REFLECTIONS ON THE RELATION OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION Lately Printed at OXFORD PART I. AMSTERDAM Printed for I. S. 1688. REFLECTIONS ON THE RELATION OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION c. The First Part. The INTRODUCTION WE have been long in Expectation of some extraordinary Productions of the Eminent Convert of Oxford His Age his Learning and the present Conjuncture hath raised that Expectation very high and tho the ill success of his Discourses concerning the Presence in the Sacrament and the Adoration of it hath sunk his Reputation to a great Degree it having appeared that he neither writes exactly nor sincerely which hath lessened him much in the Opinion of those who expected great things from him Yet it was thought that matters of History would succeed better in his hand for it hath been long believed that he had examined those Transactions very critically so that when I heard that he had undertaken this Subject I expected great Discoveries from him and fancied that instead of Extracts out of Fuller and Heylin we should have found Records Originals Papers and the Cotton-Library often cited So it may be easily apprehended how much I was surprised when I found a Book of such a Volume in which there was not the least Discovery of any new matters of Fact and that there was nothing in it but a tedious Repetition very ill expressed in rough English of Arguments that have been over and over again both made and refuted together with a Representation of the state of Affairs in the last Age that was partly defective and partly false It seemed strange to me at first view to see so large a Book writ and printed eight years after that Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation had appeared without its taking the least notice of that Work which hath been so well received so much read and which seems to be so well confirmed by the Proofs that accompany it that few Books of History have gained a more general Reputation than it hath done and as none of the Roman-Communion have been able hitherto to say any thing for the Disparagement of that Work except Mr. Varillas so he hath been so severely exposed by the Dr. that this attempt hath raised its Credit instead of lessening of it It is true This Book seems to be a part of a great Work and to have been writ many years ago For as this appears in many Parts of it so more remarkably in one Passage that shews it was written in the Interval between His Late Majesties being re-established in his Throne and the Restauration of Bishops and therefore when this Book was writ the Author could not vouch other Historians than such as had then appeared Yet since the printing of it was delayed so long and since it is believed that the Author and the Publisher is the same Person he might have given himself the trouble to have reviewed his Work or at least to have added some Appendix relating to that more copious and authentical Account which Dr. Burnet hath given us of our Reformation For if the Dr. hath deceived the World by a false Representation of Matters yet it must be confessed that he hath done it with so good a Grace and with such appearances of Sincerity and of proving what he relates and that both our Countrymen and Forreigners have read that Work so much as appears by the several Impressions at home and the several Translations that have been printed beyond Sea that it was too great an Omission in the Author of this Recital if he be still alive that he hath never mentioned that History nor said any thing to ruin the Reputation it hath gained I am I confess much inclined to believe that he who hath published this Book could not have writ it For as there is nothing in it that answers the Reputation he hath in the World so the time of writing it seems a Demonstration that he cannot be the Author of it For what Opinion can we have of a mans Conscience of his Probity or his Honour that could write such a Book against the Reformation and the Church of England in the year 1660. and yet could continue in the Communion of our Church concurring not only in the Acts of our daily Worship but mixing with us in the Holy Sacrament twenty five years after this Such a Criminal Compliance hath so many foul Characters upon it that after all the Charity to which a man can carry his thoughts he can scarce know how to have one good thought of a person capable of so black and such a long continued dissimulation both towards God and Man. Whether Oaths and Subscriptions have not come in wise to enhance the guilt of so horrid a Dissimulation I do not know but even tho that hath not been in the case God and Man hath been sufficiently mocked This is that which makes me very unwilling to believe that the Author of this Book could continue in all the Acts of visible Communion with this Church so many years after he writ it tho I confess he speaks so softly and with so little Detestation of the compliance