Puritanical Zeal should be lost to posterity These things I might have noted in their proper places but that they were reseru'd for this as a taste to the rest 12. Et jam finis erat and here I thought I should have ended this Anatomy of our Authors Book but that there is another passage in the Preface thereof which requires a little further consideration For in that Preface he informs us by the way of caution That the three first Books were for the main written in the Reign of the late King as appeareth by the Passages then proper for the Government The other nine Books were made since Monarchy was turned into a State By which it seems that our Author never meant to frame his History by the line of truth but to attemper it to the palat of the present Government whatsoever it then was or should prove to be which I am sure agrees not with the Laws of History And though I can most easily grant that the fourth Book and the rest that follow were written after the great alteration and change of State in making a new Commonwealth out of the ruines of an ancient Monarchy yet I concur not with our Author in the time of the former For it appears by some passages that the three first Books either were not all written in the time of the King or else he must give himself some disloyal hopes that the King should never be restored to his place and Poweâ— by which he might be called to a reckoning for them For in the second Book he reckons the Cross in Baptism for a Popish Trinket by which it appears not I am sure to have been written in the time of the Kingly Government that being no expression sutable unto such a time Secondly speaking of the precedency which was sixt in Canterbury by removing the Archiepiscopal See from London thither he telleth us that the 〈◊〉 is not muâ—h which See went first when living seeing our Age â—ath laid them â—oth alike level in in their Graves But certainly the Government was not chang'd into a State or Commonwealth till the death of the King and till the death of the King neither of those Episcopal Sees nor any of the rest were laid so level in their Graves but that they were in hope of a Resurrection the King declaring himself very constantly in the Treaty at the Isle of Wight as well against the abolishing of the Episcopal Government as the alienation of their Lands Thirdly In the latter end of the same Book he makes a great dispute against the high and sacred priviledge of the Kings of England in curing the disease commonly called the Kings Evil whether to be imputed to Magick or Imaginaâ—â—â—n or indeed a Miracle next brings us in an old Wives Tale about Queen Elizabeth as if she had disclaimed that power which she daily exercised and finally manageth a Quarrel against the form of Prayer used at the curing of that Evil which he arraigns for Superstition and impertinencies no inferior Crimes Are all these Passages proper to that Government also Finally in the third Book he derogates from the power of the Church in making Canons giving the binding and concluding Power in matters which concern the Civil Rights of the Subjects not to the King but to the Lay-people of the Land assemâ—â—â—d in Parliament which game he after followeth in the â—ighth and last And though it might be safe enough for him in the eighth last to derogate in this maner from the Kings supremacy in Ecclesiastical affairs yet certainly it was neither safe for him so to do nor proper for him so to write in the time of the Kinglâ— Govâ—rnment unless he had some such wretched hopes as before we spâ—ke of 〈◊〉 I must need say that on the reading of these Passages anâ— the rest that follow I found my self possest with much indignation and long expected when some Champion would appear in the lists against this Goliah who so reproachfully had defiled the whole Armies of Israel And I must needs confess withal that I did never enter more unwillingly upon any undertaking then I did on this But being â—ollicited thereunto by Letters Messages and several personal Addresses by men of all Orders and Dignities in the Church and of all Degrees in the Universities I was at last overcome by that importunity which I found would not be resisted I know that as the times now stand I am to expect nothing for my Pains and Travel but the displeasure of some and the censure of others But coming to the work with a single heart abstracted from all self-ends and private Interesses I shall satisfie my self with having done this poor service to the Church my once Blessed Mother for whose sake onely I have put my self upon this Adventure The party whom I am to deal with is so much a stranger to me that he is neither beneficio nec injurià notus and therefore no particular respects have mov'd me to the making of these Animadversions which I have writ without relation to his person for vindication of the truth the Church and the injured Clergy as before is said So that I may affirm with an honest Conscience Non lecta est operi sed data causa meo That this imploâ—ment was not chosen by me but impos'd upon me the unresistable intreaties of so many friends having something in them of Commands But howsoever Iacta est alea as Caesar once said when he passed over the Rubicon I must now take my fortune whatsoever it proves so God speed me well Errata on the Animadversions PAge 10. line 17. for Melkinus r. Telkinus p. 20. l. 21. for Queen of r. Queen of England p. 27. l. 6. for Woodeâ— poir r. Woodensdike s p. 42. l. 1. for inconsiderateness r. the inconsiderateness of children p. 121. l. 28. for ter r. better p. 145. l. 2. for statuendo r. statuendi p. 154. l. 22. Horcontnar r. cantuur p. 154. l. 17. for Dr. Hammond r. D. Boke p. 160. l. 1. for his r. this p. 163. l. 28. for Jesuites r. Franciscans p. 189. l. ult for contemn r. confession p. 221. in the Marg. for wether r. with other p. 228. l. 2. for Den r. Dean p. 239. l. 29. for Commons r. Canon p. 271. l. ult for culis r. occulis ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Church History OF BRITAIN LIB I. Of the Conversion of the Britans to the Faith of Christ. IN order to the first Conveâ—sion o◠〈◊〉 Bâ—itish Nations our Author takes beginning at the sad condition they were in beâ—ore the Chrisâ—ian Faith was preached unto them â— And in a sad condition they were indeedâ— as being in the estate of Gentilism and consequently without the true knowledge of the God that made them but yet not in a worse condition then the other Gentiles wâ—â— were not only darkned in their understandings bâ—â—â—o deprav'd also in their Affections as to work all maâ—nâ—er of uncleanness even
Oxford Farington Wallinford Exceter and some other places not only that they were discharged from the payment of the fifth and twentieth parts of their Estates at Haberdashers Hall and admitted to compound at Goldsmiths Hall for two years purchase but that they were exempted also from all Oaths anâ— Engagements and consequently from that accursed Covenant and that Negative Oath by which the Consciences of so many distressed men had been most miserably entangled Fol. 1138. Thus fell Charles and thus all Britain with him â— And by this fall there fell so generall an Oppression on the Spirits of all sorts of people that the generality of those who plaied the principall parts in this sad Tragedy became ashamed of their actings in it The Scots who plaied the parts of Iudas and sold their naturall King and most bountifull Master for a peece of money when they saw he was like to be condemned repented saying that they had sinned in betraying innocent bloud For in their Letter to the Prince dated August the 10. they do acknowledge in plain words that nothing did more wound and afflict them then his Majesties sad condition and Resâ—raint But yet we finde not that they came to such a degree of compunction as to bring back the money for which they had sold him and to cast it down before the chief Priests and Elders as Iudas did Or if they had there had been no such purchase to be made with it as was made with that both Kingdomes having been already an Aceldama or Field of bloud The Presbyterians of both sorts as well the Members of the House as those of the Assembly and their confederates in the City who personated the chief Priests and Elders amongst the Jews had armed a great multitude with swords and staves as well the Souldiers as the Clubmen for his apprehension They reviled him in most shamâ—full manner and spit upon him all that filth which could be sâ—pposed to proceed from such foul stomacks They buffeted him and smote him with the palms of their hands assaulting him with all the Act of violent hostility and having pasâ—â—d a Vote amongst themselves they put him over to be sentenced and condemned by Pontius Pilate But when the worm of conscience began to bite them some of them laboured before hand by their Protestations to acquit themselves and to redeem the King from that inevitable danger into which they had thrown him Others moreâ—ouâ—ly clamored both from the Pulpit and the Presse crying out that they were innocent from the bloud of that just perâ—on and casting all the guilt and obloquy of it on the Independents The Independents who sate as â—udges on the Bench and plaâ—d the part of Pontius Pilate alledged that they had nothing to do with him but as they were pusht forward by the unresistible importunity of the Priests and Elders And these men also took water and washed their hands before the multitude affirming positively that the KING had been murthered long since by the Presbyterians as appears by M. Milâ—ons Book called Iconoclasteâ— where the case is stated and determined for the Independentâ— and therefore as Pilâ—ue did not say of Christ our Saviour when he brought him before the people Behold the 〈◊〉 but only Ecce homo or Behold the mâ—n So might the Independents say when they brought the King before the people to receive the heavy sentence of death Behold the man the man whom these of the Presbytery had before 〈◊〉 But it was neither shame nor sorrow which could râ—call him from the dead All the favour which they now could shew hâ—m was that some good 〈◊〉 of Aâ—imathea who had begged his body were permitted to burr it not â—n a Tomb where never man had lâ—in before but as it happened in the same Vault with King Hen. â— and Queen â—â—ne Sâ—ymor And yet it proved but an half favour neither as the matter was carried the Governour of the place not suffering him to be interred according to the Form prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer whereof he had been a most constant Observer to the very last And here I am to leave our Authour who hath brought this great King to the grave though he hath not followed him to it from the Cradle as the Title promised And here I shall leave him to consult that passage in Horacâ— against he puts forth next to Sea on the like Adventures which staâ—ds thus recommended to him in the Book 〈…〉 Sumite materiam vestris qui scribitis aequam Viribus versate diu quid ferre recusent Quid valeant humeri cui lecta potenter erit res Nec sacundia deseret hunc nec lucidus Ordo Which may be englished to this purpose Elect such matter you that love to write As with your Bark may bear an equall Sail For he which on such Subjects doth indite Of Phrase and Method fit shall never fail AN APPENDIX TO THE ADVERTISEMENTS ON Mr. Sandersons HISTORIES In Answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED A Post-Haste A Reply c. Ovid. Metam Lib. 1. pudet haec opprobria nobiâ— Et dici potuisse non potuisse refâ—lli AN APPENDIX To the former ADVERTISEMENTS In answer to some PASSAGES In a scurrulous PAMPHLET CALLED The Post-haste Reply c. WHen I first heard of Mr. Sandersons Post-haste Reply c. and had caused the same to be read over It was not in my thoughts to discend so much beneath my self as to make any Answer to it such scurrulous Pamphlets dying soonest when there is less notice taken of them Patience and contempt tulere ista reliquere as we know who did are commonly the most approved remedies against all such Calumnies as for the most part do proceed from a petulant malice But being there is in it some matter of charge and Crimination I have been advised by some friends to acquit my self of the least otherwise I might be thought to confess my self guilty of the crimes objected and wrong my innocence by an obstinate and affected silence I have therefore yielded so far unto their desires as to return an Answer to so much of the Pamphlet as contains matter of accusation which I shall â—ever from the rest leaving the rif-raf and scurrilities of it which make up the greatest part of that two penny trifles either unto some further consideration or to none at all But first I must remove a doubt which otherwise may trouble the Gentâ— whom I am to deal with who possible may think himself to be over-matched not in regard of any difference in such personal abilities as either of us may pretend to but in relation to those many hands which are joyned against him in this quarrel for if it were too much for Hercules to contend with two ne Hercules contra duos as the proverb hath it good reason hath he to complain of being pressed and put to it by so many Helpers as he is pleased to joyn unto me
in them the Hierarchy of Bishops so coldly pleaded for as shews he had a minde to betray the cause whilst all things pass on smoothly for the Presbyterians whom he chiefly acts for And this is that which we must look for par my par tout as the Frenchmen say Nor deals he otherwise with the persons which are brought before him then he doth with the Causes which they bring No profest Puritan no cunning Non-conformist or open Separatist comes upon the Stage whom he follows not with Plaudites and some fair Commends when as the Fathers of the Church and the conformable Children of it are sent off commonly in silence and sometimes with censure The late Arch-Bishop of Canterbury so eminently deserving of the Church of England must be rak'd out of his Grave arraigned for many misdemeanors of which none could accuse him when he was alive all his infirmities and weaknesses mustered up together to make him hateful to the present and succeeding Ages when Mr. â—ovâ—'s Treasonable practices and seditious Speeches must needs for footh be buried in the same Earth with him The University of Oxford frequently quarrelled and exasperated upon â—light occasions the late Kings party branded by the odious Title of Malignants not better'd by some froth of pretended Wit in the Etymology The regular Clergy shamefully reproached by the Name of covetous Confoâ—mâ—sts Lib. 9. fol. 98. And those poor men who were ejected by the late long Parliament despitefully called Baals Priests uâ—savory salâ— not â—iâ— to be thrown upon the Dungâ— hill though he be doubtful of the proofs which were brought against them Lib. 11. fol. 207. So many of all sorts wronged and injur'd by him that should they all study their personal and particular Revenges he were not able to abide it And therefore we may jâ—stly say in the Poets Language Si de to◠〈…〉 Namin â— quisâ—ue Deorum 〈◊〉 in 〈…〉 unus erit Which may be Englisht in these words Should all wrong'd 〈◊〉 seek t' avenge their same 〈◊〉 were not enough to bear the shame 9. But nothing does more evidently discover his unfaithful dealing then his repoâ—t of the proceedings in the Isle of â—â—gh between his Majâ—sty and the long Parliament Divines of which he tells us Lib. 11. fol. 235. That his 〈…〉 aâ—â—nâ—wledged their great pains to inform his iudgement according to their perswasions and also took especial notice of thâ—ir civilities of the Application both in the beginning and body of their Reply and having cleer'd himself from some mis-understanding about the Writ of Partition which they speak of puts an end to the business The man who reads this passage cannot choose but think that his Majesty being vanquisht by the Arguments of the Prebyterians had given over the cause and therefore as convicted in his Conscience rendreth them thanks for the Instruction which he had receiv'd and the Civilities they used towards him in the way thereof But he that looks upon his Majesties last Paper will finde that he had Learnedly and Divinely refeâ—'d all their Arguments And having so done puts them in minde of three questions which are propos'd in his former Paper acknowledg'd by themselves to be of great importance in the present controversie without an Answer whereunto his Majesty declar'd that he would put an end to that conference It not being probable as he told them that they should work much upon his Iudgement whilâ—â— they are â—â—arful to declare their own nor possible to reliâ—ve his conscience but by a free dâ—â—laring of theirs But they not able or not daring for fear of displeasing their great Masters to return an Answer to those Questions his Majesty remain'd sole Master of the field a most absolute Conqueror For though the first blow commonly does begin the Quarrel it is the last blow always that gets the Victory But Regium est cum benefeceris male audire It hath been commonly the fortune of the greatest Princes when they deserve best to be worst reported 10. Nor deals he better with the Church then he does with the King concealing such things as might make for her justification and advocating for such things as disturb her order In the last Book we finde him speaking of some heats which were rais'd in the Church about placing the Communion-Table Altar-wise and great fault found for the want of Moderation in those Men who had the managing of that business But he conceals his Majesties Determination in the Case of St. Gregories Novem. 3. 1633. by which all Bishops and other Ordinaries were incouraged to proceed therein and consequently those of inferior rank to defend their actings The Chappel of Emmanuel Colledge in Cambridge is built North and South contrary to the usage of the Primitive times and the Church of England with which King Iames being made acquainted he answered as our Author tells us That it was no maâ—ter how the Chappel stood so the heart stood right Which Tale being told by him and believed by others populum qui sibi credit habet Ovid. in Ep. Hypsiphil as he is like enough to finde many Believers farewel to all external Reverence in the Service of God What need we trouble our selves or others with standing kneeling bowing in the acts of Worship it is no matter in what posture the Body be so the Heart be right What need we put our selves or others to the charge of Surplices and Hoods of Gowns and Cassacks in the officiating of Gods Service It is no matter in what habit the Body be so the heart be right There is another Chappel in Cambridge which was never consecrated whether a Stable or a Dormitory is all one to me At which when some found themselves grieved our Author tells them That others of as great Learning and Religion himself especially for one dare defend that the continued Series of Divine Duties publickly practiced for more then thirty years without the least check or controul of those in authority in a place set apart to that purpose doth sufficiently consecrate the same Stables and Barns by this Argument shall in some tract of time become as sacred as our Churches and if the Brethren think it not enough for their ease to be pent up in so narrow a Room t is but repairing to the next Grove or Coppise and that in a like tract of time shall become as holy as Solomons Temple or any consecrated place whatsoever it be Churches may well be spared pull'd down and their Materials sold for the use of the Saints a Tub by this our Authors Logick will be as useful as the Pulpit unto Edification And that we may perceive that nothing is more precious with him then an irregular unconsecrated and unfurnished Chappel Melvins infamous Libel against the Furniture of the Altars in the Chappels Royal for which he was censur'd in the Star-Chamber must be brought in by head shoulders out of time and place for fear least such an excellent piece of
