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A38503 The life, and philosophy, of Epictetus with The embleme of humane life, by Cebes / rendred into English, by John Davies of Kidwelly.; Vie d'Epictète et sa philosophe. English Boileau, Gilles, 1631-1669.; Davies, John, 1625-1693.; Epictetus. Selections. English. 1670 (1670) Wing E3152; ESTC R873 61,390 238

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remaining four Books He afterwards made a little Treatise which he called Enchiridion which is an Abridgment of all the Moral Philosophy of Epictetus which is yet extant and indisputabl'y one of the most excellent Pieces of Antiquity But what I am extreamly astonish'd at is that a person so highly learned as Lipsius whose illuminated judgment sound its way into the greatest obscurities of the Stoick Philosophy and who made it his principal study should imagine that Epictetus was the Author of that Enchiridion and how he mist observing that Simplicius expressly affirms at the very beginning of his Book that the Enchiridion was compos'd by Arrian and that it was an extract of the noblest and most considerable Maximes of Epictetus's Philosophy The Translator of Arrians Discourses into French so well known by the Philarchus of Monsieur de Balzac is guilty of the same Errour Arrian had also written another very large Book of the Life and Death of Epictetus which is clearly lost Marcus Aurclius speaks of another Book intituled The Commentaries of Epictetus which he had very exactly read over But in all probability these Commentaries are no other than the Discourses of Epictetus whereof I have already spoken For Arrian in the Preface he made before thosse Discourses calls them also the Commentarie● of Epictetus I conceive the equivocation proceeded from the two publications made of that Book during the life of Arrian who possbly gave it different Titles I am also of opinion that those Discourses were much larger than we now find them and it may be that instead of four there were five or six Books of them This is so far certain that Gellius cites a passage of the fifth Book of Arrian's Discourses And Stobaeus relates several passages of the same Author now not extant elsewhere It is possible also that Arrian left out several things at the second publication which was made of his Book and reduc'd the six Books he had made to four However it be I cannot allow what is affirm'd by Suidas that Epictetus writ much For if we ever so little consult what hath been written by Arrian or reflect on the Maximes maintain'd by him we shall hardly be induc'd to any imagination of it There are also certain Answers which some pretend that he made to the Emperour Hadrian But there needs only the reading of them to discover their being supposititious and that they are falsely attributed to him Wolsius put us sometime in hopes that we should see Epictetus's Letters which were as he was told in the Library of Florence But it is very likely that he who told him that News was not well informed of the truth and that we may long expect the publishing of them Of what Disease Epictetus died or at what time is not well known True it is that Suidas affirmes he died under the reign of Marcus Aurelius But I much question the truth of it Salmasius who hath been very large as to this particular brings several reasons to make it appear that Suidas was mistaken The first is that the same Suidas affirms that Epictetus was a slave to Epaphroditus who was Captain of the Life-Guard to Nero. Now from the death of Nero to Marcus Aurelius's advancement to the Empire there are near ninety four years Nay before Epictetus was in a condition to do Epaphroditus any service and to come from Hierapolis to Rome he must be of some Age. So that according to this computation he must have lived near a hundred and twenty years which is not easily believ'd And yet there may be somewhat in the conjecture though not enough to make it convictive for it is possible as Lipsius hath well observ'd that he did not serve Epaphroditus till after the death of Nero. Yet Lipsius may be answer'd by alledging that Epaphroditus is here stiled Captain of Nero's Life Guard which argues that Nero was then living Salmasius's second reason is that Marcus Aurelius numbers not Epictetus among those whom he had heard He only affirms that he had seen his Commentaries by the means of Junius Rusticus who sent him them This reason seems to me much weaker than the former For besides that Epictetus might at that time be retir'd to Nicopolis he died haply at the beginning of Marcus Aurelius's Reign And Suidas affirms only that he came to the time of that Emperour And so though Epictetus had lived till the beginning of his Reign it is possible that Emperour might not see the Commentaries of Epictetus till after his death The third reason alledged by Salmasius seems to me to be of no validity at all He saies that Epictetus's Lamp was sold in Lucian's time and thence he infers that Epictetus was then dead But this does not prove any thing For there are very high probabilities if not certainty that Lucian died not till after Marcus Aurclius And so that Lamp might have been sold in Lucian's time though Epictetus liv'd to the time of that Emperour Nay it is possible it was sold in the Life-time of Epictetus and in that case there would be no difficulty The fourth Reason is That A. Gellius who writ in the time of