of the Popish Clergy in Edward the 6th's time that this looks too like a man that was resolved to venture on the same guilt for he tells us in his harsh Stile That the perpetual outward compliance of some other Bishops contrarily affected since there preceded before it penalties and Fears and the seeing of the prime Bishops to be imprisoned and ejected for standing out is far from an authentical Consent and unjustly reckoned as such For tho none can know mens Hearts but by their outward appearances yet where mens Votes are asked after Penalties Imprisonments of others Threats c. which are so strong motives of Dissimulation Now all that conform in these are to be presumed Compliers and none free Voters And afterwards without expressing any horror at it he owns That many of the inferior Clergy remained still of the old Religion which he goes about to prove by several Reasons And yet after all this there was nothing to be apprehended in K. Edward's days by such of the Clergy as would not receive the Reformation but the loss of their Benefices which if we are not mistaken in the Man our Author felt to be such a strong motive of Dissimulation that he resolved to be overcome by it If a single Act of impious Worship against a mans Conscience was thought so heinous a crime by the Primitive Church that it could not be expiated but by a Penitence of many years continuance then certainly the same Sin repeated in the course of so many years against such clear Convictions of Conscience must be confessed to be so heinous a Transgression that according to the Spirit of the Primitive Times such an Offender could have expected no other Grace but to obtain the Peace of the Church in his last agonies To see a man change is natural especially where
the Civil and Temporal Heads of our Church XXIV He tells us that the Monks could not give away that which they had only for term of Life I know not how this comes to be delivered by our Author at a time when the surrender of so many Charters to the King hath been judged Legal though it was made by men who had no Title to these and who were so far from having a Right to them for Term of Life that they had only the Administration of them in an Annual Magistracy so that our Author had best consider how he advances such Positions lest he doth as much hurt one way as he thinks to do service another In a word our Author hath pleaded the Cause of the Monasteries and hath arraigned the Suppression of them severely tho as he said concerning the burning of Hereticks he would not be thought to plead for it in this place XXV He accuses King Henry for giving Dispensations in matters of Marriage against Ecclesiastical Canons and because he declared all Marriages to be lawful that were not against Gods Law Here if in any thing the perverseness of the Church of Rome appears or rather their design to oblige the World to have oft recourse to them to pay them well and to depend much on them they have prohibited Marriage in many degrees that were not forbid by the Law of God and to ballance this they have suffered Marriages to be contracted in the Degrees forbid by God for the Pope's Power of Dispensing is promoted both ways they have added a new Contrivance of Spiritual Kindred and as the Prohibitions that they have set up were unknown to the Ancient Church so the Degrees that they have declared dispensable were believed by the Ancient Church to be moral and indispensable And yet after all this corruption of Ecclesiastical Discipline they are in great wrath at the Reformers because they thought it was fit to return to the Degrees forbid by the Law of Moses and to cut off these superadded Prohibitions which were inventions to bring grist to that Mill where all things were to be had so men will come up to the Price There follow here a great many Instances in which King Henry exercised his Supremacy which our Author aggravates all he can But the Considerations that were proposed in the first Part seem fully to satisfie all the difficulties that can be thought to arise out of them XXVI He tells us that such of the Privy Council as complied not with the Changes made in King Edward's Days were turned out after some time and names Bishop Tonstal Wriothesly the Chancellor and the Earl of Arundel and he adds That the King had but one Parliament continued by Prorogation from Session to Session till at last it ended in the Death of the King. Here are Matters of no great Consequence I confess but these shew how careless our Author was in examining the Story of our Reformation and how easy he was to take up any Reports that might blast it It will not appear a very extraordinary thing to see Privy Counsellors turned out that do not concur with the Designs that prevail Some such things have possibly fallen out in our own Time and Men have no great cause to complain of a severe Administration when this is all the Rigour that is shewed to those who oppose themselves to the Tide