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A68376 A testimonie of antiquitie shewing the auncient fayth in the Church of England touching the sacrament of the body and bloude of the Lord here publikely preached, and also receaued in the Saxons tyme, aboue 600. yeares agoe.; Sermo de sacrificio in die Pascae. English and Anglo-Saxon Aelfric, Abbot of Eynsham.; Joscelyn, John, 1529-1603.; Parker, Matthew, 1504-1575. 1566 (1566) STC 159.5; ESTC S122220 34,758 172

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superstition hipocrisie of monkes after that the same had been a longe tyme by the iuste iudgement of God vtterlye abolished the Danes spoyling them cruelly burning them vp in there houses as is at large and plentifullye confessed in the historyes of their owne churches For thys newe rearing vp of monkerie is Aethelwolde called in moste olde historyes pater monachorum the father of monkes Vnder thys Aethelwolde was Aelfrike traded vp in lerning as he witnesseth of him selfe in the Lattyne preface of his Saxon grammer where speaking of hys interpretation of Lattyne wordes he wryteth thus Scio multis modis verba posse interpret●ri sed ego simplicem interpretationem sequor fastidiū vitādi causa Si alicui tamen displicuerit nostra interpretatio dicat quomodo vult Nos con tenti sumus sicut didicimus in scholis venerabilis praesulis Aethelwoldi qui multos ad bonum imbuit I know that wordes may be expounded diuers waies but for to auoyde lothsomnes I doe follow the playne interpretation Which if anye shall mislike he may do as he thinketh best but we are cōtent to speake as we haue learned in the scholes of the moste worthye byshop Aethelwolde who hath bene a good instructour to manye or who hath brought vp many to good This he writeth of hymselfe So vppon this his education in the schooles of Aethelwolde he became afterward to be an earnest louer and a great setter forwarde of monkerye and therefore no lesse busie writer and speaker agaynst the matrimonye of priestes in hys tyme. For which respecte he was afterwarde so regarded that he was made by Oswalde byshop of Worceter as reporteth John Capgraue the first abbot of S. Albons newlye restored replenished with mōkes and was also made abbot of Malmesburye by kyng Edgar as reporteth William of Malmesburye in the lyfe of Aldelmus And truly he calleth him selfe abbot in diuers of his epistles although he neuer named of what place as in that he wryteth Egnesh amensibus fratribus de consuetudine monachorum To the monkes of Egnesham of the order and manner of monkes and in this he wryteth here to Wulfstane Archbyshop of Yorke and in an other agaynst priestes matrimonye sent to one Sygeferth with whom was an anker abyding which defended the mariage of pristes affyrming it to be lawful The epistle beginneth thus in the Saxon tonge Aelfric abb gret Sigeferþ freondlice Me is gesaed ꝧ ðu saedest beo me ꝧ ic oþer taehte on Engliscen geƿriten oþer eoƿer ancor aet ham mid eoƿ taehþ forþan ðe he sƿutelice saegþ ꝧ hit sie alefd ꝧ maesse preostas ƿel motan ƿifigen and min geƿriten ƿiþcƿeþeþ ðysen That is Elfricke abbot doth send frendlye salutation to Sigeferth It is tolde me that I teach otherwyse in my English writynges thē doth thy anker teach which is at home wyth thee For he sayth playnly that it is a lawfull thing for a priest to marye and my wrytynges doth speake agaynst thys c. Thus aswell in hys owne epistles as in all other bookes of Sermons in the Saxon tounge that I haue sene I finde him alwaies called abbot and onely so called Howbeit John Capgraue who gathered together into one volume the liues of English sainctes writeth in the life of Oswalde that Aelfricke was laste of all aduaunced to the Archbishops see of Canterburie In alijs inquit Angliae partibus insignes ecclesias ob praefixam causam clericis euacuauit et eas viris monasticae institutionis sublimauit quorū haec nomina sunt Ecclesia S. Albani S. Aetheldredae virginis in Eli et ea quae apud Beamfledam constituta honorabilis habebatur Instituit enim in ecclesia S. Albani Aelfricū abbatē qui ad Archiepiscopatum Cantuariensem postea sublimatus fuit In other partes of Englande Oswald auoyded out of the most notable churches the clarkes aduaunced the same places with men of the order of monkes whose names be these S. Albons the church of the virgin S. Aetheldrede in Ely and that which is at Beamfleot reputed very famous He dyd appoynte abbot in S. Albons Aelfricke who was afterward promoted to the Archbyshopricke of Canterburye Truely thys Aelfricke we here speake of was equall in tyme to Elfricke Archbyshop of Canterbury as may certainly appeare to him that will well consider when Wulfstane Archbishop of Yorke and Wulfsine byshop of Scyrburne liued vnto whom Aelfricke wryteth the Saxon epistles from which the wordes concerning the Sacrament hereafter following be taken And the certaintye of thys consideration may well be had out of William Malmesburye De Pontificibus out of the subscription of bishops to the grauntes letters patentes and charters of Aethelrede who raigned king of Englād at this time Howbeit whether this Aelfricke Aelfricke Archb. of Canterbury was but one the same mā I leaue it to other mens iudgement further to consider for that writing here to Wulfstane he nameth him selfe but abbot yet Aelfricke Archb. of Canterbury was promoted to that his archb stole vj. yeres before that Wulfstane was made Archbishop of Yorke as is declared most manifestly in the historyes of Symeon of Durham Roger Houeden the historie of Rochester Flores Hystoriarum Thomas Stubbes in hys historie of the Archbishops of Yorke and in all other moste auncient histories aswell written in the olde Saxon tounge as in Lattyne Moreouer in many deedes and writynges of giftes made by kyng Aethelrede when Aelfricke subscribeth as