government And therefore Cato nameth it the prerogative of a triumph And Livie in his 26 book saith that it was long disputed on in the Senate how they could deny one that was there present to triumph whose absence they had honoured with supplication and thanksgiving to the gods for things happily effected The manner of the Ceremony was that after the Magistrate had publickly proclaimed it with this form or stile quod bene feliciter rempublicam administrasset that he had happily and succesfully administred the affairs of the common-weal the Roman people clothed in white garments and crowned with garlands went to all the Temples of the gods and there offered sacrifices to gratulate the victory in the name of the Generall In which time they were forbidden all other businesses but that which pertained to this solemnity It seemeth that this time of supplication was at first included within one or two dayes at the most as appeareth by Livie in his third book where he saith that the victory gained by two severall battels was spitefully shut up by the Senate in one dayes supplication the people of their own accord keeping the next day holy and celebrating it with greater devotion then the former Upon the victory which Camillus had against the Veii there were granted four dayes of supplication to which there was afterward a day added which was the usuall time of supplication unto the time that Pompey ended the war which they called Mithridaticum when the usuall time of five dayes was doubled and made ten and in the second of these Commentaries made fifteen and now brought to twenty dayes Which setteth forth the incitements and rewards of well doing which the Romans propounded both at home abroad to such as endeavoured to inlarge their Empire or manage a charge to the benefit of their Commonwealths And thus endeth the fourth Commentary The fifth Commentary of the wars in GALLIA The Argument CAesar causeth a great navy to be built in Gallia he carrieth five legions into Britany where he maketh war with the Britans on both sides the river Thames At his return into Gallia most of the Galles revolt and first the Eburones under the conduction of Ambiorix set upon the Camp of Q. Titurius the Legate whom they circumvent by subtilty and then besiege the Camp of Cicero but are put by and their Army overthrown by Caesar CHAP. I. Caesar returneth into Gallia findeth there great store of shipping made by the souldiers and commandeth it to be brought to the haven Itius LUcius Domitius and Appius Claudius being Consuls Caesar at his going into Italy from his winter-quarters which he yearly did gave order to the Legates to build as many ships that winter as possibly they could to repair the old commanding them to be built of a lower pitch then those which are used in the mediterranean sea for the speedier lading and unlading of them and because the tides in these seas were very great and forasmuch as he was to transport great store of horse he commanded them to be made flatter in the bottome then such as were usuall in other places and all of them to be made for the use of Oares to which purpose their low building served very conveniently Other necessaries and furniture for rigging he gave order to have brought out of Spain Caesar after an assembly of the States in Lombardy went presently into Illyricum where he heard that the Pirustae infested the province by their incursions Assoon as he came thither he levied souldiers and appointed them a rendezvous Which the Pirustae hearing of they sent embassadours presently to him excusing the businesse as not done by publick consent and expressing a readinesse to make any satisfaction that should be demanded Caesar having heard their message appointed them to give hostages and to bring them by such a day or else they must expect notbing but war and ruine to their city Hostages were brought by the appointed time whereupon Caesar deputed certain to arbitrate differences between the cities and to punish as they saw cause for it These things being over he returned forthwith into Lombardy and thence to his army in Gallia THE OBSERVATION THis Itius Portus Floide thinketh to be Callis others take it to be Saint Omer partly in regard of the situation of the place which being in it self very low hath notwithstanding very high banks which incompasse the town about and in times past was a very large haven To this may be added the distance from this town to the next Continent of the Island of Britany which Strabo maketh to contain 320. stadia which agreeth to the French computation of 13. leagues Caesar maketh it thirty miles This is the haven which Pliny calleth Britannicum portum Morinorum CHAP. II. Caesar preventeth new motions amongst the Treviri and goeth to his navy Dumnorix refuseth to accompany him into Britain his flight and death CAesar leaving souldiers enough to do that businesse himself marched with four legions and eight hundred horse into the country of the Treviri in regard they neither came to the assembly of States nor were obedient to his commands and were farther reported to sollicite the Germans beyond the Rhene to new commotions This city was the most powerfull of all Gallia for matter of horse having likewise a great force of foot and lying so conveniently upon the Rhene for assistance wherein there was at thâ—s time a contention betwixt Induciomarus and Cingetorix who should be chief ruler Cingetorix as soon as he heard of the coming of Caesar with his army came in to him assuring him of the fidelity of his party and their constancy to the friendship of the people of Rome discovering withall unto him the present proceedings amongst the Treviri On the contrary Induciomarus gathered together what horse and foot he could resolving upon nothing else then war securing all the old and young folk not fit to bear armes in the wood Arduenna which is a very large wood beginning at the Rhene and running through the middle of the Treviri to the borders of the people of Rheims While things were thus preparing divers of the chief of the city some through the favour they bare to Cingetorix others affrighted at the coming of our army came forth to Caesar and since they could not do it for the whole city they endeavoured to make every man his own peace Induciomarus seeing this and fearing to be left at last alone sent Embassadours to Caesar excusing what he had done in not coming to him which he saâ—d was done onely to keep the city the better in obedience for if all the nobility should have left it the common people would have been apt to have made new troubles that the city was now at his command and if Caesar would give leave he was ready to wait upon him in his camp and to lay the lives and fortunes of himself and the whole city at his feet Caesar albeit he well knew
OBSERVATIONS UPON CAESARS COMENTARIES By CLEMENT EDMUNDES Remembrancer of the cittie of LONDON THE COMMENTARIES OF C. JULIUS CAESAR Of his Warres in GALLIA and the Civile Warres betwixt him and POMPEY Translated into English With Many excellent and judicious OBSERVATIONS Thereupon As also The Art of our Modern Training or Tactick Practise By CLEMENT EDMONDS Esquire Remembrancer of the City of LONDON Whereunto is adjoyned The EIGHTH COMMENTARY of the Warres in GALLIA With some short Observations upon it Together with The LIFE of CAESAR and an Account of his MEDALLS Revised Corrected and Enlarged LONDON Printed by R. DANIEL and are to be sold by Henry Tvvyford in Vine-Court Middle Temple Nathaniel Ekins at the Gunne in St. Paul's Church-Yard and Iohn Place at Furnivalls Inne Gate in Holburn 1655. TO THE PRINCE SIR HAving ended this task of Observations and according to your gratious pleasure and command supplied such parts as were wanting to make up the Totall of these Commentaries it doth return again by the lowest steps of humblenesse to implore the high patronage of your Princely favour emboldened specially because it carrieth Caesar and his Fortunes as they come related from the same Author which in the deep Judgement of his most excellent Majesty is preferred above all other profane histories and so commended by his sacred Authority to your reading as a chief pattern and Master-piece of the Art of war And herein your admired wisedome may happily the rather deem it capable of freer passage in that it is not altogether unproper for these happy daies as knowing that War is never so well handled as when it is made an Argument of discourse in times of sweet and plenteous peace The blessings whereof may ever crown your years as the soveraign good of this temporarie life and the chiefest Ornaments of Princely condition The humblest of your Highness servants CLEMENT EDMONDS In CLEMENTIS EDMONDI De re militari ad JUL. CAESARIS Commentarios Observationes CUr creperos motus aperto praelia Marte Edmondus nobis pace vigente refert Cur sensus mentesque Ducum rimatur effert Diserteque Anglos bellica multa docet Scilicet ut media meditetur praelia pace Anglia belli potens nec moriatur honos Providus haec certe patriae depromit in usus Ut patriae pacem qui cupit arma parat Guil. Camdenus Cl. To my friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS WHo thus extracts with more then Chymick Art The spirit of Books shews the true way to find Th' Elixer that our leaden Parts convert Into the golden Metall of the Mind Who thus observes in such materiall kind The certain Motions of his Practises Knows on what Center th' Actions of Mankind Turn in their course and sees their fatalness And he that can make these observances Must be above his Book more then his Pen. For we may be assur'd he men can guesse That thus doth CAESAR know the Man of men Whose Work improv'd here to our greater gain Makes CAESAR more then CAESAR to contain Sam. Daniel To his worthy friend Master CLEMENT EDMONDS OBserving well what Thou hast well Observ'd In CAESARS Works his Warres and Discipline Whether His Pen hath earn'd more Praise or Thine My shallow Censure doubtfully hath swerv'd If strange it were if wonder it deserv'd That what He wrought so fair He wrote so fine Me thinks it 's stranger that Thy learned Line Should our best Leaders lead not having serv'd But hereby Clement hast Thou made thee known Able to counsell aptest to record The Conquests of a CAESAR of our own HENRY thy Patron and my Princely Lord. Whom O! Heav'n prosper and protect from harms In glorious Peace and in victorious Arms. JOSUAH SILVESTER TO MY FRIEND MASTER CLEMENT EDMONDS Epigramme NOt Caesar's deeds nor all his honours wonne In these West-parts nor when that warre was done The name of Pompey for an Enemie Cato to boot Rome and her libertie All yielding to his fortune nor the while To have ingrav'd these Acts with his own stile And that so strong and deep as might be thought He wrote with the same spirit that he fought Nor that his Work liv'd in the hands of foes Un-argu'd then and yet hath fame from those Not all these Edmonds or what else put to Can so speak Caesar as thy Labours do