But our Author was misinformed in all these Particulars Tonstal went along with all that was done and was contented to protest in Parliament against some Laws but as soon as they were made he gave a ready Obedience to them and continued to be still in the Council during the Duke of Somerset's Ministry Wriothesly was not turned out till after some time but immediately upon King Henry's Death he had past an illegal Patent upon which to prevent a severer Sentence he resign'd his Place but he continued still to be of the Privy Council And the Earl of Arundel continued to be of the Privy Council for many Years and long after fell to be in ill terms with the Duke of Northumberland and upon that an Enquiry was made into his Administration and he was fined 12000 Pounds But it is no wonder to find our Author mistaken in matters of this Nature when in so publick a thing as that King Edward had but one Parliament in his whole Reign he hath not been at the pains to turn over the Book of Statutes for there he would have found that King Edward's first Parliament was dissolved the 15th of April 1552 and a Second Parliament was called and opened the First of March following and was dissolved the last Day of that same Month. So that there were two Parliaments in this Reign and the Second was dissolved by an Act of the King 's and not by his Death I do confess these are not great Matters yet this may be drawn out of them that our Author who pretends to have examined the Transactions of that Time with so much exactness took things upon trust without giving himself the trouble to enquire into them so critically as was necessary for one that was resolved to pass a Judgment upon them XXVII He expostulates upon the Inhibition of preaching put upon the Bishops except in their own Cathedrals which agrees ill with the Censure that Fox passes upon them as Dumb Prelates And after this there was a general Inhibition on the whole Clergy hindring them to preach till a Uniform Order of Doctrine should be set out in which some Bishops and other Learned Men were then employed by the King's Order As for this Inhibition upon Bishops to preach except in their Cathedrals it is a Fiction of our Author's for which he can give no Voucher they were not so much as restrained from giving Licences to preach much less to preach themselves over their Diocess The second and general Restraint as it was but for a very short while so the Thing is very doubtful and stands only on Fuller's Credit who was too careless a Writer to be appealed to in any Matter of Consequence XXVIII Our Author cites here the Discourse of Communion in one kind which by all appearance is that lately writ by the Bishop of Meaux This shews that the Author and the Publisher is the same Person though others pretend that the Author is dead many Years ago But it seems the Publisher thought fit at least to add some new touches and since he did that he might have thought it worth the while to have examined at least the Records published by Dr. Burnet and his History it self might have been considered as well as Mr. Fullers and Dr. Heylins But since it seems our Author thought the Discourse of the Communion in one kind fit to be recommended by him I will take the liberty to recommend the Answer to it in French by Monsieur Larroque and that lately writ in English in which the disingenuity of the Discourse
which they account Infallible It is true some have thought they could get out of this difficulty by denying these to be the Acts of that Council But if our Author be the same Person with him that writ concerning the Adoration of the Eucharist he is of another mind and doth acknowledg that those Canons are the true Acts of that great Assembly and not only the Designs of the Pope It is true he saith the sense of the Canon concerning the secular Powers is by Protestants mistaken But he hath not yet given himself the trouble of laying before us the true sense of that Canon and one would think that he who writ the Treatise that is now under Examination had very favourable thoughts of the Doctrine of Subjects shaking off an heretical Prince for he reckons up the many risings that were in K. Edwards days chiefly for matter of Religion as a proof that the Body of the Clergy went not into that change Which rising saith he of the Laity in such numbers for their former way of Religion would not have been had not their Clergy justified it unto them Rising is a soft word for Rebellion and one would think that it would have afforded no small matter of reproach against us if we brought in a company of Rebels to make up a Muster of our Religion But to own that the Clergy justified it to them without adding the least Word expressing our Author's dislike of this shews plainly enough that how good a Subject soever our Author may be to a Prince of his own Religion yet he thinks a Catholick Clergy may be able to justifie to the Laity a Rising against a Heretical Prince