Prerogative and Authority to all Emperors Kings Princes and Potentates and all other we have conceiv'd such opinion and have such estimation of your Majesties goodness and vertue that whatsoever any persons not so well learned as your Grace is would pretend unto the same whereby we your most humble Subjects may be brought in your Graces displeasure and indignation surmising that we should by usupation and presumption extend our Laws to your most noble Person Prerogative and Realm yet the same your Highness being so highly learn'd will of your own most bounteous goodness facilly discharge and deliver us from that envy when it shall appear that the said Laws are made by us or our Predecessors conformable and maintenable by the Scripture of God and determination of the Church against which no Laws can stand or take effect Somewhat to this purpose had been before endevoured by the Commons in the last Parliament of King Edw. 3. of which because they got nothing by it but only the shewing of their teeth without hurting any body I shall say nothing in this place reserving it to the time of the long Parliament in the Reign of King Charles when this point was more hotly followed and more powerfully prosecuted than ever formerly What says our Author unto this Findes he here any such matter as that the Laity at their pleasure could liâ—â—â— the Canons of the Church Or that such Canons in whatsoever tâ—uched temporals were subject unto secular Laws and National Customs And hereof I desire the Reader to take special notice as that which is to serve for a Catholicon of general Antidoâ—e against those many venomous insiâ—nations which he shall meet with up and down in the course of this History As for the case in which our Author grounds this pestilent Position it was the Canon made in a Synod at Westminster in the time of Anselm Anno 1102. prohibiting the sale of men and women like brute beasts in the open Market Which Canon not finding presently an universal obedience over all the Kingdom as certainly ill customs are not easily left when they are countenanced by profit occasioned our Author to adventure upon this bold assertion Fol. 24. Indeed St. Davids had been Christian some hundred of years whilest Canterbury was yet Pagan â— Not many hundred years I am sure of that nor yet so many as to make a plural number by the Latin Grammar Kent being conquered by the Saxons who brought in Paeâ—â—nism Anno 455. Converted unto Christianity by the preaching of Austin An. 569. Not much more then 140 years betwixt the one and the other Fol. 29. To whose honor he viz. King Stephen erected St. Stephens Chappel in Westminster neer the place whero lately the Court of Requests was kept Our Author is here 〈…〉 and will not parler le tout as the French men say For otherwise he might have told us that this Chappel is still standing and since the â—â—endry of it to King Edward the sixth haâ—â— been 〈◊〉 for a Parliament House implâ—yed to that purpose by the Common as 〈…〉 be thus reserved I can hardly tell unless it be to prevent such inferences and observations which by some wanton wits might be made upon it Fol. 40. By the same title from his Father Jeffery Plantagenet he possessed fair lands in Anjou and Maine I had thought he had possessed somewhat more in Anjou and Maine then some fair Lands only his Father Ieffery Plantagenet being the Proprietary Earl of Anjou Maine and Toureine not aâ—itular only succeeded in the same by this King Henry and his two sons Richard and Iohn till lost unhappily by the last with the rest of our Estates on that side of the Sea From this Ieffery descended fourteen Kings of the name of Plantagenet the name not yet extinguished though it be impoverished our Author speaking of one of them who was found not long since at the Plow Lib. 2. p. 170. Another of that name publishing a Book about the Plantation of new Albion An. 1646. or not long before Fol. 53. King John sent a base degenerous and unchristian Embassage to Admiralius Murmelius a Mahometan King of Morocco then very puissant and possessing a great part of Spain This Admiralius Murmelius as our Author and the old Monks call him was by his own name called Mahomet Enaser the Miramomoline of Morocco to whom if King Iohn sent any such Message it was as base unchristian and degenerate as our Author makes it But being the credit of the â—ale depends upon the credit of the Monkish Authors to which bâ—ood of men that King was known to be a professed Enemy â—haâ—ing and hated by one anotherâ— it is not to be esteemed so highly as a piece of Apocrypha and much less to be held for Gospel Possible it is that being overlaid by his own subjects and distressed by the 〈◊〉 he might send unto that King for aid in his great extremities And doing this 〈◊〉 this were aâ—â— he did no 〈…〉 and in ignation and 〈…〉 so much as was done afterwards upon far weaker grounds by King Francis the first employing the Turks Forces both by Sea and Land against Charles the fifth But the Monks coming to the knowledge of this secret practise and constâ—â—ing his actions to the worst improv'd the Molehil to a Mountain rendring him thereby as odious to posterity as he was to themselves Fol. 63. I question whether the Bishop of Rochester whose Countrey house at Brumly is so nigh had ever a House in the City There is no question but he had Stâ—w finding it in Southwark by the name of Rochester 〈◊〉 adioyning on the South side to the Bishop of Winchesters minons and out of â—eparation in his time as possibly not much frequented since the building of Bromly House and since converted into Tonements for private persons But since our Author hath desired others to recover the rest from oblivion I shall help him to the knowledge of two more and shall thank any man to finde out the third The first of these two is the Bishop of Lincolns House situate neer the old Temple in Holborn first built by Robert de Chesney Bishop of Lincoln Anno 1147. Since alien'd from that See to the Earls of Southampton and passing by the name of Southampton House The second is the Bishop of Bangors a fair House situate in Shoo-lane neer St. Andrews Church of late time Leased out by the Bishops and not long since the dwelling of Dr Smith Doctor in Physick a right honest and ingenuous person and my very good Friend Of all the old Bishops which were founded before King Harry the eight there is none whose House we have not found but the Bishop of Aâ—aph to the finding whereof if our Author or any other will hold forth the Candle I shall follow the 〈◊〉 the best I can and be thankful for it Fol. 67. And though some high Royalists look on it as the product of subjects 〈◊〉 themselves
his very Book fol. 283. which is this that followeth Once saith he it was in my minde to set down a Catalogue easie to do and useful when done of such Houses of Cistercians Templers and Hospitallers which were founded since the Lateran Council yet going under the general notion of Tithe-free to the great injury of the Church But since on second thoughts I conceived it better to let it alone as not sure on such discovery of any blessing from such Ministers which should gain but certain of many curses from such Lay-men who should lose thereby So he But I have heard it for a usual saying of King Henry the fourth of France That he that feared the Popes curse the reproaches of discontented people and the frowns of his Mistress should never sleep a quiet hour in his bed And so much for that Fol. 357. But this was done without any great cost to the Crown only by altering the Property of the place from a late made Cathedral to an Abbey Our Author speaks this of the Church of Westminster which though it suffered many changes yet had it no such change as our Author speaks of that is to say from a Cathedral to an Abbey without any other alteration which came in between For when the Monastery was dissolved by King Henry the eighth An. 1539. it was made a Deanry Will. Benson being the first Dean In the year 1541. he made it an Episcopal See or Cathedral Church and placed Thomas Thurlby the first Bishop there But Thurlby being remov'd to Norwich Anno 1550. the Bishoprick was suppressed by King Edward the sixth and the Church ceased from being Cathedral continuing as a Deanry only till the 21. of November 1557. at what time Dr. Hugh Weston the then Dean thereof unwillingly remov'd to Winsor made room for Fecknaâ— and his Monks and so restor'd it once again to the State of an Abbey as our Author telleth us Fol. 359. Nor can I finde in the first year of Queen Elizabeth any particular Statute wherein as in the râ—ign of King Henry the eighth these Orders are nominatim suppressed c. But first the several Orders of Religious Persons were not suppressed nominatim except that of St. Iohns by a Statute in the time of King Henry the eight Secondly if there were no such Statute yet was it not because those Houses had no legal settlement as it after followeth Queen Mary being vested with a power of granting Mortmains and consequently of founding these Religious Houses in a Legal way Thirdly there might be such a Statute though our Author never had the good luck to see it and yet for want of such good luck I finde him apt enough to think there was no such Statute Et quod non invenit usquam esse putat nusquam in the Poets language And such a Statute as he speaks of there was indeed mentioned and related to in the Charter of Queen Elizabeth for founding the Collegiate Church of St. Peter in Westminster But being an unprinted Statute and of private use it easily might escape our Authors diligence though it did not Camdens who being either better â—ighted or more concern'd had a view thereof For telling â—s how the Monks with their Abbot had been set in possession again by Queen Mary he after addeth that they within a while after being cast out by Authority of Parliment the most vertuous Queen Elizabeth converted it into a Collegiate Church or rather into a Seminary or Nurse Garden of the Church c. Fol. 369. Jesuits the last and newest of all Orders The newest if the last there 's no doubt of that but the last they were not the Oratorians as they call them being of a later brood The Iesuites founded by Ignatius Loyola a Spaniard and confirmed by Pope Paul the thiâ—d Anno 1540. The Oratorians founded by Philip Meriâ— a Florentine and confirmed by Pope Pius the fourth Anno 1564. By which accompt these Oratorians are younger Brethren to the Iesuites by the space of four and twenty years and consequently the â—esuites not the last and newest of Religious Orders ANIMADVERSIONS ON The Seventh and Eighth Books OF The Church History OF BRITAIN Containing the Reigns of King Edward the sixth and Queen Mary WE are now come unto the Reign of King Edward the sixth which our Author pâ—sseth lightly over though very full of action and great alterations And heâ—e the first thing which I meet with is an unnecessary Quaere which he makes about the Injunctions of this King Amongst which we finde one concerning the religious keeping of the Holy-dayes in the close whereof it is declared That it shall be lawful for all people in time of Harvest to labour upon Holy and Festivall dayes and save that thing which God hath sent and that scrupulosity to abstain from woâ—king on those dayes doth grievously offend God Our Author heâ—upon makes this Quaere that is to say Fol. 375. Whether in the 24 Injunction labouring in time of Harvest upon Holy-dayes and Festivals relateth not only to those of Ecclesiastical Constitution as dedicated to Saints or be inclusive of the Lords-day also Were not our Author a great Zelot for the Lords-day-Sabbath and â—â—â—dious to intitle it to some Antiquity we had not met with such a Quaere The Law and Practice of those times make this plain enough For in the Statute of 5 and 6 of Edward the sixth c. 3. the names and number of the Holy-dayes being first laid down that is to say All Sundayes in the year the Feasts of the circumcision of our Lord Iesus Christ of the Epiphany c. with all the rest still kept and there named particularly it is thus enacted viz. That it shall and may be lawful to every Husbandman Labourer Fisherman and to all and every other person and persons of what Estate Degree or Condition he or they be upon the Holy-dayes aforesaid in Harvest or at any other times in the year when necessity shall so require to labour ride fish or work any kinde of 〈◊〉 at their free-wils and pleasure any thing in this Act to the contrary notwithstanding The Law being such there is no question to be made in point of practice nor consequently of the meaning of the Kings injunction For further opening of which truth we finde in Sir Iohn Haywoods History of this King that not the Countrey only but the Court were indulged the liberty of attending but ness on that day it being ordered by the King amongst other things That the Lords of the Councell should upon Sundayes attend the publick Affairs of the Realm dispatch Answers to Letters for good order of the State and make full dispatches of all things concluded the week before Provided that they be pâ—esent at Common Prayer And that on every Sunday night the Kings Secretary should deliver him a memorial of such things as are to be debated by the Privy Councell in the week ensâ—ing Which Orders had our Author
read and compared with the Statute he had not needed to have made this Qâ—ere about the true intent and meaning of the Kings Injunction Fol. 386. In the first year of King Edward the sixth it was recommended to the care of the most grave Bishops and others assembled by the King at his Castle at Windfor and when by them compleated set forth in Print 1548. with a Proclamation in the Kings name to give Authority thereunto being also recommended unto every Bishop by especiall Letters from the Lords of the Councel to see the same put in execution And in the next year a penalty was imposed by Act of Parliament on such who should dâ—prave or neglect the use thereof Our Author here mistakes himself and confounds the business making no difference between the whole first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth and a particular form of Administration For the better understanding whereof he may please to know that in the first Parliament of this King there past a Statute Entituled An Act against such as speak against the Sacrament of the Altar and for the receipt thereof in both kindes Upon the coming out whereof the King being no lesse desirous as Fox relates it to have the form of Administration of the Sacrament reduced to the right Rule of the Scriptures and first use of the Primitive Church then he was to establish the same by Authority of his own Regal Lawes appointed certâ—in of the most grave and learned Bishop and others of his Realm to assemble together at his Castle of Windsor there to argue and intreat of this matter and conclude upon and set forth one perfect and uniform Order accoâ—ding to the Rule and use aforesaid which Book was printed and set out March 8. 1548. which is 1547. according to the accompt of the Church of England with a Proclamation of the Kings befoâ—e as by the Book it self appeaâ—â—â— But this Book thus set out and publisht contained nothing but a Form and Order of Adminisâ—ing the Holy Communion under both kinds in pursuâ—nce of the Statute before mentioned and served but as a preamble to the following Liturgy a Bâ—eâ— fast as it were to the Feast insuing The Liturgy came not out till near two years after confirmed in Parliament Anno 2. 3. Edw. 6. cap. 1. and in that Parliament cryed up as made by the immediate aide and inspiration of the holy Ghost Which notwithâ—â—anding some exceptions being taken at it as our Author notes by Calvin abâ—oâ—d and some Zealots at home the Book was brought under a Review much altered in all the parts and offiâ—es of it but whethâ—r â—nto the better or unto the worse let some others judge Fol. 404. At last the great Earl of Warwick deserted his Chaplain in open field to shift for himself Indeed he had higher things in his head then to attend such trifles A man may easily discern a Cat by her claw and we may finde as easily by the scratches of our Authoâ—s pen to what party in the Church he stands most inclined He had before declared for the Dominicans and Rigid Calvinists in some points of Doctâ—ine and now declares himself for the Non-Conformists in point of Ceremony He had not else called the Episcopal Ornaments particularly the Rochet Chimere and Square-cap by the name of trifles such trifles as were not worth the contending for if Resâ—lute Ridley had been pleased to dispense therein The truth is that Hoopers opposition in this particulaâ— gave the first ground to those Combustions in the Church which after followed Calvin extremely stickling for him and writing to his party here to assist him in it And this I take to be the reason why our Author is so favourable in his censure of him fol. 402. and puts such Answers in the mouthes of the Non-Conformist fol. 404. as I can hardly think were so well hammered and accommodated in those early dayes Such as seem rather fitted for the temper and acumen of the present times after a long debating of all particulars and a strict search into all the niceties of the Controversie then to the first beginnings and unpremeditated Agitatious of a new-born Quarrel Fol. 406. Yet this work met afterwards with some Frowns even in the faces of great Clergy-men c. because they concoived these singing Psalms erected in Corrivality and opposition to the reading Psalms which were formerly sung in Cathedral Churches And thoâ—e great Church-men â—ad good reâ—son for what they did wisely foreseeing that the singing of those Psalms so translated in Rythme and Meeter would work some alteration in the executing of the publique Liturgy For though it be exprest in the Title of those singing Psalms that they were set forth and allowed to be sung in all Churches before and after morning and eveniâ—g Prayer and also before and after Sermons yet this allowance seems rather to have been a Connivence then an approbation no such allowance being â—ny wheâ—e found by such as have been most industrious and concerned in the search thereof Secondly whereas â—t was intended that the said Psalms should be only 〈◊〉 before and after morning and evening Prayer and also before and after Sermons which shews they were not to be intermingled in the publique Liturgy in very little time they pâ—evailed so far in most Parish Churches as to thrust the Te Deum the Benedictus the Magnificat and the Nunc dimittis quite out of the Church And thirdly by the practices and endevours of the Puritan party they came to be esteemed the most divine part of Gods publique service the reading Psalms together with the first and second Lessons being heard in many places with a covered head but all men â—itting bare-headed when the Psalm is sung And to that end the Parish Clerk must be taught when he names the Psalm to call upon the people to sing it to the praise and glory of God no such preparatory Exhortation being used at the naming of the Chapters of the dayly Psalms But whereas our Author seems to intimate that the Reading Psalms were formerly sung only in Cathâ—dral Churches he is exceedingly mistaken both in the Rubriâ—ks of the Church and the practice too the Rubricks lâ—â—ving them indifferently to be said or sung according as the Congregation was fitted for it the practice in some Parish Churches within the time of my memory being for it also And this our Author as I think cannot chuse but know if he be but as well studied in the Rules of the Church as in some Popish Legends and old ends of Poetry Fol. 407. Let Adonijah and this Lords example deterr Subjects from medling with the Widows of their Soveraigns lest in the same match they espouse their own danger and destruction I see little reason for this Rule lesse for his examples For first Abishag the Shunamite whom Adonijah desâ—red to have to wife was â—ever marryed unto David and therefore cannot properly be called his Widow And secondly Queen