Archbyshop of Canterburye then in them is one Aldulphus Wulfstanes predecessour named Archbyshop of Yorke and Wulfstane him self subscribeth but as an inferiour byshop But be it that this Aelfricke was onely abbot and not Archbishop of Canterburye yet this is also most true that beside the prayse of great learning of being a most eloquēt interpreter for which William of Malmesburye doth greatly commend him he was also of such credite and estimation to the lyking of that age in which he liued that all his writinges and chiefly these his epistles were then thought to contayne sounde doctrine and the byshops them selues dyd iudge them full of ryghte good counsaile preceptes and rules to gouerne therby their clergie and therfore dyd most earnestly request to haue these epistles sent vnto them as doe well appeare by ij shorte Lattyne epistles set before the Saxon epistles wherof the one is sent to Wulfsine byshop of Scyrburne the other to Wulfstane Archbyshop of Yorke And after this also byshops of other churches amonge other cānons that they collected out of generall perticular councells out of the bookes of Gildas out of the poenitentialls of Theodorus Archbyshop of Canterburye out of the extractes of Egberhtus the iiij Archbishop of Yorke frō Paulinus out of the epistles of Alcuinus teacher to Charles the great and to conclude out of the writinges of the fathers of the primatiue church amonge other Cannons I saye they collected together for the better orderyng of their churches they doe place
amonge them also these two epistles of Aelfricke as is to be sene in ij bokes of Cānons of Worceter librarye wherof the one is all in the olde Saxon tounge and there these epistles of Aelfricke be in the same tounge the other is for the most parte all in Lattyne and is intituled Admonitio spiritualis doctrinae where these epistles be in the Lattyne tounge and be ioyned together for an exhortation to be made of the byshop to hys clergie There is also a like booke of Cannons of Exeter church where these two epistles in Lattyne be appoynted in stede of two sermons to bee preached Ad clericos et presbyteros to the clerkes and priestes and the epistles be also in the same boke in the Saxon tonge And thys booke was geuen to Sainct Peters church in Exeter by Leofricke the first and most famous bishop of that church as in hys owne recorde and graūt of all such landes bokes and other thinges he gaue vnto the church it is thus expressed in the Saxon tounge Here sƿutelaþ on ðissere bec hƿaet Leofric b. haefþ gedon into sancti Petres minstre on Exanceastre ðaer his bisceop stol is ꝧ is ꝧ he haefþ geinnod ꝧ aer geutod ƿaes ðurh Godes fultume c. ðonne is seo oncnaƿennis ðe he haefþ god mid gecnaƿen sanctum Petrū into ðam halgan mynstre on cyrclicū madmū ꝧ is ꝧ he haefþ þider inngedon 11. ful maesse bec ane colectaneum .11 pistel bec .11 fulsang bec .1 nihtsang .1 ad te leuaui .11 psalteras se ðriddan sƿa man singþ on rome .11 ymneras 1. deorƿurþ bletsung boc .111 oþer þeos englisc Cristes boc .11 sumer raeding bec 1. ƿinter raeding boc regula canonicorum martyrologium .1 canon on leden scrift boc on englisc c. Here is shewed in thys booke or charter what Leofrike bishop hath geuen into Saint Peters mynster at Exeter where his bishops seate is that is that he hath gotte in agayne through Gods helpe what soeuer was takē out so forth first shewing what lādes of such as was taken from the church he recouered agayne partlye by his earnest complaynte and sute made for the same partlye by his geuyng of rewardes Nexte making also report what landes with other treasure of his own he gaue of newe to the place he commeth at laste to the rehearsall of hys bookes wherof the last here named a Cannon on Leden scrift boc on Englisc that is a Cannon boke in Lattyne and shryfte boke in Englishe is the boke we speake of and hath in it the Lattyne and Saxon epistles of Aelfricke Thus as this boke of Exeter church hath thys good euidence by which it is shewed that Leofrike was the geuer therof euen so the boke of Cānons of Worceter church written all in Saxon hath in it most certayne testimonie that the writer therof was the publike scribe of the church whose name was Wulfgeat For thus haue And let byshops take heede that they presume not to ordaine priestes or deacons vnlesse they do first professe to haue no wiues Now albeit thys and many other councels helde from tyme to tyme by the space more thē of an hundreth yeares after this did litle auaile but that the priestes did both marrye and still kepe their wiues because as wryteth Gerardus Archbyshop of Yorke to Anselme Cum ad ordines aliquos inuito dura ceruice renituntur ne in ordinando castitatem profiteantur When I call any to orders they resiste with a stiffe necke that they doe not in taking order professe chastitie Or as is reported in the Saxon storye of Peterborowe church speaking of the councells of Anselme of Iohn of Cremona of William Archbyshop of Canterburye Ne forstod noht ealle þa bodlaces All these decrees auayled nothyng Ealle heoldon here ƿifes be ðes cinges leaf sƿa sƿa hi ear didon They all kept their wiues still by the kinges leaue as they dyd before Yet it came to passe vpon thys decree of Lanfranke that the forme of wordes wherin the priestes should vowe chastitie was nowe fyrst put into some bishops pontificall Ego frater N. promitto deo omnibusque Sanctis eius castitatem corporis mei secundum cannonum decreta secundum ordinem mihi imponendū seruare domino praesule N. presente And as the wordes were thus put into some pōtifical in a general speaking as the māner is thys cōtrouersie but also that more is what was the cōmon receaued doctrine herein of the whole church of England as well when Aelfricke hym self lyued as before hys tyme and also after his time euē frō him to the conquest But what was the