modest Judges to take upon themselves the Resolution of Tho nothing can be too high nor too difficult for such Judges to determin who are wise enough to declare Acts of Parliament void Co. 8. Rep. Fol. 118. a. Moor's Reports pag. 828. But what shall we say of them in 40 Edward 3. who because the Statute of 14 Edw. 3. cap. 6. had impowered them to amend the misprision of a Clerk in writing a Letter or a Syllable too much or too little not only made a Question Whether they might amend where there was a Word wanting but went to the Parliament to know the Opinion of them that made the Law See the Story in Coke's 8 Report 158. a. So sacred were Acts of Parliament accounted in those days and so little was the Authority of the Judges in Westminster-Hall or rather of so great Credit and Authority were the Resolutions of Judges in those days when they were wary and cautious of making Alterations and in difficult Matters consulted their Superiors Other Examples of Adjournments ad proximum Parliamentum may be seen in Cotton's Abridgment of the Records in the Tower. But that which surprizeth us is That all our Judges since the Reformation should have attained to such an omniscience in the Law that I think I may confidently affirm there has not been an Adjournment ad proximum Parliamentum propter difficultatem these Hundred and fifty Years last past Sure I am that no President of any such thing appears in our modern Books of Law. And yet Cases of as great moment concern and consequence to the Government and the whole Nation have come in question within that space of time as ever did or could in former Ages But there is a Notion broached amongst us that the Kings of England have greater Power and larger Prerogatives in Ecclesiastical Matters than in Temporal and that by vertue of their Ecclesiastical Supremacy they may dispense with such Acts of Parliament as concern Religion But they that say so do not consider that before the Reformation the Kings of England had much less power in Ecclesiastical Matters than in Temporal and therefore they cannot have greater now unless some Act of Parliament give it them And therefore this power of dispensing with Acts of Parliament in Matters of Religion must be given by some Acts of Parliament since the Reformation or else the King has it not And admit for the present their Hypothesis who would invest the King with whatever power the Pope de facto exercised here Yet that will not serve the turn for as much as the Pope himself whatever power he might claim and attempt to exercise yet was never allowed a power to dispense with Acts of Parliament concerning Ecclesiastical Matters even when it was full Sea with him here in England Take one remarkable President out of Matt. Paris p. 699. that in the Year of our Lord 1245. The King the Prelates Earls Barons and Great Men of the Realm then Assembled in a most general Parliament at Westminster drew up several Articles of Grievances against the Popes Exorbitances and Illegal Oppressions one of which was conceived in these words viz. Item Gravatur Regnum Angliae ex adjectione multiplici illius infamis nuncii Non Obstante per quem juramenti Religio consuetudines antiquae Scripturarum vigor concessionum authoritas Statuta Jura Privilegia debilitantur evanescunt And it cannot but seem strange that after such publick Complaints for many others of the like nature might be cited of the whole Kingdom against Non Obstante's as intolerable Grievances they should be afterwards countenanced and screwed up to such a transcendent Soveraignty as to frustrate Laws Statutes and Acts of Parliament and that by vertue of an Ecclesiastical Supremacy by which the King is pretended to have whatever power the Pope had when the Pope himself was never allowed this To these Presidents and Authorities of former times it may not be improper to add what happened in the latter end of the Reign of King James the First and the beginning of King Charles the First upon occasion of the Spanish Match with relation to the Penal Laws against Roman Catholicks The whole Negotiation of that Affair may be read at large in Rushworth's first Volume of Historical Collections and in Prynne's Introduction to the Archbishop of Canterbury 's Tryal I will only point at two or three passages that are most material to the present purpose 1. King James in a Letter written with his own hand to the King of Spain has these words viz. Leges nostrates quae mulctam Catholicis