For where his person liv'd scarce one just age And that ' midst envy ' and Parts then fell by rage His deeds too dying save in books whose good How few have read how fewer understood Thy learned hand and true Promethean Art As by a new creation part by part In every counsell stratageme designe Action or Engine worth a note of thine T' all future time not only doth restore His Life but makes that he can dye no more Ben. Johnson Another of the same WHo Edmonds reads thy book and doth not see What th' antique Souldiers were the modern be Wherein thou shew'st how much the later are Beholden to this Master of the Warre And that in Action there is nothing new More then to varie what our Elders knew Which all but ignorant Captains will confesse Not to give Caesar this makes ours the lesse Yet thou perhaps shalt meet some tongues will grutch That to the world thou shouldst reveal so much And thence deprave thee and thy Work To those Caesar stands up as from his urne late rose By thy great Art and doth proclaim by me They murder him again that envie thee Ben. Johnson CAIUS IULIUS CAESAR DICTATOR PERPETUUS AETATIS SUAE LVI CAESARIS ELOGIVM C. JULIUS CAESAR Lucii Caesaris F. Lux Caesarum Pater Romanus Alexander Terrae Mars Omnibus tam metuendus quam mitis Pretium fecit servituti Victo orbe Vrbem victricem orbis vicit Defuêre illi hostes hostem habuit Patriam Ne deesset unquam quod vinceret Ingratam Patriam patriis armis puniit Eam vicit invitus quâ vixit invitâ Qui Romae propugnator non regnavit regnavit expugnator Pro Roma triumphârat de Roma triumphavit Amavit tamen inimicam nolenti profuit Saepe à fulmine lauro servatus regiâ Quem inermem timuerunt arma armata necavit toga Cessit Civibus Caesar Caesus Sero cognitum luxit Patria Viventem hostem mortuum vocavit Patrem Parricidium confessa cum patrem dixit Disce lector Melius saepe quae non habes vides quam quae habes THE LIFE OF C. JULIUS CAESAR with certain Historicall Observations upon his Medalls THe excessive Lustre of a million of gallant atchievements successefully performed by Caesar the most illustrious and celebrated Favourite of Fortune hath through all ages so dazzled the greatest part of Mankind especially those both ancient and modern who made it their businesse to describe the great transactions either of their own or former ages that they have not onely parallell'd him with the greatest Heroes of the first ages but have ballanc'd him with Alexander the most generous and the most
shall referre to the last place while in the mean time we shall divert our thoughts with a short entertainment of his personall excellencyes and endowments his extraction birth Deification and names as we have already satisfi'd our selves with the consideration of his Actions and so passe to that part of our undertaking wherein we presume to promise the curious and criticall reader no lesse content then he hath found in what he hath already reflected on that is to say the description and dilucidation of what MEDALLS have been snatch'd out of the jawes of hungry Time that have had any relation to the great name of CAESAR CAesar was of a full handsome composure of body of a graceful carriage and deportment of a whitish complexion his eyes were somewhat big black quick and piercing his nose straight and large enough but his mouth was more then ordinary wide his cheeks lean In his later dayes he became bald towards the fore-part of his head and through his continual hazzards and hardships much wrinkled in the forehead These last imperfections are easily discernable in his Medalls as also in some graven stones and Marbles and this made him seem somewhat older then he was his baldnesse wrinkles and wide mouth taking away much of the gracefulnesse of his countenance and causing him to have a rustick Physiognomy This gave occasion to Silenus the oldest among the Satyrs very pleasantly in the CAESARS of the Emperour Iulian to boast that besides other similitudes between them he had a head like Caesar's But as to the baldnesse it is no more to be objected to him as indecent then to diverse other great personages of Antiquity as may be frequently seen in Medalls and Marbles Hercules himself being one of the Tribe They are the highest and sublimest things nay the more divine as approaching the sky that are freed from all superfluities The highest mountains are bald on their tops though in other parts they are perruqu'd with woods and have fertile descents Caesar was much troubled at the losse of his haire insomuch as having effected his designes he alwayes wore a Crown of Lawrell the better to cover the nakednesse thrusting up the haire he had towards the hinder part of his head as much as he could as may be remarked out of his effigies in the Medalls He had a strong and vigorous body able to endure any thing of labour or hardship an active and lively mind capable of any undertaking his judgement and common sense most exquisite He was furnished with a strange fore-sight and vigilance a dexterity and presence of mind above ordinary and an incredible resolution and courage in all exigences and emergencies In the warres of Asia under the Praetor Marcus Termo he obteined a Civicall Crown He was admirable for his Eloquence and incomparable Memory He was well versed in Astrology and by the assistance thereof foreknew many things It was by that that he was jealous of the Ides of the months as being fatall to him Nay he writ books of the motion of the starres regulated the year and reduc'd it to the course of the Sun which science he learned from the Aegyptians From his skill in that science he rais'd himself to attempt that great change and alteration which he brought about from the strange prodigies which had happened not long before as you have them elegantly described by Petronius and Lucan the heavens earth sea nay the very mountaines and rivers intimating that great vicissitude But in the whole constellation of his vertues and perfections none shines brighter then his Clemency and Generosity His propensity to pardon his enemies when conquered whether Barbarians or Citizens was exemplary and it is much to be questioned whether his Lenity raised him more friends or enemies When he had passed the Rubicon he takes the City Corfinium and in it Domitius whom the Senate had designed to succeed him in his Command in France yet though all were at his mercy he dismissed Domitius with what part of the Legions would go with him to repair to Pompey Nor was his Clemency and Liberality lesse remarkable at the Battel of Pharsalia where he not onely pardoned his enemies but received some of the most inveterate into favour and familiarity and engaged them into the government of Provinces and Countries not to mention the confidence in him of Cato Vticensis and his severe punishing of the Murtherers of Pompey Much more might be said of him but since it is not our businesse to write any Panegyricks on him we come to his extraction As for his extraction we find that those of the Iulian family boasted that they were originally descended from Iulus the Son of Aeneas the Son of Anchises and Venus which was a common and yet no criminall ambition in those times The Poets above all other those that lived in the times of Caesar and Augustus strove who should most celebrate this Genealogie and that by very remarkable casts of their inherent flattery To omit what may be gathered out of Lucan Petronius and others we shall content our selves with what we have from Manilius Astron lib. 1. Venerisque ab origine proles Iulia descendit coelo coelumque replevit and Propertius lib. 4. Eleg. 1. Tunc animi venere Decii Brutique secures Vexit ipsa sui Caesaris arma Venus Arma resurgentis portans victricia Trojae Felix terra tuos cepit Iule deos But that which Caesar suffers in this businesse is that it was objected to him as a great vanity to derive himself from this Goddesse as being so far guilty of it that he recommended to her the successe and conduct of his most signall enterprises trusting her with all his good fortune We mention not his dalliances with Cleopatra because the temptation on her side was more then ordinary not onely that of her beauty but her strange prostitution of her self even to that point that before she had seen Caesar she caused her self to be put up into a Basket and as if it had been some present to be brought to him fearing if she had come without this surprise she might not have accesse But if it be a vanity 't is easily discover'd in his Coins being furnish'd with severall shapes of this Venus Genitrix this Goddesse of Generation sometimes sitting on the prow of a ship sometimes standing bearing a Victory in her right hand to represent a Venus Victrix such as whereof Hypermnestra dedicated a figure in the City of Argos calling it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 bearing a Victory which was the word Caesar gave at the Battel of Pharsalia wherein he was afterwards imitated by Augustus at the fight of Actium The same reason may be given for his placing a Venus Victrix upon the other side of his own effigies in his Medalls with a globe as conceiving she ought him the conquest of the Universe Besides at the battel of Pharsalia he made a vow to build her a Temple as Appianus records
Philip's time though but the people of a particular City were honour'd with the charge of Neocori there being a Medall which hath on the one side the effigies of Bacchus crown'd with Vine-branches inscrib'd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 on the reverse that of Philip thus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 In fine the inhabitants of Ilium obtained leave of Caesar to make some magnificence under the title of Neocori to honour him and the Iulian Family having erected in memory of his extraction from Anchises Aeneas and Iulus some Colossus representing the posture of Aeneas when he left Troy doing a signall act of Piety both toward the Gods and men having the Palladium in his hand and carrying the old man his Father in his right arme as women carry children the little Iulus marching before having his hat in one hand and asking his father the way with the other The word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies that this was the second time they had been honour'd with the quality and commission of being Neocori and that they had celebrated the solemn dayes with Panegyricks Pomps exercises and other magnificences befitting the grandeur of Caesar The Wives of Caesar HIs first wife was COSSUTIA whom he married in his youth but divorc'd her at the seventeenth year of his Age before he had lived with her though she was rich and descended of a family of the Roman Knights The second was CORNELIA the daughter of Cornelius Cinna one who had been four times Consul by whom he had onely one daughter named Iulia afterwards first wife to Pompey He took her death very heavily and publickly commended her in a most elegant funerall Oration The third was POMPEIA the daughter