Antoninus Pius or at the beginning of Marcus Aurelias's Reign affirmes of Epictetus thus The memory of Epictetus the Philosopher is yet fresh The passage is not faithfully set down by Salmasius For it is precisely said in Aulus Gellius That Epictetus also was a slave is of fresh Memory That is it was of fresh memory that Epictetus had been a Slave and not simply that he had been To conclude The last Reason brought by Salmasius is that Aulus Gellius speaks in another place in these Terms I have heard Favorinus say that Epictetus said c. So that since Favorinus died under the Emperour Hadrian Salmasius infers that Epictetus could not have liv'd up to the time of Marcus Aurelius This reason is not convictive because Favorinus might inform Aulus Gellius of what Epictetus said though Epictetus were not dead Yet must we allow it some ground For Aulus Gellius who writ in the time of Antoninus Pius the Predecessor of Marcus Aurelius when he speaks of Epictetus expresses himself in these Terms Epictetus said That venerable Old Man said I have been inform'd by such a one that Epictetus said Which clearly argues that he was not then living And what makes me the more inclinable to this opinion is that it is probable that Arrian had not made any collection of the Discourses of Epictetus till after the death of that Philosopher And if so it is impossible that what is affirmed by Suidas should be true and that Epictetus liv'd up to the time of Marcus Aurelius For in the time of Aulus Gellius who as hath been observed writ under Antoninus Pius these Discourses were already published and generally known True it is that Arrian might have made that Book in the Life-time of Epictetus
Kindness from Fortune I could never find But this advantage from the Gods I have Their unexhausted Treasures fill my Mind Planudes in his Collection of Greek Epigrams falsly attributes this to Leonidas as Vincentius Obsopaeus hath well observ'd and after him Salmasius who also pretends that this Epigram is not Epictetus's and that it was added to A. Gellius by some not-deeply-learnt person All the reason he gives of it is That it is not found in an ancient Manuscript of Aulus Gellius's I am apt to believe it might be so But if this conjecture be true it must be also granted that the same not-deeply-learned person had got it added to Macrobius who cites it as Epictetus's in the first Book of his Saturnalia and brings in the same words of Aulus Gellius But indeed the reason arguing this Epigram not to be Epictetus's is this that it cannot easily be presum'd a Philosopher so remarkable for his modesty and humility as he was should speak so advantageously of his own worth Howere it might be this is most certain that Fortune had not the least kindness for Epictetus yet did not her Persecutions ever oblige him to make his addresses ever the more to Great Persons They are very much to blame said he sometimes to pride themselves in the conceit that so many court them with their respects and services Do they imagine that it is for their own sakes all these submissions are made Everyone as to that particular minds his own concern which taken away they are soon slighted They are justly serv'd as Asses are If they be rubb'd or curry'd it is in order to some service to be got out of them So we reverence those men as men do the Feaver at Rome If Altars be erected to her it is out of a fear of the hurt she may do But what so great mischief continu'd he are we afraid of at their hands The worst they can do is to send us into another World What matters it Must we not alwaies expect death Are not all the waies of Death equal And is not that through which a Tyrant sends us many times the shortest and the easiest In a word no Tyrant was ever so cruel as to be above six months in torturing a man to death Whereas a Feaver is sometimes above a year ere it dispatches him When he met with any of those Persons who are of opinion they transcend others because they are in favour with the Prince or can derive their Pedigree from a long series of Ancestors he treated them after a very pleasant manner You imagine said he to them because your Grand-father was Consul your Father a Senator and you are Caesar's Favourite that you are more at liberty and of better quality than another Know that you are more a Slave than the meanest Slave among the popular and that the condition of such a one is better than yours For if he be ill-treated sometimes by an imperious Master you are continually domineer'd over and tormented by Ambition or some other Passion The only advantage you have over him is that he is but a Slave in some course-cloath and you are one in a Scarlet-coat Besides if he does not his duty he must expect the lash or some such punishment whereas if you do not yours you are somewhat more honourably dealt withal for your head is struck off as beseems a Favourite of Caesar's Thus were Persons of quality treated by Epictetus So that his extream poverty aud the meanness of his extraction could not check him out of the humour of making sport at their Wealth and imaginary Grandeurs His vertue had exalted him above all those things And though Fortune alwaies wreak'd her malice upon him yet would he never repine but pass'd away his life in perpetual content But if he might justly complain of the niggardlyness of Fortune towards him as to corporeal accommodations he was on the other side to acknowledge the