non mortem irrogant aboleri aut rescindi à nobis Seorsim non posse leniri it a posse cùm erit usus exploratum habeat Serenitas vestra omnibus ut dictorum Catholicorum Romanorum animis mansuetudine ac lenitate nostrâ conciliatis c. he had promised that no Romish Priest or Catholick should be proceeded against for any Capital Crime but for the other Laws ut supra Yet afterwards when King James was made to believe that the Match was just upon the point of being concluded a Proclamation was prepared for granting a toleration to Papists tho' it never came out But Archbishop Abbot wrote a Letter in the nature of a Remonstrance to King James in which besides other Considerations of Religion and Policy these words follow Prynne's Introduct p. 40. Besides this Toleration which you endeavour to set by your Proclamation cannot be done without a Parliament unless your Majesty will let your Subjects see that you will take unto your self a Liberty to throw down the Laws of the Land at your pleasure And in the Second Year of King Charles the First the King commanded his Attorney General to charge the Earl of Bristol at the Bar of the House of Lords with High Treason and other Offences and Misdemeanours that they might proceed in a legal Course against him according to the Justice and usual Proceedings of Parliaments the fifth of which Articles is in these words That from the beginning of his Negotiation and throughout the whole managing thereof by the said Earl of Bristol and during his said Ambassage he the said Earl contrary to his Faith and Duty to God the true Religion professed by the Church of England and the Peace of the Church and State did intend and resolve that if the said Marriage so treated of as aforesaid should by his Ministry be effected that thereby the Romish Religion and the Professors thereof should be advanced within this Realm and other his Majesties Realms and Dominions and the true Religion and the Professors thereof discouraged and discountenanced And to that end and purpose the said Earl during the time aforesaid by Letters unto his late Majesty and otherwise often counselled and persuaded his said late Majesty to set at Liberty the Jesuits and Priests of the Romish Religion which according to the good Religious and Publick Laws of this Kingdom were
in Councils of the Clergy of their Kingdom though the Pope's Legates were present and Quotes Spelman's Councils pag. 292 293. Out of which Book it will not be amiss to give an Account of that Assembly which the Doctor in this place calls a Council of the Clergy Anno Gratiae 787 Concilium Calchythense Legatinum Pananglicum a Gregorio Ostiensi Theophylacto Tudentino Episcopis Legatis Hadriani Papae Calchythae celebratum est In quo decernitur de fide primitùs susceptâ retinendâ aliisque ad Ecclesiae regimen pertinentibus Et de Conferendâ parte Archiepiscopatûs Cantuariae ad Ecclesiam Litchfeldensem jam in Archiepiscopatum promovendam Habebatur in duabus Sessionibus says Sir Henry Spelman rectiùs fortè concilia dicendis quarum prima fuit in regno Northanhymbrorum coram Alfwoldo illic Rege Magnatibus suis Praesidente è Legatis Gregorio Ostiensi Episcopo Secunda Sessio in Regno Merciorum fuit coram Offâ Rege ibidem suis Magnatibus Praesidente etià m in eâdem Gregorio ipso Ostiensi So that here appears the Doctor 's First mistake in saying that the Kings presided though the Legates were present I confess our Kings frequently did preside in Ecclesiastical Assemblies nor was the Grandeur of Popes arrived in those Days to such an Extravagant pitch as to Usurp Precedency before Kings and Emperors But I observe this to shew the Doctor 's carelesness in his Quotations not to argue any Inferiority of the Kings Persons by reason of their not presiding when they were Present For we find Instances of Archbishops of Canterbury presiding though the Kings were Present The Doctor 's Second mistake is in calling this an Assembly of the Clergy For though this Council was Assembled for Ecclesiastical Matters nor do we find any Temporal Laws made or Temporal Affairs transacted in it saving that in the Twelfth Chapter it is decreed what sort of Persons shall be chosen to be Kings and by whom yet were all Persons present that in those Days constituted the General Legislative Assemblies of the Nation which in latter Ages we have Christned by the Name of Parliaments And this appears by the Letter which one of the Legates wrote to the Pope giving him an account