised Coton to say nothing for fear of any Misunderstanding in an Affair that must be so nicely handled Every one wonder'd that a Man who knew the World so well and wanted not Prudence should not take so good Advice He published a long Letter addressed to the Queen to perswade the World Mariana was a private Person disown'd by their Body who had true Notions of the Authority of Princes and the Obedience due to them The thing happened at the Friends of the Jesuits had foretold A thousand Pamphlets were instantly published against the Fathers Letter It is full say they of Ambiguous Expressions and Tricking They insulted him on his pretended disclaiming the Doctrine which was plainly forced to comply with present necessity It comes too late said some maliciously enough to the good Fathers but perhaps it will not be useless to the Children of him who is now in his Grave Indeed the defence of Coton was weak and ill put together What he said of the Complaints of the Provincial Congregation held at Paris some years before and the Answer of their General Aquaviva gave an Advantage to the Enemies of the Society The French Jesuits having desired their Superiour to stop the Liceace and Suppress the Books of some Authours who had written some things to the prejudice of France the Father gave them this Answer We approve the Judgment and Care of your Congregation And we are very sorry that this was not discover'd till after the Impression of those Books We have taken order they shall be corrected and we will have a care that nothing of the like nature shall happen for the future This is very cold and ambiguous for an Opinion which allows Attempts on the Lives of Soveraigns Here are some of the Prudential Managements of the Children of this World But there is no formal disavowing that execrable Dogm the Defenders of which deserve an Exemplary punishment We must be very simple to believe that the Superiours of the Society did not know what Mariana and others of the same stamp wrote till after the Publication of their Works do's not all the World know what are their Statutes relating to the Publication of their Books It is to little purpose that Coton cites several Authours of different Sentiments from Mariana If among so many able Men there was none to be found who maintain Homicide to be absolutely forbid by the Laws of God it would be a very extraordinary thing The permission of the Society to print Mariana's Book is ground enough to conclude they approve it or at least do not condemn it as ill These Writers pass for grave Authours but according to the Principles of Probability a Dogm which ows its Birth to or at least is adopted by the Society in all its Forms James Clement could on the Authority of Mariana Assassinate Henry III. And his Successour might be kill'd with a safe Conscience at least at a time when Sixtus V. and Gregory XIV darted all the Thunder of the Vatican against him The Jesuits bore the most violent Assaults of the Preachers of Paris The Funeral of Henry IV. at the time of Henry's Funerals The Ceremony was performed with the usual pomp The Heart was sent to the College of Jesuits which the King had founded at la Fleche in Anjou He had ordered it thus before his Death Coton made his Funeral Oration there The Body was first carried to the Cathedral Church of Paris and from thence conveyed to the ordinary Burying-place of the Kings of France The Bishop of Aire pronounced the Elogy of the Deceased King at Notre Dame and the Bishop of Anger 's at St. Denys Tho' Henry might deserve in the Eyes of the World the Title of Great his Vertues and Actions did not deserve the Church of Rome should interrupt her Holy Rites to make his Panegyrick in a Pulpit which ought to be Sacred to the Preaching of the Truth What can a good Christian say in praise of a Prince dead in several Criminal Habits on the point of putting all Europe in a Flame and causing a great Effusion of Blood to satisfie his Ambition to revenge himself of his Enemies who were not in a condition to hurt him to force away a Princess in the face of the World whose Husband took Refuge to defend himself from the Solicitations and Pursuits of a King whom love had deprived of all Senseand Reason His pretended Conversion was a fair Field for prophane Orators void of Religion to exercise their Eloquence Their Triumph in so Important a Conquest served to cover his ill Life and impenitent Death But were they ever assured Henry was sincerely a Catholick Let us leave that to the judgment of God If it be true this Princes Conscience was setled in matters of Faith it is certain his irregular Life did not do much honour to the
King is Master of the Body and the Goods of his Subjects The Courtiers who instil'd this Doctrine into Sovereigns this Judicious Divine without Ceremony calls Dogs and Court-Parasites To prevent the ill effects of the bad Politicks of the Cardinal Director of the Education of King Lewis the XIV they printed the same things during the Minority of that Prince Neither the Bookseller nor the Author did dare to set their Name to it This Book was writ by a Churchman Eminent for his Learning and Probity Mr. Jolli Chantre de Nôtre-Dame de Paris Maximes veritables impnrtantes pour l'institution du Roi. He since enjoyed one of the first Dignities of the Church of Paris but what was spoken freely to Henry the II. and what was published covertly about 50 years since the French would have now lost the Memory of if it were as easie to forget as it is to be silent to avoid Danger all Books of this kind are now burnt by the hands of the Hangman Can those unworthy Magistrates who order this believe that the flames by consuming of Paper will erase out of the Hearts of good Frenchmen those Sentitiments that right Reason hath deeply inscrib'd in them The Oath which James the 1. King of England requirâ—…d of his Pâ—…pish Subjects caus'd a Dispute concerning the Independance of Sovereignty in Temporal Matters The Parlement of Paris on the 26th day of November the same year made a Decree for the Suppression of the Treatises which Cardinal Bellarmin a Jesuit had published concerning the power of the Pope in Temporal Matters since this new Book was a Consequence of the Dispute of the Author with James the first King of Great Britain upon the occasion of the Oath which that Prince required of the Roman Catholicks of England I will in a few words Relate the beginning and Progress of the Controversie After the Horrible Gunpowder Plot King James thought for his own Safety it was necessary to require the English Papists to take a particular Oath of Allegiance to him The Form of this was so ordered that it might not offend the Conscience of those who without renouncing their Religion would pay that duty to their Sovereign they rightfully ow'd him In this they acknowledg'd the Pope had no right to Depose Kings or dispose of their Kingdoms or any Foreign Prince to Invade them or Absolve their Subjects of their Oath of Allegiance or Command them to take Arms against their Sovereign they promis'd farther to be faithful to the King and serve him notwithstanding all that the Pope should attempt against him or his Successors and to discover all Conspiracies which should come to their Knowledge They Abjured and Detested as Impious and Heretical the Doctrine of those who teach it is lawful to Depose and Assassinate