of Q. Pompeius who had gotten that evill report as if Publius Claudius had been somewhat too familiar with her which was the reason that Caesar divorc'd her The fourth and last was CALPHURNIA who out-lived him and was the daughter of Lucius Piso a woman of a generous spirit and well spoken and had that honour and affection for Caesar that after his death she her self made a most elegant funerall Oration to his honour and afterward retir'd to Mark Antony The Medall of the TRIUMVIRI THis Medall is of Copper small of the Greek fashion It represents the three effigies of Caesar Antonius and Lepidus done sidewayes one upon another on the same side without Inscription On the reverse it represents an Hermathena before which image there is an altar out of which issues a serpent that lifts it self above it behind there is a Legionary eagle time hath worn out the inscription to this half word APXIEP This figure represents Mercury and Minerva join'd in one statue that is to say the upper part is of that Goddesse arm'd with a Helmet Buckler and Iaveline the Lower part is a Terminus or Hermes For the interpretation of this devise This Hermathena comprehending in it the God Terminus with Minerva and Mercury denotes an excellent union as to affection interest and good understanding among the Triumviri aswell for the management and conduct of civile affairs as military Which being so the invention must needs be ingenious denoting that though their employments were severall yet there was such a concurrence between their Counsels and intentions as that they jump'd into the same resolution for to carry on the interest of the Common-wealth As for the Altar and Serpent they signifie certain sacrifices performed by that people for the welfare union and concord of those three powers as also either to obtain some Victory or to give thanks to the Gods for one received For a Serpent issuing from under a table was taken by Sylla to presage Victory as the Historian Sisenna observes upon Cicero lib. 1. de Divinatione See also Val. Maximus lib. 1. ch 6. and Plutarch in his Life 'T is therefore the Symbole of Health Victory and Felicity Of which opinion is also Theophrastus who giving the marks of a Superstitious man sayes that if he surprize a Serpent in any place he presently raises a chappell or an altar in that place as it were to thank the Gods for so good an adventure There may this further reason be given of this juncture in the Hermathena that as Minerva hath a dominion over wrastling as well as Mercury so were they also both equally patrons of Traffick and Merchandise We shall divert a little to speak of another kind of statues called Hermheracles consisting the lower part of Hermes the upper of Hercules Both these and the Hermathenas were placed in the places of publick exercises Mercury and Hercules implying strength and sleight The reason why Mercury was so often joyn'd with the other Gods was that he could conform to any and was one with all as Iamblichus affirmes Isque sayes he de Diis verae scientiae praesidium ac tutelam tenens unus extat idem in universis for which reason the Ancients dedicated all their works under his onely name Hercules was held in such veneration for the God and Genius of all Gymnick engagements that they came to be called angustiori vocabulo Herculea certamina He was the institutour of the Olympick Games wherein having had the honour to wrastle with Iupiter he was thought fit to be the patron of them whence Lycophron call's him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Wrastler The second Medall M. ANTONIUS IMP. AUG IIIVIR R. P. C. Marcus Antonius Imperator Augur Triumvir Reipublicae constituendae A sacrificing vessel called praefericulum and the augurall stick called Lituus On the reverse there is L. PLANCUS IMP. COS. An urne between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus It is to be noted first that there is a vessell on either side of this Medall and therefore it is not enough to say that that on one side with the Lituus is the mark of an augurall dignity which Antonius obtained from his favourite L. Plancus being Consul but something must be said of this urne so honourably plac'd between a thunderbolt and a Caduceus on the other Appianus Alexandrinus in his book of the warres against the Parthians speaking of the design which Mark Antony had being at Athens to undertake the warre against them and to partake of the glory might follow the ruining of so great and powerfull a nation sayes that to satisfy the admonition of a certain Oracle he carried with him a vessell full of water taken out of the sacred fountain which was in that City called Clepsydra Et ut oraculo cuidam satisfaceret etiam è Clepsydra fonte vas repletum aqua secum asportavit This fountain Hesychius sayes was within the Cittadell of Athens Now this is the representation of that vessell and a monument of the transportation of that water by Mark Antony which must needs be of great concernment to him since he was advised to do it by the Oracle and specified the fountain As for the thunderbolt and Caduceus they signify that Mark Antony should in that expedition make a thundring and
secret projects and these again serve as foiles to more eminent intentions being also discoloured with dissimulation and so insnared in the sleights of subtilty that when you look for war you shall find peace and expecting peace you shall fall into troubles dissentions and wars So crabbed and crooked is his argument in respect of Livies fortune and such art is required to unfold the truth of those mysteries But to answer this objection in a word and so to proceed to that which followeth I say those immortall memories of vertue which former time recordeth are more necessary to be known then any stratagems of subtler ages for equity and valour being truly apprehended so season the motions of the soul that albeit in so corrupt a course they cannot peradventure stir up imitation yet they oftentimes hinder many malicious practices and devilish devises when evil is reproved by the knowledge of good and condemned by the authority of better ages And if we will needs follow those steps which the present course of the world hath traced and play the Cretian with the Cretian this objection hindreth nothing but that history especially these of later times affordeth sufficient instructions to make a souldier perfect in that point Let not therefore any man despise the sound instructions which learning affordeth nor refuse the helps that history doth offer to perfect the weaknesse of a short experience especially when no worth can countervail the weight of so great a businesse for I take the office of a chief commander to be a subject capable of the greatest wisdome that may be apprehended by naturall meanes being to manage a multitude of disagreeing minds as a fit instrument to execute a designe of much consequence and great expectation and to qualify both their affections and apprehensions according to the accidents which rise in the course of his directions besides the true judgement which he ought to have of such circumstances as are most important to a fortunate end wherein our providence cannot have enough either from learning or experience to prevent disadvantages or to take hold of opportunities Neither can it be denied but as this knowledge addeth perfection to our judgement so it serveth also as a spur to glory and increaseth the desire of honour in such as behold the atchievements of vertue commended to a perpetuall posterity having themselves the like meanes to consecrate their memory to succeeding aâ—es wherein they may serve for examples of valour and reap the reward of true honour Or to conclude if we thirst after the knowledge of our own fortune and long to foresee the end of that race which we have taken which is the chiefest matter of consequence in the use of Arms what better conjecture can be made then to look into the course of former times which have proceeded from like beginnings and were continued with like meanes and therefore not unlikely to sort unto like ends And now if it be demanded whether reading or practice have the first place in this Art serveth as a foundation to the rest of the buildings let Marius answer this question who envying at the nobility of Rome saith thus Qui postquam consules facti sunt acta Majorum Graecorum militaria praecepta legere ceperint homines praeposteri nam legere quam fieri tempore posterius re usupriusest Whereas saith he reading ought to go before practice although it follow it in course of time for there is no reading but of something practised before these preposterous men after they are made Consuls and placed at the helm of government begin to read when they should practice that which they had read and so bewray their insufficiency of knowledge by using out of time that which in time is most necessary This testimony gave Marius of reading and book-learning being him 〈◊〉 an enemy to the same for as much as all his knowledge came by meer experience But howsoever his judgement was good in this point for since that all motion and action proceedeth from the soul and cannot well be produced untill the Idea thereof be first imprinted in the mind according to which pattern the outward being and sensible resemblance is duely fashioned how is it possible that any action can be well expressed when the mind is not directed by knowledge to dispose it in that sort as shall best agree with the occurrents of such natures as are necessarily interessed both in the means and in the end thereof And therefore speculative knowledge as the Tramontane to direct the course of all practice is first to be respected But that I may not seem partiall in this controversy but carry an equall hand between two so necessary yoak-fellowes give me leave to conclude in a word the benefit of practice and define the good which cometh from experience that so nothing that hath been spoken may seem to come from affection or proceed from the forge of unjust partiality And first it cannot be denied but that practice giveth boldnesse and assurance in action and maketh men expert in such things as they take in hand for no man can rest upon such certainty through the theorick of knowledge as he that hath seen his learning verified by practice and acknowledged by the testimony of assured proofe Besides there are many other accomplements gotten only by practice which grace the presence of knowledge and give credit to that which we have read as first to learn the use and advantage of the armes which we bear secondly by frequent aspect and familiarity of dangers and accidents of terrour to learn to fear nothing but dishonour to make no difference between heat and cold summer and winter to sleep in all places as on a bed and at the same time to take pains and suffer penury with many other difficulties which custome maketh easy and cannot be gotten but by use and practice And thus at length I have brought a shallow discourse to an abrupt end wishing with greater zeal of affection then I am able with manifest proofe of reason to demonstrate the necessity that both these parts were by our souldiers so regarded that neither practice might march in obstinate blindnesse without learned knowledge nor this again be entertained with an idle apprehension without practice but that both of them may be respected as necessary parts to make a compleat nature wherein knowledge as the intellectuall part giveth life and spirit to the action and practice as the materiall substance maketh it of a sensible being and like a skilfull workman expresseth the excellency which knowledge hath fore-conceived wishing no man to despair of effecting that by practice which the Theorick of knowledge commendeth For Cur despâ—res nunc posse fieri quod jam totieâ— factum est The summe of the first book of Caesars commentaries with observations upon the same discovering the excellency of Caesars Militia The Argument IN this first book are contained the specialities of two great wars