of the Success of their Mission Pervenimus ad aulam Offae Regis Merciorum at ille cum iugenti gaudio ob Reverentiam Beati Petri vestri Apostolatûs honore suscepit tam nos quà m sacros apices à summâ sede delatos Tunc convenerunt in unum Concilium Offa Rex Merciorum Chinulphus Rex West-Saxonum cui etià m tradidimus vestra Syngrammata Sancta Ac illi continuò promiserunt se de his vitiis corrigendos Tunc inito concilio cum praedictis Regibus Pontificibus Senioribus terrae perpendentes quod angulus ille longè latèque protenditur permisimus Theophylactum Venerabilem Episcopum Regem Merciorum Britanniae partes adire Ego autem assumpto mecum Adjutore quem filius vester Excellentissimus Rex Carolus ob reverentiam Vestri Apostolatûs nobiscum misit Virum probatae fidei Wighodum Abbatem Presbyterum perrexi in regionem Northanhymbrorum ad Oswaldum Regem Archiepiscopum Sanctae Ecclesiae Eboracae Civitatis Eanbaldum Sed quia praefatus Rex longè in Borealibus commorabatur misit jam dictus Archiepiscopus missos suos ad Regem qui continuò omni gaudio Statuit diem concilii Note here the manner of receiving Foreign Canons in those days Ad quem Convenerunt Omnes Principes Regionis tam Ecclesiastici quà m Saeculares And a little after Qui omni Humilitatis Subjectione clarâ voluntate tam admonitionem Vestram quà m parvitatem nostram amplexantes sposponderunt se in omnibus obedire Then follow the Canons themselves And afterwards these Words VIZ. Haec decreta Beatissime Pater Adriane in Concilio publico coram Rege Aelfwaldo Archiepiscopo Eanbaldo omnibus Episcopis Abbatibus regionis seu Senatoribus Ducibus Populo terrae proposuimus illi c. se in omnibus custodire decreverunt signo crucis in vice vestrâ in manu nostrâ confirmaverunt Then follow the Witnesses Names of whom part are Secular part Ecclesiastical Persons And afterwards His peractis perreximus Assumptis nobiscum Viris illustribus Legatis Regis Archiepiscopi c. qui unà nobiscum pergentes ipsa decreta secum deferentes in Concilium Merciorum ubi Gloriosus Rex Offa cum Senatoribus terrae unà cum Archiepiscopo Janbrichto sanctae Ecclesiae Dorovernensis caeteris Episcopis regionum convenerat in Conspectu Concilii Clarâ voce singula Capitula perlecta sunt tam Latinè quà m Teutonicè quo omnes intelligere possent dilucidè reserata qui omnes consonâ voce alacri animo gratias referentes promiserunt se in omnibus haec Statuta custodire In this Convention the Canons of the six first General Councils were received And several Constitutions made for the Government of the English Church All which were Assented to by the Clergy and the Laity of these two Kingdoms of the Heptarchy And by Vertue of that Assent became incorporated into the Municipal Laws of those Kingdoms So that though this and many other such Councils as this was shew abundantly the King of England's Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs in opposition to a Foreign Power yet no Argument can be drawn from hence to prove any other or greater power in Ecclesiastical Matters to be lodged in the King than he has in Temporals The Supreme Power in both being in the King in conjunction with his Great Council or Parliament but not in him separate and apart from them Another Example produced by the Doctor of our Kings having presided in a Council of the Clergy though the Pope's Legates were present is out of Sir Henry Spelman's Counc pag. 189. But in this he has as bad luck as in the former for as in the former the Kings did not preside but one of the Legates so in this the King indeed presided but no Legate appears by the Book to have been present And the Acts of the Council begin thus VIZ. In Nomine Domini Dei Nostri Salvatoris Jesu Christi Congregatum est Magnum Concilium in loco qui vocatur Becancelde Praesidente in eodem Concilio Withredo Clementissimo Rege Cantuariorum nec non Bertualdo Reverendissimo Archiepiscopo Britanniae simulque Tobiâ Episcopo Roffensis Ecclesiae caeterisque Abbatibus Abbatissis Presbyteris Diaconibus Ducibus Satrapis in unum glomeratis paritèr tractantes anxiè examinantes de statu Ecclesiarum Dei c. Here the King presides in a General Council of his own People or in a Parliament assembled for Matters concerning the State and Government of the Church And what use the Doctor can make of all this I know not The Charter of King William the Conqueror whereby he severed the Ecclesiastical Courts from the Temporal and which the Doctor