Princes Excommunicated by the Pope and lastly they protested they believed that neither the Pope nor any other power could dispense with the keeping of their Oath and Renounced all Dispensations which the Pope might think fit to give The thing appear'd reasonable to the English Papists the Nobility Gentry Priests and all others swore in this Form George Blackwell nominated Arch-Priest of England by the Pope not content with taking the Oath himself wrote in Defence of it against all its Opposers Paul V. forbids the English of his Communion to take the Oath The Court of Rome made a quite different Judgment in the matter Thinking Men were not surpriz'd at it a Proposition which she makes one of the Fundamental Articles of her Religion was here Rejected as Impious and Heretical Whatever be said on this Subject those who approve the Oath reason inconsequently if they own the Pope for the Vicar of Jesus Christ Paul V. scared at these proceedings of the English Catholicks without his Knowledge and Consent sent a Brief immediately to forbid them to take an Oath Inconsistent as he said with the Catholick Faith and the Salvation of their Souls These Expressions are as moving and strong as if he designed to disswade these poor People from subscribing the most Impious Tenets against the Divinity of Jesus Christ This thundering Brief discompos'd them so much they thought they could not do better then regard it as Subreptitious or Spurious His Holiness not being well inform'd of the proceedings in England King James his Apology for his Oath without setting his Name to it They were not suffered long to remain in this voluntary Mistake Paul soon dispatch'd another Brief to confirm the first Cardinal Bellarmin was the greatest and most eminent Champion of the Pontifical Power since the Death of Cardinal Baronius which happened not long before Bellarmin I say wrote a well studied Letter to Blackwell to reduce him into the right way A more passionate Remonstrance could scarce have been made to one who had renounc'd the Gospel and embrac'd the Alchoran This made James loose all Patience he wrote himself to defend his Oath against the two Briefs of the Pope and the Letter of Bellarmin and now he did not set his Name to the Work Had not a King better forbore Writing at all and left this care to another This good Prince own'd himself publickly that it became a King more to Judge than Dispute A little Jesuit made a Cardinal by blotting of Paper was not an Adversary worthy of a great Monarch Borghese behav'd himself like a King and James acted the part of a Doctor one Commanded and the other Disputed Except a Prince then write as Julius Caesar or Marcus Aurelius he is in the wrong to become an Author Julian was pleas'd to take his Pen to defend his Philosophick Gravity and Religion and with all his Learning made himself Contemptible and Ridiculous The King of England declares himself Author of the Apology to the Princes and States of Christendom Bellarmin did not fail to reply to the King but under a borrowed Name A Learned Prelate of England undertook to refute the Cardinal he shewed that before Gregory the VII no Ecclesiastical Writer had attempted to maintain the Authority of the Pope over the Temporalities of Sovereigns The King of England caused another Edition of his Apology to be printed and declared himself the Author of it Shall I say he thought in this to do himself Honour by becoming a Champion for the common cause of all Sovereigns or had a mind to display a Learning not very common in Persons of his Rank The Work appeared with a very pompous Preface at the Head of it This was a Manifesto addressed to all the Kings Princes and other Republicks of Christendom to give an account of his Oath and his Conduct with regard to his Roman Catholick Subjects Rouse your selves it is high time said the King to them The Common Interest of all Sovereigns is concerned a Formidable and Obstinate Enemy is undermining the Foundations of your Power unless you act in Concert to put a stop to the Progress he makes every Day
your most incontestable Right will be soon Vsurped He that attacks me to day will declare himself against you to morrow should a Wise Man stand with his Arms folded when his Neighbours House is on Fire The Advice was wholsom but his Majesty of Great Britain had the Dissatisfaction to hear several Catholick Princes did not dare to read his Apology for fear of giving offence to the Pope A strange Slavery Can Policy or Superstition reduce Princes to so mean a Complaisance to a Bishop who would have great Honour done him in leaving him the first Subject of the Empire Henry IV. of France was as weak as the rest Coeffeteau writes against K. James his Apology He forbid any Translation should be published of that Book which his good Ally had sent him His Care and Orders were ineffectual the Apology appeared in French in spite of him Coeffeteau a Religious Dominican after Bishop of Marseille an Author who successfully began first to give an Elegance and an Agreeable and Neat turn to the French Language Coeffeteau I say was desirous to Signalize himself on this occasion and so enter the List against a King This Man was obliged to speak after the manner used in France and to own the Independance of Sovereigns in regard of their Temporal Concerns But the poor Dominican Embarassed himself terribly Indeed says he to the King of Great Britain If the Catholick Church teacheth this Furious Zeal if she arms her own Children against Kings and puts them on making Attempts against their Lives she is not only unworthy of their Favours but deserves to be Exterminated and her Memory erased by a General Decree of Mankind but if on the contrary she condemns all these Attempts as Parricides if she desires Princes should securely enjoy their Dominions have their Armies Victorious an obedient People a Faithful Counsel and all Happiness that can be desired is not her Greatness Harmless notwithstanding the Rage of some private Persons whom Despair and not Religion has pushed on to Brutality She knows she cannot subsist without the State that she is born in it and the State is her Support The Catholick Church this is a word strangely Equivocal in France If it may be allowed to fignifie a certain Number of the most enlightned and sincere Persons in the Roman Communion the Author I have just now cited may speak Truth But if by the Catholick Church we must understand as is more reasonable its Supreme Pastor the great number of those which fill its chief Dignities its most Famous Writers I very much fear the good Coeffeteau has advanced a Notorious Falshood The Pope and Cardinals gave him the Lye in a very Remarkable manner the very same year he answered King James Barclay had wrote against Bellarmine about the Authority of the Pope and followed the Principles commonly received amongst the better Men of France His Book was Condemned at Rome as well as the Noble History of Mr. De Thou the Famous Argument of Antony Arnaud against the Jesuits and the Sentence it self of the Parlement of Paris against John Chastel who had made an Attempt on the Life of Henry IV. That poor Prince was not yet dead This strange Censure which he endur'd so patiently did it not serve to Animate the Rage of that Wretch who Assassinated him the year following If the pretended Head of the Church of Rome if