upon the account of Religion And it seems our Author had a great mind to make a huge appearance of his Catholick Rebels in K. Edwards days For besides that he speaks of Risings in many more Counties then are mentioned by the Books of that time he also represents all those Risings to have been upon the account of Religion tho the History makes it clear that the Risings over England were chiefly occasioned by Parks and Enclosures and that it was a rage of the Peasants against the Gentry in most places chiefly in the Northfolk-Rebellion where Religion was not at all pretended nor doth it appear that any pretended Religion except those of Devonshire so that our Author would make his Party and the Clergy more Rebellious than indeed they were In this whole Period he seems to have been forsaken of common Sense CHAP. III. Some general Considerations on the Regal Supremacy that was raised so high at the Reformation OUR Author hath brought together many Acts of Parliament with their pompous Preambles that seem to carry the Kings Power in Ecclesiastical Matters to a very Indefinite degree and upon all this he triumphs often as if this was so improper that it alone is enough to blast the whole Reformation Our Author is much more concerned to justifie all Papal Bulls than we can be to justifie all the Words of our Laws especially the Rhetorick that is in their Preambles If he believes the Pope infallible the general Parts of Bulls that set forth the Doctrine of the Church are such solemn Declarations that he must be determined by them But at lowest he believes the Popes to be the Centers of the Catholick Unity and all Bishops are bound by Oath to obey all their Decrees and Ordinances Now when our Author will undertake to justifie all the Preambles of Bulls that are in the Bullarium then we may undertake to justifie all the flourishes that may be in any Act of Parliament When any Authority is asserted in general and indefinite Terms these are always to be understood with those Restrictions and Limitations that the nature of things require to be supposed even when they are not expressed St. Paul expresses the Obedience of Wives to their Husbands in terms so extreamly extended that as the Church is subject unto Christ so ought the Wives be to their own Husbands in every thing He expresses also the Duty of Children in as comprehensive terms Children obey your Parents in all things Now if one would draw Inferences from the extent of these words he might taking the liberty that our Author takes upon some of the Expressions that are in our Acts of Parliament represent the Authority that St. Paul vests both in Husbands and Parents as a very boundless and a very extravagant thing This is enough to shew that in all those large Phrases of Obedience there are some necessary Reserves and Exceptions to be understood and if this Qualification is necessary even in writings that were inspired it is no wonder if some of the Rhetorick of our Acts of Parliament wants a little of this Correction It is a very unreasonable thing to urge some general Expressions or some stretches of the Royal Supremacy and not to consider that more strict Explanation that was made of it both in K. Henry the 8th's time and under Q. Elizabeth That were so clear that if we had to do with Men that had not resolved before-hand not to be satisfied one would think there could be no room for any further cavilling In K. Henry's time the extent of the Kings Supremacy was defined in the necessary Erudition of a Christian man that was set forth as the Standard of the Doctrine of that time and it was upon this that all people were obliged to take their measures and not upon some Expressions either in Acts of Parliament or Acts of the Convocation nor upon some stretches of the Kings Jurisdiction In this then it is plainly said That with relation to the Clergy the King is to oversee them and to cause that they execute their Pastoral Office truly and faithfully and especially in those Points which by Christ and his Apostles was committed to them And to this it is added That Bishops and Priests are bound to obey all the Kings Laws not being contrary to the Laws of God. So that here is expressed that necessary Reserve upon their Obedience it being provided that they were only bound to obey when the Laws were not contrary to the Laws of God. The other Reserve is also made of all that Authority which was committed by Christ and his Apostles to the Bishops and Priests and we are not ashamed to own it freely that we see no other Reserves upon our obedience to the King besides these So that these being here specified there was an unexceptionable Declaration made of the Extent of the Kings Supremacy yet because the term Head of the Church had something in it that seemed harsh there was yet a more express Declaration made of this matter under Q. Elizabeth of which indeed our Author hath taken notice tho I do not find he takes notice of the former which he ought to have done if he had intended to have represented this matter sincerely to the world which I confess seems not