why his Children should desire a restitution in bloud not otherwise to be obtained but by Act of Parliament And so without troubling the learned in the Law for our information I hope our Author will be satisfied and save his Fee for other more necessary uses Fol. 72. In the Convocation now sitting the nine and thirty Articles were composed agreeing for the main with those set forth in the Reign of King Edward the sixth though in some particulars allowing more liberty to dissenting judgements This is the active Convocation which before I spake of not setling matters of Religion in the same estate in which they were left by King Edward but altering some Articles expunging others addingsome de novo and fitting the whole body of them unto edification Not leaving any liberty to dissenting Iudgments as our Author would have it but binding men unto the literal and Grammatical sense They had not othewise attained to the end they aimed at which was ad tollendam opinionum dissensionem consensum in vera Religione firmandum that is to say to take away diversity of Opinions and to establish an agreement in the true Religion Which end could never be effected if men were left unto the liberty of dissenting or might have leave to put their own sense upon the Articles But whereas our Author instances in the Article of Christs descent into Hell telling us that Christs preaching unto the Spirits there on which the Article seemed to be grounded in King Edwards Book was left out in this and thereupon inferreth that men are left unto a latitude concerning the cause time manner of his descent I must needs say that he is very much mistaken For first the Church of England hath alwayes constantly maintained a locall Descent though many which would be thought her Children the better to comply with Calvin and some other Divines of forain Nations have deviated in this point from the sense of the Church And secondly the reason why this Convocation left out that passage of Christ preaching to the Spirits in hell was not that men might be left unto a latitude concerning the cause time and manner of his Descent as our Author dreams but because that passage of St. Peter being capable of some other interpretations was not conceived to be a clear and sufficient evidence to prove the Article For which see Bishop Bilsons Survey p. 388 389. Fol. 74. In a word concerning this clause whether the Bishops were faulty in their addition or their opposites in their substraction I leave to more cunning Arithmeticians to decide The Clause here spoken of by our Author is the first Sentence in the twentieth Article entituled De Ecclesiae Authoritate where it is said that the Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and Authority in Controversies of the Faith Which being charged upon the Bishops as a late addition the better to support their power and maintain their Tyranny the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his Speech in the Star-Chamber Iune the 15 1637. made it appear that the said Clause was in a Printed Book of Articles published in the year 1563. being but very few moneths after they had passed in the Convocation which was on the 29. of Ianuary 1562. in the English account And more then so he shewed unto the Lords a Copy of the twentieth Article exemplified out of the Records and attested by the hands of a publick Notary in which that very Clause was found which had been charged upon the Bishops for an innovation And thus much I can say of mine own knowledge that having occasion to conâ—â—â—t the Records of Convocation I found this controverted Clause verbatim in these following words Habet Ecclesia Ritus statuendo jus in fidei Controversis Authoritatem Which makes me wonder at our Author that having access to those Records and making frequent use of them in this present History he should declare himself unable to decide the doubt whether the addition of this Clause was made by the Bishops or the substraction of it by the opposite party But none so blinde as he that will not see saies the good old proverb But our Author will not so give over He must first have a fling at the Archbishop of Canterbury upon this occasion In the year 1571. the Puritan Faction beginning then to grow very strong the Articles were again Printed both in Latin and English and this Clause left out publisht according to those copies in the Harmony of Confessions Printed at Geneva Anno 1612. and publisht by the same at Oxford though soon after rectified Anno 1636. Now the Archbishop taking notice of the first alteration Anno 1571. declares in his said Speech that it was no hard matter for that opposite Faction to have the Articles Printed and this clause left out considering who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure What says our Author to this Marry saith he I am not so well skilled in Historical Horsemanship as to know whom his Grace designed for the Rider of the Church at that time fol. 74. Strange that a man who undertakes to write an History should professe himself ignorant of the names of those who governed the businesse of the times he writes of But this is only an affected ignorance profest of purpose to preserve the honour of some men whom he beholds as the chief Patrons of the Puritan Faction For aftâ—â—wards this turn being served he can finde out who they were that then governed businesses and rid the Church almost at their pleasure telling us fol. 138 that the Earl of Leicester interpos'd himself Patron-general to the non-subscribers and that he did it at the perswasion of Roger Lord North. Besides which two we finde Sir Francis Knollys to be one of those who gave countenance to the troubles at Frankforâ— at such time as the Faction was there hottest against the Liturgy and other Rites and â—eremonies of the Church of England Who being a meer kinsman of the Queens and a Privy Counsellor made use of all advantages to pursue that project which being 〈◊〉 on foot beyond sea had been driven on here and though Leicester was enough of himself to rid the Church at his pleasure it being fitted with such helps Sir Francis Walsingham and many more of that kind which the times then gave him they drove on the faster till he had almost plung'd all in remedilesse Ruine But our Author hath not done with these Articles yet for he tels us of this Clause that it was Ibid. Omitted in the English and Latin Artiâ—â—â—â—â— set forth 1571 when they were first ratified by Actâ—â— Our â—uthor doth so dream of the power of Parliaments in matters of Religion that he will not suffer any Canon or Act of Convocation to be in sorce or obligatiory to the subject till confirmed by Parliament But I would fain know of him where he finds any Act of Parliament
forth c. The offenders to suffer such pain of death and forfeiture as in case of Felony A Statute made of purpose to restrain the insolencies of the Puriâ—â—n Faction and by which many of them were adjudged to death in the times ensuing some as the Authors and others as the publishers of seditious Pamphlers But being made with limitation to the life of the Queen it expired with her And had it been reviv'd as it never was by either of the two last Kings might possibly have prevented those dreadful mischiefs which their posterity is involved in Fol. 157. Sure I am it is most usual in the Court of Marches Arches rather whereof I have the best experience This is according to the old saying to correct Magnificat Assuredly Archbishop Whitgift knew better whan he was to write then to need any such critical emendations And therefore our Author might have kept his Arches for some publick Triumph after his conquest of the Covetous Conformists and High Royalists which before we had It was the Court of the Marches which the Bishop speaks of and of which he had so good experience he being made Vice-Precedent of the Court of the Marches by Sir Henry Sidney immediately on his first coming to the See of Worcester as Sir George Paul telleth us in his life Fol. 163. By the changing of Edmond into John Contnar it plainly appears that as all these letters were written this year so they were indited after the sixth of July and probably about December when Bishop Grindal deceased â— I grant it for a truth that Grindal died on the sixth of Iuly and I know it also for a truth that Whitgift was translated to the See of Canterbury on the 23. of September then next following But yet it follows not thereupon that all the Letters here spoken of being 12 in number which are here exemplified were writ in the compass of one year and much less in so narrow a time as about December Nay the contrary hereunto appears by the Lettâ—â—s themselves For in one of them written to the Lord Treasurer fol. 160. I finde this passage viz. Your Lordship objecteth thaâ— it is said I took this câ—urse for the better maintenance of my Book My Enemies say so indeed but I trust my friends have a better opinion of me what should I look after any Confirmation of my Book after twelve years or what should I get thereby more then already Now the Book mentioned by the Bishop was that entituled The Defence of the Answer to the Admonition against the Reply of T. C. printed at London An. 1574. To which the 12 years being added which we finde mentioned in this Letter it must needs be that this Letter to the Lord Treasurer was written in the year 1586. and consequently not all written in the year 1583. as our Author makes them The like might be collected also from some circumstances in the other Letters but that I have more necessary business to imploy my time on Fol. 171. The severe inforcing of Subscription hereunto what great disturbance it occasioned in the Church shall hereafter by Gods assistance be made to appear leaving others to judge whether the offence was given or taken thereby Our Author tells us fol. 143. that in the business of Church government he would lie at a close guard and offer as little play as might be on either side But for all that he cannot but declare himself for the stronger party He had not else left it as a matter doubtful whether the disturbances which insued on the Archbishops inforcing of Subscription and the scandal which did thence arise were to be imputed to the Imposer who had Authority on his side as himself confesseth or the refusers carried on by self ends and untractable obstinacy As for the Articles to which subscriptions were required they were these that follow viz. 1. That the Queen only had Supreme Authority over all persons boâ—n within her Dominion 2. That the Book of Common-Prayer and Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons containeth nothing contrary to the Word of God 3. That the Articles of Religion agreed on in the year 1562. and publisht by the Queens Authority were consonant to the word of God All which being so expresly built on the Lawes of the Realm must needs lay the scandal at their doores who refused subscription and not at his who did require it But love will creep they say where it cannot go And do our Author what he can he must discover his affection to the causeâ—pon â—pon all occasions No where more mâ—nifestly then where he telleth us Fol. 187. That since the High-Commission and this Oath it is that ex Officio which he meaneth were taken away by the â—â—ct of Parliament it is to be hoped that if such swearing were sâ— great a grievance nihil analogum nothing like unto it which may amount to as much shall hereafter be substituted in the room thereof What could be said more plain to testiâ—ie his disaffections one way and his zeâ—l another The High-Commission and the Oath repâ—oâ—ched as Grievances because the greatest curbs of the Puritan party and the strongest Bulwarks of the Church a congratulation â—o the times for abolishing both though as yet I â—â—nde no Act of Parliament against the Oath except it be by consequence and illation only and finally a hope exprest that the Church never shall revert to her foâ—mer power in substituting any like thing in the place thereof by which the good people of the Land may be stopt in their way to the fifth Monarchy so much fought after And yet this does not speak so plain as the following passage viz. Fol. 193. Wits will be working and such as have a Satyrical vein cannot better vent it then in lashing of sin This spoken in defence of those scurrilous Libels which Iob Throgmorton Penry Fenner and the rest of the Puritan Rabble published in Print against the Bishops Anno 1588. thereby to render them ridiculous both abroad and at home The Qâ—een being 〈◊〉 exclaimed against and her Honorable Councell scandalously censured for opposing the Gospel they fall more foully on the Bishops crying them down as Antichristian Petty-popes Bishops of the Devil cogging and cozening knaves dumb dogs enemies of God c. For which cause much applauded by the Papists beyond Sea to whom nothing was more acceptable then to see the English Hierarchy reproachâ— and vilified and frequently â—â—red by them as unquestioned evidences For if our Authors rule be good fol. 193. That the fault is not in the writer if he truly cite what is false on the credit of another they had no reason to examine punctually the truth of that which tended so apparently to the great advantage of their cause and party But this Rule whether true or false cannot be used to justifie our Author in many passages though truly cited considering that he cannot chuse but know them to be false in themselves
resolved to joyn them with the rest of his members Fryers Monks and Cardinals and our Author being a great favourer of the Presbyterians must not take notice of this scandal especially considering that Papacy and Praelacy are joyn'd together in the language of the present times and therefore fit to go together in this Annotation Fol. 68. In this Parliament Dr. Harsnet Bishop of Chichester gave offence in a Sermon preached at Court pressing the word Reddite Caesari quae sunt Caesaris as if all that was levied by Subsidies or paid by Custom to the Crown was but a redditum of what was the Kings before This Parâ—â—ament is placâ—â— by our Author in the year 1613. but 〈◊〉 Parliament in the sitting whereof Bishop Haâ—â—â—et 〈◊〉 the Sermon above mentioned was held by Proâ—ogation in the year 1609. and afterwards dissolved by Proclâ—mation in December of the year next following Concerning which Sermon King Iames gives this account to the Lords and Commons assembled before him at White-hall March 23. and therefore sâ—ith he That Reverend Bâ—shop here amongst you though I hear by divers he was miâ—â—aken or not well understood yet did he preach both learnedly and 〈◊〉 ancient this point concerning the power oâ— a King for what he spake of a Kings power in abstracto is most true in Divinity for to Emperors or Kings that are Monarchs their Subjects bodies and goods are due for their defence and maintenance But if I had been in his place I would only have added two words which would have cleared all for after I had told as a Divine what was due by the Subjects to their Kings in general I would then have concluded as an English man shewing this people that as in general all subâ—ects were bound to relieve their King so to exhort them that as we lived in a setled state of a Kingdom that was governed by his own fundamental Laws and Orders that according thereunto they were now being assembled for this purpose in Parliament to consider how to help such a King as now they had and that according to the antient form and order established in this Kingdom putting so a difference between the general power of a King in Divinity and the setled and established state of this Crown and Kingdom and I am sure that the Bishop meant to have have done the same if he had not been straiâ—ned by time which in respect of the greatness of the present Preaching befoâ—e us and such an Auditory he durst not presume upon 〈◊〉 that the doctrine of the Bishop being thus justified and explained by King Iames and the Parliament continuing undissolved till December following we have no reason to believe that the Parliament was dissolved upon this occasion and much less on the occasion of some words spoken in that Parliament by Bishop 〈◊〉 of which thus our Author Ibid. Likewise Dr. Neile Bishop of Rochester uttered words in the House of Lords interpreted to the disparagement of some reputed zealous Patriot in the House of Commons â— In this passage I have many things to excepâ— against As 1. That this Patriot is not nam'd to whoâ—e disparagement the words are pretended to be uttered And 2. that the words themselves are not here laid down and yet are made to be so hainously taken that to sâ—ve the Bishop from the storm which was coming â—owards him the King should principally be occasion'd to â—â—ssolve that Parliament 3. That Dr. Neile is here call'd Bishop of Rochester whom twice before viz. sel. 64. 67. he makes to be Bishop of Coventry and Leiâ—hfield And 4. That the words here intimated should be spoken in Parliament Anno 1613. whereas by giving Dr. Neile the Title of Rochester it should rather be referred to the Parliament holden by prorogation till the last of December Anno 1610. when it was dissolved and then dissolved as appears by the Kings Proclamation for not supplying his necessities and other reasons there expressed whereof this was none Fol. 70. Some conceive that in revengâ— Mr. John Selden soon after set forth his Book of Tithes wherein he Historically proveth that they were payable jure humano and not â—therwise Whether the acting of the Comedy called Ignoramus might move Mr. Selden at the first to take this revenge I enquire not here though it be probable it might that Comedy being acted before King Iames Anno 1614. and this Book coming out about two years after Anno 1616. But here I shall observe in the first place our Authors partiality in telling us that Mr. Selden in that book hath proved Historically that Tithes are payable 〈◊〉 humano and not otherwise whereas indeed he undertook to prove that point but proved it not as will â—ppear to any which have read the Answers set out against him I observe secondly our Authors ignorance in the Book it self telling us within few lines after that the first part of it is a meer Iew of the practice of Tithing amongst the Hebrews the second a Christian and chiefly an English man whereas indeed that part thereof which precedes the manner of Tithing amongst Christians hath as much of the Gentil as of the Iew as much time spent upon examining of the Tithes paid by the Greeks and Romans as was in that amongst the Hebrews Thirdly I must observe the prejudice which he hath put upon the Cause by telling us in the next place that though many Divines undertook the Answer of that Book yet sure it is that never a fiercer storm fell on all Parsonage Barn since the Reformation then what this Treatise raised up And so our Author leaves this matter without more ado telling us of the Churches danger but not acquainting us at all with her deliverance from the present storm neither so violent not so great nor of such continuance as to blow off any one Tile or to blow aside so much as one Load of Corn from any Parsonage barn in England For though this History gave some Countrey Gentlemen occasion and matter of discourse against paying Tithes yet it gave none of them the audaciousness to deny the payment So safe and speedy a course was took to prevent the mischief which since our Author hath not told us as had he plaid the part of a good Historian he was bound to do I will do it for him No sooner was the Churches Patrimony thus called in question but it pleased God to stir up some industrious and learned men to undertake the answering of that History which at the first made so much noise amongst the people Dr. Tillesly Archdeacon of Rochester first appeared in the Lists managing that part of the Controversie which our Author cals a Christian and an English-man relating to old Chartularies and Infeodations The three first Chapters which Dr. Tillesly had omitted concerning the payment of Tithes by the Iews and Gentiles were solidly but very smartly examined and confuted by Mr. Mâ—ntague at that time Fellow of Eaton Colledge and afterwards Lord