condition and state of the church whē Aelfricke him self liued In deede to confesse the truth it was in diuers pointes of Religion full of blindnes and ignoraunce full of childysh seruitude to ceremonies as it was longe before and after and to much geuen to the loue of monketye which now at thys tyme vnmeasurablye tooke roote and grewe excessiuely But yet to speake what the aduersaryes of the truth haue iudged of thys time it is most certayne that there is no age of the church of England which they haue more reuerenced and thought more holy then thys For of what age haue they canonized vnto vs more sainctes and to their lyking more notable Fyrst Odo Archbyshop of Canteaburye who dyed in the beginning of king Edgars raigne Then king Edgar hym selfe by whom Aelfricke was made abbot of Malmesburye Then Edward called the Martyr kyng Edgars bastard sonne Then Editha kyng Edgars bastarde daughter Also Dunstane archbyshop of Canterbury of whō Aelfricke was greatly estemed Aethelwold bishop of Winchester vnder whom Aelfricke had hys first bringing vp Oswalde byshop of Worceter and after Archbyshop of Yorke who made Aelfricke abbot of S. Albons Wulfsine bishop of Scyrburne vnto whom Aelfricke wryteth the first of the epistles we here speake of Elfleda a Nunne of Romesey and Wulhilda Abbesse of Barkyng lyued in the dayes of king Edgar And laste of all Wlfritha K. Edgars cōcubyne All these I say with some other more be canonized for sainctes of this age in which Aelfricke him self liued in great fame credite Also Leofricke and Wulfsine whom we haue shewed to haue been the geuers of those Cannon bookes wherin be seene Aelfrickes epistles be reuerenced for moste holy men and saintes of their churches And these ij liued byshops in the comming in of the Conquerour Thus doe some men now a dayes not onely dissent in doctrine from their owne church but also from that age of their churche whiche they haue thought moste holy and iudged a most excellēt paterne to be folowed Wherfore what may we nowe thinke of that great cōsent wherof the Romanistes haue long made vaunte to witte their doctrine to haue cōtinued many hundred yeares as it were lincked together with
A TESTIMOnie of ANTIQVITIE shewing the auncient fayth in the Church of England touching the sacrament of the body and bloude of the Lord here publikely preached and also receaued in the Saxons tyme aboue 600. yeares agoe Ieremie 6. Goe into the streetes and inquyre for the olde way and if it be the good and ryght way then goe therin that ye maye finde rest for your soules But they say we will not vvalke therein Jmprinted at London by Iohn Day dwelling ouer Aldersgate beneath S. Martyns ¶ Cum priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis The Preface to the Christian Reader GReat contention hath nowe been of longe tyme about the moste comfortable sacrament of the body bloud of Christ our Sauiour in the inquisition and determinatiō wherof many be charged and condemned of heresye and reproued as bringers vp of new doctryne not knowen of olde in the church before Berengarius tyme who taught in Fraunce in the daies whē William the Norman was by conqueste kyng of England and Hildebrande otherwyse called Gregorius the seuenth was pope of Rome But that thou mayest knowe good christian reader how this is aduouched more boldly then truely in especiall of some certayne men which be more ready to maintaine their old iudgement thē of humilitie to submitte them selues vnto a truth here is set forth vnto thee a testimonye of verye auncient tyme wherin is plainly shewed what was the iudgement of the learned men in thys matter in the dayes of the Saxons before the conquest Fyrst thou hast here a Sermon or homelye for the holy day of Easter written in the olde Englishe or Saxon speech which doth of set purpose and at large intreate of thys doctryne and is found among many other Sermons in the same olde speech made for other festiuall dayes and sondayes of the yeare and vsed to be spoken orderly accordyng to those daies vnto the people as by the bokes thē selues it doth well appeare And of such Sermons be yet manye bookes to be seene partlye remayning in priuate mens handes and taken out from monasteryes at their dissolution partlye yet reserued in the libraryes of Cathedrall churches as of Worceter Hereford and Exeter From which places diuerse of these bookes haue bene deliuered into the handes of the moste reuerend father Matthewe Archbyshop of Canterburye by whose diligent search for such writings of historye and other monumentes of antiquitie as might reueale vnto vs what hath ben the state of our church in England from tyme to tyme these thynges that bee here made knowen vnto thee do come to lyght Howe be it the Sermons were not first written in the olde Saxon tounge but were translated into it as it shoulde appeare from the Lattyne For about the end of a Saxon boke of lx Sermons which hath aboute the middest of it this Sermō agaynst the bodely presēce be added these wordes of the translatour Fela faegere godspell ƿe forlaetaþ on þisū dihte ða maeg aƿendan se ðe ƿile Ne durre ƿe ðas boc na micle sƿiþor gelaengan ðyles ðe heo ungemetegod sy mannum aeþraet ðurh hire micelny'sse astirige We let passe many good gospells which he that lyste may translate For we dare not enlarge thys boke much further lest it be ouer great so cause to men lothsomnes through hys bygnes And in an other booke contaynyng some of these Saxon Sermons it is also thus written in Lattyne In hoc codicillo continentur duodecim sermones anglice quos accepimus de libris quos Aelfricus abbas Anglice transtulit In thys booke be comprysed xij Sermons whche we haue taken out of the bookes that Aelfricke abbot translated into Englishe In which wordes truelye here is also declared who was the translatour to witte one Aelfricke And