the Cardinals and the greatest number of its Paftors did not teach this Furious Zeal If they condemned their Attempts as Parricides would they have destroyed so many good Books so Just and so Christian a Sentence Let us then conclude with the Opinion of the Eminent Coeffeteau The Pope and Cardinals deserve to be exterminated and their Memory erased by a publick Decree of Mankind As the Cardinals pretend they are not Inferior to Crown'd Heads Cardinal Pellarmine Addresses to the Emperor and Kings of the Popal Communion his Answer to the King of England's Apology Bellarmine in the same manner Addresses to the Emperor and the Kings who own God for their Father and the Catholick Church for their Mother the Answer which he had some time since made under a borrowed Name to the King of Great Britain's Apology It must not be thought strange says the Cardinal that I undertake to refute a King It is for the Defence of the Faith I have taken my Pen in hand after the Example of divers Prelates of Antiquity Hilary of Poitiers and Lucifer of Cagliari have writ against the Haeretical Emperor Constantius Gregory Narianzen and Cyrill of Alexandria have Encountred Julian the Apostate This did James the first draw on himself from a Priest for turning Controvertist without necessity If he had contented himself with publishing a Manifesto to prove the Justice of the Oath he required of his Popish Subjects he would have embarass'd the Court of Rome and its Advocates But he labour'd to shew the Pope was Antichrist and that Rome is the Seat of the Son of Perdition Was not this a way to please the Sovereigns of the Popes Communion by furnishing them with a pretence for not receiving kindly the Kings Apology and applauding the Cardinals Answer A Deeree of the Parlement of Paris against the Treatise of Bellarmine of the Authority of the Pope The Dispute stopt there Bellarmine set himself to reply to Barclay This Man had refuted what the Cardinal advanced concerning the Authority of the Pope in the first Volume of his Controversies The Magistrates opposed the printing them at Paris and the first Sheets which were work'd of were Suppressed by order of the Solicitor General As soon as they had notice of the New Book which Bellarmine had published of the Authority of the Pope in Temporal Matters Servin Advocate General moved the Parlement to provide against any Mischiefs which the Publication of so ill a Book might cause This Magistrate urged the Duty of his Place obliged him not to be less Diligent or Zealous for the Service of his Master than Peter de Cugnieres and John le Cooq his Predecessors had been the one in the Reign of Philip of Valois and the other in that of Charles the VI. Farther he alledged the late proceedings of the King of Spain and his Officers against that Volume of the Annals of Cardinal Baronius wherein the Monarchy of Sicily is attacked The Chambers meeting upon the occasion of this Remonstrance ordered Cardinal Bellarmines Work to be Supprest let us now see what was done this year in Spain against Baronius An Edict of the King of Spain against the XI Volume of the Ecclesiastical Annals of Cardinal Baronius The Kings of Sicily have for a long time been the only Popes of this little Kingdom By Virtue of a certain Bull which Pope Vrban the Second granted say they to Roger Count of Sicily and his Successors the Sovereign is Legatus Natus or Born Legat of the Holy See His Spiritual Power is so great that he
the New Institution was Dangerous to the Faith capable of disturbing the Peace of the Church and in one Word more tending to destroy than edifie When the Jesuits desired to be incorporated in the University she rejected them with Indignation and Contempt When they attempted to teach publickly she opposed them with Vigour The Pasquiers and Arnauds undertook her Defence The Learned Arguments are still extant in which they lay before the Parlement of Paris the Reasons which the University had to declare against this Hermaphrodite Body said they which is neither Ecclesiastical nor Regular The Attempt of John Chastel against the Person of Henry IV. was the cause which moved the Parlement of Paris whose most Eminent Members were bred in that University to give a terrible Sentence against them commanding all Jesuits to remove out of Paris and all other Cities within three days and out of the Kingdom in fifteen branding them for Corrupters of Youth Disturbers of the Publick Peace and Enemies to the King and Government After when Henry IV. at the Sollicitation of the Pope at the Instigation of Sillery and Villeroy and Instances of de la Varenne the Infamous Minister of his Pleasures had granted them his Letters Patents for their Reestablishment the President de Harlay employed all the power of his Wit and Eloquence to perswade the King this Act of his was inconsistent with the Safety of his Person the Preservation of his Authority and the Welfare of his Kingdom But neither the Decrees of Sorbonne nor the excellent Discourses of two Illustrious Advocates nor the wise Remonstrances of the gravest Magistrate of that time could hinder the King from being worse advised than the Mayor and good Commonalty of Troies in Champagne Henry resolved to forget the League was first conceived among the Jesuits and that Barricre and Chastel who made an Attempt on his Life were instructed and pushed on by Varade and Guignard Jesuits His Imprudence cost him dear poor Prince Ravillac profited by the Doctrines and Lessons of the Writers and Doctors of the Society The World was not exceedingly Surprized to see them within three Months after the bloody Death of Henry IV when all the Preachers of Paris were exclaiming against the Jesuits and an Infinity of Pamphlets had been published to expose their Temper and Doctrines have the boldness to desire a Permission from the New King to open their College of Clermont Mercure Francois 1611. which had been shut up ever since their first coming to Paris and to make their Publick Lectures there All Men were now pretty well acquainted with the humour of that Body A long experience had taught them that they are not confounded with Noise That Just and Reasonable Confusion which makes other Men fearful and modest encreases the Courage and Boldness of these good Fathers That which most amazed all Honest Men was to see the Regent and her Council give the Jesuits Letters Patents to be confirmed in Parlement at the same time that these Magistrates all well affected to the King and Government 's Repose declared peremptorily in their Decrees that the Doctrines of Mariana and some other Writers of the Society had plunged the Knife in the Heart of the two last Kings of France Father Coton was not less busie in the Hall than at Court He demanded the entring the King's Letters with the same boldness that he had Sollicited the Regent and her Ministers for them But the Rector and the Faculties of the University of Paris opposing this the Decision of the Affair was remitted till the following year During a pretty long delay caused by the Proceedings and Formalities of Law the Jesuits got together four-score or a hundred Scholars whom they taught in the College of Clermont At length the matter came to a publick Hearing This was in the Month of December 1611. La Merteliere Advocate for the University made a long Discourse where he repeated with Emphasis