mentioned by our Author is laid open beyond all possibility of replying XXIX He tells us that the Veneration of Images was defined in a General Council the Second Nicene which Council also justifies it by Antiquity That Council hath been lately sufficiently exposed by a Learned and Judicious Pen. It was neither a General Council nor did it justify what it defined by Antiquity The falshood of some of their Allegations and the Impertinences of the rest and the Inferences drawn from those pretended Authorities are all such extravagant Things that they give a just prejudice against every thing that was defined by Men that were equally void of sincerity and of common sense XXX There follows from this to the end of the Chapter a long and laborious Vindication of the Clergy in King Edward's Time in which our Author endeavours by many Instances of which some were mentioned in the First Part to make it appear that the Clergy at that time gave only an outward compliance that they acted against their Consciences that the Severity of that Time tho it went no further than to the ejecting them out of their Benefices who refused to comply and to the imprisoning of a very few yet wrought so much upon their weakness and their love of Mony that against their Perswasions they complied both in Subscribing Swearing and Officiating in the Divine Service This shews our Author's sound and good Judgment that leads him to fancy that he hath by this Plea done any thing but blackned them in the most infamous manner that can be imagined It had been much less scandalous upon them to have owned that many of them were weak and easy Men ignorant and tractable and so were apt to be seduced but that in Q. Mary's Time they return'd again to their old Persuasions But this would not have served our Author's turn who wanted somewhat to excuse his own treacherous Compliance against his Conscience for so many Years even after he had all that Conviction which he owns in his Book But if he hopes to excuse his Crimes by shewing that his own Church hath produced in former Times Men as black and as criminal as himself we do not envy him this Apology He might perhaps have another design in it but of the same size of Sincerity and good Judgment with the other He no doubt fancied as many more perhaps did that the Church of England had many more such false Brethren as Himself in her Bosom who wanted only good Colours and a fair Occasion to declare themselves and so as he had been preparing many Books with which he hoped to overthrow us when ever the time of publishing them should come he fancied this Representation that he gives of the Complyance of the Popish Party might offer to others like himself some excuse for their dissembling so long with God and Man only that they might enjoy the Profits of a Benefice since it cannot be so much as pretended that there was any other Temptation in the case But God be thanked he hath had few Companions in his Apostacy or Treachery let him choose which he will. XXXI Our Author cites a Passage out of a Letter of Q. Mary's written in her Brother's time to the Privy-Council in which there is a Period that overthrows a great many of his Assertions She says that she was well assured that the King her Fathers Laws were all allowed and consented to without compulsion by the whole Realm both Spiritual and Temporal Now if the former part of the Citation he produces makes a little against the Changes in King Edward's time the latter part is as strong in the Justification of that which was done under K. Henry I cannot leave this without taking notice of our Author's way of citing which gives the justest cause of Suspicion that can be The words he cites are I have offended no Law unless it be a late Law of your own making for the altering Matters of Religion which is not worthy to have the Name of a Law both for c. and for the partiality used in the same Now did ever Man before our Author put an c. in such a place I have not Fox by me from whom this is cited but I am sure this way of cutting a Sentence doth not look fair XXXII I pass over many Particulars which are Repetitions of things that have been already considered relating to the Instances in which the King's Supremacy was exercised Only where he complains of the restoring the Cup to the Laity as contrary to the Injunction of the Council of Constance I must acknowledg his Sincerity in not pretending to carry the Violation of our Saviour's Institution of the Sacrament higher than the 15th Century We are not ashamed to own that our Reformers thought it better to follow the first 14 Centuries especially since our Lord's Institution was at the Head of them then so late and so treacherous an Assembly that had overthrown all the Confidence that can be among Men as well as it had sacrilegiously robbed the People of a Right