Bishop of Chichester as finally the two first Chapters about the Tiâ—hing of the Iews were learnedly reviewed by Mr. Nettles a Countâ—ey 〈◊〉 but excellently well skilled in Talmudical Learning In which encounters the Historian was so gall'd by Tillesly so gagg'd by Montague and stung by Nettles that he never came off in any of his undertakings with such losse of credit In the Preface to his History he had charged the Clergy with ignorance and lazinesse upbraided them with having nothing to keep up their credit but beard habit and title and that their Studies reache no further then the Breviary the Postils and the Polyanthea But now he found by these encounters that some of the ignorant and lazie Clergy were of as retired studies as himself and could not only match but overmatch him too in his own Philoâ—ogiâ— But the Governours of the Church went a shorter way and not expecting till the Book was answered by particular men resolv'd to seek for reparation of the wrong from the Author himself upon an Information to be brought against him in the High Commission Fearing the issue of the business and understanding what displeasures were conceived against him by the King and the Church he made his personal appearance in the open Court at Lambeth on the eight and twentieth day of Ianuary Annâ— 1618. where in the presence of George L. Archbishop of Canterbury Iohn L. B. of London Lancelot L. B. of Winchester Iohn L. B. of Rochester Sir Iohn Benet Sir William Bird Sir George Newman Doctors of the Laws and Thâ—mas Mothershed Notary and Register of that Couâ—t he tendred his submission and acknowledgement all of his own hand-writing in these following words My goâ— Lords I most humbly acknowledge my error whicâ— haâ—e committed in publishing the History of Tithes and especially in that I have at all by shewing any interpretation of Holy Scriptures by medling with Councels Faâ—hers or Câ—nons or by whatsoever occurs in it offered any occasion of argument against any right of Maintenance â—ure divino of the Ministers of the Gospel beseeching your Lordships to receive this ingenuous and humble acknowledgement together with the unfeigned protestation of my grief for that through it I have so incurred both his Majesties and your Lordships displeasure conceived against me in behalf of the Church of England IOHN SELDEN Which his submission and acknowledgement being received and made into an Act of Court was entred into the publick Registers thereof by this Title following viz. Officium Dominorum contra Joh. Seldeâ—â— de inter Templo London Armigerum So far our Author should have gone had he plaid the part of a good Historian but that he does his work by halfs in all Church-concernments Fol. 72. James Montague Bishop of Winchester a potent Courtier took exceptions that his Bishoprick in the marshalling of them was wronged in method as put after any whose Bishop is a Privy Counsellour The Bishop was too wise a man to take this as our Author hates it for a sufficient ground of the proceeding against Dr. Mocket who had then newly translated into the Latin tongue the Liturgy of the Church of England the 39. Articles the Book of the Ordination of Bishops Priests and Deacons and many Doctrinal points extracted out of the Book of Homilies All which with Bishop Iewels Apology Mr. Noels Catechism and a new Book of his own entitâ—led Politiâ— Ecclesiae Anglicanae he had caused to be Printed and bound up together A Book which might have been of great honour to the Church of England amongst forain Nations and of no lesse use and esteem at home had there not been somewhat else in it which deserved the fire then this imaginary Quarrel For by the Act of Parliament 31 H. 8. 6. 10. the precedency of the Bishops is thus Marshalled that is to say the Archbishop of Canterbury the Archbishop of York the Bishop of London the Bishop of Durham the Bishop of Winchester the rest according to the order of their Consecrations yet so that if any of them were Secretary to the King he should take place of all those other Bishops to whom otherwise by the Order of his Consecration he had been to give it If the Doctor did mistake himself in this particular as indeed he did the fault might easily have been mended as not deserving to be expiated by so sharp a punishment The following reason touching his derogating from the Kings power in Ecclesiastical matters and adding it to the Metropolitan whose servant and Chaplain he was hath more reason in it if it had but as much truth as reason and so hath that touching the Propositions by him gathered out of the Homilies which were rather framed according to his own judgement then squared by the Rules of the Church But that which I conceive to have been the true cause why the Book was burned was that in publishing the twentieth Article concerning the Authority of the Church he totally left out the first clause of it viz. Habet Ecclesia Ritus sive Ceremonias statuendi jus in Controversus â—ides Authoritatem By means whereof the Article was apparently falsified the Churches Authority disâ—vowed and consequently a wide gap opened to dispute her power in all her Canons and Determinations of what sort soever And possible enough it is that some just offence might be taken at him for making the Fasting dayes appointed in the Liturgy of the Church of England to be commanded and observed ob Politiâ— is solum rationes for Politick Considerations only as insinuated pag. 308. whereas those Fasting-dayes were appointed in the first Liturgy of King Edward the sixth Anno 1549. with reference only to the primitive Institution of those several Fasts when no such Politick considerations were so much as thought of But whatsoever was the true cause or whether there were more then one as perhaps there was certain I am it could not be for derogating any thing from the Kings Power and enlarging that of the Archbishop in confirming the election of Bishops as our Author tels us For though the Doctor doth affirm of the Metropolitans of the Church of England pag. 308. Vt Electiones Episcoporum suae Provinciae confirment that it belongs to them to confirm the Electioâ—s of the Bishops of their several Provinces and for that purpose cites the Canon of the Councel of Nice which our Author speaks of yet afterwards he declares expresly that no such confirmation is or can be made by the Metropolitans without the Kings assent preceding Cujus 〈◊〉 electi comprobantur comprobati confirmantur confirmati consecrantur pag. 313. which very fully clears the Doctor from being a better Chaplain then he was a Subject as our Author makes him Fol. 77. At this time began the troubles in the Law-Countries about matters of Religion heightned between two opposite parties Remonstrants and Contra-Râ—monstrants their Controversies being chiefly 〈◊〉 to five points c Not at this time viz. 1618. which our
himself possibly â—an be And therefore I must not by â—â—â—obeying my Pâ—ince commit a certain â—in in preventing a pâ—obable but contingent inconveniency This if it were good Doctâ—ine then when both the Author and the Book weâ—e crâ—ed up even to admiration is not to be reâ—â—â—ted as falâ—e Doctâ—ine now truth being constant to 〈◊〉 not varying nor altering with the change of times Bâ—t oâ—r Author will not sâ—op here he goes on and saith Ibid. Mâ—â—y moderate men are of opinion that this abuse of the Lord-day was a principal procurer of Gods anger 〈◊〉 poured out on this Land in a long and bloudy Civil 〈◊〉 And moderate peâ—haps they may be in apparel 〈…〉 the like civil acts of life and conversation but 〈…〉 moderate enough in this Observation For who hath kâ—â—wn the minde of the Lord or who hath been his Counsâ—ll◠〈…〉 the great Apostle But it is as common with some men of the newest Religions to adscribe 〈…〉 judgements to some special Reasons as 〈…〉 the Key which opens into his Cabinet 〈…〉 as iâ— they were admitted to all 〈…〉 in the 〈…〉 Heaven before that dreadful 〈◊〉 oâ— the year 1562. and 1565. the constant 〈◊〉 of the Chappels in his Majesties Houses most 〈◊〉 the Cathedral and some of the Paâ—ochial Churches and â—inally a Declaration of the King Anno 1633. â—ommending a Conâ—ormity in the Parish Churches to their own Cathedrals They on the other side stood chiefly upon disâ—ontinuâ—nce but urged withall that some Rubâ—â—â—ks in the Common-Prayer-Book seemed to make for them So that the Question being reduced to a matter of â—act that is to say the Table must 〈◊〉 this way or it must stand that way I would fain know how any condescension might be made on either 〈…〉 to an accommodation or what our Moderatâ—â— would have done to at one the differences Suppoâ—e him â—â—tting in the Chair the Arguments on both 〈…〉 â—nd all the Audience full of expectation 〈…〉 would carry it The Moderator Fuller of old Meâ—â—y-Tales then ordinary thus resolves the businesse that he had heard it commended for a great piece of wisdom in Bishop Andrews That wheresoever he was a Parson a Dean or a Bishop he never troubled Parish Colledge or Diocess with pressing other Ceremonies upon them then such which he found used there before his coming thither that King Iames finding the Archbishop of Spalato in a resolution of â—â—eâ—â—ioning all such Leases as had been made by his 〈◊〉 in the Savoy gave him this wise Counsell Relinque res sicut eas invenisti That he should leave things as he found them that the sâ—id King being told by a great person of the invertâ—d situation of a Chappel in Cambridge 〈◊〉 â—nswer that it did not matter how the 〈◊〉 stood so their hearts who go thither were 〈…〉 in Gods service But for his part he liked 〈◊〉 of the Resolution of Dr. Prideaux when wearied with the Businesses of the Councel-Table and the High Commission But as he was soon hot so he was soon cool'd And so much is observed by Sir Edward Deering though his greatest adversary and the first that threw dirt in his face in the late long Parliament who telleth us of him that the roughness of his uncourtly Nature sent most men discontented from him 〈◊〉 so that he would often of himself â—inde wayes and means to sweeten many of them again when they least looked for it In this more modest then our Author who gives us nothing of this Pâ—elate but his wants and weaknesses But of this Reverend Prelate he will give cause to speak more hereafter Let us now on unto another of a different judgement his proâ—est enemy Mr. Prin of whom thus our Author Fol. â—57 Mr. William Prinne was borne about Bath in Glocestershire c. and began with the writing of some Orthodox books In this story of Mr. Prinne and his suffeâ—ings our Author runs into many errors which either his love unto the Man or zeal to the good cause or carelesness of what he writes have brought upon him For first Bath is not in Glostershire but a chief City in the County of Somerset Secondly though I look on Mr. Prinne so far forth as I am able to judge by some Books of his not long since published as a man of a far more moderate spirit then I have done formerly yet can I not think his first Books to have been so Orthodox as our Author makes them For not to say any thing of his Perpetuity his Books entituled Lame Giles his Haltings Cozens Cozening Devotions and his Appendix to another have many things repugnant to the Rules and Canons of the Church of England No 〈◊〉 Champion against bowing at the name of Iesus nor greater enemy to some Ceremonies here by Law 〈◊〉 In whicâ— paâ—â—iculars iâ— our Author tâ—iâ—k him to be Orthodox he declares himself to be no true Son of the Church of England Thirdly the Book called Histrio-Mastix was not writ by Mr. Prinne about three years before his 〈…〉 as our Author telleth us for then it must be wâ—it or publisht Anno 1634. whereas indeed that Book was published in Print about the latter end of 1632. and the Author censur'd in Sâ—ar-Chamber for some pâ—ssâ—ges in iâ— abouâ— the latter end of the year 1633. Otheâ—wise had it been as our Author telleth us the punishment 〈…〉 the offence and he must suffer for â— Book which was not publisht at that â—ime and peâ—haps not wâ—itten But our Author hâ—th a special facâ—lty in this kinde which few writers 〈◊〉 For â—s he post-dateth this Histrio-Mastix by making it come into the 〈…〉 after it did so he ante 〈◊〉 a Book of Dâ— White then Lord Bishop of Ely which he makes to be publisht two yeaâ—s sooner then indeed it wâ—s Thâ—t book of his entituled A Treatise of the Sabbath came noâ—â—ut â—ill Michaelmas Anno 1635. though placed by ouâ— Authoâ— as then written Anno 1633. for which see fol. 144. Next unto Mr. Prinne in the coâ—â—se of his Censure comes the Bishop of Lincoln the 〈◊〉 whereof we have in our Author who having left a 〈…〉 somewhat which he thinks not â—it to make known to all gives some occasion to suspect that the matter was far woâ—se on the Bishops side then perhaps it was And therefore to prevent all further misconstructions in thi◠〈◊〉 I will lay down the story as I finde it thus viz. The Bishops purgation depending chiefly upon the testimony of one Prideon it hapned â—hat the 〈◊〉 after one Elizabeth Heaâ—on was delivered of a base childe and laid to this Prideon The Bishop finding his great witness charged with such a load of filth 〈…〉 would invalidate all his 〈…〉 valid the Bishop could easily prognosticate his own ruine therefore he bestirs himself amain and though by order of the Justices at the publick Session at Lincoln Prideon was charged as the reputed father the Bishop by his two Agents Powel and Owen
own Thirdly though it be true enough that some Persons of Honour had been denied such higher Titles as they had desired fol. 163. Yet was it not the denying of such Titles unto Men of Honour which wrote these terrible effects but the denying of an Honorary Title to a Man of no Honour If Colonel Alexander Lesley an obscure fellow but made rich by the spoils and plunder of Germany had been made a Baron when he first desired it the rest of the Male-contents in Scotland might have had an heart though they had no head But the King not willing to dishonor so high a Title by conferring it on so low a person denyed the favour which put the man into such a heat that presently he joyned himself to the faction there drove on the Plot and finally undertook the command oâ— their Armieâ— Rewaâ—ded foâ— which notable service with the Title of Earl of Levin by the King himâ—elâ— he could not so digest the injury of the first refusal but that he afterwards headed their Rebellions upon all occasions Fol. 163. Generally they excused the King in their writings as innocent therein but charged Archbishop Laâ—d as the principal and Dr. Cousins for the instrumental compiler thereof This is no more then we had reason to expect fâ—om a former passage lib. 4. fol. 193. where our Author telleth us that the Scottish Bishops withdrew themselves from their obedience to the See of York in the time when George Nevil was Archbishop And then he adds Hence forwards no Archbishop of York medled more with Church matters in Scotland and happy had it been if no Archbishop of Canterbury had since interessed himself therein His stomach is so full of choler against this pooâ— Prelate that he must needs bring up some of it above an hundred years before he was born Hence is it that he rakes together all reports which make against him and sets them down in rank and file in the course of this History If Archbishop Abbot be suspended from his Jurisdiction the blame thereof was laid on Archbishop Laud as if not content to succeed he endeavoured to suâ—plant him fol. 128. The King sets out a Declaration about lawful sports the reviving and enlarging of which must be put upon his accompt also some strong pâ—eâ—â—mptions being urged for the proof thereof fol. 147. The 〈◊〉 of the Church to her antient Rules and publick Doctrines must be nothing else but the enjoyning of his own private practices and opinions upon other men fol. 127. And if a Liturgy be compos'd for the use of Church of Scotland who but he must be charged to be the Compiler of it But what proofs have we for all this Only the 〈◊〉 or his Enemies or our Authors own 〈…〉 or some common fame And if it once be 〈…〉 shall pass for truth and as a truth 〈…〉 Authors History though the greatest falsehood Tam facilis in mendaciis fides ut quicquid famae liceat fingere illi esset libenter audire in my Authors language But for the last he brings some pâ—oof he would have us think so at the least that is to say the words of one Bayly a Scot whom it concern'd to make him as odious as he could the better to comply with a Pamphlet called The Intentions of the Army in which it was declared that the Scots entred England with a purpose to remove the Archbishop from the King and execute their vengeance on him What hand Dr. Cousins had in assisting of the work I am not able to say But sure I am that there was nothing done in it by the Bishops of England but with the counsel and co-operation of their Brethren in the Church of Scotland viz. the Archbishop of St. Andrews the Archbishop of Glasco the Bishop of Murray Ross Brechin and Dunblane as appears by the Book entituled Hidden Works of Darkness c. fol. 150 153 154 c. And this our Author must needs know but that he hath a minde to quarrel the Archbishop upon every turn as appears plainly 1. By his Narrative of the Design in King Iames his time from the first undertaking of it by the Archbishop of St. Andrews and the Bishop of Galloway then being whose Book corrected by that King with some additions expunctions and accommodations was sent back to Scotland 2. By that unsatisfiedness which he seems to have when the project was resum'd by King Charles whether the Book by him sent into Scotland were the same which had passed the hands of King Iames or not which he expresseth in these words viz. In the Reign of King Charles the project was resumed but whether the same Book or no God knoweth fol. 160. If so if God only knoweth whether it were the same or no how dares he tell us that it was not and if it was the same as it may be for ought he knoweth with what conscience can he charge the making of it upon Bishop Laud. Besides as afterwards he telleth us fol. 163. the Church of Scotland claimed not only to be Independent and free as any Church in Christendom a Sister not a Daughter of England And consequently the Prelates of that Church had more reason to decline the receiving of a Liturgy impos'd on them or commended to them by the Primate of England for fear of acknowledging any subordination to him then to receive the same Liturgy here by Law establisht which they might very safely borrow from their Sister Church without any such danger But howsoever it was the blame must fall on him who did least deserve it Fol. 167. Thus none seeing now foul weather in Scotland could expect it fair Sun-shine in England In this I am as little of our Authors opinion as in most things else The Sun in England might have shined with a brighter beam if the clouds which had been gathered together and threatned such foul weather in Scotland had been disperst and scattered by the Thunder of our English Ordinance The opportunity was well given and well taken also had it not been unhappily lost in the prosecution The Scots were then weak unprovided of all necessaries not above three thousand compleat Arms to be found amongst them The English on the other side making a formidable appearance gallantly Horst compleaâ—ly arm'd and intermingled with the choicest of the Nobility and Gentry in all the Nation And had the Scots been once broken and their Countrey wasted which had been the easiest thing in the world for the English Army they had been utterly disabled from creating trouble to their King disturbances in their own Châ—rch and destruction to England So true is that of the wise Histoâ—ian Conatus subditorâ—m irritos imperia â—â—â—per promovere the Insurrections of the people when they are supprest do always make the King stronger and the Subjects weaker Fol. 167. The Sermon ended We chose Dr. Stewart Den of Chichester Prolocutor and the next day of sitting We met at Westminster in the