what Pasquier Arnaud and the first President de Harlay had formerly said against the Jesuits He added all they had been accused of having done in England Holland at Venice Genoa and elsewhere The Divinity of these good Fathers was not forgot He shewed the Corruption and Danger of it In the last place the University concluded by the Mouth of her Advocate that if the Parlement would not have regard to her wholsom Remonstrances she should at least have the Consolation of having done her Duty and having given more than once by her repeated Oppositions to the Enterprizes of the Society a certain Testimony of her sincere and continual Affection for the Service of the King and the Good of her Coutry Montholon Advocate for the Jesuits answered in a very short Discourse He affected too to speak so low that the greatest Part of the Auditory could not hear his Defence After this Hardivillier Rector of the University spoke a long Harangue in Latin This was rather the Declamation of a College Rhetorician than a Solid and Eloquent Discourse The Advocate General Servin spoke according to Custom after the rest and concluded in favour of the University The Parlement being tired with the Importunities of the Jesuits thought of a good Expedient to free themselves They proposed to them to subscribe to four Articles repugnant to the Doctrines imputed to them You cannot be incorporated with the Vniversity nor have Permission to teach publickly said the Magistrate to the good Fathers unless your Sentiments agree with those of the Sorbonne This Turn was well devised They foresaw the Jesuits would never sign such Propositions for fear of incurring Displeasure at Rome and their Refusal would clear the Parlement at Court for not passing the King's Letters Can we the Magistrates might have said allow a Body to teach publickly which refuses to subscribe the Doctrine commonly received in France The first President de Verdun then ordered eight Jesuits to be called who were in Court to hear the issue of their Cause Will you says he to them Subscribe these four Propositions and undertake your General shall likewise do it The first was That a General Council is above the Pope The second That the Pope has no power over the Temporalties of Sovereigns and that he cannot deprive them by Excommunication The third That a Priest who by way of Confession comes to the Knowledge of a Design or Conspiracy against the Person of a King or his Government or any Act of High Treason is obliged to Reveal the Matter to the Magistrate The fourth That Church-men are Subjects of the Temporal Prince and Civil Magistrate The Provincial of the Jesuits did not know how to extricate himself in this difficulty In our Statutes says he with a Modest and Devout Air taking a Book and setting himself to read We have a positive Order to obey the Laws of the Country where we live but we cannot promise any thing for our General We will write to him upon this Matter and do all we can
to obtain his consent The Advocate Montholon seeing what Confusion his Clients were in had a greater Presence of Mind than the good Father Provincial The Jesuits says he will readily follow the Laws of the Vniversity When these four Propositions shall be Signed by the Sorbonne the Jesuits will not make any scruple of subscribing them The dextrous Montholon knew there were so many Leaguers and Doctors in the Pope's Interest amongst the Sorbonists that they would never agree in these four Propositions And if the Faculty would have resolved to have Signed them the Court was so afraid of offending the Pope they would not have suffer'd them to do it So much Respect and Deference had Mary de Medicis for his Holiness The first President himself embarassed by the Advocates Reply would seem not to understand it being well pleas'd that the Jesuits had not handsomly explained themselves on what was proposed to them He pronounced a Decree forbidding any of that Society to teach the Youth at Paris or read any publick Lecture there The Members of the University Triumphed made a thousand Verses some good some bad in praise of their Judges and their Advocate The Jesuits obeyed the Decree They dismist their Scholars continued silent and did not write at all or at least did it under the borrowed Names of their Friends Here they comforted themselves on their Disgrace shewed the Imprudence of those who would renew Disputes out of Season which might create Differences between France and the Pope Every Man discoursed of the Decree of Parlement as his Fancy led him Some took part with the Jesuits others with the University The Pope's Nuncio complained of the Parlements having required such a Subscription of the Jesuits The Cardinal Gonzaga was then at Paris He was offended the good Fathers had been so ill spoken of Mercure Francois 1612. Montholon whose Voice was so low in his short pleading to the Audience printed a more ample Argument the following year This Discourse was divided into three Parts In the two first he justified the Conduct and Institution of the Jesuits The third answered the Objections made against the Doctrine of the Society and the Perverse Consequences which its Adversaries drew from it Disputes concerning Grace and Predestination The Zeal which the Jesuits shewed the latter end of the last and the beginning of this Age for the Doctrine opposite to that of St. Augustin and Thomas Aquinas in the Matter of Grace and Predestination drew still a greater number of Enemies on them the Advocate of the University Reproaching them with this in his Plea Not only the Order of Dominicans which is more Potent in Italy and Spain than in France where it is trampled on with the rest of the Mendicants had declared openly against the Jesuits But a great Number of the Doctors of Paris and Louvain bigotted to the Hypotheses of St. Augustin and Aquinas condemned too against the Society They decreed it as Pelagian At least said they she attempts to revive the Sentiments of Cassian and the old Priests who were called Semipelagians The Dispute began in Spain upon occasion of a Book of Molina a famous Jesuit This Author boasted of having found out a new System to reconcile the Certainty of God's Fore-Knowledge and the Operation of Grace with the Liberty of Man The Invention pleased the Society and she adopted it This was a Deviation from the first Laws of the Founder who ordered she should follow the Doctrine of Thomas Aquinas When the Jesuits reproached their Adversaries with maintaining the Sentiments of Luther and Calvin condemned in the Council of Trent they recriminated instantly Your Hypothesis said they to the good Fathers is the same with that of the ancient Enemies of St. Austin in Gaul The Dispute was so warm in Spain that the Matter was remitted to Rome Clement VIII resolved to determine this Controversie It is reported that he not only made Preparations for this by a serious Examen of all the Questions for which he setled a famons Congregation of Divines and Cardinals but farther had recourse to Prayer Fasting and extraordinary Mortifications The Holy Father believed that the Holy Ghost had inspired him to condemn the Sentiments of the Jesuits The Bull was ready But to speak after the manner of the People beyond the Mountains God did not permit Clement to pass on the Church his private Illusions for Divine Oracles The Pope died very luâ—…kily