that was derived to them by our Saviour's express Words XXXIII He quarrels the Form of Ordination set out in Edward the Sixth's Time because in contradiction to all Antiquity that part was cast out by which a Bishop gives to Priests a Power to offer up Sacrifices and to say Masses for the Dead and the Living It seems our Author knows Antiquity as well as he doth the History of our Reformation otherwise he had never pretended that a Form that is no elder than the 8th Century was the Practice of all Antiquity This is so clear to all who have examined this matter that it is needless to urge it farther The Silence of all ancient Authors the Form mentioned by the 4th Council of Carthage by the Apostolical Constitutions and by Denis the Areopagite and the ancient Rituals printed by Morinus are such clear Proofs in this matter that I may well save my self a farther Labour XXXIV He gives another Exception against our Book of Ordinations that instead of the Oath of Submission to the Patriarch there was another Oath prescribed to the Temporal Prince Our Author must needs know that the Oath which was formerly sworn to the Pope was a plain Oath of Homage such as Subjects swear to their Princes by which all Bishops were bound to the Popes and to the Regalities of St. Peter as to their Leige Lord in the same form of Words in which Vassals swore Homage to their Superiour Lords and it was no wonder to see our Legislators change that into an Oath of Supremacy to our Temporal Prince In the Primitive Times there was no such thing as either Oath or Promise of Obedience to Superiours in Ordinations and it was not before the End of the 7th Century that a Promise of Obedience was requir'd yet Charles the Great found ill Effects of this and so got it to be condemned
here while he is in England he will condemn these treasonable Doctrines The ground upon which he condemns them is also suitable to the Condemnation it self For he says that this is the Opinion of several Catholicks This was modestly expressed For tho it is true that several of those he calls Catholicks are of this mind yet all Catholicks are not of it So that the Doctrine of murdering Kings is at least a probable one and since the Decrees of the Church of Rome for the deposing of Princes fall not only on those that are Hereticks themselves but even on the Fautors and Favourers of Hereticks I do not see how his Majesty's Life is secured For besides the Protection and Liberty that he grants to Hereticks of his own Dominions he hath received and encouraged the Refuges of another Prince which is to be a Favourer of Heresy of the worst sort So that if Innuendoes were in fashion I do not see how our Author could defend himself against an Indictment of Treason or at least against an Information Our Author to let us see how wary he is in his Concessions as he calls them ends the Paragraph with another It shall be granted here For it is plain he will not loose an inch of all the Papal Pretensions but will preserve them entire to a better time XXXIX Our Author pretends that Q. Elizabeth's Supremacy was carried much higher than had been granted by the former Clergy under K. Henry the 8th The Allegation is false for the Supremacy was carried much higher under King Henry than it was under Queen Elizabeth who as she would not accept of the Title of Head of the Church so she explained her Supremacy both in her own Injunctions and in the Acts of Convocation and Parliament that followed in so unexceptionable a manner that our Author himself hath nothing to object to it He seems also to infinuate as if the King's Supremacy were asserted by us as a Grant of the Clergy whereas we pretend to no such thing The Civil Supremacy that we ascribe to our Princes is founded on the Laws of God on the Rules of Humane Society on the Laws of England and on the Practice of the Church for many Ages and King Henry receiv'd no new strengthning of his Title by the Act of the Clergy which did not confer any new Authority on him but only declared that which was already inherent in him XL. Our Author enters into a long Discourse to prove the Invalidity of Orders granted in our Church which he doth so weakly and yet as he doth all other things so tediously and with so much Confusion that I have no mind to follow him in all his wandrings He seems to question the Authority of Suffragan Bishops who though they were limited as to their Iurisdiction yet as to their Order they were the same with the other Bishops The Proceedings in Queen Mary's Time were too full of Irregularity and Violence to be brought as Proofs that the Orders given by King Edward's Book were not valid In a word the Foundation of that false Opinion of some of the Church of Rome was that ever since the Time of the Council of Florence the Form in which Priests Orders were conferred was believed to be the delivering the Sacred Vessels with a power to offer Sacrifices for the Dead and Living So they reckoned