so hee doth confesse of hym self in the preface of his Saxon grāmer where he doth moreouer geue vs to vnderstand the number of the Sermons that he translated thus Ic AElfric ƿolde ðas litlan boc apendan to engliscum gereorde of ðam staef craefte ðe is gehaten gsammatica syþþan ic tƿa bec aƿende on hund eahtatigū spellum I Aelfricke was desirous to turne into our Englishe tounge from the arte of letters called grammer thys little booke after that I had translated the two bookes in fourescore Sermons But how soeuer it be nowe manifest enoughe by thys aboue declared how that these Sermons were translated I thinke notwithstanding that there will hardlye be found of them any Lattyne bookes being I feare me vtterlye peryshed made out of the waye since the conquest by some which coulde not well broke thys doctrine And that such hath bene the dealing of some partiall readers may partlye hereof appeare There is yet a very aunciēt boke of Cannons of Worceter librarye and is for the most parte all in Latyne but yet intermyngled in certayne places euē thre or foure leaues together with the olde Saxon tounge and one place of this booke handleth thys matter of the sacrament but a fewe lynes wherin dyd consiste the chiefe poynte of the cōtrouersie be rased out by some reader yet consider how the corruption of hym whosoeuer he was is bewrayed This part of the Lattyne booke was taken out of ij epistles of Aelfrike before named were written of hym aswell in the Saxon tounge as the Lattyne The Saxon epistles be yet wholie to be had in the librarye of the same church in a boke written all in Saxon and is intituled a boke of Cānons shrift boke But in the Church of Exeter these epistles be seene both in the Saxon tounge and also in the Lattyne By the which it shall be easie for any to restore agayne not onely the sense of the place rased in Worceter booke but also the very same Lattyn wordes And the words of these two epistles so much as concerne the sacramentall bread wyne we here set immediatlye after the Sermon fyrst in Saxon then the words of the second epistle we set also in Lattyne deliuering them most faythfully as they are to be seene in the bookes from whence they are taken And as touching the Saxon writings they be set out in such forme of letters and darke speech as was vsed whē they were written translated also for our better vnderstanding into our common and vsuall Englishe speech But nowe it remayneth we do make knowen who thys Aelfricke was whom we here speake of in what age he liued and in what estimation He was truely brought vp in the scholes of Aethelwolde byshop of Winchester Aethelwolde I meane the elder and greate saincte of Winchester church So canonised because in the dayes of Edgar kyng of England he conspyred with Dunstane Archbyshop of Canterburie Oswalde bishop of Worceter to expell out of the Cathedrall churches through out all England the maryed priestes which then were in those churches the olde dwellers as wryteth Ranulphus Cestrencis in hys pollicronicon and to set vp of newe the religion or rather
of sinnes The Apostles dyd as Christ commaunded that is they blessed bread wyne to housell agayne afterward in hys remembraunce Euen so also since their departure all priestes by Christes commaundement doe blesse bread wine to housell in hys name w t the Apostolike blessing Now men haue often searched do yet oftē search howe bread that is gathered of corne and through fyers heate baked maye bee turned to Christes body or how wyne that is pressed out of many grapes is turned through one blessing to the Lordes bloude Now saye we to suche men that some thinges be spoken of Christ by signification some thyng by thyng certaine True thyng is and certaine y t Christ was borne of a maide suffred death of his own accorde was buryed on this daye rose from death He is sayd bread by signification a lambe a lyon a mountayne He is called bread because he is our life angells life He is sayd to be a lābe for his innocencie A lyon for strēgth wherwith he ouer came y e strōg deuill But Christ is not so notwithstāding after true nature neither bread nor a lābe nor a Lyon VVhy is then y t holy housel called Christs body or his bloud if it be not truelye that it is called Truely the bread and the wine whyche by the masse of the priest is balowed shewe one thyng without to humayne vnderstanding an other thing they call within to beleuing mindes VVithout they bee sene bread wine both in figure in tast and they be truely after their halowing Christes body hys bloude through ghostly mistery An heathen childe is christened yet he altereth not his shape without though he be chaunged within He is brought to y e fontstone sinfull through Adams disobedience Howbeit he is washed from all sinne within though he hath not chaunged his shape without Euē so the holy fonte water that is called the welspring of lyfe is like in shape to other waters and is subiecte to corruption but the holy ghostes might commeth to y e corruptible water through the priestes blessing and it may after wash the body soule frō all sinne through ghostly mighte Beholde nowe wee see two thinges in this one creature After true nature that water is corruptible moysture after ghostlye misterye hath holowing mighte So also if wee beholde that holye housell after bodely vnderstanding then see we that it is a creature corruptible and mutable if we acknoledge therein ghostlye myght than vnderstand we that lyfe is therin and that it geueth immortalitie to them that eate it with beliefe Muche is betwixte the inuisible myghte of the holye housell and the visible shape of his proper nature It is neturally corruptible bread corruptible wine and is by mighte of Godes worde truely Christes bodye and his bloude not so notwithstāding bodely but ghostly Much is betwixte the bodie Christ suffred in