for the Jesuits Paul V. pleased with the Zeal the good Fathers had shewn for the Interests of the Holy See in the Difference between the Pontif and the Republick of Venice suppressed his Predecessors Bull. He imposed silence on the Dominicans and Jesuits Few except these two Orders had engaged publickly in this first Dispute The Universities of Doway and Louvain declared too against the Jesuits and their Doctrine of Grace was condemned there After this the Book of Jansenius Bishop of Ipres caused a long and famons Contest in the Faculty of Paris and all the Gallican Church At the same time that Paul V. endeavoured to stifle in his Church the Disputes concerning Grace and Predestination the Protestants of Holland were divided on the same Questions Luther and the first Reformers had at first embraced the Hypothesis of St. Austin either because they were prepossessed or because it seemed most proper to combat the Dogms of the Roman Church and settle those of the Reformation However Luther himself or at least his first Disciples soon saw the Inconveniences and ill Consequences of the Augustinian System That of the Greek Fathers appeared both more Ancient and Reasonable Melancthon took to this and his moderate Sentiments prevailed with those of the Ausburgh Confession Calvin Zanchy Beza and the greatest number of the Reformed adhered strongly to the Opinions of St. Austin Some strain'd them higher and used harder Expressions The rigid Thomists did the same in the Roman Church Towards the beginning of this Age divers of the Reformed Divines opened their Eyes after the Example of the Lutherans Upon examining the Scripture more attentively the Sense of St. Chrysostom and the ancient Greeks appeared preferrable to that of the Bishop of Hippo who did not certainly very well understand the Old or New Testament The Rise of Arianism in Holland As the Books of Erasmus Melancthon and Bulllinger were much esteemed in Holland where these Works had much conduced to give a Relish to the Reformation so the most knowing of the Magistrates and Laiety were inclined to the mild and moderate Sentiments of these Divines on Predestination and Grace rather than the rigid Hypothesis of the first Reformers They thought at least they were very tolerable and compatible with the Reformation which that Province had embraced But the greatest part of the Ministers on the contrary who had only studied Religion Grotius Apolog eorum qui Hollandiae praefueâ—…unt in the Books of Calvin and Beza stifly maintained the Opinions of
defended the Cause of his Party but has done it a great Injury too Though he do's not think as Socinus do's of the Trinity the Incarnation the Nature and Operations of God yet he maintains that the Socinian Doctrine is tolerable and not contrary to the Fundamental Articles of Christianity The Arminians of Holland embraced the same Sentiment which makes it to be believed that Arminianism and Socinianism are near a kin Yet these two things are very different It is common in the Church of England to find Learned Divines who think in the same manner as Arminius did on the five Articles and yet vigorously Defend the Decisions of the four first General Councils James King of England opposes the Election of Vorstius I will not speak of this Conference at the Hague This was as Fruitless as the preceding ones Vorstius appeared here He made a Harangue to the States to justifie himself against the Errors imputed to him These Gentlemen were well satisfied They demanded next of the Ministers of both Parties if they had any thing to say against Vorstius The Remonstrants declared they thought him Orthodox But the others alledg'd so much against him and intervened with so great Opposition that he continued still without doing any thing tho' the States were well affected to him Mercure Francois 1611. The Opposition of James I. King of Great Britain made the greatest Noise in Europe Vorstius's Books were brought to the King when he was taking the Diversion of Hunting in the Country King James run over these in less than an Hours time He saw such Shoals of Heresies with one cast of his Eye he immediately sent an Extract to his Ambassador to the States-General with an express Order to declare to them from him that if they suffered such a dangerous Man at Leyden his Majesty would publish a Manifesto to shew the World his Aversion against the Authors of these Heresies and those who allow them to be taught in their Universities The Ambassador punctually executed his Master's Orders The States-General were a little surprized to see the King concern himself in an Affair that was purely Domestick The Zeal which a King shews for the preserving the Purity of the Faith is not to be blamed He do's well to extend it beyond his Kingdom But however there are Measures to be kept towards his Allies and Neighbours His Britannick Majesty's Threat was very high and brisk The States-General gave their Answer some days after to the Ambassador If Vorstius said they with great Discretion and Respect be guilty of the Errors he is accused of we will not suffer him to teach in Holland The High Esteem we have of the King of Great Britain's Goodness and Wisdom gives us grounds to hope that his Majesty will be satisfied with our Conduct when he shall be better informed of this Matter and the Vprightness of our Intentions In the mean time James burnt the Books of Vorstius at London Oxford and Cambridge The Reply of the States-General did not satisfie him He wrote a long Letter exhorting them to Banish Vorstius out of their Provinces Arminius was treated in this as an Enemy of God and for Vorstius his Majesty looked upon him as a downright Atheist He concluded his Letter with threatning the States to separate from the Communion of their Churches if they suffered so abominable a Man as Vorstius amongst them He was at Leyden before this Letter of King James came The English Ambassador made a long Remonstrance when he delivered it to the States-General He gave them the Propositions which his Majesty had extracted out of Vorstius's Books and exhorted them to shew no less Zeal and Courage to preserve the Purity of the Faith against so pernicious an Heretick than they had done in the Defence of their Liberty against the Spaniards The States-General did not know what to think of the Letter nor the Harangue They answered the Ambassador that the Matter in Question only regarded the particular States of Holland who were Sovereigns in their own Province That Vorstius was only at Leyden as a simple Inhabitant in the Town and waited till he should justifie himself in the next Meeting of the States of Holland For the rest said they we humbly thank his Majesty for his Concern for the good of these Provinces and the preserving the Purity of the Gospel in our Churches The States of Holland were not to meet till three or four Months after This made the English Embassador look upon this Delay as a Civil Denial And now there was a New Remonstrance from the King his Master to the States-General This bad a Text after the manner of Sermons The Ambassador began with that place of the Gospel which orders Brotherly Correction and will have those brought before the Church who will not hearken to it He complained of their want of Respect to the King in receiving Vorstius not only in their Country but in a Famous University