profuseness of Heaven towards him as to the advantages of his Mind It seem'd the former had not declar'd her self his enemy but that his triumph over her might be the more glorious Nay I dare affirm that Bondage and the infirmity of his Body were the necessary retinue of his Vertue that it might appear with greater lustre to posterity For without flattery never did any person force up constancy to so noble a height While he was yet a Slave to Epaphroditus that humerous Brute would needs one time make it his sport to wrinch his Leg. Epictetus perceiving that he took a certain pleasure in so doing and that he renew'd the exercise with greater strength said to him smiling and without seeming any way mov'd thereat If you continue this sport you will certainly break my Leg Accordingly that having happen'd as he had foretold it all he said to him was Well did I not tell you that you would break my Leg Was there ever Constancy equal to this Was it not as I may say an out-braving of Fortune's extravagance and the infirmity of our Nature Celsus transported with an Enthusiasme of Philosophy makes this patience of his transcend whatever might pretend to that name so far as to be guilty of an abhominable impiety by heightning the patience of Epictetus above that of our Saviour Jesus Christ. If the malice of Time had not depriv'd us of the Book which Arrian writ of his Life and Death I am confident we should have found many other as great examples of his Patience Nor is it to be doubted but that a man who so suffer'd his Leg to be broken had before made discoveries of his Constancy upon several other occasions And indeed this Vertue was so attendant on him that it forsook him not even in the most considerable actions of his Life Thence it came that he said If your Oyle be spilt or your Wine stollen out of your Cellar you are to make this reflection in your self That by such casualties is Constancy purchas'd But if he maintain'd these Maximes with much earnestness he observ'd them with no less rigour For one day this Philosopher having bought an Iron-lamp which he thought a very precious piece of Houshold-stuff as he was in a deep meditation in the Chimney-corner a Thief came into his Room and stole away his Lamp without his perceiving of him So that a while after Epictetus looking about and missing his Lamp fell a smiling and without any disturbance said I shall deceive this Thief to morrow for if he come for another Lamp it shall be but an Earthen one True it is we cannot affirm this action was of equal gallantry with the former yet in my judgment it is no less remarkable There is not ought wherein the Genius of persons is so discoverable as in their trivial things inasmuch as the Soul appears therein as it were stript of the disguise of all sorts of Passions Whereas in grea● matters she is in a
THE LIFE AND PHILOSOPHY OF EPICTETVS With THE EMBLEME OF Humane LIFE By CEBES Rendred into English by JOHN DAVIES of Kidwelly LONDON Printed by T. R. for John Martyn and are to be Sold at the Sign of the Bell without Temple Bar 1670. TO THE Right HONOURABLE PHILIP HOWARD OF NORFOLK Lord Almoner to her most Sacred Majesty of Great Brittain c. TO prove the productions of the Ancients extraordinary and transcendent in their kinds it would be hard for me to bring a greater Testimony then the present I heer make your Lordship of these two small yet Master-Pieces of Morality The veneration and esteem wherewith they have been entertain'd through so many Ages sufficiently argue that Time with all its envy hath not been able to make any diminution of their Original excellency For who can reflect on Epictetus wihtout a certain astonishment at his exemplary Constancy Who can think on the strictness of his Precepts without framing to himself an Idaea of that noble Insensibility which the Stoicks requir'd in their Virtuoso Who can view him so indifferent and unconcern'd in the greatest emergencies and not be convinc'd that there may be an undistracted pursuit of Vertue through all the disgraces and inconveniences of humane Life Who in fine shall consider him laying down Humility for the Ground-work of his Morals and not be surpriz'd at the strange illumination of a Heathen Philosopher These my Lord were the Characters which endear'd Epictetus to all the lovers of vertuous action and rais'd him out of the miseries of Servitude into a familiarity with Emperours From which considerations I must acknowledge my self encourag'd to recommend him in his present dress to your Patronage presuming that with these Qualifications he must be kindly receiv'd by a Person who hath prefer'd the splendor arising from Christian Austerities and Mortifications before all the advantages of Nature or Fortune and with him the sincerity and submission wherewith I am MY Lord Your most humbly devoted Servant J. DAVIES THE PREFACE TO make some estimate of the value which hath been from time to time set on the Dictates of Epictetus we may content our selves with this remark that so many Learned Hands have been employ'd either in the rendring of them into other Languages or the explication of them in his own In the Latine there are many Versions of all which it is not our design here to give any particular account In English I cannot find that it hath appear'd above once before done as close as could be to the Original and as well as the English could bear it which Edition came out about the year 