and the bodie that is halowed to housell The bodie truely that Christ suffered in was borne of the flesh of Marie with bloud and with bone with skinne and with sinowes in humane limmes with a reasonable soule liuing and his ghostlie bodie whiche we call the housell is gathered of many cornes without bloude and bone without lymme without soule and therfore nothing is to be vnderstand therein bodelye but all is ghostlye to be vnderstande VVhat soeuer is in that housell whiche geueth substaunce of lyfe y t is of the ghostlye might and inuisible doing Therfore is y t holy housel called a misterye because there is one thīg in it seen an other thīg vnderstāded That which is ther sene hath bodely shape and y t we do there vnderstand hath ghostlye might Certaynely Christes bodye which suffred death and rose from death neuer dyeth henceforth but is eternall vnpassible That housell is temporall not eternall Corruptible and dealed into sondrye partes Chewed betwene teeth and sent into the bellye howbeit neuerthelesse after ghostlye myght it is all in euery part Manye receaue that holye body and yet notwithstanding it is so all in euerye parte after ghostly mistery Though some chewe lesse deale yet is there no more myghte notwithstanding in the more parte then in the lesse because it is all in all men after the inuisible myght Thys misterye is a pledge and a figure Christes bodye is truth it selfe Thys pledge we doe keepe mistically vntill that we be come to the truth it selfe and then is this pledge ended Truelye it is so as we before haue said Christes bodye and hys bloude not bodilye but ghostlye And ye shoulde not searche how it is done but hold it in your beliefe that it is so done VVe read in an other booke called vita patrum that two Monkes desired of God some demonstration toucbing the holy housell and after as they stoode to heare masse they sawe a childe lying on the alter where the priest sayd masse and Gods Aungell stoode with a sworde and abode looking vntill y e priest brake y e housell Then the angell deuided y t childe vpon the dyshe and shedde his bloud into y e chalice But whē they did go to y e housell thē was it turned to bread wine they dyd eate it geuing god thankes for y t shewing Also S. Gregory desired of Christ y t he would shew to a certain womā doubting about his mysterye some greate affyrmation She went to housell w t doubting minde and Gregorye forthwith obteined of God that to them both was shewed y t part of the housell which y e woman should receaue as if there lay in a dish a ioynte of a finger al be bloded and so y e womans doubting was thē forthwith healed But now heare the apostles wordes about this misterye Paule y e apostle speaketh of y e old Israelites thus writing in his epistle to faithfull mē All our forefathers were baptised in the cloud and in the sea and all they ate the same ghostlye meate and dranke the same ghostly drinke They dranke truely of the stone y t followed them and that stone was Christ Neither was that stone then from whiche the water ranne bodelye Christ but it signifyed Christ that calleth thus to al beleauing faithful mē whosoeuer thirsteth let him come to me drinke And from his bowelles floweth lyuely water This he sayd of the holy ghost whom he receaueth which beleaueth on hym The apostle Paule sayth that the Israelites did eat the same ghostly meate and drinke the same ghostly drinke bycause y t heauenly meate y t fedde thē xl yeares and that water which from the stone did flowe had signification of Christes bodye and his bloude that nowe be offered daylye in Godes churche It was the same which we now offer not bodely but ghostly VVe sayd vnto you ere while y t Christ halowed
ought we to betake the rest vnto the might of y e holy ghost w t true humilitie not to searche rashlye of that deepe secretnes aboue y e measure of our vnderstāding They did eat y e lambes flesh w t their loynes gyrt In the loines is the lust of the body And he whyche wyll receyue y t housell shall restrayne that concupiscēce and take with chastitie that holy receypt They were also shod VVhat be shoes but of the hydes of dead beastes VVe be truely shod if we folow in our steps deades the lyfe of those pilgrimes which please god w t keping of his commaūdemēts They had staues in their handes when they ate This stafe signifieth a carefulnes and a diligēt ouerseing And al they y t best know and cā should take care of other men and staye them vppe with their helpe It was inioyned to the eaters y t they shoulde eate the lambe in haste For god abhorreth slouthfulnes in his seruantes And those he loueth that seeke the ioye of euerlasting life with quicknes hast of minde It is written Prolong not to turne vnto god lest the time passe awaye through thy slowe tarrying The eaters mought not break the lābes bones Nomore mought the souldyers y t did hang Christ breake his holy legges as they did of the two theefes that hanged on either syde of him And y e Lord rose frō death sound without al corruption at the last iudgemēt they shal see him whom they did most cruelly hange on y e crosse This time is called in y e Ebrue tonge Pasca and in latine Transitus in English a Passouer bicause y t on this daye the people of Israell passed from the land of Aegipt ouer the read sea from bondage to the lande of promyse So also dyd our Lord at thys tyme departe as sayeth Iohn the Euangelyste from thys world to his heauēly father Euen so we ought to folowe our head and to go from the deuill to christ from this vnstable world to his stable kingdōe Howbeit we should first in this presēt life depart frō vice to holy vertue from euill manners to good manners if we will after thys lente lyfe go to that eternal life after our resurrection to Christ He bring vs to his euerliuing father who gaue him to death for our sinnes To him be honour