The States-General were threatned a second time with a Manifesto from his Britannick Majesty These Gentlemen kept their Flegm They answered the King should have Satisfaction in the next Meeting of the States of Holland This was to be in the Month of February the following year In the mean time the King of England saw his Zeal against Vorstius was not so favourably Interpreted The King of England's Apology for his Conduct in the Business of Vorstius as he hoped for Ill-natured Wits Censured him for making Ostentation of his Learning and Divinity Others imputed this to his Ambition and thought it an Usurpation on the Liberty of the Provinces for him to concern himself in Matters which Sovereigns are not obliged to give their Neighbours an Account of The King of Sweden this year sent a Challenge to the King of Denmark to fight a Duel with him A thing not seen since Francis the I and Charles V. James I. like another sort of Fighting better To justifie himself from the Sinister Interpretations put on his Conduct he took his Pen in Hand and printed his Apology In this the King gave an account to the Publick of what had passed between the States-General and him His Majesty farther protested he had no other design than to oppose the Rise of a Heresie to give the States-General a new Mark of his Kindness and to hinder the young Hollanders and the English themselves who should go to Study at Leyden from being infected with the Pernicious Opinions Vorstius should spread there The King's Apology had the same Fate with all Personal Quarrels Every one believed as he pleased The Revolution in Sweden after the Death of Gustavus Ericson Let us conclude this year with the Death of Charles the IX King of Sweden and speak something of his Elevation to the Throne He was the youngest Son of Gustavus Ericson so Famous in History for having delivered his Country from the Oppression of the Danes for having by his Great Services Merited the
their Adversaries that Support which they flattered themselves of receiving from King James the I. Winwood his Ambassador at the Hague had prejudic'd him against the Remonstrants and the Archbishop of Canterbury the declared Enemy of the Opinions of Vorstius gave the King a bad Character of them In short this Prelate imagin'd that all the Remonstrants Ministers and the Magistrates their Protectors had an Inclination to Socinianism with which he thought Vorstius was infected Grotius Apologeticus eorum qui Hollandiae praefuerunt Cap. VI. in Epistolis 1613. Vytenbogard and the Rest thought good to oppose to the Archbishop several Doctors and Prelates of the greatest Note and Meritin England and especially the learned Casaubon whom his Majesty had a particular Value for His Majesty owing his Entertainment of the Sentiments of Calvin concerning Predestination more to the prejudices of his Education than Reason or Study Casaubon and others easily perswaded him to listen to what they had to Offer in favour of the Remonstrants in Holland These took the advantage of this favourable Conjuncture They sent to Caron the Dutch Ambassador at London a Memorial in which the Questions in Debate were fairly and clearly Stated This Memorial was read to the King and gave him Satisfaction His Majesty writ a Letter to the States of Holland and to â—…ell them it was his Opinion that they should Tolerate the Remonstrants and that the Magistrates should use their Authority to suppress their Disputes and to forbid them to Preach such difficult and abstruse Doctrines The King's Letter extreamly vext the Contra-Remonstrants but it did quite dicourage them They sent privately into England a Memorial to perswade the King that they had impos'd upon him The Conduct of the States of Holland and those who had the greatest share of the Government was there rail'd at in so outrageous a manner that his Majesty sent a Coppy of it in a Letter which he wrote to the States of Holland Grotius was sent into England about this time to adjust some Affairs for the East-India Company I am apâ—… to think there was something else in the Bottom of this Commission The States of Holland were very glad that so able a Man undertook to undeceive the King of Great-Britain and that he Conferr'd upon the Five Articles with the Bishops and chief Divines of England Grotius found that the Bishop of Ely the Dean of St. Paul's of London Casaubon and several others were very nigh of the same Opinion with the Arminians in the Points of Grace and Predestination They all gave him a favourable hearing except the Archbishop of Canterbury who was always deeply prejujudic'd against the Remonstrants and consequently against Grotius who Strenuously defended them He had many Audiences of the King who frankly told him that the Opinions of Calvin and Beza seemed to him too Rigid and that according to their Nypothesis God would be the Author of Sin But his Majesty persisted always to Condemn the ill Opinions which he had observed in Vorstius's his Writings To gain his Favour it was necessary to Reject whatsoever savour'd of the Impious paradoxes of Socinus concerning the Divivinity and Person of Jesus Christ If you have a mind that I should entertain a better Opinion of Uytenbogard and the Remonstrants said the King to Grotius you must perswade me that these Men don't favour Socinianism Grotius informed Vytenbogard his Friend of his Majesty's Opinion concerning him and the rest of his Party Hereupon Vytenbogard by the advice of Grotius writ a Letter to Casaubon that he might shew it the King He plainly saw that Vytenbogard had too great an Esteem for Vorstius Sibrand Minister of Frizeland publishes a Libel reflecting on the States of Holland Grotius is orderd to answer it The Contra-Remonstrants did all they could to hinder the success of the Negociations of Grotius in England A Professor of the University of Franneker in Frizeland by Name Sybrand wrote against Vorstius whom he accused of maintaining an Hundred Heresies The Book was Dedicated to the Archbishop of Canterbury Under pretence of praising the King of Great-Britain for the Zeal which his Majesty had discovered against Vorstius Sibrand in his Epistle Dedicatory accuses the Curators of the University of Leyden and the States of the Province of a design to introduce Socinianism into Holland He endeavoured to render the Conduct of the States suspected because they would not Consent to the calling a National Synode he pretended that the Civil Power went beyond the bounds of their Authority in taking Cognizance of Religious Controversies which ought not to be Treated of but in an Ecclesiastical Assembly He declaimed against the Revival of the Law made in 1591. in short he maintained that the Magistrates had nothing to do with the calling of Pastors and the Government of the Church The States of Holland were highly affronted at the Sauciness and Insolence of this Frizeland Minister He might have Refuted the Errors of Vorstius and they would have had nothing to say against him Ordinum Hollandiae ac West fri siae pietas Was it pardonable for a private Person to publish such vile Calumnies against the Governors of a Province Allied to his own and to speak Reproachfully of Laws which they had Right to publish Grotius was ordered to make an Apology for the States of Holland He acquitted himself wonderfully well of so Honourable a Charge His Book is Wrote