every order a Centurion he saith that all the Centurions of this cohort were slain saving the first or upper Centurion of the Principes The second thing which I observe is the title of the first cohort for these ten cohorts whereof a Legion consisted were distinguished by degrees of worthinesse and that which was held the worthiest in the censure of the Electors took the priority both of place and name and was called the first cohort the next the second cohort and so consequently unto the tenth and last Neither did the Legions want their degrees of preeminence both in imbattelling and in encamping according either to the seniority of their inrollment or the favour of their Generall or their own vertue And so we read that in these wars in Gallia the tenth Legion had the first place in Caesars Army And thus much concerning the divisions and severall companies of a Legion and the degrees of honour which they held in the same Upon this description it shall not be amisse briefly to lay open the most apparent commodities depending upon this discipline the excellency whereof more plainly appeareth being compared to that order which Nature hath observed in the frame of her worthiest creatures for it is evident that such works of Nature come nearest to perfect excellency whose materiall substance is most particularly distinguished into parts and hath every part indued with that property which best agreeth to his peculiar service For being thus furnished with diversity of instruments and these directed with fitting abilities the creature must needs expresse many admirable effects and discover the worth of an excellent nature whereas those other bodies that are but slenderly laboured and find lesse favour in Natures forge being as abortives or barbarously composed wanting the diversity both of parts and faculties are no way capable of such excellent uses nor fit for such distinct services as the former that are directed with so many properties inabled with the power of so wel-distinguisht faculties Which better works of Nature the Romans imitated in the Architecture of their Army dividing it into such necessary and serviceable parts as were best fitting all uses and imploiments as first Legions and legions into cohorts and cohorts into maniples and maniples into centuries or orders and these into files wherein every man knew his place and kept the same without exchange or confusion and thus the universall multitude was by order disposed into parts untill it came unto a unity For it cannot be denied but that these centuries were in themselves so sensibly distinguished that every souldier carried in his mind the particular Map of his whole century for in imbattelling every century was disposed into five files containing twelve in a file whereof the leaders were alwayes certain and never changed but by death or some other speciall occasion and everie leader knew his follower and every second knew the third man and so consequently unto the last Upon these particularities it plainly appeareth how easy a matter it was to reduce their troups into any order of a march or a battell to make the front the slank or slank front when they were broken and disrankt to rally them into any form when every man knew both his own and his fellows station If any companies were to be imploied upon sudden service the generall Idea of the Army being so deeply imprinted in the mind of the commanders would not suffer them to eâ—re in taking out such convenient troups both for number and quality as might best agree with the safety of the Army or nature of the action At all occasions and opportunities these principles of advantage offered themselves as ready means to put in execution any design or stratagem whatsoever the project was no sooner resolved of but every man could readily point out the companies that were â—it to execute the intention And which is more important in regard of the life and spirit of every such part their sodality was sweetned or rather strengthened with the mutuall acquaintance and friendship one of another the captain marching alwayes in the head of the troup the ensign in the midst and the lieutenant in the rereward and every man accompanied with his neighbour and his friend which bred a true and unfeigned courage both in regard of themselves and of their followers Besides these specialities the places of title and dignity depending upon this order were no small means to cut off all matter of civile discord and intestine dissension for here every man knew his place in the File and every File knew his place in the Century and every Century in the Maniple and every Maniple in the Cohort and every Cohort in the Legion and every Legion in the Army and so every souldier had his place according to his vertue and every place gave honour to the man according as their discipline had determined thereof The want of this discipline hath dishonoured the martiall government of this age with bloâ—dshed and murthers whereof Tâ—ance is too true a witnesse as well in regard of the French themselves as of our English forces that have been sent thither to appeale their tumults for through defect of this order which allotteth to every man his due place the controversy grew between Sir William Drurie and Sir John Burrowes the issue whereof is too well known to the world wherein as our Commanders in France have been negligent so I may not forget to give due commendation to the care which is had of this point amongst the English troups in the service of the States in the United Provinces where they are very curious in appointing every man his place in the File and every File in the Troup and find much benefit thereby besides the honour of reviving the Roman discipline To conclude this point I will only touch in a word the benefit which the Romans found in their small battalions and the disadvantage which we have in making great squadrons And first it cannot be denied but that such troups stand best appointed for disposition and array of battell which standing strong to receive a shock bring most men to â—ight with the enemy for the principall things which are required in setting of a battell are so to order the troups that the depth in slank may serve conveniently to withstand the assault taking up no more men then may well serve for that purpose and giving means to the rest to fight with the enemy and in these two points were both their defensive and offensive considerations comprehended But smaller troups and battalions afford this conveniency better then great squadrons which drown up many able men in the depth of their â—lanks and never suffer them to appear but when the breaking of the squadron doth present them to the butchery of the enemy The Macedonian Phalanx as I have noted in the first book never carried above sixteen in slank and brought five hundred to fight in front And these
which were planted Engines of defence as Balistae Catapulta Tolenones and such like The Romans had their summer Camps which they termed Aestiva and their winter Camps which they called Hiberna or Hibernacula Their summer camps were in like manner differenced according to the time which they continued in them For if they remained in a place but a night or two they called them Castra or Mansiones but if they continued in them any long time they called them Aestivas or Sedes And these were more absolute as well in regard of their tents as of their fortification then the former wherein they stayed but one night The other which they called Hiberna had great labour and cost bestowed upon them that they might the better defend them from the winter season Of these we read that the tents were either thatched with straw or roofed with boards and that they had their armory hospital and other publick houses These camps have been the beginning of many famous towns especially when they continued long in a place as oftentimes they did upon the banks of Euphrates Danow and the Rhene The order which they alwayes observed in laying out their Camp was so uniform and well known to the Romans that when the Centurions had limited out every part and marked it with different ensignes and colours the Souldiers entred into it as into a known and familiar City wherein every society or small contubernie knew the place of his lodging and which is more every particular man could assign the proper station of every company throughout the whole Army The use and commodity of this incamping I briesly touched in my first book but if I were worthy any way to commend the excellency thereof to our modern Souldiers or able by perswasion to restablish the use of incamping in our wars I would spare no pains to atchieve so great a good and vaunt more in the conquest of negligence then if my self had compassed a new-found-out means and yet reason would deem it a matter of small difficulty to gain a point of such worth in the opinion of our men especially when my discourse shall present security to our forces and honour to our leaders majesty to our Armies and terrour to our enemies wonderment to strangers and victory to our nation But sloth hath such interest in this age that it commendeth vain-glory and fool-hardinesse contempt of vertue and derison of good discipline to repugne the designes of honour and so far to overmalâ—â—reason that it suffereth not former harms to bear witnesse against errour nor correct the ill atchievements of ill directions and therefore ceasing to urge this point any further I will leave it to the carefull respect of the wise THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe fury of the Enemy and their sudden assault so disturbed the ceremonies which the Roman discipline observed to make the Souldiers truely apprehend the weight and importance of that action which might cast upon their state either soveraignty or bondage that they were all for the most partomitted notwithstanding they are here noted under these title the first was vexillum proponendum