praise of wel doing world wythout ende Amen ¶ This sermon is found in diuerse bookes of sermōs written in the olde English or Saxon toung whereof two bookes bee nowe in the handes of the most reuerend father the Archbishop of Caunterburye Here followeth the wordes of Aelfrike abbot of S. Albones also of Malmesberye taken out of his epistle written to Wulfsine byshop of Scyrburne It is founde in a booke of the olde Saxon tounge wherin be xliij chapters of Canons and ecclesiasticall constitutions and also Liber poenitentialis that is a poenitentiall booke or shryfte booke deuided into iiij other bokes the epistle is set for the 30. chapter of the fourth boke intituled be preost sinoþe that is a Synode concerning priestes and this epistle is also in a canonn boke of the churche of Exeter SVme preostas healdaþ þaet husel ðe biþ on easter daeg gehalgod ofer gear to sceocum mannum ac hi misdoþ sƿyþe deope ꝧ ðaet halige husel sceole fynegian nellaþ understandan hu mycele daedbote seo poenitentialis taecþ be ðam gif ðaet husel biþ fynig oþþe haeƿen oþþe gif hit forloren biþ oþþe gif mus oþþe nytenu ðurh gymeleaste hit etaþ Man sceal healden þaet halige husel mid mycelre gymene ne forhealdan hit ac halgian oþer edniƿe to sceocum mannum a embe vii niht oð ðe embe xiiii niht ꝧ hit huru fynig ne sy forþon ðe eal sƿa halig biþ ꝧ husel þe nu to daeg ƿaes gehalgod sƿa ꝧ ðe on easter daeg ƿaes gehalgod Ðaet husel is Crister lichama na lichamh ce ac gastlice Na se lichama ðe he on ðroƿode ac se lichama ðe he embe spraec ða ða he bletsode hlaf and ƿin to husle anre nihte aer his ðroƿunge and cƿaeþ be ðā gebletsode hlafe ðis is min lichama and eft be ðam halgan ƿine ðis is min bloode þe biþ for manegū agoten on synna forgyfennesse Vnderstandaþ nu ꝧ se drihten ðe mihte aƿendon ðone hlaf aer his ðroƿunge to his lichaman and ꝧ ƿin to his blode gastlice ðaet se ylca daeghƿamlice bletsaþ ðurh sacerda handa hlaf ƿin to his gastlican lichaman and to his gastlican blode Here thou seest good reader how Aelfrike vpon fynding fault wyth an abuse of his tyme whiche was that priestes on Easter day filled their housell boxe and so kept the bread a whole yere for sickmen toke an occasion to speake agaynst the bodely presence of Christ in the sacramēt So also in an other epistle sent to Wulfstane Archbyshop of York he reprehending agayne thys ouerlong reseruing of the housell addeth also wordes more at large against the same bodely presence His wordes be these SVme preostas gefyllaþ heora husel box on eaftron and healdaþ ofer tƿelf monaþ to untrumum mannum sƿylce ðaet husel sy haligre ðonne oþer Ac hi doþ unƿislice for þam ðe hit ƿannaþ oþþe mid ealle forrotaþ on sƿa langum fyrste and he biþ ðonne scyldig sƿa sƿa us saegþ seo boc Se ðe husel forhylt oþþe hit forlyst oþþe mys eton oþþe oþre nytenu sceaƿa ða poenitentialem hƿaet he saegþ be þisum Eall sƿa halig is ðaet husel ðe biþ gehalgod to daeg sƿa ðaet ðe biþ gehalgod on ðam halgan easter daege Healdaþ forþig ic bidde ðone halgan Crister lichaman mid maran ƿisdome to scocū mannum fram sunnan daege to sunnan daege on sƿiþe claenum boxe oþþe be þam maestan feoƿertyne niht and ðicgaþ hit ðonne lecgaþ ðaer oþer ƿe habbaþ bysene be þam on Moyses bocum sƿa sƿa God sylf bebead on Moyses ae ðaet se sacerd sceolde on aelcū saeternes daege settan tƿelf hlafas on þam tabernaculo ealle niƿe bacene ða ƿaeron gehatene panes propositionis and hig sceoldon ðaer standan on ðam Godes getaelde oþ oþerne saeternes daeg ▪ etan hi ðonne ða sacerdas sylfe settan ðaer oþre Sume preostar nellaþ ðicgan þaet husel þe hi halgiaþ Nu ƿille ƿe eoƿ secgan hu seo boc segþ be ðam Presbyten missam celebrans et non audens sumere sacrificium accusante conscientia sua anathema eft Se maesse preost ðe maessaþ and ne dear ðaet husel ðicgan ƿat hine scyldigne se is amansumod Laesse pleoh is to ðicgenne ðaet husel ðonne to halgienne Se ðe tuƿa halgaþ ane ofletan to husle se biþ þam gedƿolan gelice ðe an cild fullaþ tuƿa Crist syif gehalgode husel aer his ðroƿunge he bletsode þone hlaf tobraec ðus cƿeþende to his halgum apostolum etaþ
ðisne hlaf hit is min lichama he eft bletsode aenne calic mid ƿine and cƿaeþ heom ðus to drincaþ ealle of ðisum hit is min agen blode ðaere niƿan gecyþnysse ðe biþfor manegum agoten on synna forgyfenysse Se drihten þe halgode husel aer his ðroƿunge and eƿaeþ ꝧ se hlaf ƿaere his agen lichama ðaet ƿin ƿaere ƿitodlice his blod se halgaþ daeghƿamlice ðurh his sacerda handa hlaf to his lichaman ƿin to his blod on gastlicere geryne sƿa sƿa ƿe raedaþ on bocum Nebiþ se liflica hlaf lichamlice sƿa þeah se ylca lichama ðe Crist on ðroƿode Ne þaet halige ƿin nis þaes haelendes blod þe for us agoten ƿaes on lichamlican ðinge ac on gastlicum andgyte AEgþer biþ soþlice se hlaf his lichama ꝧ ƿin eac his blod sƿa sƿa se heofonlica hlaf ƿaes ðe ƿe hataþ manna ðe feoƿertig geara afedde Godes folce ðaet hlutre ƿaeter ƿaes ƿitodlice his blod ðe arn of ðam stane on ðā sestene ða Sƿa sƿa Paulus aƿrat on ƿumon his pistole Omnes patres nostri eandem escam spiritualem manducauerunt et omnes eundem potes spiritualem biberunt c. Ealle ure faederas aeton on þā ƿestene þone ylcan gastlican mete þone gastlican drenc druncon Hi druncon of þā gastlicum stane se stan ƿaes Crist Se apostol saede sƿa sƿa genu gehyrdon ðaet hi ealle aeton ðone ylcan gastlican mete hi ealle druncon ðone gastlican drenc Ne cƿaeþ he na lichamlice ac gastlice Naes Crist ða gyt geboren ne his blod naes agoten þa þaet Israhela folc geaet ðone mete of ðam stane dranc se stan naes lichamlice Crist þeah he sƿa cƿaede Hit ƿaeron þa ylcan gerynu on þaere ealdan ae hi gastlice getacnodon ðaet gastlice husel ures haelendes lichaman ðe ƿe halgiaþ nu SOme pristes keepe the housell that is hallowed on Easter day all the yere for syke men But they doe greatlye amysse bycause it waxeth