very Elegantly full of lively Strokes against his Adversary and is altogether a learned Composure worthy of its incomparable Author He there fully Justifies the Conduct of the States of Holland in the Affair of Arminianism Grotius there Treats by the by of the Authority and necessity of Councils and Solidly and Frirmly Establishes the Power of Sovereigns in matters of Religion and the Government of the Church Sibrand endeavour'd to answer Grotius But he was not a Match for him It Cost Grotius only Three or Four Sheets to shew that the Professor of Franeker was an unfair Man and that he understood not the things that he pretended to talk of Bâ—…na fides Sibrandi Lubberti Edit des Etats de Hollande pour assoupir le diâ—â—â—râ—…nd sus les Questions de la Prèdestination de la Grace Mercure Francois 1614. Uytenbâ—…gard Historie Rèformation Dordrecht Ecclesiae Part. IV. 1614. Brand Historie de la Livre XXI Preface des Actes du Sinode de Grtotii Epistolae 1614. The States of Holland were very well pleased with the Advice of the King of England that they should Employ their Authority to suppress these Disputes and Command the Divines of both Sides Charitably to bear with one another not to disturb any longer the Peace of the Church with abstruse Questions of no Importance to Salvation Grotius now Pensionary of the City Rotterdam had Orders to prepare an Edict which they should propose to the Assembly of the States of Holland Here occurred great Difficulties One Side said that
they were sure of a speedy Convention of the States The well-meaning Men would have endeavoured at a Reformation of the Government if they had been better Seconded and the Prince of Conde had had more Wisdom and Sincerity A Treaty concluded at St. Menehoud between the Regent and the Prince of Conde He concluded at last his Treaty with the Regent at St. Menehoud in Champagne the 15th of May. The Duke de Ventadour and his Colleagues were there I will not recite all the Articles The Castle of Amboise was to be put into the Prince's hands until the meeting of the States The Duke de Nevers had St. Menehoud Mercure Francoise 1614. Memoires de Duc de Rohan de la Regence de Marie de Medicis say some Authors thô it is not mentioned in the Treaty These gave him besides a Sum of Money to satisfie him for pulling down his House to make way for the Fortifications of Mezieres which were part of them to be demolished Blavet and the other Places that were Fortified a little before in Bretagne by the Duke de Vendome being Dismantled He was restored to his Government and all his Places This was all that was agreed upon for Vendom He highly complained that the Prince oâ—… Conde had abandoned him in this Negociation As for the Mareschal de Bovillon it was easie to satisfie him The Money which the Regent Ordered to be paid him was thought by him a sufficient Recompence See said the Duke of Rohan who had more Integrity in him than all the rest that made such a noise see saith he how Mens private Interest make them forget the publick welfare of the Kingdom The Prince de Conde the Dukes de Nevers de Longueville de Maienne and the Mareschal de Bovillon who signed the Treaty very readily performed their Conditions Mary de Medicis was not less punctual of her Side The Dukes de Longueville and de Maienne were the first that return'd to Court Conde retired to his House of Vallery where Descures Governor of Amboise went to resign that Place into his hands His Highness came sometime after to pay his Devoirs to their Majesties That Restless Temper that was Natural to him would not suffer him to stay long at Court. Being vext that his late Design had lessened the Respect due to his high Quality instead of increasing it as he had flattered himself it would This Prince was again tempted to raise new Troubles before the meeting of the States But having taken no better Measures than he did before he was forced to let the Regent alone who was endeavouring to reduce the Duke de Vendom who refused to agree to the Treaty of St. Menehoud The Decree of the Parlement of Paris against a Book of Suarez the Jesuit Mercure Francoise 1614. It is a great while since we have had occasion to speak of the Jesuits But we shall now see them appear again upon the Stage upon the account of a Book published by Suarez a famous Divine of that Society in Spain The Book is Intituled The Defence of the Catholick and Apostolick Faith against the Errors of the English Hereticks There are always a certain sort of Men at Paris who narrowly observe all the Actions of these Good Fathers and will not forgive-them if they do amiss This new Book of Suarez being come to France Abstracts of it were presently made and brought to the King's Officers in the Parliament of Paris The Sollicitor General look'd upon it as a Book so dangerous that he thought it his Duty to desire the Condemnation of it The Parliament met upon the 26th of June and Condemn'd the Book to be burnt by the Hands of the Common Hangman as containing Seditious Principles tending to the Subversion of Kingdoms and to perswade the Subjects of Kings and Princes to attempt their Sacred Persons They ordered besides That certain former Decrees of the Faculty of Paris which condemn'd the Doctrine of Suarez should be Read every year on the 4th day of June not only in thâ—… Schools of Sorbonne but also in those in the Colledge of Clermont and of the Mendicant Friers The greatest mortification to the Society was this that the Parlement Decreed that the Fathers Armand the Rector of the Society Cotton the late King's Confessor Fronton le Duc and Sirmond two Persons very famous for their Learning should appear the next day before the Parlement When they came thither the first President told them in the Name of the Court that the Book of Suarez their Brother Jesuit was contrary to a Declaration they had made and to a Decree of their General in the Year 1610. They commanded them afterward to write to Rome for a Revival and Publication of that Decree and to get from thence an Order in Six Months to prevent the Members of that Society from writing any more in their Books such damnable and pernicious Doctrine and to Command them to Preach to the People Doctrines contrary to those of Suarez or else the Parlement would proceed against such Offenders as Guilty of High Treason and disturbers of the publick Peace Paul V. complains of the proceedings of the parlement against Suarez his Book The Court of France foresaw very well that the Proceedings of the Parlement of Paris against the Book of Suarez would make a great noise at Rome for indeed the Book was writ by Order of the Pope But the Regent to whom the Parlement had been very Serviceable in the Affair of the Prince of Conde would not oppose their Zeal which they expressed against these pernicious Opinions Siri Memo. recondite Tom. III. p. 256 257. 270. Her Majesty had more need than ever to keep fair with the Parlement by reason of the approaching Assembly of the States As soon as Paul V. had notice of the Decree of the Parlement against Suarez his Book he sent the Bishop of Foligni to the Marquiss of Trenel who succeeded Breves in his Embassy at Rome This Prelate had Orders to complain in the Name of the Pope of the proceedings of the Magistrates of Paris by which they Encroached on the Rights of the Holy See His Holiness said he to the Ambassadour is the more surpriz'd because he expected nothing less than a grateful acknowledgement of his kindness to the Queen of France Her Majesty cannot be Ignorant of that Affection that he has always shewed to her and the King her Son All the World is witness of that Zeal which his Holiness has discovered for the prosperity of France T is not long since he offered his good Offices to the Queen to appease the Troubles of the Kingdom And they are no sooner ended but the Parlement of Paris makes a Decree injurious to the Holy See If Suarezs Book contains any Positions contrary to the Sovereignty of the most Christian King her Majesty might have complained to the Pope He would have censur'd the Doctrine of the Author and