Digby now Earl of Bristow But he that spent most of his wit upon it and theâ—eby gave occasion unto others for the like mistakings was Sir Edward Deering in a Speech made against these Canons Anno 1640. where we finde these flourishes Would you confute the Convocation They were a Holy Synod Would you argue against the Synod Why they were Commissioners Would you dispute the Commission They will mingle all powers together and answer that they were some fourth thing that neither we know nor imagine that is to say as it follows aftâ—rwâ—rds p. 27. a Convocational-Synodical-Assembly of 〈◊〉 More of this fine stuffe we may see hereafteâ— In the mean time we may judge by this Remnâ—nt of the whole Piece and 〈◊〉 iâ— upon proof to be very â—light and not worth the weâ—ring For first the Gentleman could not our Author cannot chuse but know that a Convocation and a Synod as 〈◊〉 in England of late times are but the same one thing under diveâ—s names the one borrowed from a Grecian the other from a Latin Original the Convocation of the Clergy of the Province of Canterbury being nothing but a Provincial Synod as a National Synod is nothing elâ—e but the Convocation of the Clergy of both Provinces Secondly our Aâ—thor knows by this time that the Commission which seems to make this doughty difference changed not the Convocation into a Synod as some vainly think but only made that Convocation active in order to the making of Canons which otherwise had been able to proceed no â—urther then the grant of Subsidies Thirdly that nothing is more ordinary then for the Convocations of all times since the Reformation to take unto themselves the name of Synâ—ds For the Articles of Religion made in the Convocation An. 1552. are called in the Title of the Book Articuli de quibus in Synodo Londinensi convenit c. The same name given to those agreed on in the Convocation An. 1562. as appears by the Title of that Book also in the Latin Editiâ—n The Canons of the year 1571. are said to be concluded and agreed upon in Synodo inchoat â Lond. in aede Divi Paulâ— c. In the year 1575. came out a Book of Articles with this title following viz. Articles whereupon it was agreed by the most Reverend Father in God the Archbishop of Canterbury and other the Bishops the whole Clergy of the Province of Canterbury in the Convocation or Synod holden at Westminster The like we finde in the year 1597. being the last active Convocation in Q. Elizabeths time in which we meeâ— with a Book entituled Constitutiones Ecclesiasticae c. in Synodo inâ—heata Londini vicâ—simo quinto die Mensis Octobris Our Author finally is to know that though the members of the two Convocations of York and Canterbury did not meeâ— in person yet they communicated their â—ounsels the Reâ—ults of the one being dispatch'd unto the other and there agreed on or rejected as they saw 〈◊〉 for it Which laid together shews the vanity of â—â—â—ther passage in the Speech of Sir Edward Deering where he vapoâ—reth thus viz. A strange Commission wherein no one Commissioners name is to be found a 〈◊〉 Convocation that lived when the Parliament was 〈◊〉 a strange Holy Synod where one 〈…〉 conferred with the other Lastly Siâ— Edward Deeriâ—g seems to marvel at the Title of the Book of Canoâ—â— then in question expressing that they were treated upon in Convocation agreed upon in Synâ—d And this saith he is a new Mould to cast Canons in never us'd before But had he looked upon the 〈◊〉 of the Book of Canons An. 160â— he hâ—d found it otheâ—wise The Title this viz. Constitutions and Canons 〈…〉 by the Bishop of London President of the Convocation for the Province of Canterbury c. and agreed upon with the Kings Majesties Licence in their Synod 〈◊〉 at London An. 1603. And so much for the satisfaction of all such persons whom either that gentleman or this oâ—r Authoâ— hâ—ve mis-informed and consequently abâ—â—ed in this particular Ibid. Now because great Bâ—aies mâ—ve 〈…〉 it was thought fit to contract the 〈…〉 of some 26 beside the Prolocutor No â—â—ch contracting of the Synod as our Author speaks of There was indeed a Committee of twenty â—ix or thereabouts appointed to consider of a Canon for uniformity in some Rites and Ceremonies of which number were the principal of those whom he calls dissenters and our Author too amongst the rest who having agreed upon the Canon it was by them presented to the rest of the Clergy in Convocation and by them appâ—ov'd And possible it is that the drawing â—p of some other Canons might be refer'd also to that Committee â— as is accustomed in such cases without contracting the whole Hoâ—se into that small body or excluding any man from being present at their consultation But whereas our Author afterwards tells us that nothing should be accounted the Act of the House till thrice as he takes it publickly voted therein It is but as he takes it or mistakes it rather and so let it goe But I needed not to have signified that our Author was one of this Committee he will tell it himself And he will tell us more then that publishing himself for one of the thirty six Dissenters the better to ingratiate himself with the rising side The next day so he lets us know We all subscribed the Canons suffering our selves â— according to the Order of such meetings to be all concluded by the majority of votes though some of US in the Committee privately dissented in the passing of many particulars So then our Author was content to play the good fellow at the last and go along hand in hand with the rest of his company dissenting privately but consenting publickly which is as much as can be looked for Ibid. No sooner came these Canons abroad into a publick view but various were mens censures upon them Not possible that in such a confusion both of Affections and Opinions it should otherwise be Non omnibus una voluntas was a note of old and will hold true as long as there are many men to have many mindes And yet if my information deceive me not these Canons found great approbation from the mouths of some from whom it had been least expected particularly from Justice Crook whose Argument in the case of Ship-mâ—ny was printed afterwards by the Order of the House of Commons Of whom I have been told by a person of great worth and credit that having read over the Book of Canons when it first came out he lifted up his hands and gave hearty thanks to Almighty God that he had liv'd to see such good effects of a Conâ—â—â—â—tion It was very well that they pleased him but that they should please all men was not to be hoped for Fol. 171. Many took exception at the hollowness of the Oath in the middle thereof having its Bowels puffed up
and that Nation satisfied by the Kings condescensions to them there might be such an explication made of those general words as to restrain them unto temporal pains and civil penalties by which the censures of the Church might remain as formeâ—ly And fourthly in order thereunto they had procured a Proviso to be entred in the House of Paâ—s That the general words in this Bill should extend only to the High Commission Court and not reach other Ecclesiastical jurisdictions for which consult our Author fol. 181. â—aving thus passed over such matters as concern the Châ—â—ch we will now look upon some few things which relate to the Parliament And the first is that Fol. 174. Dâ— Pocklington and Dr. Bray were the twâ— first that felt the displeasures of it the former for preaching and printing the later for licencing two Books one calâ—â— Sunday no Sabbâ—h the other the Christian Altar No other way to 〈◊〉 the higâ— displeaâ—ures of the Bishop of Lincoln but by â—uch a Sacrifice who therefore is intrusted to gather such Propositions out of those twâ— Books as were to be recanâ—ed by the one and for which the other was to be depriv'd of all his preferments And in this the Bishop serv'd his own turn and the peoples too his own turn first in the great controversie of the Altar in which he was so great a â—â—ickleâ— and in which Pocklington was thought to have provoked him to take that revenge The Peoples turn he serv'd next in the condemning and recanting of some points about the Sabbath though therein he ran cross to his former practice Who had been not long since so far from thoâ—e Sabbatarian rigors which now he would fain be thought to countenance that he caus'd a Comedy to be acted before him at his house at Bugden not only on a Sunday in the afternoon but upon such a Sunday also on which he had publickly given sacred Orders both to Pâ—iests and Deacons And to this Comedy he invited the Earl of Manchester and divers of the neighbouring â—entry though on this turning of the tide he did not only cause these Doctors to be condemned for some Opinions which formerly himself allowed of but mov'd at the Assembly in Ierusalem Chamber that all Books should be publickly burnt which had disputed the Morality of the Lords-day-Sabbath Quo teneam nodo c. as the Poet hath it But whereas our Author tells us in the following words that soon after both the Doctors deceaâ—ed for grief I dare with some confidence tell him there was no such matter Dr. Pocklington living about two years and Dr. Bray above four years after with as great chearfulness and courage as ever formerly How he hath dealt with Dr. Cousen we shall see more at large hereafter in a place by it self the discourse thereof being too long and too full of particulars to come within the compass of an Animadveâ—â—on In the mean time proceed we unto Bishop 〈◊〉 of whom thus as followeth Fol. 182. A Bill was sent up by the Commons against Matthew Wren ofâ—ly â—ly containing 25 Articles c. That such a Bill was â—â—nt up from the House of Commons is undoubtedly true And no less true it is that many impeachments of like nature were hammered at and about the same time against many other Clergy men of good note though inâ—erior Order the Articles whereof were printed and exposed to open sale to their great disparagement And therefore I would fain know the reason why this man should be singled ouâ— amongst all the rest to stand impeached upon Record in our Authors History especially considering that there was nothing done by the Lords in pursuance of it the impeachment dying in a manner assoon as born Was it beâ—â—use he was more criminal then the others were 〈…〉 the 〈◊〉 was better prov'd or for what 〈…〉 Well since our Author will not I will tell you 〈◊〉 And I will tell it in the words of King 〈◊〉 in the Conference at Hampton-Court upon occasion of a 〈…〉 exception taken by Dr. Reynolds at a passage in Ecclesiâ—sticus What trow ye said the King makes these men so aâ—gâ—y with Ecclesâ—â—â—cus By my Sal I think he was a Bishopâ— or else they would never use him so And so much for thaâ— Fol. 174. About this time was the first motion of a new Protestatiâ—n to be taken all over England which some months â—â—ter was generally performed What time this was ouâ— Aâ—thoâ— tells us in the margin pointing to Feb. 4. about which time there was no mention of the Protestation nor occasion for it The first mention which was made of the Pâ—â—testation was upon Munday May the third on which day it was mentioned fram'd and taken by all the Membeâ—s of the House of Commons excepting the Lord George Digby now Earl of Bristol and an Uncle of 〈◊〉 The occasion of it was a Speech made by the King in the House of Peers in favour of the Earl of 〈◊〉 upon the Saturday before which mov'd them to unite themselves by this 〈…〉 bringing to condign punishment all such as â—â—all either by â—orce practice plots councels conspiracies or otherwise do any thiâ—g to the contrary of any thing in the same Prâ—testation contain'd Which Proâ—estation being carried into the 〈◊〉 of Peers was after some few dâ—yes generally taken by that House also But tâ—e prevalent party in the 〈◊〉 of Commons having fâ—â—ther aims then such as our Author pleaseth to take notice of first caâ—s'd 〈◊〉 to be 〈◊〉 by an Order of the fifth of May that they 〈…〉 down to the Sheriffes and Iâ—sâ—ices of Peace in the several Shires to whom the intimaâ—ed that as they 〈◊〉 the taking of it in themselves so they câ—uld not but approve it in all such as should take iâ— But fâ—nding that this did not much edifie with the Countâ—â—◠〈◊〉 they desired the Lords to concur with them 〈…〉 the same Failing thereof by an Order of their own House only Iuly 30. it was declared that the Protâ—station made by them was fit to be taken by every Person that was well affected in Religion and to the good â—f the Common-wealth and therefore what Person â—â—ever 〈◊〉 not takâ— the same was unfit to bear Office in the Church or Common-wealth Which notwithstanâ—ing many refus'd to take it as our Aâ—thor telleth us not knowing bâ—t 〈…〉 use might be made thereof as afteâ—ward 〈◊〉 by those Pikes and Protestations whiâ—h condâ—â—â—ed some of the five Members to the House of Commons Fol. 183 About this time came forth the Lâ—rd Bâ—ook his Book against Bishops accusing them in respect of their Parentage to be de faece populi of the 〈◊〉 of the peâ—ple and in respect of their Studies no way fiâ— for Government or to be Barons in Parliameâ—t A passage mis-beâ—oming no mans pen so much as his 〈…〉 whose Father neither was of a better Extraction then some noâ— better leâ—t as in the way of his subsisâ—ence then any of the Bishops
of the Reformation here by law establisht But to say truth it is no wonder if he concur with otheâ—s in the condemnation of particular persons since he concurs with others in the condemnation of the Châ—rch it self For speaking of the separation made by Mr. Goodwin Mr. Nye c. fol. 209. he professeth that he rather doth believe that the sinful corruptions of the worship and government of this Church taking hold on their consciences and their inability to comport any longer therewith was rather the true cause of their deserting of their Countrey then that it was for Debt or Dangerâ— as Mr. Edwards in his Book of his had suggested of them What grounds Mr. Edwards had for his suggestion I enquire not now though coming from the Pâ—n of one who was no friend unto the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England it might have met with greater credit in our Author For if these men be not allowed for witnesses against one another the Church would be in worse condition then the antient Borderers Amongst whom though the teâ—â—imony of an English man against a Scot or of a Scot against the English in matters of spoil and depâ—edation could not finde admittance yet a Scots evidence against a Scot was beyond exception Lege inter Limitaneos cautum ut nullus nisi Anglus in Anglum nullus nisi Scotus in Scotum testis admittatur as we read in Camden We see by this as by other passages which way our Authors Bowl is biassed how constantly he declares himself in favour of those who have either separated from the Church or appear'd against it Rather then such good people shall be thought to forsake the Land for Debt or Danger the Church shall be accus'd for laying the heavy burthen of Conformity upon their Consciences which neither they nor their fore-fathers the old English Puritans were resolved to bear For what else were those sinful Corruptions of this Church in Government and Worship which laid hold of their Consciences as our Author words it but the Government of the Church by Bishops the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church here by law establisht which yet must be allowed of by our Author as the more true and real cause of their Separation then that which we finde in Mr. Edwards Nor can our Author save himself by his parenthesis in which he tells us that he uses their language only for using it without check or censure he makes it his own as well as theirs and â—ustifies them in the action which he should have condemn'd Fol. 214. Here Mr. Christopher Love gave great offence to the Royalists in his Sermon shewing the impossibility of an Agreement c. This happen'd at the Treaty at Vxbridge where he had thrust himself as the Commissioners affirm'd upon that attendance And for the words at which the offence was taken they were these viz. That the Kings Commissioners came with Hearts full of bloud and that there was as great distance between that Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell For which though some condemn him for want of charity and others for want of discretion yet our Author seems more willing to have mens censures fall lightly on him because since he hath suffered and so saâ—â—fied here for his faults in this or any other kinde This Rule I both approve and am willing to practise and could wish our Author were so minded who will not let the Archbishop of Canterbury be at rest in his grave after all his sufferings notwithstanding the great difference between the persons and the impulsives to their deaths But Mr. Love was Mr. Love and Bishop Laud was but a Bishop to whom now we come Fol. 216. As appears by his own Diary which if evidence against him for his faults may be used as a witness of his good works The Diary which our Author speaks of was the Archbishops practical Commentary on those words of David viz. Teach me O Lord so to number my days that I may apply my heart unto wisdom No memorable passage hapned in the whole course of his life till the end of May 1633. when his Papers were seis'd on by Mr. Prin which he had not book'd in a Memorial by the way of a Diary or Journal Out of which though Mr. Prin excerpted nothing but that which he conceiv'd might tend most visibly to his disgrace and disadvantage and publish'd it to that end in pâ—int yet when it came to the perusal of equal and indifferent men it was so far from serving as an evidence of his faults as our Author words it that it shew'd him to be a Man of Exemplary Piety in himself unmov'd fidelity to his friend of most perfect loyalty to his Master and honest affections to the Publick He that shall look upon the list of the things projected to be done and in part done by him fol. 28 29. will finde that both his heart was set on and his hand engag'd in many excellent pieces of work tending to the great honour and benefit both of Church and State not incident to a man of such narrow comprehensions as some of his profest Enemies were pleas'd to make him Certain I am that as Mr. Prin lost his end so he could not get much thanks for that piece of service Fol. 217. He is generally charged with Popish inclinations and the story is commonly told and believ'd of a Lady c. Here is a charge of the Archbishops inclination unto Popery and the proof nothing but a tale and the tale of a Lady Quid vento Mulier Quid Muliere Nihil The substance of the tale is this that a certain Lady if any Lady may be certain who turning Papist was askt by the Archbishop the cause of her changing to which she answered that it was because she alwayes hated to go in a croud And being askt the meaning of that expression she replyed again that she perceiv'd his Lordship and many others making haste to Rome and therefore to prevent going in a press she had gone befoâ—e them Whether this tale be true or false though he doth not know yet he resolves to set it down and to set it down also with this Item that it was generally believ'd Be it so for once For not being able to disprove it I shall quit our Author with one story and satisfie the equal Reader with another First for my Author I have heaâ—d a tale of a Lady too to whose Table one Mr. Fuller was a welcome though a frequent guest and being asked once by her whether he would please to eat the wing of a Woodcâ—ck he would needs put her to the question how her Ladyship knew it was a Woodcock and not a Woodhen And this he pressed with such a troublesome impoâ—tunity that at last the Lady answered with some shew of displeasure that the woodcock was Fuller headed Fuller breasted Fuller thighed and in a word every way Fullâ—r Whether this tale