horye And these will not vnderstand how greuous penaunce the poenitentiall booke teacheth by thys if the housell become hory and rotten or yf it be lost or be eaten of mise or of beastes by neglygence Men shal reserue more carefullye that holy housell and not reserue it to longe but hallowe other of newe for syckemen alwayes wythin a weke or a fortnight that it be not somuch as horye For so holy is the housell whych to day is hallowed as that whyche on Easter daye was hallowed That housell is Christes bodye not bodylye but ghostlye Not the bodye whyche he suffred in but the bodye of which hee spake when he blessed bread and wyne to housel a night before his suffring sayd by the blessed bread thys is my bodye agayne by the holye wyne thys is my bloude whiche is shede for manye in forgeuenes of sinnes vnderstand nowe that the lord who could turne y t bread before his suffring to his body and y t wyne to his bloude ghostlye that the selfe same lorde blesseth dayly throughe the priestes handes bread and wine to his ghostly body and to his ghostly bloud Here thou seest good reader how Aelfrike vpon fynding fault wyth an abuse of his tyme whiche was that priests on Easter day filled their housell boxe and so kept the bread a whole yere for sickmen toke an occasion to speake agaynst the bodely presence of Christ in the s acramēt So also in an other epistle sent to Wulfstane Archbyshop of York he reprehending agayne thys ouerlong reseruing of the housell addeth also wordes more at large against the same bodely presence His wordes be these SOme priests fil their boxe for housel on Easter day so reserue it a whole yere for sicke mē as though that housel were more holy thē any other But they do vnaduisedlye bicause it waxeth black or al together rotlē by keping it so long space And thus is he become giltie as y e boke wytnesseth to vs. Yf anye do keepe the housell to long or lose it or myse or other beastes do eate it see what y e paenitential boke sayeth by this So holy is altogether that housell whiche is hallowed to daye as that which is hallowed on Easter day VVherfore I besech you to kepe that holy bodye of Christ with more aduisement for sick men from sonday to sondaye in a verye cleane boxe or at the most not to kepe it aboue a fortnight and then eate it laying other in the place VVe haue an example hereof in Moyses bookes as god him selfe hath commaunded in Moyses lawe How the priestes should set on euery saturnday twelue loaues all newe baked vpon the tabernacle the whiche were called panes prepositionis and those shoulde stād there on gods tabernacle til y e next saturnday the did y e pristes thē selues eate them set other in y e place Sōe priestes wil not eate y e housell which they do hallow But we will now declare vnto you how y e boke speaketh by thē Presbyter missā celebrans et non audens sumere sacrificium accusante cōsciētia sua anathema est The priest that doth saye masse and dare not eate thē housell hys conscience accusynge hym is accursed It is lesse daunger to receyue y e housell thē to hallowe it He y t doth twyse hallowe one host to housell is lyke vnto those heretikes who do christen twyse one childe Christ himselfe blessed housel before his suffring he blessed y e bread and brake thus speaking to hisa postels Eate this bread it is my body And agayne he blessed one chalice w t wyne and thus also speaketh vnto thē Drinke ye all of this it is myne owne bloud of y e newe testament which is shed for many in forgeuenes of synnes The lord which halowed housel before his suffering sayeth y t y e bread was his owne body y t y e wyne was truly his bloud he haloweth dayly by y e hādes of y e prist bread to his body wyne to his bloud in ghostly mystery as we read in bokes And yet y t liuely bread is not bodely so notwithstāding not y e self same body y t Christ suffered in Nor y t holy wine is y e sauiours bloud which was shed for vs in bodely thing but in ghostly vnderstanding Both be truly y t bread hys body and y t wyne also hys bloud as was y e heauenly bread which we call Manna that fed forty yeres gods people And y e cleare water which did then runne from the stone in the wildernes was truly his bloud as Paul wrote one summe of his epistles Omnes patres nostri eandem escam spiritualem manducauerunt et omnes eundem potum spiritualē biberunt c. All our fathers ate in the wildernes the same ghostlye meate and dranke the same ghostly drinke They dranke of y t gostly stone and
micelre stemne to all the men which with eallū ðam mannū ðe mid Moyses were in the Moyse ƿaeron on ðam wildernesse then ƿaestene ða THe lorde was Dryhten ƿaes speaking these sprecende ðas wordes to Moyses and thus ƿord to Moyse and ðus sayth I am the Lord thy cƿaeþ Ic eom ðryhten ðin God I thee out ledde of God Ic ðe ut gelaedde of Aegypt lande and of their egipta londe and of hiora bondage Ne loue y u other ðeoƿdome Ne lufa ðu oþre straūge Gods besides me Ne fremde Godas ofer me Ne my name name thou in minne noman ne cig ðu on vayne for that thou ne idelnesse forþon ðe ðu ne arte giltlesse with me if bist unscyldig ƿiþ me gif thou in vayne namest my ðu on idelnesse cigst minne name Remēber that thou noman Gemyne ꝧ ðu hallowe thy rest day gehalgige ðone raeste daeg VVorke ye vj. dayes on ƿyrceaþ eoƿ vi dagas on the seuenth rest ye bycause þā siofoþan restaþ eoƿ forðam in vj. dayes Christ on vi dagū Crist geƿorhte made heauen and earth heofonas eorþan y e sea all creatures that saes and ealle gesceafta ðe in them be And he rested on him sint hine gereste on the seuenth day therfore on þone siofoþan daeg forþon the Lord it hallowed dryhten hine gehalgod Honour thy father thy Ara ðynū faeder þinrae mother that the Lorde medder ða ðe dryhten gaue thee y t thou be longe sealde ðe ꝧ ðu sie ðylenge lyuing in y e earth Ne kill libbende on eorþan Ne sleah thou