1610. entituled The Manual of Epictetus In the French Tongue several eminent Persons spent their pains about it among whom Monfieur Boileau is the last and consequently the most exact in regard he had consulted all that had gone before him on this subject His labours herein prov'd so acceptable that in few years his Work came to a third Impression which appearing abroad in the year 1667. is the Original of this Translation It seems in the precedent Editions Mons Boileau had intituled it The Enchiridion of Epictetus but in the last out of complyance with the advice of some Friends and a reflection that some Words as they are not so easily pronounc'd so are they not so easily naturaliz'd as others he put out that Title and call'd it the Philosophy of Epictetus Monsieur Du Vair who some years since translated this Tract was pleas'd to call it also the Manual of Epictetus But our Author declin'd that name too partly out of a consideration that the Word Manual seems to be particularly consecrateed to Works of Devotion and Piety and partly that Enchiridion is a Greek Term which in this place properly signifies a Ponyard The reason alledged by Simplicius why Arrian gave it that Title is this That as Ponyards are light Armes which we commonly carry about us to be us'd when we are surpriz'd by our Enemies So should we always have this little Book before our eyes that we may the better oppose the assaults of our Passions a kind of domestick Enemies whereof we should be alwaies distrustfull Had our Author been satisfy'd with this fancy of Simplicius he would still have entituled his Book the Ponyard of Epictetus but somewhat improperly inasmuch as besides that it might have frighted some Readers it sounded not well to attribute either defensive or offensive Armes to Epictetus a Philosopher so signall for his Constancy and Patience Vpon which reflections he thought best to call it simply the Philosophy of Epictetus Mons Boileau affirms further of himself that for the better understanding of the Original Author he got all the helps he could out of the Discourses of Arrian and the Greek Commentary of Simplicius an excellent Work comprehending the whole Morality of the Stoicks He saies also that among the many Latine Versions he kept most closely to those of Politian and Wolfius as the most exactly done not forgetting the late labour of Salmasius upon this Piece in a large Commentary upon that of Simplicius But what our Authour most esteems in this Work of his is the Life of Epictetus which had not been written in any Language before and consequently must require the greater pains since it was to be collected out of so many several Authors Had he pleas'd he might have made it larger but some things have been omitted that it might be the more proportion'd to this Abbridgment At the end of the Philosophy follows Cebes's Tablet that is an Embleme or Representation of Humane Life before which there is a Preface giving an account of it These two Pieces have been for the most joyned together partly upon a consideration of the allyance of the Subject and partly upon that of their Antiquity J. D. THE LIFE OF EPICTETUS EPICTETUS was born neer the end of Nero's Empire at Hierapolis a City of Phrygia Of his birth there is no certaine account for his Father and Mother are equally unknown All the certainty we have of him is that he was a Slave of one named Epaphroditus a Libertine and one of the Captains of Nero's Life-Guard a person recommendable upon no other score save that of being Master to so illustrious a Slave Arrian relates of this Epaphroditus two actions among others worthy certainly the Genius of the person and which I the rather take notice of here because I conceive they perfectly expresse his character One day this Man sold to another Officer of Nero's one of his Slaves named Felicion by profession a Shoo-maker as accounting him no expert Workman That Slave coming afterwards by that means to be the Emperour's Shoo-maker and Epaphroditus hearing of it treated him with extraordinary civilities and respects and at length made him his greatest Friend and Confident Another time a certain Man casting himself at his feet extreamly deploring the crossnesse of his Fortune and complaining that of all his
person that supported it from others with so much constancy When some out of meer contempt of him and his doctrine came and intreated him to conduct them to some other Philosophers and to give them his recommendation to them so far was he from giving them any repulse that with much civility he went along with them to those other Philosophers So little was he troubled that the Doctrine of others should be prefer'd before his own If it happen then that any one speak of some Axiome of Philosophy before ignorant persons be you silent as long as you can in regard it is somewhat to he fear'd that you may cast up what you have not yet well digested If any one reproach you with Ignorance and you are not any way mov'd at it know that you have already attain'd some part of what your precepts enjoyn you Sheep do not vomit up the Food or Grass they have eaten but in requital are thereby fatted up and supply their Owners with Milk and Wooll In like manner ought not you to amuse your self in entertaining ignorant persons with your Precepts because it is a sign you have not well digested them They are rather to be instructed by your Actions If you have learnt to