bound by the settling or determining any point of Religion any where else than by themselves in Parliament then at least the power of settling and determining Points of Doctrine and Practice either is no part of the King 's Ecclesiastical Supremacy or is not personal But must be exerted in Parliament In the British times Bishopricks were conferred in Parliament Petivit Rex Arthurus Eboracum instantis Natalis Domini Festum celebraturus Cumque urbem intrasset visa Sacrarum Ecclesiarum desolatione condoluit Expulso namque beato Samsone Archiepiscopo cunctisque sanctae Religionis viris Templa semi-usta ab officio Dei cessabant Tanta etenim Paganorum insania praevaluerat Exin convocato Clero Populo Capellanum suum Metropolitanae sedi Destinat Ecclesias usque ad solum dirutas renovat Atque Religiosis caetibus Virorum Mulierum exornat Galfrid Monumeth lib. 9. cap. 8. Here King Arthur in an Assembly of his Clergy and People makes an Arch-Bishop restores ruinous Churches and replenishes Monasteries with Monks and Nuns If a Judge or a Lawyer should say tho' he took along with him the concurrence and assistance of his Parliament yet he might have done all this by his Prerogative without them I must insist upon proof of such Prerogative If a Divine tells me that by the Law of God such Prerogatives belong to Princes for that the Power of the Prince is Superior to that of the Law not given by Law but from God then cannot I comprehend how our Churchmen can value themselves upon their being Established by Law if they acknowledge a Power upon Earth above the Law. But if it shall appear by what follows that till the Reign of King John Arch-Bishopricks Bishopricks and other Ecclesiastical Dignities were conferred in and by the Parliament then will a common mistake appear to run through many of the Books of Law wherein we frequently read Cr. Jac. 553 554. Ro. rep 2d part 130. Sir John Dav. rep that before his time they were donative and conferred by the King Per Traditionem annuli baculi Confounding the Election with the Investiture and ascribing that to the King solely which was the Act of the King and Parliament Bishop Vsher in his Antiqu. p. 63. Britan. Eccles Gives us other Instances of Bishops Elected in Parliaments or Great Councils Postquam praedicti senioris Germanus Lupus Pelagianam Haeresin extirpaverant Episcopos pluribus in locis Britanniae consecraverunt Super omnes autem Britannos dextralis partis Britanni beatum Dubricium summum Doctorem à Rege ab omni Parochia Electum Archiepiscopum consecraverunt Hac dignitate ei à Germano Lupo data constituerunt ei Episcopalem sedem concessu Regis Maurici Principum Cleri Populi apud Podium Lantavi Addit Galfridus ab eodem Dubricio Vrbis Legionum tunc Archiepiscopo Arthurum Regni Britannici diademate insignitum eundemque Dubricium in Curia illa magna quam apud urbem legionum Arthurus tenuisse dicitur in eremiticam vitam anhelantem sese ab Archiepiscopali sede deposuisse Eodem tempore Davide procurante Meneviam Metropolitanae sedis factam esse translationem refert Giraldus Cambrensis postea in Breviensi Synodo confirmatam In illâ scil Synodo magnâ omnium Episcoporum Abbatum totius Cambriae nec non Cleri Universi una cum Populo Collecta propter Pelagianiam Haeresin that Doctrin it seems revived tho it had been publickly over-ruled ubi unanimi totius Conventus tam Electione quam Acclamatione quanquam invitus renitens David in Archiepiscopum est sublimatus Usher Britan. Antiqu. pag. 64. Now if in the times of the Britains the People assembled in the Common Councils of the Nation had decisive Votes in Controversies of Religion in the Election of Arch-Bishops and Bishops if by their Authority ruinous Churches and Houses of Religion were repaired and furnished with Monks and Nuns Bishops Sees founded and translated if in those Assemblies Resignations of Bishopricks were made c. Then we may reasonably conclude that the Supremacy commonly so called was lodged and vested just where the Legislative Power in Temporal Matters resided to wit in the King 's together with their Commune concilium Regni But the first is true as appears by the foregoing Authorities Ergo c. Nor was it peculiar to this Nation V. Dr. Burnet's History of the Rights of Princes in the disposing of Ecclesiastical Benefices c. to have the People chuse Bishops It was the Universal Practice of all Christendom for many hundred years as is notoriously known to all that read any History In the second place I will exhibit a very few