Ne lig ne y u priuelye ðu Ne lige þu dearnenga Ne steale thou Ne say thou Ne stala ðu Ne saege ðu false witnesse Ne desire lease geƿitnesse Ne ƿilna thou of thy neyghbours ðu ðynes nehstan heritage with vnryght ierfes mid unryhte These cōmaundementes we haue taken from the lawes of Alfrede the king before which they are alwaies placed but here the maner of speaking in the scripture is somewhat chaunged and that more is here is lefte out these wordes Non facies sculptile neque omnem similitudinem quae est in coelo desuper quae est in terra deorsum nec eorum quae sunt in aquis sub terra non adorabis neque coles c. 2. Thou shalt not make to thy selfe any grauen Image nor the likenes of any thing that is in heauen aboue or in the earth beneath or in the water vnder the earth Thou shalt not bowe downe to them nor worship them For I thy Lord. c. Which thyng is done in all copyes of Alfredes lawes written in the Saxon tounge and not onely in them but in many other bookes as hath been seene eyther Saxon or Lattyne intreatyng of the commaundementes which were written before the Conquest and since the second Nicene councell wherin was decreed the worshipping of Images See what followed of taking away frō the worde of God contrarye to the expresse cōmaundement of the same vpon the vngodly decree of that coūcell Whē this thing was espied by them that translated these lawes into the Lattyne tounge sone after the conquest these wordes were restored agayne by the trāslatours to their due place as by the Lattyne bookes of the lawes it is to be seene But bicause we haue made mention of that second Nicene councell whiche decreed both of the hauing and worshipping of Images we shall here brieflye shewe what our stories report was thought of the same coūcell by the learned of England and chieflye by that great learned Englyshe man and of most fame in that age Alcuine scholemaister to Charles the great Anno ab incarnatione Domini 792. Carolus rex Francorum misit Synodalem librum ad Britanniā sibi a Cōstantinopoli directū in quo libro heu proh dolor multa inconuenientia verae fidei contraria reperta sunt maxime quod pene omniū orientalium doctorum nō minus quam trecentorū vel eo amplius episcoporum vnanima assertione confirmatū imagines adorari debere quod omnino ecclesia dei execratur Cōtra quod scripsit Alcuinus epistolam ex autoritate diuinarū scripturarum mirabiliter affirmatā illamque cū codem libro persona episcoporū principum nostrorum regi Francorum attulit That is In the yere frō the incarnatiō of our Lord. 792. Charles kinge of Fraunce sent to Brytaine a Synode booke which was directed vnto hym from Constantinople in the which booke alas many thinges vnconuenient and contrarye to the true fayth were found in especiall that it was establyshed with a whole consent almost of all the learned of the East no lesse then of three hundreth byshoppes or more that men oughte to worship Images the whiche the Churche of God doth vtterlye abharre Agaynst the whiche Alcuine wrote an epistle wonderouslye proued by the authoritie of holy Scripture and brought that epistle with the same booke and names of our byshoppes and princes to the king of Frauuce This story hath Simeon of Durham Roger Houeden Flores Historiarum and the historie of Rochester ⁂ ¶ The Saxon Caracters or letters that be moste straunge be here knowen by other common Caracters set ouer them ¶ d. d. ð. th þ. th f. f. g. g. i. i. r. r. s. s t. t. ƿ. w. y. y. z. z. and. ꝧ that ¶ ¶ Æ AE Æ AE Ð. Th. Þ. Th. E. E. H. H. M. M. S. S. Ƿ. W. And. ¶ One pricke signifieth an vnperfect point this figure which is lyke the Greeke interrogatiue a full painte which in some other olde Sai●●● bookes is expressed wyth three prickes set in triangle wyse thus Imprinted at Londō by Iohn Day dwelling ouer Aldersgate beneath S. Martyns ⸫ ¶ Cum priuilegio Regiae Maiestatis * Who dyd put out secular priestes out of the church of Canterbury as the story of that house sheweth These charters are to be sene * No suche demaunde of thys profession in any Englyshe pontificall before thys tyme. Exod. 14. Exod. 17. Math. 27. Marc. 15. Luke 24. * No such signe commaunded by God in that place of scripture but it was the bloud that God dyd loke vpon Exod 12. * Vnderstand thys as that of S. Paule Ephe. 2. Christ reconciled both to God in one body through hys crosse Iohn 6. Math. 26. Luke 22. Marke 14 1. Cor. 11. * This was now in question and so before Beringarius tyme. * A necessarye distinction * The water in baptisme and bread and wine in the Lords supper compared * No transubstantiation * Differēces betwixt Christes naturall body and the Sacramēt therof * 1. Difference * Not the body that suffred is in the housell * 2. Difference * 3. Difference * 4. Difference Math. 15. * 5. Difference These tales seme to be infarsed placed here vpon no occasion 1. Cor. 10. * Note this exposition which is now a dayes thought new Iohn 4. 1. Cor. 10. Exod. 17. Math. 26. Luke 22. Marke 14 * Now we eate that bodye which was eaten before he was borne by the faythfull * See a transubstantiatiō * Manna Iohn 6. Iohn 6. * What body do the faithfull now eate * A signification before Christ * A sacrifice in Christes tyme. * A remembraunce after Christ Math. 26. Ebreu 10. * This doctrine with praying to images to the dead bodies of men at their tombes tooke his beginning of the auarice of mōkes vnto whom it was gain full * The housell is also the body of al faithfull men * No scripture enforceth the mixture of water with the wyne * The wine signifieth christes bloude * How we shoulde come to the holy cōmunion The words inclosed betwene the ij halfe circles some had rased out of Worceter booke but they are restored agayne out of a booke of Exeter church William of Malmes 1. lib. de pontificibus * That is commit no adultery * That is commit no adultery