England is much beholding to our Author for making question whether their adhering to the Liturgy then by Law established were not to be imputed rather unto obstinacy and doating then to love and constancy The Liturgy had been lookt on as a great blessing of God upon this Nation by the generality of the people for the spâ—ce of fourscore years and upwards they found it estâ—â—lisâ—t by the Law seal'd by the bloud of those that made it confirm'd by many godly and religious Pâ—inces and had almost no other form of making their ordinary addresses to Almighty God but what was taught them in the Book of Common-Prayer And could any discreet man think or wise man hope that a form of Prayer so univeâ—sally receiv'd and so much esteem'd could be laid by without reluctancy in those who had been so long accustom'd to it or called obstinacy or doating in them if they did not presently submit to every new nothing which in the name of the then disputable Authority should be laid before them And though our Author doth profess that in the agitating of this Controveâ—sie pro and con he will reserve his private opinion to himself yet he discovers it too plainly in the present passage Quid verba audiam cum facta videam is a good rule here He must needs shew his private opinion in this point say he what he can who makes a question whether the adhesion of the people generally to the publick Liturgy were built on obstinacy and doating or on love and constancy But if it must be obstinacy or doating in the generality of the people to adhere so cordially unto the Book of Common-Prayer I marvel what it must be called in Stephen Marshall of Essex that great Bel-weather for a time of the Presbyterians who having had a chief hand in compiling the Directory did notwithstanding marry his own Daughter by the form prescrib'd in the Common-Prayer Book and having so done paid down five pound immediately to the Church-wardens of the Parish as the fine or forfeiture for using any other form of Marriâ—ge then that of the Directory The like to which I have credibly been infoâ—med was done by Mr. Knightly of Fawsley on the like occasion and probably by many others of the same strain also With like favour he beholds the two Universities as he dâ—e the Liturgy and hard it is to say which he injureth most And first beginning with Oxford he lets us know that Fol. 231. Lately certain Delegates from the University of Oxford pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such who should be deputed by him But their Allegations were not of proof against the Paramount power of Parliament the rather because a passage in an Article at the rendition of Oxford was urged against them wherein they were subjected to such a Visitation Our Author here subjects the Vniversity of Oxford to the power of the Parliament and that not only in regard of that Paramount power which he ascribes unto the Parliament that is to say the two Houses of Parliament for so we are to understand him above all Estates but also in regard of an Article concerning the surrendry of Oxford by which that Vniversity was subjected to such Visitations I finde indeed that it was agreed on by the Commissioners on both sides touching the Surrendry of that City That the Chancellor Masters and Scholars of the University of Oxon and the Governors and Students of Christ-Church of King H. 8. his Foâ—ndation and all other Heads and Governors Masters Fellows and Scholars of the Colledges Halls and Bodies Corporate and Societies of the same University and the publiâ—â—â— Professors and Readers and the Orator thereoâ— and all other persons belonging to the said University or to any Colledges or Halls therein shall and may according to their Statutes Charters and Customs enjoy their antient form of government suboâ—dinate to the immediate Authority and power of Parliament But I finde not that any of the Heads or Delegates of that University were present at the making of this Article or consented â—o it or thoâ—ght themselves oblig'd by any thing contained in it Nor indeed could it stand with reason that they should wave the patronage of a gracious Soveraign who had been a Nursing Father to them and put themselves under the arbitrary power of those who they knew minded nothing but destruction toward them And that the University did not think it self oblig'd by any thing contained in that Article appears even by our Author himself who tells us in this very passage that the Delegates from the Vniversity pleaded their priviledges before the Committee of Parliament that they were only visitable by the King and such as should be deputed by him which certainly they had never done unless our Author will conclude them to be fools or mad-men had they before submitted to that Paramount power which he adscribes unto the Houses Nor did the Houses of Parliament finde themselves impowered by this clause of the Article to obtrude any such Visitation on them And therefore when the Delegates had pleaded and prov'd their priviledges a Commission for a Visitation was issued by the two Houses of Parliament in the name of the King but under the new broad Seal which themselves had made which notwithstanding the University stood still on their own defence in regard that though the Kings name was us'd in that Commission yet they knew well that he had never given his consent unto it Whereupon followed that great alteration both 〈◊〉 the Heads and Members of most Colledges which our Author speaks of Nor deals he much more candidly in relating the proceedings of the Visitation which was made in Cambridge the Visitors whereof as acting by the Paramount power of Parliament he more sensibly favoureth then the poor sufferers or malignant members as he calls them of that Vniversity For whereas the Author of the Book called Querela Cantabrigionsis hath told us of an Oath of Discovery obtruded by the Visitors upon several persons whereby they were sworn to detect one another even their dearest friends Our Author who was out of the storm seeming not satisfied in the truth of this relation must write to Mr. Ash who was one of those Visitors to be inform'd in that which he knew before and on the reading of Mr. Ash his Answer declares expresly that no such Oath was tendred by him to that Vniversity But first Mr. Ash doth not absolutely deny that there was any such Oath but that he was a stranger to it and possibly he might be so far a stranger to it as not to be an Actor in that part of the Tragedy Secondly Mr. Ash only saith that he cannot call to minde that any such thing was mov'd by the Earl of Manchester and yet I â—row such a thing might be mov'd by the Earl of Manchester though Mr. Ash after so many years was willing not
it But for the Protestation which gave the first hint to those bold demands which afterwards were made by some of the Commons it was this that followeth The Protestaâ—ion of the Commoâ—s Iaâ— 19. 1621. THe Commons now assembled in Parliament being justly occasioned thereunto concernâ—â—◠〈…〉 Lâ—bâ—rties Franchises and Priviledges 〈…〉 among others here mentioned do 〈…〉 Protestation following That the Liberâ—â—◠〈…〉 Priviledges and Jurisdiction of Parliament are the Ancient and undoubted Birth-right and inheritance of the Subjects of England and that the arduous and urgent affaires concerning the King State and defence of the Realm and of the Church of England and the maintenance and making of Laws and redresse of mischief and grievances which daily happen within this Realm are proper subjects and matter of Counsel and debate in Parliament And that in the handling and proceeding of those businesses every member of Parliament hath and of right ought to have Freedom of Speech to propound treat reason and bring to conclusion the same And that the Commons in Parliament have likewise Liberty and freedom to treat of the matters in such order as in their judgements shall seem fittest And that every Member of the said house hath like Freedom from all impeachment imprisonment and molestation other then by censure of the house it self for or concerning any speaking reasoning or declaring any matter or matters touching the Parliament or Parliament businesses And that if any of the said Members be complained of and questioned for any thing done or said in Parliament the same is to be shewed to the King by the advice and assent of all the Commons assembled in Parliament before the King give credence to any private Information Fol. 523. Hereupon the Members became Subjects again This I conceive to have been spoken by the Author in the way of Irony as in the same way of Irony the Members of the House of Commons were sometimes called by King Iames the Five hundred Kings For otherwise our Author knows as well as any that the Members are as much Subjects in the time of their sitting as they are or can be after the time of their Dissolution Fol. 527. And though Tiberius beheaded Cremutius for words onely That Cremutius Cordus was impeached in the Senate for words onely is affirmed by Tacitus But that he was beheaded for it by Tiberius is affirmed by none that Author telling us that having made his Defence in the open Senate and returning home Abstinentiâ— vitam finivit He ended his life by a wilful abstinence from food Nor was 〈◊〉 sentenced by the Senate to any other punishment then that his Books should be publickly burnt Libros per Aediles cremandos censuere Patres which was done accordingly the shame grief whereof made him end his life as before is said Fol. 528. But in a word their great Wealth was one notable baâ—â— to the Popes and the Gulf of other Orders Hospitallers Knights of the Rhodes and St. Johns All these together smack this Order and swallowed their Riches at one time by consent of all the Princes in Christendom where they had their Habitations Where were our Authors Wits when these words fell from him Hospitallers Knights of Rhodes and of St. Iohns all these together and yet all these together make one Order onely as Marcus Tullius Cicero made one onely Orator Called by these several names for several reasons called Hospitallers because they had the charge of the Hospital at Ierusalem erected for relief of Pilgrims to that holy place Secondly Knights of St. Iohns because founded in the Church of St. Iohn in Ierusalem and dedicated unto him as their Patron Saint Thirdly 〈◊〉 of the Rhodes from the setled place of their â—abitation after their expulsion out of Palestin from the year â—â—09 till the year 1522. when forc'd to leave that Island by Solâ—man the Magnificent they retired unto the Isle of Malta from whence now denominated Fol 529. From whom Digby had knowledge of that Kings Progâ—ess towards â—he North of Spain to Lerma a Town in Bisâ—ay That Lerm is scituate towards the Northern parts of Spain I shall reaâ—ily grant and yet not as a Town of Bisâ—ay but of old Castile scituate not far from Burgos the chief of that Province So also by a like error in Topography St. Andrews Saint Anderos the Spaniards call it is made to be a part of Biscay 〈◊〉 530. whereas indeed it is a well known Haven of the Realm of Leon and Oviâ—do neighboring on the Sea to Bisâ—ay â—ut no part thereof And now we are thus fallen on the Coast of Spain I should â—ake notice of the Procuration which is said by our Author â—o be left with the Earl of Bristol for impowring him to Espouse the Infantâ— within ten days after the Dispensation came from Rome fol. 552. But hereof thâ—re hath so much been said by the Observator on the History of the Reign of King Charls published by Haimon L'Strange Esq and the defence of those Observatiâ—ns against the Pamphleter that nothing needs be added here on that occasion Fol. 567. Indeed the Savoy Ambassador there said That the â—ntention of the King of Spain was for a cross match with France for himself â— It is not to be doubted but that the Spaniard tryed all ways and used all Artifices to divert the Treaty of a Marriage between the Prince of Wales and a Daughter of France But I cannot look upon it as a thing conceivable that he should pretend to any such cross Alliance for himself as is here alledged He had before married the eldest Sister who was still alive and therefore could not pretend to the yonger also And if it was not for himself as indeed it was not it cannot be imagined that he could give himself any hopes of it for any of his yonger Brethren there being so vast a disproportion between the Heir apparent of England and any yonger Brother of the House of Austria The Ambassador of Savoy might act something in order to the service and Designs of the Catholick King which could not be advanced by any such suggestion as is here laid downs And therefore our Author might have done very well to have spared his pains in giving us such a reason for the Interruption which was made in the Treaty of this Marriage by the Agents of the King of Spain as indeed cannot stand with reason And thus far have I gone in running over the most materiaâ— errors and defects of Mr. Sandersons Compleat History as he calls it of Mary Queen of Scotland and King James her Son the sixth of that name in Scotland and the first in England before the coming out of that large and voluminous piece entituled A compleat History of the Life and Reign of King Charls from his Cradle to his Grave in the doing whereof I proposed unto my self no other ends then first to vindicate the truth and next to do some right to the Author himself whom I
in an Oister-shell or to be sowed like a piece of the richest purple cloth purpureus late qui splendeat in the Poets expression to such a sorry Web of home-spun Yet these defects might the more easily have been pardoned if he had either been more careful in the choice of his matter or diligent in searching for the truth of those things which he hath delivered But on the contrary his matter is many times taken up without care or Judgement witâ—out consideration of the fitness or unfitness of it as if an History which is to be the Store-house of time were to be stowed with things unnecessary unprofitable and of no use at all And yet his failings in the truth of that which he delivers to us are more to be condemned beâ—auâ—e more dangerous in themselves and of worse consequence in respect of the Reader then his neglect in the choice of his matter For he that comes unto the reading of an History comes with a coâ—â—idence that he shall finde nothing bâ—â— the truth though possibly the Aâ—d it might have been presumed the rather because 〈◊〉 was râ—solveâ—d before â—and â—o to provoke the 〈◊〉 or his Alter 〈◊〉 â—e he who he will as might 〈◊〉 him that his Errors were not like to be conâ—â—aâ—d from the eyes of other if such a provocaâ—ion should be â—â—â—banded to his 〈…〉 But however he goes oâ— and lays down many things for truth which either have been proved to be false by the oâ—sâ—rvator or are contradicted by himself or easily disceâ—nable for Errors by a vulgar Reader not studied 〈◊〉 then 〈◊〉 Chronicâ—e or the weekly Mâ—râ—uries And this he does with so great confidence not giving thâ— least acknowledgement of any Erâ—aâ—a eitâ—er â—rom the Press or from the Pen that if the wilful 〈…〉 an Error may â—reatâ— an Heresie our Author may deserve to be enroâ—â—â— for the first Heretick in point of History And why â—â—t Heresies â—n History as well as Heresies in Law with which last crime Iohn 〈◊〉 stands accused in Print by Mr. Justice German for saying that the Jurors were Judges in point of Law and not onely â—n a matter of fact Errare pâ—ssâ—m Hereâ— icus ess◠〈◊〉 was esteemed a piouâ— resoluâ—ion in a Case of Divâ—nity and may be held for a good rule in any matter of History Philosophy Law or Physick or any other Art or Faculty of what â—ort soevâ—r But to reduce these several items to a 〈…〉 as in the History it self considering the length I 〈◊〉 not say the tediousness of it there is much which deserves to be laid up in the Registers of succeeâ—ing Ages so there are many Errors â—it to be 〈…〉 and many unnecessary passages which might very judiciously have been spared suffered to pass by without remembrance His Hist. in this respect may be compared to the French Army at the battle of Agincourt of which it was merrily said by old Captain Gam who took a view of it from an Hill That there were men enough in it to be killed enough to be taken and kept alive and enough to be permitted to run away or to the draw-net in the Gospel which gathered of every kinde of Fishes out of which the good ones being culled and preserved in Vessels the rest were onely good enough to be cast aside I cannot but acknowledge that he hath done more right to the King and the Church of England then could be expected in these times Vâ—inam sic semper err asset as the learned Cardinal said of Calvin in the point of the Trinity And had he took but any ordinary care in performing those things whereof he had been before advertised or diligence in avoiding those Errors which he so often falls into it might have deserved the name of a Compleat History by which he hath been pleased to call it But coming to us as it is it is no other then a Forest of Oaks or a Quary of Marble out of which materials may be hewen for a perfect Fabrick a Moles indigesta like the ancient Chaos which being without Form it self afforded Matter to the making of the most excellent Creatures Or if he will it is an History of Ore which being purged of the Dross and refined in the Language may pass for currant amongst the best pieces of this kinde Which said in reference to the Author and the present History I must say somewhat of my self and my ingaging in the survey and correction of it Concerning which the Reader may be pleased to know that about Midsummer last Mr. Sanderson found me out at my lodging in London where after some ordinary Civilities passed between us he told me that he had undertaken the History of King Charls and that he was required by the Lord Primate of Ireland to do him some right in the business of the Earl of Strafford which he resolved so to do and with such respect unto my person that I should finde no just cause to be offended at his writing I answered that I was resolved to have nothing to do in the Quarrels of the Observator and therefore he might use his pleasure I had a purpose thereupon of perusing the History and taking notice of such Errors and Mistakes if any such were as possibly I might chance to meet with and having so done to send them to him with my Conceptions and Corrections in a private way that he might do himself the right of rectifying them in a short Review and joyning that Review to as many of the Books as remained unsold And this he might have done with great advantage to the Reader and without disparagement to himself two as great Clerks as any of the age they lived in having done the like viz. St. Austin in his Retraâ—lations and Bellarmin in his Book of Recognitions But when I came to that part of it which concerned the Lord Primate and the Earl of Strafford I saw my self so coursly handled and so despightfully reproached that I found good cause to change my purpose not to take such care to save his credit who had so little care of his own and less of mine Seipsum deserentem omnia deserunt is an old Observation but as true as ancient He gives me rost-meaâ— and besprinkles me with a little Court Holy-water in the end of his Preface but beat me with the spit and basles me all over with gall and vineger in that part of the History which made me change my first purpose and intentions towards him And yet I cannot chuse but say I was never at a greater conflict within my self in any matter of this kinde then in the publishing or not publishing of these following papers I had before justified my self against his Calumnies and charges in an Appendix to my answer to the part of Dr. 〈◊〉 Book entituled The â—udgment of the late Primate c. in which I found my self concerned which was intended to come out in Print before Easter last And thereupon I