Instances of the Saxon Times during the Heptarchy The Reader may consult many more at his leisure No marvel if we find this People submitting to nothing in Religion but what was ordain'd by themselves Tacitus de moribus Germanorum cap. 11. De majoribus omnes was one of their Fundamental Constitutions before they came hither and it is continued here to this day And Matters of Religion were amongst their Majora even before they received Christianity Accordingly Edwin King of Northumberland Vid. Bed. Eccl. Hist Lib. 2. Cap. 13. Huntington Lib. 3. Pag. 188. habito cum sapientibus concilio renounced his Paganism and he and they embraced the Christian Faith. This is described in Bede and Huntington to have been done in such an Assembly of Men as the Parliaments of those days are generally mentioned to consist of After the Christian Religion had spread amongst the Saxons the Bishops and Clergy frequently held Synods without the Laity for Church-Visitation Vid. Spelm. Conc. ubique and made constitutions for the Regulation of the Clergy which they obeyed and submitted to by reason of their Oath of Canonical Obedience But as nothing transacted in those Assemblies of the the Clergy bound the People so can no instance be produced of the Clergy's being bound by any Act of the King not assented to in the Provincial Synods of those Times But the Clergy themselves both as to Doctrin Discipline and Ceremonies were bound by the publick Laws of the Kingdom enacted in the Great Councils of the Nation In the year 673 Matt. West pag. 122 123. Concilium Herudfordiae celebratum est sub initio primi anni Lotharii Regis Cantiae Praesidente Theodoro Cantuariae Archiepiscopo At this Council says Matthew of Westm were present Episcopi Angliae Reges Magnates Vniversi Where Theodore proposed decem capitula out of a Book of Canons before them All which were there Assented to and Subscribed The first was concerning the observation of Easter the ninth that the number of Bishops should be encreased crescente fidelium numero The rest were concerning Bishops Bishopricks Monks Marriage Fornication c. Spelm. Council Vol. 1. pag. 152 153. The Presence of the Bishops and all the Magnates makes this Assembly appear to have been a Parliament of
Visitations page 144. c. to page 160. In which Section because he pretends to set up an imaginary Personal Supremacy quite different from what I have endeavoured to assert from some Remarks upon Ancient Histories and late Acts of Parliament but agreeable enough with some Opinions that have been espous'd of late and made use of to warrant some late Proceedings I thought it might not be amiss to trace him through that Section and submit to the Judgment of the Unprejudiced Reader whether the Doctor has afforded the World a right Scheme of the King 's Ecclesiastical Supremacy I beg the Reader 's Pardon if he meet with some few passages over again here that were touch'd upon in the foregoing Discourse I hope their usefulness will excuse the repetition of them and the Answer would not have been so clear without it He tells us pag. 144. that long before the Reformation several Kings of England permitted no Canons or Constitutions of the Church or Bulls and Breves of the Apostolick See to be executed here without their Allowance Which I agree to be very true only the Doctor saying without their Allowance implies and it appears by the whole drift of his Discourse in this Chapter and indeed by the main Scope of his Book that he would be understood that With their Allowance such Canons and Constitutions Bulls and Breves might lawfully be Executed Which I deny And hope to make it evident that Our Kings could not by their own Personal Authority let in upon their Subjects a foreign Jurisdiction He adds pag. 145. that since the Supremacy has been Established by Act of Parliament in the Crown The Kings of England may according to the Laws in force not only Exercise all the Powers they could What Powers those are no Man knows but Filmer Brady Johnson Hicks Sir. Roger L'Estrange and a very few others of yesterday as Sovereign Princes but likewise whatever the Pope de jure if not de facto could or did do in the outward Regiment of Ecclesiastical matters and consequently that whatsoever was done in Visitations by the Authority of the Popes Metropolitans or Diocesan Bishops may now be done by the Kings of England as Supreme Ordinaries Which is a very wild Assertion and without the least Foundation of Truth