abuses a Religion the principles of which reduce him to the simple Quality of a preacher of the Gospel and an Overseer of a particular Church The Methods used by the Court of F. to content the Pope The Regent of France and her Ministers were pleased with the Marquiss of Trenel for having engaged the Pope to take the way of Negociation for his obtaining Satisfaction concerning the Decree of the Parlement of which he so bitterly complain'd Siri Memo recondite Tom. III. p. 269. 270. c. 'T was not that the Court of France were afraid of the Menaces of the good Man His Quarrel with the Republick of Venice had taught the World that though his anger might make him take a violent Resolution yet he soon repented of it and became more mild when when he was steadily Opposed No one could imagine that a Man of his Age and Experience would have ever been so Imprudent as to break with France This Step would have done the Pope and the Roman Religion more mischief than it would those whom he threatned with his Thunders and Anathemas This would have been matter of Triumph to the Protestants They would have certainly have yet more insulted over the arrogance of Paul V. on whom they had already bestowed many sharp and ingenious Raileries He would thus have expos'd himself to the Indignation of all Wise and Judicious Catholicks who would have highly blamed him for an Effort so contrary to good Sense and the true Interests of those of their Communion The Court of France resolved therefore not to meddle with the Decree of Parlement They had good reason to disgrace Suarez his Book And at this Juncture 't was not convenient to put the Chief Magistrates of the Kingdom out of humour They applied themselves only to find means to content the Pope and to quit themselves of this Affair with Honour When Vbaldini the Nuncio presented the Brief which the Pope had written with his own hand to the Queen she answered him very handsomely Her Majesty intimated that she should be very glad that the Nuntio should agree with the French Cardinals upon an Expedient which might please his Holiness The Jesuits bestir themselves at Rome for to have the Decree of tae Parlement burnt there The Jesuits at Rome were more inraged against the Decree of the Pralement than the Pope and his Ministers If we will believe their Founder that Society is to do every thing for the great Glory of God But did not he secretly Inspire this Principle into his Disciples that the Honour of their Society ought to be dearer to them than the Glory of God and the welfare of his Church This hath been the Temper of the Jesuits ever since they have been taken notice of in the World They don't care what Scandals and Divisions they cause in the Church of Rome so that that they can preserve and increase the pretended honour of their Society This they have plainly enough discovered in the business which I am speaking of If Paul V. had been carried away with the first motions of his Anger he might have lost France as Clement VII did England The Jesuits were not concerned to prevent the Pope from exposing himself to the same Inconvenience They used their utmost endeavours that the Holy Office might avenge the honour of Suarez by Condemning the Decree of the Parlement of Paris as Heretical and ordering it to be burnt by the hand of the Common Hangman in the Field of Flore To stop this impetuous Zeal the Marquiss of Trenel was forced to admonish them that they run the risque of being a Second time driven out of France The Court injoined also the chief Jesuits at Paris to write to Rome and to declare to their inraged Brethren that if the Pope took any violent Resolution her Majesty would impute it to the Suggestions of that Society and that she knew how to punish them sufficiently The Declaration of the K. in his Council upon the Decree of Parlement One of the first things the young King did who was become of Age the end of the Month September was to give the Pope Satisfaction His Majesty having had the Decree of Parlement read to him in full Council Ordered an Act to be drawn up in which after having expressed his Zeal for the Honour of the Apostolick See and the desire he had of satisfying the Pope Lewis XIII declar'd that his Intention in Executing of the Decree Siri Memo. Recondite Tom. III. p. 303. is not to do any prejudice to the Pope's lawful Authority nor to the priviledges of the See which his Predecessors had always acknowledged When the Declaration was read to the Nuncio Vbaldini he thought fit to object against that part which supposed that the Temporal Power of Kings is Supreme and Independent This was in the Opinion of the Italian Minister very unreasonably to reject the pretensions of the Court of Rome who would have that Crowned Heads should at least be subject to the Authority of the Pope in some particular Cases but they did not much concern themselves about the long reasonings of the Nuncio The Pope is not content with the Ks. Declaration His Master was no better pleas'd than he with the Declaration of the King Paul V. said plainly that that would not remedy the Disgrace which they had thrown upon the propositions of Suarez with relation to the Authority which Jesus Christ had given to St. Peter and his Successors Siri Memo. Recondite Tom. III. p. 298 299. c. This Author said the Pope like a Divine well vers'd in the Holy Scriptures and the Ecclesiastical Antiquity had good reason to maintain that I have Power to Excommunicate Heretick Princes and even to Depose them when they continue obstinate in their ill Opinions and endeavour to eompel their Subjects to embrace them If Jesus Christ had not given this Power to St. Peter and and his Successors they would have wanted a Power requisite for the preservation of his Church God forbid that I should be guilty of a base prevarication by ceasing to defend the Right of the Chair of St. Peter to which God hath advanced me Thus the Popes are pleas'd to form a Plan suitable to their Ambition according to which Jesus Christ in their Opinion ought to Govern the Church Who told them that the Saviour of the World would not have Established a good Order in his Religion if he had not followed the fine System they give us Should God have called them to his Councils The Ancient Popes who Deposed neither Constantius nor Valens nor Julian the Apostate were then either downright Fools or base Prevaricators Is it credible that they did not know the Power which Jesus Christ had given them for the welfare of his Church And if they did know it why did they not imploy it against those Emperors who endeavoured to re establish Idolatry or to force their Subjects to