satisfie your body with little forbear making any ostentation of it If you have brought your selfe to a custome of drinking onely water think not that you are to boast of it And if you would sometimes exercise your selfe in a thing requiring much pains and labour do it privately and be not desirous that others should see you in imitation of those who being persecuted by persons of authority run and imbrace Statues to get the people together and in that posture cry out that they have suffered violence Whoever seeks glory by such means seeks onely the outside of it and looses the fruit both of Patience and Frugality inasmuch as he places the end of these excellent vertues in the opinion of the multitude Certainly all Affectation in this particular is frivolous and of no advantage If you would accustome your selfe to Patience take fair water into your mouth when you are extreamly thirsty and having spurted it out immediately without swallowing so much as one drop tell not any body of it It argues a meanness of spirit and ignorance in any man never to expect Good or Evill from himself but to expect is always from some thing not dependent on him On the contrary it is the characteristick of a Philosopher not to expect his Good or Evil but from himself The signs whereby it may be known whether a man makes any proficiency in study and vertue are these Not to reprove not to commend not to blame and not to accuse any one not to boast of what he is or what he knows to be his owne accuser when he is hindred or forbidden to do something to laugh in his sleeve at those persons who commend him not to be angry when any find fault with him but to imitate those who having not perfectly recover'd their health walk gently for fear of stirring the humours to have an absolute power over his desires not to have any aversion but for what is repugnant to the nature of those things which depend on him not to wish any thing passionately not to be concern'd whether he be accounted an Ignorant or a Knowing person in fine to be distrustful of himselfe as of a domestick Enemy whose ambushes he is always afraid of When any one makes it his brag that he can explicate the Books of Chrysippus let this be your reflection that it Chrysippus had not written obscurely this other person had had nothing to brag of Yet is not this that which I seek after my designe is to study Nature and to follow Her When I am told then that Chrysippus is her interpreter my recourse is to him and if I understand him not I seek out some other body that can explicate him to me Hitherto have I not done anything that is excellent or commendable For when I shall have met with any one that is able to explicate that Philosopher to me yet the main thing is yet unpress'd which is the putting of his Precepts into practice If I make no further progress than to admire the explication of Chrysippus all amounts only to this that where I was a Philosopher before I am now become a Grammarian All the difference is that instead of Homer I explicate Chrysippus And thence it must come that I am much more asham'd I cannot do actions suitable to his Precepts then I am at my not understanding of him OBSERVE what we have deliver'd as inviolable Lawes which you cannot not trangress without impiety and trouble not your selfe concerning all that might have been said since that depends not on you How long will you defferre applying your self to such excellent things and putting in practice such important instructions When will you give over violating the Lawes of right reason you have heard the Precepts which you ought to embrace and I am inclin'd to believe that you have already embraced them but give others some assurance of it What other Master do you yet expect till whose coming you deferre your reformation Bethink your selfe that your youth is past and that you are come to the age of a man If you neglect these Precepts and if you make them not your Directories of your Manners you will put it off from day to day and from time to time make additional and reiterated resolutions and so your life will slide away so insensibly as that it will not be perceivable whether you have made any progress in the study of Vertue or not In fine your life and your death will not be distinguishable from that of the meanest person among the Populace Now therefore without any further delay embrace the life of a man aiming at proficiency and perfection Look upon whatever seems best to you as an intrangressible Law If any thing laborious if any thing delightful if any thing glorious if any thing disgraseful presents it selfe remember it is time to enter the lists in order to an engagement that the Olimpick Exercises are come and that there is no thinking of any retreat Bethink your selfe that your Establishment is concern'd in either the loosing or gaining of the Victory By this meanes was it that Socrates came to that point of Wisdome which was justly attributed to him by presenting himself to all occasions and not harkning to any advice but that of Reason For your part then who are not yet a Socrates you ought to live as a man desirous of becoming as wise as Socrates The chiefest and most necessary part of Philosophy is that which treats of the use of the Precepts for example Not to lye The second that which treats of Demonstration for example Of the reason why men ought not to lye And the third is that which confirmes and examines