quod erat insigne cum ad Arma concurri oporteret the hanging out the flag which was the sign for betaking themselves to their arms for when the Generall had determined to fight he caused a skarlet coat or red flag to be hung out upon the top of his tent that by it the Souldiers might be warned to prepare themselves for the battel and this was the first warning they had which by a silent aspect presented bloud and execution to their eyes as the only means to work out their own safety and purchase eternall honour The second was Signum tuba dandum the proclaiming the battel by sound of trumpet this warning was a noise of many trumpets which they termed by the name of classicuma calando which signifieth calling for after the eye was filled with species sutable to the matter intended they then hasted to possesse the eare and by the sense of hearing to stir vp warlike motions and fill them with resolute thoughts that no diffident or base conceits might take hold of their mindes The third was milites cohortandi the encouraging of the souldiers for it was thought convenient to confirm this valour with motives of reason which is the strength and perfection of all such motions The use and benefit whereof I somewhat inlarged in the Helvetian war and could afford much more labour to demonstrate the commodity of this part if my speech might carry credit in the opinion of our souldiers or be thought worthy regard to men so much addicted to their own fashions The last was signum dandum the sign giving which as some think was nothing but a word by which they might distinguish and know themselves from their enemies Hirtius in the war of Africk saith that Caesar gave the word Felicity Brutus and Cassius gave Liberty others have given Virtus Deus nobiscum Triumphus Imperatoris and such like words as might be ominous to a good successe Besides these particularities the manner of their delivery gave a great grace to the matter And that was distinguished by times and cues whereof Caesar now complaineth that all these were to be done at one instant of time for without all controversy there is no matter of such consequence in it self but may be much graced with ceremonies and complements which like officers or attendants add much respect and majesty to the action which otherwise being but barely presented appeareth far meaner and of lesse regard CHAP. X. The battel between Caesar and the Nervii IN these difficulties two things were a help to the Romans the one was the knowledge and experience of the souldiers for by reason of their practice in former battels they could as well prescribe unto themselves what was to be done as any other commander could teach them The other was that notwithstanding Caesar had given commandment to every Legate not to leave the work or forsake the legions untill the fortifications were perfected yet when they saw extremity of danger they attended no countermand from Caesar but ordered all things as it seemed best to their own discretion Caesar having commanded such things as he thought necessary ran hastily to incourage his souldiers and by fortune came to the tenth legion where he used no further speech then that they should remember their ancient valour have couragious hearts and valiantly withstand the brunt of their enemies And forasmuch as the enemy was no further off then a weapon might be cast to incounter them he gave them the sign of battel and hastening from thence to another quarter he found them already closed and at the incounter For the time was so short and the enemy so violent that they wanted leisure to put on their head-pieces or to uncase their targets so that what part they lighted into from their work or what ensign they
our selves that no such 〈◊〉 shall enter into our Country The 〈◊〉 of this charge would be qualified by our good 〈◊〉 which would proportion our attendance with the necessity which is imposed upon us to be carefull in businesses of this nature Let this suffice therefore to prove that our forces are sufficient to keep the Sea-coast and that the uncertainty of time when the enemy will make his attempts ought not to hinder us from performing that duty which the care and respect of our Prince and Countrey imposeth upon every good subject which is the substance of the first reason which I set down in the beginning of this discourse Now concerning the second reason which urgeth the disadvantage of the place in regard of the fury of the Enemies artillery true it is that such places as yield the Enemy commodity of landing are for the most part plain and open and afford naturally no covert at all What then shall a souldier take every place as he findeth it and use no Art to qualify the disadvantages thereof Or shall a man forgo the benefit of a place of advantage rather then he will relieve with industry the discommodity of some particular circumstance I make no question but an ingenious Commander being in seasonable time lodged with convenient forces upon any of those places yea upon the beach it self which is as unapt to make defensible as any place whatsoever would use such industry as might give sufficient security to his forces and over-weigh the Enemy with advantage of place especially considering that this age hath afforded such plentifull examples of admirable inventions in that behalf But this cannot be done if our forces do not make head before the instant of the Enemies attempt that our Commanders may have some time to make ready store of Gabioâ—s and hand-baskets with such moveable matter as shall be thought fit for that service Neither let this trouble any man for I dare avouch it that if our forces are not drawn into a head before the Enemy be discovered upon the Coast although we never mean to oppose their landing but attend them in some in-land place to give them battel our Commanders will be far to seek of many important circumstances which are requisite in a matter of that consequence And therefore let us have but a reasonable time to bethink our selves of these necessaries and we will easily overcome all these difficulties and use the benefit of the firm land to repell an Enemy weakned with the Sea tossed with the billow troubled with his weapons with many other hinderances and discouragements which are presented unto him both from the Land and the Sea He that saw the landing of our forces in the Island of Fiall in the year ninety seven can somewhat judge of the difficulty of that matter for what with the working of the Sea the steepnesse of the Cliffs and the troublesomnesse of their Armes the souldiers were so incumbred that had not the Enemy been more then a coward he might well with two hundred men have kept us from entering any part of that Island Concerning the third Objection this briefly shall be sufficient that we are not so much to regard that our forces do equall them in number as to see that they be sufficient for the nature of the place to make it good against the Enemies landing for we know that in places of advantage and difficult accesse a small number is able to oppose a great and we doubt not but all circumstances duly considered we shall proportionably equall the Enemy both in number and quality of their forces alwayes presupposed that our State shall never be destitute of sufficient forces trained and exercised in a competent manner to defend their Country from forreign Enemies For the neglect thereof were to draw on such as of themselves are but too forward to make a prey of us and to make us unapt not only to oppose an Enemies landing but to defend our selves from being overrun as other Nations living in security without due regard thereof have been And thus much concerning the answer to those three reasons which seem to prove that an Enemy is not to be resisted at his landing Now if we do but look a little into the discommodities which follow upon the landing of an Enemy we shall easily discover the dangerousnesse of this opinion as first we give him leave to live upon the spoil of our Country which cannot be prevented by any wasting spoiling or retiring of our provisions in so plentifull a Country as this is especially considering that we have no strong towns at all to repose our selves upon Whereof we need no further testimony then is delivered unto us out of the seventh book of these Commentaries in that war which Caesar had with Vercingetorâ—x Secondly obedience which at other time is willingly given to Princes is greatly weakned at such times whereby all necessary means to maintain a war is hardly drawn from the subject Thirdly opportunity is given to malecontents and ill-disposed persons either to make head themselves or to fly to the Enemy Fourthly 't is madnesse to adventure a kingdome upon one stroke having it in our disposition to do otherwise with many other disadvantages which the opportunity of any such occasion would discover THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe word Imperator which the Eagle-bearer attributeth to Caesar was the greatest title that could be given to a Roman Leader and as Zoâ—aras in his second Tome saith was never given but upon some great exploit and after a just victory obtained and then in the place where the battel was fought and the Enemy overthrown the Generall was saluted by the name of Imperator with the triumphant shout of the whole Army by which acclamation the souldiers gave testimony of his worth and made it equivalent with the most fortunate Commanders This Ceremony was of great antiquity in the Roman Empire as appeareth by many Histories and namely by Tacitus where he saith that Tiberius gave that honour to Blesus that he should be saluted Imperator by the legions which he sheweth to be an ancient dignity belonging to great Captains after they had foiled the Enemy with an eminent overthrow For every victory was not sufficient whereby they might challenge so great an honour but there was required as it seemeth a certain number of the Enemies to be slain Appian in his second book saith that in old time the name of Imperator was never taken but upon great and admirable exploits but in his time ten thousand of the Enemy being slain in one battel was a sufficient ground of that honour Cicero saith that two thousand slain in the place especially of Thracians Spaniards or Galles did worthily merit the name of Imperator Howsoever it seemeth by the same Authour that there was a certain number of the Enemy required to be slain where he saith Se just a victoria Imperatorem appellatum that he was called