of Millain into Flanders So that if there had not been some other reason why the Spaniards engaged themselves in the Conquest of this Countrey then the opening a free passage for their Armies to march out of Italy into the Netherl it might have remained unconquered by them to this very day But the truth is that both the Emperor and the Duke of Bavaria being wholly acted by the Counsels of the Jesuits resolv'd upon some compulsory courses to bring all Germany under the obedience of the Pope of Rome and to that end thought fit to begin with the Prince Elector Palatine as appears by several Letters exemplified in the Book entituled Cancellaria Bavarica as being the chief head of the Calvinian party in the Empire and having made himself doubly obnoxious to a present proscription which Proscription being issued out the Execution of it was committed to the Duke of Bavaria who was to have the upper Palatinate together with the Electoral Dignity the better to enable him to carry on the Design and to the King of Spain as best able to go thorow with it who was to have the lower Palatinate wholly to himself that his Forces might be always in readiness to carry on the War from one Prince to another till the Emperor had made himself the absolute Master of them all From Germany we pass into Scotland where we finde the busie Arch-Bishop so he calls him in a time of high discontentment pressing a full conformity of the Kirk in Scotland with the English Discipline So here and hereupon the credit of hear-say onely but in another place where he rather acts the part of an Historian then of one that is to speak in the Prologue he relates it thus King Iames had a Design not once but always after his coming into England to reform that deformity of the Kirk of Scotland into a decent Discipline as in the Church of England which received Opposition and Intermissions till the year 1616. Where at Aberdine their General Assembly of Clergy made an Act authorizing some of their Bishops to compile a form of Liturgy or book of Common Prayer first for the King to approve which was so considerately there revised and returned for that Kingdom to pâ—actice which same Service Book was now sent for by this King and committed to some Bishops here of their own to review and finding the difference not much from the English he gave command in Scotland to be read twice a day in the Kings Chappel at Holy-Rood House at Eâ—inburgh that the Communion should be administred in that form taken on their knees once a Moneth the Bishop to wear his Rochet the Minister his Surplice and so to inure the people by president of his own Chappel there first and afterwards in all parts for the publick The Scotch Bishops liked it reasonable well for the matter but the maner of imposing it from hence upon them was conceived somewhat too much dependancy of theirs on our English Church and therefore excepting against the Psalms Epistles and Gospels and other Sentences of Scripture in the English Book being of a different Translation from that of King Iames they desired a Liturgy of their own and to alter the English answerable to that and so peculiar to the Church of Scotland which indeed was more like to that of King Edward the sixth which the Papist better approved and so was the rather permitted by the King as to win them the better to our Church And so had it been accustomed to the Scotish several Churches for some years without any great regret and now particularly proclaimed to be used in all Churches c. fol. 221. In all which Narrative we finde no pressing of the Book by the busie Arch-Bishop how busie soever he is made by the Author in the Introduction None having power to carry away his nine parts or any part until the propriâ—tâ—ry had set out his tenth part Our Author speaks this of the miserable condition of the poor Scotish Husbandman under the Lords of new erection as they commonly called them who on the dissolution of Abbies and other Religious Houses to which almost all the Tithes in Scotland had been appropriated iâ—grost them wholly to themselves And were it no otherwise with the poor Husbandman then is here related his condition had been miserable enough it not being permitted unto him in default of the Parsone or his Bailyff to set apart the Tythes in the presence of two or three sufficient Neighbors as with us in England But their condition if I remember it aright was far worse then this not being suffered to carry away their own Corn though the Tithes had been set out in convenient time before the Impropriator had carried his by means whereof they were kept in a most intollerable slavery by these their Masters who cared not many times for losing the tenth part so they might destroy the other nine By means whereof the poor Peasants were compell'd to run swear fight to kill and be killed too as they were commanded From which being freed by the Grace and goodness of King Charls they prov'd notwithstanding the most base and disloyal People that the Sun ever shined on This Bishop John Maxwell Minister of Edinburgh was set up by Laud then Bishop of London who finding him Eloquent and Factious enough placed him a Bulwark against adverse Forces This Bishop the Bishop of Ross he meaneth was by the King preferred to great Offices of Trust both in Church and State That he was Eloquent is confessed by our Author and that he was a learned man appears by his judicious and elaborate Treatise entituled Sacro-sancta Regum Majestas in which he hath defended the Rights and Soveraignty of Kings against all the Cavils of the Presbyterian or Puritan Faction But that he was also Factious was never charged upon him but by those who held themselves to the Assembly at Glasco by whom he was indeed lookt on as a Factious person for acting so couragiously in defence of his own Episcopal Rights the publick Orders of the Church and the Kings Authority According to which Rule or Noâ—ion the generality of the Bishops in all the three Kingdoms might be called a Faction if Tertullian had not otherwise stated it by saying this viz. Cum pii cum boni coëunt non factio dicenda est sed Curia The like unhandsome Character he gives us of Sir Archiâ—â—â— Atchison of whom he tells us That he was of such a◠〈…〉 he means his first coming out of 〈…〉 to all thâ—se afâ—er-Seditions But ceâ—tainly the paâ—â—y whom he speaks of was of no such temper For being of a â—udge in 〈◊〉 made the Kings Sollicitor or Procuratoâ— for the Realm of Scotland he diverâ—â—d the King from 〈◊〉 the intended Act of Revocatâ—on which indeed 〈◊〉 have brought more fuel to the fire then could be suddenly extinguisht advising rather that he should enter his Action in the Courts of Iustice against
would otherwise have been imputed for a Defect that he was not able or for a Crime as if he thought himself too great to speak to his people and secondly it put the Commons on a â—og of following the Kings example not onely in making long speeches but of printing them also of which more hereafter Ibid. His place being 〈…〉 of King William Rufus where he is to 〈◊〉 totius Regni 〈◊〉 Our 〈◊〉 speaks this of the Speaker of the house 〈…〉 but he speaks without Book the Commons noâ— being called to Parliament in the time of Rusus as all our 〈…〉 agree â—oyntly He that was called 〈◊〉 〈…〉 might be a speaker of the Parliament though not of 〈…〉 in regard hâ— delivered the kings minde to the 〈◊〉 and Peers of that great Counsil and theirs 〈◊〉 to him Which office was commonly performed by the lord Chancellor of the Kingdom who is therefore 〈◊〉 the Speaker of the house of Peers And when the Commons had the Honour to be called to Parliaments they also had their Spâ—akâ— to perform the same Offices betwixâ— the King and them as the Lord Chancellor performed between the King and the Peers who theâ—forâ— was as still he is at the Kings Nomination and appointment admitted rather then elected on that nomination by the house of Commons It was not properly and Originally the Speakers Office to sit still in the Chair and â—earken to those trim Oratioâ—s which the Gentlemen of the House were pleased to entertain the time and themselves with all but to signifie to the people the Command 〈◊〉 thâ— King and to present unto the King the desire of his people It â—s from speaking not from hearing that he takeâ— his name though none have spoken lesse in thaâ— House since the time of King Iames then the Speaker himself as if he were called Speaker by that figure in Rhetorick by which Lucus is said to take its name a non lucenâ—â— Fo◠◠〈…〉 in the Prince Elector to 〈◊〉 〈…〉 Bohemia so no â—ustice in the House of 〈◊〉 to 〈…〉 Palatinate from him Neither so not so 〈…〉 Prince Elector had no coulour to accept of thâ— Kingdom of 〈◊〉 at our Author plainly saies he had not then was iâ— no inâ—ustice in the House of Austâ—â—a to â—ade conquer and detain the 〈◊〉 from him as our Author plainly saies it was In the last of these two propositions the Author shall confute himself and save me the Labour he telling us within few lines after that an 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 〈…〉 Then for the first of the two propositions I must needs tell him that the Prince Elector had not only some colour to accept the Crown of â—â—mia but a fair one too The kingdom of Bohemia according to the fundamental constitutions of it was elective meerly And though the Electoâ—â—used constantly to keep them selves to the royal family except onely in the case of George Pogibrachio yet they reserved a latitude unto themselves of chusing one rather then another many times pretermitting the eldest son of the former King and pitching on a younger brother and sometimes on some other more remote from the Crown But Mathias the Emperor being childlesse adopted Ferdinand of Gâ—ats the next Heir male of the House of Austria for his Son and successor and caused him without any formal election as the Bohemâ—ans did pretend to be Crowned King of that Kingdom and put him into the actual possession of it in his own life time But after his decease the Bohemians rejecting Ferdinand as not lawfully chosen elected Frederick the fift Prince Palatine of the Rhene for their King and Soveraign as lineally deâ—cended from Ladislaus 2. King of Poland and Bohemiâ— from whom the House of Astria also do derive their Claim â—o that his Action was not so precipitae and his ground more justifiable in accepting that Crown then our Author hath been pleased to make it Fol. 163. And had King Iames espoused that quarrel as all generally did expect he would have done he might with far lesse charges have assured the possession of that Crown or at the least have preserved the 〈◊〉 from the hand of Ruin then he did put himself unto by sending Embassadors to excuse the one and mediate the restitution of the other In which last point I grant him to have been for some years deluded not onely by the Emperour but the K. of Spain but that he was deluded by the Spaniards also in the businesse and treaty of the Match I by no means grant and could sufficiently prove the contrary if it had not been already done in the Observations on the former History But our Author hath not yet done with the Spaniard telling us that Ibid The Crown of Spain hath enlarged her bounds these last 60. years more than the Ottoman Not so neither The House of Austria within sixty years from the time that our Author writ this part of the History hath been upon the losing hand the Kingdom of Portugal with all the appendixes thereof being revolted from that Crown as also are the Countries of Catalonia and Rousillon in the Continent of Spain it self the lower Palatinate surrendred to its lawful Prince according to the Treaty at Munster and many of his best Towns if not entire provinces in the Netherlands extorted from him by the French besides the seven united Provinces which within the compasse of that time have made themselves a free state and are now rather confederates with that King then Subjects to him whereas upon the other side the Ottomans within that compasse of time have regained Babylon and all the Countrey there about from the hands of the Persians and conquered a great part of the Isle of Candy from the State of Venice Ibid. The Kings Mercer infected and fled no purple velvet to be had on the suddain and so the colour of his Robes was changed by necessity This passage is brought in out of season as not relating to the Parliament but the Coronation The Author of the former History had told us out of Mr. Prinne that the King upon the day of his Coronation was arraied in white Sattin contrary to the custom of his Predecessors who were clothed in purple which change although the King affected to declare the innocency of his heart or to expresse that Virgin purity wherewith he came unto the marriage betwixt him and his Kingdoms yet our Author would fain have it to be done upon necessity and not upon designe or choice How so Because saies he the Kings Mercer being infected and fled there was no purple velvet to be had on the suddain But first though the Kings Mercer was infected and fled yet there were other Mercers in the City who could have supplied the King with that commodity Secondly at the time of the Coronation the infection had been much abated the Air of London being generally corrected by a very sharp winter and most of the Citizens returned again to their former dwellings amongst
over to the King when he was at Oxford about the latter end of the year 1643. But finding his sufferings unregarded and his Person neglected as not being suffered to appear as a Member of the House of Commons when the Parliament was summoned thither he retired again into France to his Wife and Children And secondly He dyed not a profest Catholick but continued to the last a true Son of the Church of England reproacht in his best fortunes by the name of a Papist because preferr'd by the Arch-Bishop a faithful servant to the Queen and a profest enemy to the Puritan Faction For which last reason the Earl of Arundel must be given out to be a Papist though I have seen him often at Divine Service in the Kings Chappel and is so declared to be by our Author also who tells us further That finding his native Countrey too hot for him to hold out he went with the Queen Mother unto Colen fol. 428. as if the Land had been hotter for him or his Zeal hotter then the place had he been a Papist as he was not then for any other Noble Man of that Religion Fol. 320. The English proposed a Cessation of Arms but the Scots as they would obey his Majesties command not to advance so they could not return till they had the effects of their Errand And all this while I would fain know what became of the Irish Army which had been raised in so much haste by the Earl of Strafford with the beginning of the Spring An Army consisting of 10000 Foot and 1500 Horse kept ever since in constant pay and continual Exercise by which the King might have reduced the Scots to their due obedience as the Earl of Strafford declared openly at the Councel Table immediately on the dissolving of the former Parliament yet now this Army lies dormant without acting anything thing toward the suppressing of the Scots exprest in their invading England their wasting the Northern parts of the Kingdom and their bold Demands Which Army if it had been put over into Cumberland to which from the Port of Carick-Fergus in Ireland is but a short and easie passage they might have got upon the back of the Scots and caught that wretched People in a pretty Pit-fall so that having the English Army before them and the Irish behinde them they could not but be ground to powder as between two Mill-stones But there was some fatality in it or rather some over-ruling providence which so dulled our Councels that this Design was never thought of for ought I can learn but sure I am that it was never put into Execution An Army of which the prevailing Members in both Houses stood in so much fear that they never left troubling the King with their importunities till they had caus'd him to Disband it the Scots in the mean time nesting in the Northern Counties and kept at most excessive charges to awe the King and countenance their own proceedings Fol. 334. The Book whilst in loose Papers â—re it was compleat and secured into his Cabinet and that being lost was seized by the enemy at Naseby fight c. Our Author here upon occasion of his Majesties most excellent Book called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which he hath wholly Incorporated part per part in this present History gives a very strange Pedigree of it that being composed before Naseby fight it was there taken with the rest of the Kings Papers and coming to his hands again was by the King committed to the hands of one Mr. Symonds and by him to the Press In all which there is nothing true but the last particular For first That Book and the Meditations therein contained were not composed before Naseby fight many of them relating to subsequent Passages which the King without a very hâ—gh measure of the Spirit of Prophecy was not able to look so far intoâ— as if past already Besides that Book being called The Porâ—raiâ—ure of his Maâ—esty in his Solitudes and Sufferings must needs relate unto the times of his Solitude and therefore could not be digested before Naseby fight when he had been continually exercised in Camp or Counsel and not reduc'd to any such Solitude as that Title intimateth Secondly These Papers were not found with the rest in the Kings Cabinet or if they were there must be somewhat in it above a miracle that he should get them again into his hands Assuredly those men who used so much diligence to suppress this Book when it was published in print and many thousand Copies disperst abroad would either have burnt it in the fire or use some other means to prevent the printing of it to their great trouble and disadvantage Thirdly These papers were not delivered by the King to Mr. Symonds who had no such near access to him at that time For the truth is that the King having not finisht his Conceptions on the several Subjects therein contained till he was ready to be carried away from Carisbrook Castle committed those papers at the time of his going thence to the hands of one of his trusty Servants to be so disposed of as might most conduce to the advancement of his Honor Interest By which trusty Servant whosoever he was those papers were committed to the care of the said Mr. Symons who had shewed himself exceeding zealous in the Kings Affairs by whom there was care taken for the publishing of them to the infinite contentment of all those well affected Subjects who could get a â—ight of them Fol. 372. The loss of his place viz. the City of Arras animated the Portugueses to revolt from the Spanish Yoke and to submit themselvesâ— to the right Heir Duke John of Braganza Our Author is out of this also For first it was not the loss of the City of Arras but the secret practices and sollicitations of Cardinal Richelieu which made the Portuguez to revolt And secondly if the King of Spains Title were not good as the best Lawyers of Portugal in the Reign of the Cardinal King Don Henry did affirm it was yet could not the Duke of Braganza be the right Heir of that Kingdom the Children of Mary Dutchess of Parma the eldest Daughter of Prince Edward the third Son of Emmanuel being to be preferr'd before the Children of Katherine Dutchess of Braganza her younger Sister He tells next of Charls That Fol. 373. The Soveraignty of Utrick and Dutchy of Gelders he bought that of William he won by Arms with some pretence of right But first the Soveraignty of Vtreckt came not to him by purchase but was resigned by Henry of Bavaria the then Bishop thereof who being then warred on by the Duke of Gelders and driven out of the City by his own Subjects was not able to hold it Which resignation notwithstanding he was fain to take the City by force and to obtain a confirmation of the Grant not onely from Pope Ciement the 7. but also from the Estates of the Countrey