He does not here speak it out roundly That the King may by the Law do whatever the Pope de facto did but minces the matter a little by saying Whatever the Pope de jure if not de facto could or did do And yet with the same breath he says positively that whatever was done in Visitations by Authority of the Pope may now be done by the King. So that however the King may be limited and tyed up in other Parts of his Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction to what the Popes de jure could do in Visitations at least he has Authority to do whatever the Popes Archbishops or Bishops actually did The Doctor did not consider that the several Branches of the Supremacy now restored by Act of Parliament are guided directed and limited by positive and particular Laws made about the time of the Reformation And that the Act of primo Elizabeth in that general Clause which Restores the Supremacy Vnites and Annexes only such Jurisdiction and Authority as had or might be lawfully Exercised by any Spiritual Person c. Not that the Pope to speak strictly could Exercise any Jurisdiction lawfully within this Realm for the Old Laws and Customs of the Realm and the Statutes of Premunire and Provisors were firm Bars to his Right but a Jurisdiction may be lawful in it self that is for so I would be understood the Acts of a Person Assuming Jurisdiction may be lawful in themselves considered separate and a-part from the Person of him that Exerts it though the Person Exercising such Jurisdiction have no legal Authority If an Usurper should possess himself of any Government and carry on the Administration of it in the same Method and Course of Justice that the Lawful Prince did or ought to do in strictness of Law there might perhaps be a Nullity in all his Acts and yet considered Abstracted from his Person his Government would be said to be lawful that is according to Law and the course of Proceedings that had been setled and obtained before his Usurpation So whatever the Pope did in this Nation as pretending to be Head of the English Church which was not in it self contrary to the Law of the Realm in Church or State but might lawfully be done though not by him is by the said Act of primo Elizabeth Vnited and Annexed to what Why to the Imperial Crown of this Realm Whereas by the Act of Supremacy that passed in King Henry the Eighths time All such Jurisdiction Authority c. was personally vested in the King his Heirs and Successors But of that distinction more shall be said God willing some other time Pursuant to this imagination of the Pope's Power being Translated to the King he tells us that latter Laws have devolved upon the King even the Power of the Pope in foro externo pag. 145. He says pag. 145 146. that during the Schism in the Papacy between Vrban and Clement King William Rufus claimed as other Princes did a Right to declare to which Pope he would adhere And that none should be received as Pope in England without his Licence and Election Here if I understand the Doctor aright he takes for granted that if there should happen a Schism in the Popedom the King might declare whether or which of the Competitors himself thought fit to be Pope within this Realm Which I deny that he could do without the Assent of the Clergy and Laity in a General Assembly He says pag. 145. that if the Archbishop of Canterbury called and presided in a General Council of Bishops King William allowed nothing to be appointed or forbidden unless they were accommodated to his Will and were first ordained by him These are the Words of Eadmerus out of whom the Doctor Quotes them Eadm Lib. 1. Fol. 6. But if the Doctor would here insinuate as he does and consonantly to his own Hypothesis must mean that the King's Will concurring with the Assent of a General Council of Bishops could make an Ecclesiastical Law to bind the whole Kingdom without the Assent of the Laity that is what I deny and hope to make it very clear in the following Discourse Whereas he says pag. 145. out of the same Author Eadmerus that King William suffered not any of his Barons or Officers to undergo any Ecclesiastical Censure but by his precept I hope it will appear that this was not an Arbitrary Power assumed by the King but that the Law of the Realm was so He says pag. 146 147. that the Oath of Fidelity which Anselme had taken to King William Rufus was no ways like the present Oath of Supremacy He says pag. 148 149. As to the legantine Power it is apparent by