or overwhelmed with Barbarisme From thence it flowed into Egypt out of Egypt into Greece out of Greece into Italy out of Italy into Gallia and from thence into England where our Kentish men first entertained it as bordering upon France and frequented with Merchants of those Countries CHAP. VI. Divers skirmishes between the Romans and the Britans THe Cavalry of the enemy and their chariots gave a sharp conflict to the Roman horsemen in their march but so that the Romans got the better every way driving them with great slaughter to the woods and hills and loosing also some of their own men being too venturous in the pursuit The Britans after some intermission of time when the Romans little thought of them and were busied in fortifying their Camp came suddainly out of the woods and charged upon those that kept station before the Camp Caesar sent out two the chiefest cohorts of two legions to second their fellowes These two cohorts standing with a small alley between them the other that were first charged being terrified with that strange kind of fight boldly brake through the thickest of the enemy so retired in safety to their fellows That day Quintus Laberius Durus a Tribune of the souldiers was slain The Britans were repelled with moe cohorts which Caesar sent to second the former And forasmuch as the fight happened in the view of all the Camp it was plainly perceived that the legionary souldiers being neither able for the weight of their Armour to follow the enemy as he retired nor yet daring to go far from their severall Ensigns was not a fit adversary to contest this kind of enemy and that the horsemen likewise fought with no lesse danger inasmuch as the enemy would retire back of purpose and when they had drawn them a little from the legions they would then light from their chariots and incounter them with that advantage which is between a footman and a horseman Furthermore they never fought thick and close together but thin and at great distances having stations of men to succour one another to receive the weary and to send out fresh supplies OBSERVATION UPon this occasion of their heavy Armour I will describe a Legionary souldier in his compleat furniture that we may better judge of their manner of warfare and understand wherein their greatest strength consisted And first we are to learn that their legionary souldiers were called milites gravis armaturae souldiers wearing heavy Armour to distinguish them from the Velites the Archers Slingers and other light-armed men Their offensive Armes were a couple of Piles or as some will but one Pile and a Spanish sword short and strong to strike rather with the point then with the edge Their defensive Armes were a helmet a corslet and boots of brasse with a large Target which in some sort was offensive in regard of that umbo which stuck out in the midst thereof The Pile is described at large in the first book and the Target in the second The sword as Polybius witnesseth was short two-edged very sharp and of a strong point And therefore Livy in his 22. book saith that the Galles used very long swords without points but the Romans had short swords readier for use These they called Spanish swords because they borrowed that fashion from the Spaniard The old Romans were so girt with their swords as appeareth by Polybius and their monuments in Marble that from their left shoulder it hung upon their right thigh contrary to the use of these times which as I have noted before was in regard of their target which they carried on their left arme This sword was hung with a belt of leather beset with studs as Varro noteth And these were their offensive weapons Their Helmet was of brasse adorned with three Ostrich feathers of a cubit in length by which the souldier appeared of a larger stature and more terrible to the Enemy as Polybius saith in his sixth book Their breast-plate was either of Brasse or Iron jointed together after the manner of scales or platted with little rings of Iron their boots were made of bars of brass from the foot up to the knee And thus were the legionary souldiers armed to stand firme rather then to use any nimble motion and to combine themselves into a body of that strength which might not easily recoile at the opposition of any confrontment for agility standeth indifferent to help either a retreat or a pursuit and nimble-footed souldiers are as ready to flie back as to march forward but a weighty body keepeth a more regular motion and is not hindered with a common counterbuffe So that whensoever they came to firme buckling and felt the enemy stand stiff before them such was their practice and exercise in continuall works that they never fainted under any such task but the victory went alwaies clear on their side But if the enemy gave way to their violence and came not in but for advantage and then as speedily retired before the counterbuffe were well discharged then did their nimbleness much help their weakness and frustrate the greatest part of the Roman discipline This is also proved in the overthrow of Sabinus and Cotta where Ambiorix finding the inconvenience of buckling at handy-blowes commanded his men to fight a far off and if they were assaulted to give back and come on again as they saw occasion which so wearied out the Romans that they all fel under the execution of the Galles Let this suffice therefore to shew how unapt the Romans were to flie upon any occasion when their Armour was such that it kept them from all starting motions and made them sutable to the staied and well assured rules of their discipline which were as certain principles in the execution of a standing battell and therefore not so fit either for a pursuit or a flight Concerning the unequal combat between a horseman and a footman it may be thought strange that a footman should have such an advantage against a horseman being overmatched at least with a Sextuple proportion both of strength and agility but we must understand that as the horse is much swifter in a long cariere so in speedy and nimble turning at hand wherein the substance of the combate consisteth the footman far exceedeth the horseman in advantage having a larger mark to hit by the Horse then the other hath Besides the horseman ingageth both his valour and his fortune in the good speed of his horse his wounds and his death do consequently pull the rider after his fear or fury maketh his master either desperate or slow of performance and what defect soever ariseth from the horse must be answered out of the honour of the rider And surely it seemeth reasonable that what thing soever draweth us into the society of so great a hazard should as much as is possible be contained in the compasse of our own power The sword which we manage with our owne hand affordeth
Hannibal To this may be added that famous battel between the old Romans and the last Latines wherein both parties were equally ballanced both in number and quality of their souldiers having both the same Armes the same use of their weapons and the same discipline as if it had been in a Civile war Neither could Fortune tell by the presence of their Armies where to bestow her favour or where to shew her disdain but that the worthinesse of the Roman Leaders brought the odds in the tryall and made Rome great with the ruine of the Latines Whereby it appeareth how much it importeth the whole fortune of the Army to have a Leader worthy of the place which he holdeth forasmuch as nothing doth make a greater difference of inequality between two equall Armies then the wisedome and experience of a grave Commander or the disability of an unskilfull Leader which are so powerfull in their severall effects that there is greater hope of a herd of Harts led by a Lion then of so many Lions conducted by a Hart. CHAP. XIV Ambiorix directeth the Galles how they might best fight with advantage and frustrate the weapons of the Roman souldiers THe which thing when Ambiorix perceived he commanded his men to throw their casting weapons afar off and keep themselves from coming near at hand and where the Romans charged them to give way for that by reason of the lightnesse of their armes and their daily exercise the Romans could do them no harm and again as they saw them retâ—re to their Ensignes then to pursue them Which commandment was so diligently observed by the Galles that as oft as any cohort sallied out of the Orbe to give an assault the Enemy gave back as fast as they could and in the mean time there was no help but that part must be left naked and open to the inconvenience of casting weapons and again as they retired to their place they were circumvented as well by them that had given place unto them as by such as stood next about them And if they went about to keep their ground they could neither help themselves by their manhood nor standing thick together avoid the darts that such a multitude cast upon them Aâ—d yet notwithstanding these inconveniences besides the wounds which they had received they stood still at their defence and having so spent the greatest part of the day for they had fought eight houres together they committed nothing dishonourable or unworthie of themselves THE OBSERVATION I Have spoken already of the manner of the Roman fight consisting altogether in good disposition of imbattelling and in firm standing and buckling at handy-blowes as may appear by this circumstance where Ambiorix forbiddeth his men to buckle with them but to give back and follow on again as the lightnesse of their Armes gave them opportunity In like manner in the first book of the Civile wars in the battel between Caesar and Afranius it appeareth that Caesar his souldiers were bound to keep their array not to leave their Ensignes nor without a weighty occasion to forsake their stations appointed them whereas the Afranians fought thin and scattered here and there and if they were hard laid unto they thought it no dishonour to retire and give back as they had learned of the Portugals and other Barbarous Nations CHAP. XV. The Romans are overthrown THen T. Baluentius who the year before had been primipile of that legion a valiant man and of great authority had both his thighs darted through with a javelin and Q. Lucanius of the same order valiantly fighting to succour his son was slaâ—n and L. Cotta the Legate as he busily incouraged all the cohorts and centuries was wounded in the mouth with a sling Titurius moved with these things as he beheld Ambiorix afar off incouraging his men sent Câ— Pompeius unto him to intreat him that he would spare hâ—m and his souldiers Ambiorix answered that â—f he were desirous to treat he might for he hoped to obtain so much of the people to save the souldiers but for himself he should haue no harm at all for the assurance whereof he gave him his faith Titurius imparted the matter to Cotta and that if he liked that they two should goout of the battell and have conference with Ambiorix he doubted not but to obtain of him the safety of themselves and their souldiers Cotta absolutely denied to go to an armed enemy and continued resolute in that opinion Titurius commanded such Tribunes and Centurions as were present to follow him and when he came near to Ambiorix being commanded to cast away his arms he obeyed and willed those that were with him to do the same In the mean time while they treated of the conditions and Ambiorix began a solemn protestation of purpose Titurius was by little and little incompassed about and slain Then