if the Squire had markt it well he might have found that the Respondeâ—t did not confesse himself to be guilty of publishing any mistaken intelligence in saying that the Articles of Ireland were abrogated and those or England setled in the place thereof but for saying that this alteration was confirmed in the Parliament of that Kingdome Anno 1634. were as it was not done in Parliament but in Convocation For which mistake as the Resâ—ondent hath observed in the place before-cited though it be only in the circumstance not in the substance of the Fact he stands accused by the Lord Primate of no lesse then 〈◊〉 and that by M. Sâ—nderson is thought to be but a gentle pennance for so presumptuous an assertion An 〈◊〉 which hath no presumption in it if you mark it well For if it can be proved as the Respondent answereth in his Appendix pag. 88. that the Articles of Ireland were called in and those of England were received in their place then whether it were done by Parliament or Convocation is not much materiall And for the proof of this that the Aâ—ticles of Ireland were repealed and the Articles of the Church of England as in the way of a super-induction were setled in the place thereof there hath been so much offered in the Book called The Observator Rescued and in that called The Respondit Petrus as may satisfie any rationall and impaâ—tiall Reader So that the Squire might very well have saved the labour of taxing the Respondent for want of ingenuity which he makes to be a great rarity in him and much more in defaming a whole Nation with a matter of truth in saying the Articles of the Church of England were not only appâ—oved but revived in the Church of Ireland and consequently by that reception they were virtually at the least if not also formally substituted in the place thereof Against which though the Lord Primate have said something he hath proved just nothing and both the Doctor and the Squire prove as little as he And here again I do desire that this reverend Prelate may not have his Name tost like a Tennis ball between two Rackets but that he may be suffered to rest with quiet in his grave for the time to come Et placida compostâ—â— morte quiesâ—aâ— as the Poet hath it But were the Respondent guilty of no other crime then by trespassing on the reverend name and living â—ame of this deceased but learned Prelate to shew his malice to the dead there had not needed any thing to be added to his justification The Panmâ—phleter will not suffer him to go â—ff so quietly and therefore tels us that it is no news for D. Heylin to be a disturber of pious and 〈◊〉 men while they are living It seems by this that D. Heylyn is a man of a troublesome nature neither in charity with the dead noâ— at peace with the living I specially if they come under the name and notion of emiâ—nent and pious men but though it be no news in the judgement of Squire Sanderson yet I can confidently say that it is Novum crimen anie hoc tempus in auditum a crime which never was charged before upon D. Heylin who hath hitherto appeared an Advocate for the dead and living as often as they have come under the unjust censures of some modern Writers And this the former Observations together with these Animadversions and Advertisements when he hath any grounds of truth to proceed upon do most clearly evidence Against which Declaration the Squire is able to instance only in one particular whereas indeed he hath but one particular to make instance in his instancing in no more but that particular being not so much an argument of his super-abundant charity towards the Respondent as of his little store of matter wherewithall to charge him And yet this one and onely instance touching D. Prideaux hath so little truth in it that it is only one degree removed from a sâ—ander For first omitting that D. Heylin took his degree An. 1633. and not in 1635. as the Pamphleter makes it the said Doctor never scandalized him at Court to the late King being then at Woodstock the said Doctor never making any such information to the King against D. Prideaux either at Woodstock or elsewhere Secondly The said Doctor never made any such information to any other person or persons if every thing which is delivered in the way of discourse may not be brought within the compasse of an information by whom it might be carried to his Majesties ear And for the proof hereof since I cannot raise men from the dead to bear witnesse to it I shall only say First That the Squire himself doth seem to give no credit to that Paper For if he did it would have found some place in that part of his History where it might properly have been inserted as well as he hath told us of the whole Story of some bustles in Oxon Anno 1631. occasioned by M. Thorne of Balâ—ol Colledge and M. Ford 〈◊〉 Magdaline Hall in which D. Prideaux was concerned and for which he received a check from the King at Woodstock In relating whereof though the name of D. Prideaux be not mentioned but couched only under the generall name of other of their partakers who received a check yet M. Fâ—ller from whom he borrowed the whole relation is more punctual in it and reports it thus viz. 1. The Preachers complained of were expelled the Vniuersâ—y 2. The Proctors were deprived of their places for accepting their appeal 3. D. Prideaux and D. Wilkinson were throughly checkt for engagiâ—g in their behalf The former of these two Doctors ingenâ—â—â—â—◠〈◊〉 to the King that Nemo motalium omnibâ—s hoâ—is sapit which wrought more on his Maâ—esties affectioâ—s 〈◊〉 if he had harangued it with a long Oration in his own 〈◊〉 Church-Hist lib. 11. fol. 141. 142. The Respondent hereupon inferreth That if M Sanderson had then given so much credit to that paper in publishing whereof he ascribeth so much merit to himself as he now seems to do he would have given it some place in his History to shew with what credit D Prideaux came off from that â—econd encounter at Woodstock and what discredit the Respondent got by his false Information And secondly The Respondent saith that he was then one of his Majestâ—es Chaplains in ordinary for the Moneth of August preaching before him at Oâ—t lands on Sunday the 18 of that Moneth and officiating the Divine Service of the Church in the great Hall of Woodstock-Mannor on the Sunday following during which intervall either upon the Thursday or Friday this businesse of D. Prideaux was in agitation to which there is no question but he had been called if he had been so much concerned in the information as the Pamphlet makes him And if he had been called to iâ— it is not probable that the Doctor had gone
was not to be found in the whole body of it And for the proof thereof he read the Article out of a Book which lay before him beginning thus Non licet Ecclesia quicquam instituere quod verbo Dei scripto adversetur c. To which the Resâ—ondent readily answered that he perceived by the bignesse of the Book which lay on the Doctors Cushion that he had read that Article out of the Harmony of Confessions publisht at Geneva Anno 1612. which therein followed the Edition of the Articles in the time of King Edward the sixth Anno 1552. in which that sentence was not found but that it was otherwise in the Articles agreed on in the Convocation Anno 156â— to which most of us had subscribed in our severall places but the Doctor still persisting upon that point and the Respondent seeing some unsatisfiednesse in the greatest part of the Auditory he called on one M. Westly who formerly had been his Chamber-Fellow in Magdalenâ— College to step to the next Booksellers Shop for a Book of Articles Which being observed by the Doctor he declared himself very willing to decline any further prosecâ—tion of tâ—at particular and to go on directly to the Disputation But the Respondent was resolved to proceed no further Vsque dum liberaverit animam suam ab ist a calumnia as his own words were till he had freed himself from that odious Calumny but it was not long before the coming of the Book had put an end to that Controversie out of which the Respondent read the Article in the English Tongue in his verbis viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites and Ceremonies and authority in Controversies of faith c. which done he delivered the Book to one of the standers by who desired it of him the Book passing from one hand to another till all men were satisfied And at this point of time it was that the Queens Almoner left the Schools pâ—ofessing afterwards that he could see no hope of a fair Disputation from so foul a beginning and not as being tired with the tedious Preface of the Respondent before the Disputations begun which whether it were tedious or impertinent or not may perhaps be seen hereafter upon this occasion But to proceed upon the breaking of this blow the Doctor fell on roundly to his Argumentation and in the heat thereof insisted upon those extravagant expressions without any such qualification of them as is found in the Paper which made the matter of the Information which is now before us and for which if he received any check from the King at Woodstock it is no more then what he had received at the same place but two years before as afore is said Which notwithstanding the Book of Articles was printed the next Year at Oxon in the Latine tongue according to the Copy in the said Harmony of Confessions or to a corrupt Edition of them Anno 1571. in which that clause had been omitted to the great animation of the Puritan party who then began afresh to call in question the Authority of the Church in the points aforesaid For which as D. Prideaux by whose encouragement it was supposed to have been done received a third check from the Arch-bishop of Canterbury then Chancellor of that University So the Printers were constrained to re-print the Book or that part of it at the least according to the genuine and ancient Copies And here I should have parted with D. Prideaux but that there is somewhat in the Paper as it is now publisht to the world by M. Sanderson which is thought fit to have an answer though not held worthy of that honour when it was secretly disperst in scattered Copies The Paper tels us of a Hissâ— which is supposed to have been given and makes the Doctor sure that such a Hisse was given When the Respondent excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church But first The Respondent is as sure that he never excluded King and Parliament from being parts of the Church that is to say of the diffusive body of it but denied them to be members of the Convocation that is to say the Church of England represented in a Nationall Councel to which the power of decreeing Rites and Ceremonies and the Authority of determining Controversies in faith as well as to other Assemblies of that nature is ascribed by the Articles Which as it did deserve no Hisse so the Respondent is assured no such hisse was given when those words were spoken If any hisse were given at all as perhaps there was it might be rather when the Doctor went about to prove that it was not the Convocation but the High Court of Parliament which had the power of ordering matters in the Church in making Canons ordaining Ceremonies and determining Controversies in Religion and could finde out no other medium to make it good but the Authority of Sir Ed. Cooke a learned but meer common Lawyer in one of the Books of his Reports An Argument if by that name it may be called which the Respondent thought not fit to gratifie with a better answer then Non credendum esse quoquo extra artem suam Immediatly whereupon the Doctor gave place to the next Opponent which put an end unto the heats of that Disputation In which if the Doctor did affirm that the Church was Mera Chimaera as it seems he did what other plaister soever he might finde to salve that sore I am sure he could not charge it on the insufficiency of the Respondents answers who kept himself too close to the Churâ—h-Representative consisting of Arch-Bishops Bishops and other of the Clergy in their severall Councels to be beaten from it by any argument which the Doctor had produced against him And thus we have a full relation of the differences between D Prideaux and the Respondent forgotten long agoe by those whom it most concerned and now unseasonably revived revived as little to the honour of the reverend name and living fame of that learned Doctor as D. Bernards publishing the Lord Primates Letters never intended for the Presse hath been unto the honour of that emiâ—nent and pious Prelate But the Squire will not so give over he hath another peece in store which must now be printed though written as long since as any of the Lord Primates Letters or the Doctors Paper and must be printed now to shew what slender account is to be made of his that is to say the Respondents language that ways in reference namely to such eminent persons as he had to deal with For this he is beholden to some friend or other who helpt him to the sight of a Letter writ by D. Haâ—well in the year 1633. in which speaking of M. Heylyn since Doctor whom he stiles The Parton of that pretended Saint George he hath these words of him viz In the second Impression of his Book where he hath occasion to speak of
Gâ—ng as they from Calvin and Chemnitius and the 〈…〉 â—heir â—ollowers or as all of them differed in that pâ—int 〈◊〉 â—haâ—â—hich D. Hackwell hath â—onâ—est to have 〈…〉 received in Ecclesiasticall History touching S. Georâ—â— being a man and an holy Marâ—yr And secondly â—he Respondentâ—aith â—aith that as he Hâ—ckwellâ—hould â—hould ratâ—er have said our Masters so he magn fies 〈◊〉 Romane Writers especially â—he legendaries that is to say by concurring with them in some â—oints of S. George History in which he findes them secâ—nded by the testimonies of more approved Writers then themselves And if at any time he speaketh favourably of any of the Legendaries as sometimes he doth and for the credit of the cause he was bound to do he did it not in his own words and speaking his own sence of them only but in the words and sence of such ancient and modern Authours as are of most unquestioned credit amongst the Learned Thus speaking of Simeon Metaphrastes he tels us what a high esteem was had of him in the Greek Minâ—logies and what high commendation had been given him by Michael Psellus a man of great Learning in those times and speaking of Iacobus de Voragine he lets the Reader know what had been said of him by Iohanno Gerrard Voscius a man of too great parts for D. Hackwell to contend with sic de câ—teris But whereas D. Hackwell tels his friend in that Letter that the condition of the man that is to say the Respondent was such as his word hardly passeth either for commendation or a slander The Respondent thereunto replyes that he looks no otherwise on those words then as the extravagances of a proud and passionate weaknesse The Respondent stood at that time in as good a condition for reputation and esteem with the generality of the Nation as D. Hackwell could pretend too and would not have refused an encounter with him upon any argument either at the sharp or at the â—mooth as the Pamphleter words it I am soâ—ry to have said thus much but the indignity of the provocation hath enforced me to it for which D. Hackwells Friend is to thank M. Sandâ—rson oâ— condemn himself in publishing those passages in cold blouâ— five and twenty years after they were written which escaped the Doctor in his heats And so I leave my three great Names those Magni nominis Vmbras in the Poets Language with a Tria sunt omnia not looking for a Tria sequunâ—ur tria though the Squire should once again play the School boy and rather fall upon small games then none at all But the Pampâ—leter will not leave the Respondent so The Lord Primate in a Letter to an Honourable friend had accused him of Sophâ—stry and the Pamphleter is resolved to make good the charge assuring us That in the judgement of divers he made it good throughout his book and divers they may be though they be but two Squire Sanderson and D. Bernard which are so many so it follows that they would finde as much work for an Observator as he saith my History will afford him Never was Lillies head so broken as it is by this Squire who is so far from keeping the Rules of Grammar that he hath forgotten his very Accidence he would not else give us two Adjectives viz. which and many which he knows cannot stand by themselves without another word to be added to them for shewing of their sence or signification Substantive I am sure there is none to owne them and therefore we must take his meaning by his gaping only Which though it be not wide enough to speak out doth import thus much That the Errours in the Book called Respondent Petrus are so great and many that they would finde as much work for an Observator as the Pamphleters History It seems that the Respondent Helpers being many in number for he cals them by the Name of his Numerous helpers and all of them as subject unto errour as the Squire himself each of them hath committed one mistake at the least which will affoâ—d as much matter for an Observator as the History doth what work the History hath found for an Observator hath been seen by this time And if ther◠〈◊〉 so many in the Book called Respondet Petrus as he 〈◊〉 there are why hath not he or D Bernard presentâ—d them to the view of the world in so long a time But yet wâ—ll fare the Authour for his wonderfull chaâ—ity who thâ—ugh he meet with many errours and mistakes throughout the book for such Helper on yet is pleased to satisfie himself with instancing in one but such a one in such greâ—t Châ—â—â—cters that he who rides Post the Squire is alwaies in 〈…〉 may reade it without stopping Parturiunt montes You have shewed us the mountain gentle Sir but pray you Where is the mouse Marry sayes he we finde it pag. 63. where he repâ—â—ing a quotation of thâ— Lord Primate in the end of his Letter to D. Twisse â—orrâ—wed from Gregory the Great he had blindely mistaken the copulative And for the Disjunctive Or Had it been so a man of any ordinary candor would have looked upon it as an errour rather of the Presse then the Pen. Bâ—t the Squire who hath a quicker sight quam aut â—qâ—ila 〈◊〉 serpens Epidaurius in the Poets Language hath in this shown himself more blinde then he makes the Respondent for in pag. 63. which the Pamphlâ—ter cites we finde the whole passage to be thus viz. The next Authority is taken from Gregâ—ry the Greâ—t who telleth us that it is the Doctrine of the Preachers of Antichrist qui veniens diem Dominicum Sabbatum ab omni opere faciet custodiri who at his coming shall cause both the Lords day and the Sabbath to be kept or celebrated without doing any manner of work Now let the Sâ—uireâ—who â—who can see further iâ—to a mill-stone then the Râ—spondent and his Helpers are affirmed to do resolve me when he next sets out whether the word in S. Gâ—egory be turned into or by the Râ—spondent and if it be not as it is not what is become of that mistake so grosse and written in such greâ—t characters that any one who rides Post may reade it Our Squiâ—e for this deserves the Spurs and to be made a Knight of the advice then the nature of the offence required What followed upon this Appeal we are informed by both our Authours In the relating of which story from the first to the last M. Sâ—nâ—â—rson hath dealt more ingenuously then the 〈…〉 For fiâ—â—t M. Saâ—dersâ—n telleth us that the occasion of the Diâ—contâ—nts which encreased at Oxon An. 1631. arose from tâ—is â—iz Many 〈◊〉 that the Renovations reducing 〈…〉 times was now no lesse then Innovation 〈…〉 in their Pulpits and 〈◊〉 But M. Fulâ—er according to his wonted manner of reporting all things favourably for the Puritan party will have the occasion to