that we had no true Priests since that Ceremony was struck out of our Ordinal But the folly of all this is apparent since Men began to examine the Ancient Rituals and those which have been published by Morinus shew that as this Rite is peculiar to the Roman Church so it was not received before the Ninth Century And since all Ordinations during the first Eight Centuries were done by the Imposition of Hands and Prayer then there can be no reason to question our Orders since we retain still all that the Ancient Church thought necessary As for the common Observation of our Ordinals not being enacted by Queen Elizabeth before the Eighth Year of her Reign it hath been so oft made and answered that I am 〈…〉 see our Author urge it any further Would he that hath disputed so much against the Civil Authorities medling in Matters Sacred annul our Orders because the Law was not so clearly worded with relation to that part of our Offices The most that can possibly be made out of this is that the Ordinations were not quite legal so that one might have disputed the paiment of the Fruits But this hath no relation to us as we are a Church in that the Book of Ordinations having been annexed to the Book of Common-Prayer in King Edward the Sixth's Time the reviving of the Book of Common-Prayer in Queen Elizabeth's Time was considered as including the Book of Ordinations Though it s not being expresly named this gave occasion to Bonner to question the validity of them in Law. Upon which the Explanatory Act passed declaring that it had been the Intention of the Parliament to include that in the Book of Common-Prayer So that this Act only declared the Law but did not create any new Right I have now gone over all that I judged most material in this tedious Book The darkness of the stile the many unfinished Periods the frequent Repetitions the many long Quotations to very little purpose above all the intricate way of Reasoning made it a very ungrateful thing to me to wrestle through it In it one may see how much a Man may labour and study to very little purpose For how unhappy soever the Author hath been in his pains it cannot be denied but he hath been at a great deal to compass it But a Man that neither sees things distinctly nor judges well of them the more he toils about them he entangles himself and his Reader so much the more So that never was so much pains taken to less purpose If our Author gives us many more Books of this size both as to Sincerity and good Reasoning he will quickly cure the World of the Mistake in which they were concerning him He passed once for a Learned Man and he had passed so still if he had not taken care to let the World see by so many repeated Essays how false a Title he hath to that Reputation which had fallen upon him But it seems his Sincerity and good Judgment are of a piece Otherwise as he could not obtrude on the World the falsehoods concerning latter times and the Ignorance of Antiquity that appears in all his Books so when so many have been at the pains to discover both his Mistakes and his Impostures He would either have confessed them or some way excused them But it is no wonder to see a Man that dissembled so long with God and that lied so oft to him serve the World now as he did his God for so many Years I pray God touch his Heart and give him a Repentance proportioned to the heinousness of his Sins by which he hath given so much Scandal to the Atheistical sort of Men who from him must be tempted to draw strange Consequences And he hath certainly brought a greater Reproach on that Church to which he hath gone over than all the Services he can ever render them in his useless and confounded Writings will be able to wipe off But to whom sovever he hath been a Reproach our Church hath no share in it since of him and of such as he is we must say They went out from us but they were not of us For if they had been of us they would no doubt have continued with us but they went out that it might be made manifest that they were not all of us FINIS P. 82. ad finem From p. 140. Page 141. Adorat of the Euchar. p. 28. P. 139. Ephes. 5. 24. Col. 3. 20. Page 87 88. 2 Chron. 17. 7. 2 Chron 9. 5 8. V. 11. 2 Chron. 29. 5. V. 34. 2 Chron. 30. 23. Numb 9. 10. Ezra 7. 25. Nehem. 13. 28. Ludolph P. 20. lin 12. P. 21. Hist. Reform P. 1. Re◠Bo. 2. n. 10. Ibid n. 24. Nam qui Reginae odio vel speratae sec dum forsan notae futurae conjugis illecib◠titillatione Regem agi putant ij ex cordes plane toto quod aiunt coelo errare videntur Ibid. P. 22. Cott. Lib. Vit. B. 13. P. 23. ◠25. Printed in the Cabala P. 26. P. 28. P. 39. 25 Henry 8th n. 14. P. 41. Hist. Reform Rec. b. 2. n. 37 38 39. P. 51. P. 78 79. P. 57. P. 58. P. 64. P. 68. P. 71. P. ibid. P. 72. P. 84. P. 90. P. 93. P. 9◠P. ibid. P. 108. P. 110. P. 111. P. 119. P. 127. P. 134. P. 135. P. 142. P. 157. P. 160. Ibid. Tolet. can 10. §. 75. c. 13. 1040. Vita Gul. Abb. Dijon c. 4. P. 162. P. 176 273. P. 187. P. 208. P. 120. P. 2.