according to their custome they cried victory and taking up a houling charged the Romans with a fresh assault and routed their troups There L. Cotta fighting valiantly was slain the most part of the souldiers with him The remnant retired into their camp amongst whom L. Petrosidius the Eagle-bearer when he saw himself overcharged with enemies threw the Eagle within the rampier and fighting with a great courage before the Camp was slain The rest with much ado indured the assault untill night and in the night being in despair of all succour slew themselves every man A few that escaped from the battell came by unknown wayes through the woods to Labienus and certified him how all things had fallen out OBSERVATION ANd thus have we heard of the greatest losse that ever fell at any one time upon Caesar his Army from the time that he was first Proconful in Gallia unto the end of his Dictatorship For in the two overthrows at Dyrrachâ—um he lost not above 1000 men and in that at Gergovia not so many but here fifteen cohorts were cut in pieces which amounted to the number of 7000 men or thereaâ—out Which maketh cowardise and ill direction the more hatefull in regard that the great victory which his valour obtained in Pharsalia cost him but the lives of two hundred men The resolution of such as returned to the Camp witnesseth the exceeding valour of the Roman souldier if a valiant Leader had had the managing thereof or if Cotta alone had been absolute Commander there had been great hope of better fortune in the successe But here it happened as it commonly doth that where there are many that are equall sharers in the chief authority the direction for the mâ—st part followeth him that is more violeâ—t in opinion then the rest which being a property rather of passion then of judicious discourse forceth a consent against the temperate opposition of a true discerning understanding And so consequently it falleth out that one coward having place and authority in the Councell doth either infect or anniâ—ilate the sound deliberations of the rest of the Leaders for
legion that had lost many Centurions and was very weak in souldiers towards Pompey's legion and the lesser camp in a double battel Neither did his opinion deceive him for he came thither before Pompey could perceive it And albeit the fortifications of the Camp were great yet assaulting it speedily with the left Cornet wherein he himself was he drave Pompey's souldiers from the Rampier There stood a Turn-pike in the Gate which gave occasion of resistance for a while and as our men would have entered they valiantly defended the Camp T. Pulcio by whose means C. Antonius Army was betraied as we have formerly declared fighting there most valiantly Yet neverthelesse our men overcame them by valour and cutting up the Turn-pike entered first into the greater Camp and afterwards into the Castle and slew many that resisted of the legion that was forced thither But Fortune that can do much in all things and specially in warre doth in a small moment of time bring great alterations as it then happened For the Cohorts of Caesar's right Cornet ignorant of the place followed the Rampier which went along from the Camp to the River seeking after the Gate and taking it to be the Rampier of the Camp but when they perceived that it joyned to the River they presently got over it no man resisting them and all the cavalry followed after those cohorts OBSERVATIONS POmpey having cleared his Army of that siege it booted not Caesar to prosecute his purpose any longer for when the end is missed for which any course is undertaken it were folly to seek it by that means We must rather chuse new wayes that may lead us to the end of our hopes then follow the old track which sorted to no effect And yet neverthelesse the sufficiency of the Generall is no way disabled for albeit a wise man doth not alwayes keep one pase yet still he holdeth one and the same way Secondly that of Xerxes appeareth to be true that great attempts are alwaies made with great difficulty and danger Wherein the wisdome of the heathen world ascribed all to Fortune as the sole cause of all remarkable events and that which filled up both the pages of all the Books wherein men noted the course of things Clades in bello acceptae non semper ignaviae sed aliquando Fortunae temeritati sunt imputandae Losses received in war are not alwayes to be imputed to slothfull carriage but oftentimes to the temerity of Fortune saith Archidamus and is that which is aimed at by Caesar CHAP. XXIIII The â—ight continueth and Caesar loseth IN the mean while Pompey after so long a respite of time having notice thereof took the first Legion from their works and brought them to succour their fellows and at the same time his Cavalry did approch near our horsemen and our men that possessed the Camp did discover an Army imbattelled coming against them and all things were suddenly changed For Pompey's legion assured with a speedy hope of succour began to make resistance at the Decumane gate and voluntarily charged our men Caesar's Cavalry being got over the rampier into a narrow passage fearing how they might retreat in safety began to fly away The right Cornet secluded and cut off from the left perceiving the terrour of the horsemen least they might be indangered within the fortifications betook themselves to the other side from whence they came and most of them least they should be surprised in the straights cast themselves over works of ten foot high into the ditches and such as first got over being troden under foot by such as followed after the rest saved themselves in passing over their bodies The souldiers of the left Cornet perceiving from the Rampier that Pompey was at hand and that their own side fled away fearing lest they should be shut up in those straights having the Enemy both without and within them thought it their best course to return back the same way they came Whereby there happened nothing but tumult fear and flight insomuch as when Caesar caught hold with his hand of the Ensignes of them that sled and commanded them to stand some for fear left their Ensigns behind them others forsaking their horses kept on their course neither was there any one of them that would stand Notwithstanding in this so great a calamity and mishap these helps fell out to relieve us when the whole army was in danger to be cut off that Pompey fearing some treachery for that as I think it happened beyond his expectation who a little before saw his men flie out of his camp durst not for a good while approach near the fortifications and our men possessing the narrow passages and the Ports did hinder the horsemen from following after And so a small matter fell out to be of great moment in the carriage of that accident on either side For the Rampier which was carried from the Camp to the River Pompey's Camp being already taken was the only hinderance of Caesar's expedite and easy victory and the same thing hindering the speedy following of their horsemen was the onely safety and help of our men In those two fights there were wanting of Caesar's men nine hundred and threescore and horsemen of note R. Felginas Tuticanus Gallus a Senatours sonne C. Felginas of Placentia Agravius of Puteolis Sacrativirus of Capua ten Tribunes of the souldiers and thirty Centurions But the greatest part of these perished in the Trenches in the fortifications and on the River banks prest to death with the fear and â—light of their fellows without any blow or wound given them There were lost at that time thirty two military Ensignes Pompey upon that sight was saluted by the name of Imperator which title he then obtained and so suffered himself to be stiled afterward howbeit he used it not in any of his Missives nor yet wore any Laurell in the bundle of Rods carried before him Labienus having begged all the Captives caused them for greater ostentation to be brought out in publick and to give the more assurance to such as were fled thither from Caesar's party calling them by the name of fellow-souldiers in great derision asked them whether old souldiers were wont to flie and so caused them all to be slain Pompey's party took such an assurance and spirit upon these things that they thought no farther of the course of war but carried themselves as though they were already Victors not respecting as the cause of all this the paucity of our men nor the disadvantage of the place and the streightnesse thereof the Camp being possessed and the doubtfull terrour both within and without the works not yet the Army divided into two parts in such sort as neither of them were able to help or succour the other Neither yet did they adde to this that the fight was not made by any valiant incounter or in form of battell but that they received more hurt from the
Councell of the chiefest and wisest men of the Court who had such credit and authority as it pleased him to give them They being assembled he commanded every man in the Kings name to say his mind touching the receiving of Pompey whether the king should receive him or not It was a miserable thing to see Photinus an Eunuch of the Kings and Theodotus of Chio an hired Schoolmaster to teach the young king Rhetorick and Achillas an Aegyptian to consult among themselves what they should do with Pompey the Great These were the chiefest Councellours of all his Eunuchs and of those that had brought him up Now did Pompey ride at anchour upon the shore side expecting the resolution of this Councell in the which the opinions were divers for some would not have him received others consented that he should be received But the Rhetorician Theodotus to shew his eloquence perswaded them that neither the one nor the other was to be accepted For quoth he if we receive him we shall have Caesar our enemy and Pompey our Lord and if we do deny him on the other side Pompey will blame us for refusing him and Caesar for not keeping of him therefore this would be the best resolution he told them to send to kill him for thereby they should win the good will of the one and not fear the displeasure of the other And some say moreover that he added this mock withall A dead man bites not They being determined of this among themselves gave Achillas commission to do it He taking with him Septimius who had charge aforetime under Pompey and Salvius another Centurion also with three or four souldiers besides they made towards Pompey's Gallies about whom were at that time the chiefest of his train to see what would become of this matter But when they saw the likelihood of their entertainment and that it was not in Princely shew nor manner nor nothing answerable to the hope which Theophanes had put them in seeing so few men come to them in a fisher-boat they began then to mistrust the small account that was made of them and counselled Pompey to return back and to launch again into the sea being out of the danger of the hurling of a Dart. In the mean time the fisher-boat drew near and Septimius rose and saluted Pompey in the Roman tongue by the name of Imperator as much as sovereign Captain and Achillas also spake to him in the Greek tongue and bade him come into his boat because that by the shore side there was a great deal of mud and sand banks so that his Galley should have no water to bring him in At the very same time they saw afar off divers of the Kings Gallies which were arming with all speed possible and all the shore besides full of souldiers Thus though Pompey and his company would have altered their minds they could not have told how to have escaped and furthermore shewing that they had mistrusted them then they had given the murderer occasion to have executed his cruelty So taking his leave of his wife Cornelia who lamented his death before his end he commanded two Centurions to go down before him into the Aegyptians boat and Philip one of his slaves infranchised with another slaves called Scynes When Achillas reached out his hand to receive him into his boat he turned him to his wife and son and said these verses of Sophocles unto them The man that into Court comes free Must there in state of bondage be These were the last words he spake unto his people when he left his own Gally and went into the Aegyptians boat the land being a great way off from his Gally When he saw never a man in the boat speak friendly unto him beholding Septimius he said unto him Me thinks my friend I should know thee for that thou hast served with me heretofore The other nodded with his head that it was true but gave him no answer nor shewed him any courtesy Pompey seeing that no man spake to him took a little book he had in his hand in which he had written an Oration that he meant to make unto King Ptolemy and began to read it When they came near to the shore Cornelia with her servants and friends about her stood up in her ship in great fear to see what should become of Pompey So she hoped well when she saw many of the Kings people on the shore coming towards Pompey at his landing as it were to receive and honour him But even as Pompey took Philip his hand to arise more easily Septimius came first behind him and thrust him through with his sword next unto him also Salvius and Achillas drew out their swords in like manner Pompey then did no more but took up his gown with his hands and hid his face manly abode the wounds they gave him onely sighing a little Thus being 59 years old he ended his life the next day after the day of his birth They that rode at anchour in their ships when they saw him murthered gave such a fearfull cry that it was heard to the shore then weighing up their anchours with speed they hoised sail and departed their way having wind at will that blew a lusty gale As soon as they had gotten the main Sea the Aegyptians which prepared to row after them when they saw they were past their reach and unpossible to be overtaken they let them go Then having stricken off Pompey's head they threw his body over-board for a miserable spectacle to all those that were desirous to see him Philip his enfranchised bond-man remained ever by it untill such time as the Aegyptians had seen it their bellies full Then having washed his body with salt water wrapped it up in an old shirt of his because he had no other shift to lay it in he sought upon the sands found at length a piece of an old fishers boat enough to serve to burn his naked body with but not all fully out As he was busie gathering the broken pieces of this boat together thither came unto him an old Roman who in his youth had served under Pompey and said unto him O friend what art thou that preparest the funeralls of Pompey the Great Philip answered that he was a bondman of his infranchised Well said he thou shalt not have all this honour alone I pray thee yet let me accompany thee in so devout a deed that I may not altogether repent me to have dwelt so long in a strange Country where I have abidden such misery and trouble but that to recompence me withall I may have this good hap with mine own hands to touch Pompey's body and to help to burie the onely and most famous Captain of the Romans The next day after Lucius Lentulus not knowing what had passed coming out of Cyprus sailed by the shore side and perceived a fire made for funeralls Philip standing by it whom he knew not at the
little battalions considering them as they stood in battell ray made as great a front or greater then that of the Phalanx keeping a depth answerable to the same besides the second and third battell which alwayes were to succour them which the Phalanx wanted neither would their thick and close imbattelling admit any such succour behind them Now if we compare the advantages and discommodities which by place and accident were incident to either of these we shall find great odds between them These great squadrons are not feasible but in plain and open places where they may either stand immoveable or make easy and slow motions without shaking or disordering their body but the lesser are a scantling for all places champain or wooddy levell or uneven or of what site or quality soever And to conclude if two or three ranks of these great battalions chance to be broken and disordered the whole body is as much interessed in the disorder as the said ranks are and hath lesse means to rally it self then any other lesser company but if any violence chance to rout a Maniple it proceedeth no further in the Army then that part which it taketh Neithe can the disranking of any one part betray the safety of the Army to disorder and confusion forasmuch as their distinction served to cut off such inconveniences and yet no way hindered the generall uniting of their strength into one body More may be said concerning this matter but I only point at it and leave the due consideration thereof to the judgement of our Commanders and return to our history CHAP. IV. The Belgae attempt the surprize of Bibrax Caesar sendeth succour unto it THere was a town called Bibrax belonging to the state of Rhemes about eight miles from Caesars camp which the Belgae thought to have surprised as they came along to meet with Caesar and suddenly assaulted it with such fury that the townsmen could hardly hold out the first day The Celtae and Belgae use one and the same manner in assaulting a town For having beset the whole compasse of the wall with rankes of souldiers they never cease flinging of stones untill they find the wall naked of defendants and then casting themselves into a Testudo they approach to the gate and undermine the walls Which thing was easily effected here for so great was the number of them that threw stones and darts that it was impossible for the defendants to abide upon the walls Assoone as the night had made an end of the assault Iccius of Rhemes a man of great birth and authority in his countrey who at that time was governour of the town and had been before with Caesar to treat and conclude a Peace sent him word by messengers that if there came not present succour he was not able to hold out any longer The same night about midnight using the same messengers for guides he sent both Numidian and Cretian Archers Slingers of the Iles of Baleares to relieve the town by meanes whereof the townsmen were put in good hope to make their party strong and the enemy made hopelesse of winning the town and therefore after a small stay having depopulated their fields and burned their villages and out-buildings they marched with all their power towards Caesars Camp and within lesse then two miles of the Army they incamped their whole host which as was gathered by the smoke and fire took up more ground then eight miles in breadth THE FIRST OBSERVATION IN the description of their assault we are to observe two circumstances The first is the manner they used in a sudden surprise The second is the form and quality of a Testudo Although Caesar seemeth to attribute this manner of assaulting a town as peculiar to the Galles yet we may not think but that the Romans used it as often as they had occasion to surprise any city but because the Galles knew no other means to take a town but this therefore he setteth it down as peculiar unto them The Romans called this manner of assault Corona and so we read oftentimes this phrase Cingere urbem corona forasmuch as the souldiers inclosed the town with a circle and so resembled a crown or garland Ammianus speaketh of a triple crown of souldiers which encompassed a town And Josephus telleth of Jotapata which the Romans besieged duplici peditum corona with a double circle of footmen and besides these there was a third circle of horsemen outmost of all There is no further matter to be observed but this that in surprising a town they incircled it round about with thick continued ranks of men and where they found the wall weakest there they entred as they could THE SECOND OBSERVATION THe Testudo requireth a larger discourse and is lively described in Livie after this manner In the Amphitheatre where the people did often assemble to see strange sights and publick shews were brought in saith he sixty lusty young men who after some motion and seemly march cast themselves into a square troup and roofing their heads close with their targets the first rank which made the front of the Testudo stood up right on their feet the second rank bowed it self somewhat lower the third and fourth ranks did more incline themselves and so consequently unto the last rank which kneeled on the ground and so they made a body resembling halfe the side of an house which they called Testudo Unto this squadron so strongly combined together came two souldiers running some an hundred and fifty foot off and threatning each other with their weapons ran nimbly up the side of the roof and sometimes making as though they would defend it against an enemy that would have entred upon it sometimes again encountering each other in the midst of it leaped up and down as steadily as if they had been upon firm ground And which is more strange the front of a Testudo being applyed to the side of a wall there ascended many armed men upon the said Testudo and fought in an equall height with other souldiers that stood upon the said wall to defend it The dissimilitude in the composition was this that the souldiers that were in front and in the sides of the square carried not their Targets over their heads as the other did but covered their bodies with them and so no weapons either cast from the wall or otherwise thrown against it could any way hurt them and whatsoever weight fell upon the Testudo it quickly glyded down by the declivity of the roof without any hurt or annoiance at all Thus far Livie goeth neither do I know what to say further of it the chiefest use thereof was in a surprise or sudden attempt against a town before the townsmen were throughly prepared to defend the same This invention served them to approach the wall with safety and so either to undermine it or to climb up and to that end they oftentimes erected one Testudo